Anthropologica (Old Series) 1964

Duff, W. Contributions of Marius Barbeau to West Coast Ethnology. Anthropologica, 1964. 6(1): 63-96.

This article discusses Marius Barbeau’s research and unveils exclusive details about the Tsimshian tribes on the North American West Coast. After examining and questioning the Tsimshian File Wilson Duff described the work as two separate parts: “narratives” – This was Barbeau’s account from his participant observation in a unorthodox format (it seems like a “narrative” to Duff because of the format in which it was documented, like a story with an author’s point of view, which may not be the most precise account). The other part Duff describes is “notes on social organization” – This was Barbeau’s social stratification census of the 26 tribes and their characteristics. Some tribes were higher on the caste level than others.

Furthermore, Duff selects four relevant topics pertaining to Barbeau’s file, starting with the Southward migrations, which focused on a narrative of the migration to Bella Bella and the story of Chief Lege’x. Barbeau’s notes documented that it was a woman’s abduction which began the southward migrations and the creation of secret societies. However, Duff believes that this theory is not very accurate because it ignores any kind of northward migration.

Furthermore, the Aleutian Route of the Salmon-Eater file documents the Asian migrations through the Aleutian Islands and the impact of the Asian Ancient culture on west-coast traditions; Moreover, examining Barbeau’s unpublished notes on the migrations Duff concludes that the presence of frogs in west coast symbolism is not necessarily related.

According to Barbeau, secret societies were created by Chief Stone Cliff [Lege’x]; Moreover, winter ceremonials could be found in southern areas where exogamy was a tradition in these secret societies marked by relevant crests. It is this sort of information that Duff focused in his article such as Phratric exogamy and, Phratry, (the taboo that forbids members of the same crest to engage in marriage).

Crests were also known as totems and were kinship representations directly related to Totem Poles. According to Barbeau the result of cultures integrating through migration was symbolically carved into the totem poles. There was the detached memorial pole and totem pole proper. Duff explains how Barbeau’s ideas about totem poles were specific to totem pole proper and may have not been research of totem poles in general. These and other speculations regarding the Tsimshian File are examined and interpreted throughout Duff’s article.

CLARITY: 4

SARAH SIFONTES York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Duncan, K.J. Tom Pahbewash’s Visions. Anthropologica, 1964. 1(2): 237-243.

Duncan explores the means by which Tom Pahbewash, the chief of an Ojibwa Band in Ontario, attempts to form what the author believes is a messianic movement that places Tom at the centre of an event that would save and redeem mankind. By examining the evidence compiled by Tom through his visions, Duncan demonstrates that Tom’s proof of his belief was calculated, thorough and systematic. Tom held great conviction that he had been charged with his role by the “great god”. The proof was given in a series of diagrams depicting such things as the structure of the universe (earth, stars, sun and moon), the means by which the deed would be accomplished (an arrow representing a spaceship) and various people (Indians, whites, and significant religious figures). Tom also claimed he had proof with an artifact in the form of a “money stone” which was to provide wealth to all people once the redemption had been accomplished as archaeological evidence of the ascension. The final evidence of this hypothesis was given in the form of an oral explanation describing the process by which the event would take place and its effects as Tom remembered it. The explanation goes as follows: a spaceship will carry two people, including Tom, to the moon. They will close the door to hell (through which the souls of the wicked are dropped). This will precipitate a change in the structure of society on earth. A communist-like state will then exist and there will not be a need for anyone to work, nor will there be any more crime. Tom will be the custodian of the money stones that will provide all the wealth needed for everyone on earth. The author notes that Tom gathers his proof from apparently disparate sources. These include traditional Indian lore, Christianity, American politics, and the space programs of the United States and Russia. The author states that messianic cults have been in evidence throughout the history of the Ojibwa people. The article leaves the conclusion open-ended as to whether the visions of Chief Tom Pahbewash will be embraced by his peers thus creating a messianic movement or largely be ignored and forgotten.

CLARITY: 4

JULIA RAMDEHOLL York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Dunning, R.W. Some Problems of Reserve Indian Communities: A Case Study. Anthropologica, 1964. VI(1): 3-38.

This article by R.W. Dunning focuses on the difficulties experienced in reserve Indian communities, specifically those experienced in a sample community of what the author terms “type B.” Type B refers to the southern reserve communities which have had more contact and acculturation with the surrounding society. The first part of the article is mainly ethnographic content, dealing with the statistics and history of his sample community. This ethnographic introduction enables the reader to understand the second half, which grapples with an intellectual look at the problems experienced by this community, and what inferences can be made from this sample and applied to other communities. Dunning philosophizes that the distinction of who is actually considered Indian is a major part of the problems experienced in life on the reservation. The author tries to figure out the causes of the problems and by doing so, to solve them.

Dunning claims that many problems originate with the conceptualization of “Indianness” in the western consciousness. What might have originally been a unit created of and separated from the rest of society by its own culture has become, for the most part, a legal distinction. Dunning questions whether the sample is a unit of culture, a society or a collection, within the definitions created by Aberle, Leighton, and others.

Most importantly, Dunning follows in Fitzpatrick’s footsteps in his/her thesis,

arguing that “Indianness” is now equated with permanent legal association with Indian band land, as opposed to membership within a cultural group.

The construction of the article is strategic. By beginning with an ethnographic survey, Dunning pushes the reader towards believing his/her own expertise on the issue at hand. The truth however is that the information provided is only from one community of a particular type, and thus not representative of the entire spectrum of people it discusses.

The article provides paragraphs, tables, and charts on the history, demographics, economics, language, kinship, genealogy, and the supernatural belief systems of the sample community. The first section ends with a description of the migration ad social interactions of the community, as well as its political structure and activities. The political portion also deals with the internal and external social sanctions that the community must operate within.

The second half starts off by impressing in less numerical ways the economic status of the sample group. Next, Dunning uses a progression of other scholars’ theories to arrive at the conclusion that what was once a society is now mainly an economic and legal distinction.

CLARITY: 3

ARIELA FUERSTENBERG York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Honigmann, John J. Community Organization and Patterns of Change Among North Canadian and Alaskan Indians and Eskimos. Anthropologica, 1964. 3-6.

In the article titled “Community Organization and Patterns of Change among North Canadian Alaskan Indians and Eskimos”, author John. J Honigmann addresses past anthropological studies of North Canadian Indian and Eskimo Communities. In 1962 the American Anthropological association held a conference in Montreal that brought together anthropologists who contributed to the research with regards to Northern Canadian communities.

Author John J Honigmann states that studying western cultural societies in anthropology is beneficial to the discipline. However, he believes that a significant amount of anthropologists would rather conduct fieldwork overseas in search of “exotic” societies.

The main concern the author addresses is the need to re vamp past contributions of comparative studies vis a vis descriptive ethnographies which would compliment less detailed research of the past. Honigmann argues that a comparison or juxtaposition of various Northern Canadian communities would produce more concise conclusions or generalizations pertaining to various aspects of their culture. Honigmann supports his argument by re-reading past works of anthropological research in Northern Canada and outlining points that require further elaboration . For example when re-analyzing research that was conducted in regards to Eskimo and Indian responses it was concluded that Eskimo social organization was susceptible to white colonial pressures than the Indian communities. The author further makes a point that the explanation of cultural transformation between these two communities can be gained by comparing the two societies based on what he labels as “theoretical justification”. Honigmann proposes that via comparison of the two cultures, differences and similarities or generalizations that are concluded through research should further be compared with other northern communities. He concluded that this comparison would re-frame and challenge the original assumptions of Eskimo and Indian communities.

The author also examines the works of anthropologist Asen Baliki whose work focuses on social organizational changes amongst the Kutchin culture through the fur trade. Honnigmann agrees with Baliki that instability of marriage among the Kutchin was a “traditional trait’ rather than the outcome of occupation or social re-organization, which was a result of the fur trade. However he further concludes that comparative research must be conducted with the theoretical problem of instability in mind.

CLARITY: 2

NAZNEEN KHAN York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Jacob, Teuku. A New Hominid Skull Cap from Pleistocene Sangiran. Anthropologica, 1964. VI(1): 97-104.

This article is a field report of an excavation held by Jacob Teuku, and his discoveries of a second pithecanthropus erectus found in this area of the Sangiran in Indonesia. This was a joint project between the Gadjah Mada University (in Jogjakarta), financially supported by the Archaeological Survey, the Geological Survey, and the Ministry for National Research. The purpose of this project is to find new fossil remains of hominids, any floral or faunal remains, and any cultural materials which may have been used by the pithecanthropus erectus.

Previously excavated near this site in 1937 was Pithecanthropus III, with some fragments of a parietal bone, a zygomatic bone, and other cranial fragments. The fossil remains of Buffalus sq. were also discovered in 1963. Jacob goes into extremely detailed information about the size, thickness, coloration, and measurements of the skull fragments. Based on Jacob’s observations of the fragments, he has determined that the remains correlate strongly with pithecanthropus. This is based on the parietal bones, the saggital torus, the absence of the external occipital crest, and the angle of the temporal pyramid observed on other pithecanthropus skulls. He also tries unsuccessfully to guess the sex of the hominid, as well as estimate the age of the specimen (assumed date is early twenties). Jacob is unable to put a more definite date and sex on the individual without more of the remains. There is an exciting chance that the skull fragments excavated in 1963 may belong to the same individual, thus providing more information on the age and sex of the pithecanthropus erectus.

The skull was kept in Indonesia thus allowing further study and comparison of the early Pleistocene hominid in its native country.

CLARITY: 4.5

LESLIE R. BREGO York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Parker, Seymour. The Kwakiutl Indians: “Amiable” and “Atrocious”. Anthropologica, 1964. VI(2): 131-158.

Seymour Parker aims to evaluate the content and evaluate anthropological interpretive statements made by several anthropologists on Kwakiutl culture and personality. Parker focuses on the general issues of Kwakiutl society and their pattern of living, as well paying particular attention on potlatch behaviour. The larger concerns within the article focus on the various interpretations and its value when re-examining the “rich ethnographic heritage in the light of new insights in the social sciences and psychology” (p132).

The article shows how different interpretations can have a bias when looking at Kwakiutl culture and personality. Parker attempts to show through studies done by anthropologists such as Benedict, Goldman, Mead, Codere, Boas, Kardiner, Ford, and even Freud the various “amiable” and “atrocious” interpretations of Kwakiutl culture. “Atrocious” characterizations are mainly depicted through potlatch behaviour. Parker challenges that by anthropologists focusing more attention on the potlatch behaviour rather then other aspects of Kwakiutl culture the interpretations weigh more on the “atrocious” side rather the “amiable”.

With the vast research on various interpretations, personal reflection from a true Kwakiutl Indian and brief historical data provides evidence that supports Parker’s argument on how there are two opposite characterizations of the Kwakiutl culture. Parker organizes his material in an understandable manner. By disarms he discusses the various interpretations, followed by different aspects of Kwakiutl society, early

socialization and personality and historical aspects of the potlatch. Though the available data permit no answer, Parker hopes that his article will “stimulate research questions for which empirical data will be gathered in further studies of culture and personality” (p155).

CLARITY: 3

TAMARA BARNES York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Rao, Prasada P.D. Anthropometric and Dermatoglyphic Study of the Juangs in Orissa, India. Anthropologica, 1964. 6(2): 223-234.

The Juangs are a primitive tribe in the Orissa state, India. The article focuses on the collection of data on anthropometric finger and palm prints collected in December 1959 in the village of Sansailo. Data was collected from 50 random selected males. This study resulted in 500 fingers and 100 palmar prints from the 50 Juang adult males. The Juang tribe are typically dark brown skin with low wavy hair. Facial prognathism is found in the odd person, and epicanthic fold of the eye is not seen in this group. From the gathered data on Anthropometry, the Juangs are generally short people (66.66%). They have below medium head length at 18.5 ± .20cms, and a head breadth of 14.1 ± .30cms.

Most members of the tribe have dolicocephalic (45%) to mesocephalic (40%) heads. The Juangs head has a mean length of 65.9 ± .56. Hyperleptoprosopic type of faces are mostly common at (41.66%) and leptoprosopic, mesoprosopic, and euryprosopic appear in a decreasing order. It can be observed that Juang faces mesene and leptene are most common at 38.33% and 33.33%. Finger prints have unlikely frequencies on a different digits when combining both hands, and arches have few on both hands.

By conducting finger and palmar deratoglyphics studies, the Juang appear to conform to the Mundari of the Orissa. This includes Sabara, Munda, and others who are progressive proto-australoid ethnic stock.

CLARITY: 2

RICHARD DORIA York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Sharma, Abhimanyu. Cummins’ Summational MLI (1936) as an Expression of Significance of D and A lines. An Alternative Approach. Anthroplogica, 1964. 6(2): 223-236.

The importance of the D line either alone or in combination with the A line, which is next in significance, would be that it controls the movements of lines B and C. The central theme which Sharma wishes to underscore is that aside from the geometrical approach, there is another way that lines D and A can be represented as being of great importance. Cummins’ MLI is then, detrimental in the expression of the significant relationship between the lines. MLI refers to the Main Line Index.

The material utilized for the study include bilateral inked palmar prints of 400 males and 70 females, collected between the years of 1953 and 1955 using the T-pad method used in obtaining ink impressions. Using these materials then, the objective of the study is to assess those MLI values that are included when line D terminates in one particular termination. Sharma provides information tables as the means by which to record the MLI values. Table 1 for example, describes that for each fixed category of D line terminations, A line shows varied combinations, thereby providing a range of MLI values.

Sharma draws on the notions of Gordon Gibson who favours the MT~11:7 Ratio as being a “statistically unobjectionable device”. M.T Newman however, discards this view as it demonstrates little distributional regularities in American aboriginal samples and promotes the use of the main-line index. Sharma is in accordance with Newman when he rationalizes that the MLI is an advanced technique used as an expression of the extent of longitudinality as demonstrated by the average mean taken between lines D and A for population. Essentially then, Sharma contends that in addition to the geometrical approach, MLI is expressive of the significance of lines D and A.

CLARITY: 2

DIANE CIAVARRO York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Torok, C.H. Transients and Permanents at Camas: A Case Study In Social Stratification. Anthropologica, 1964. 45(2): 159-174.

This article deals with a study of social stratification conducted between 1960 and 1962 in Camas, British Columbia. The author argues that because of similarities in characteristics of various Canadian villages his study of stratification in Camas would be of interest in studying Canadian society. He believes that length of residence and ownership of real estate marks the distribution of Camas residents in one of the two stratification systems.

The author provides a brief analysis into the demographic and economic history of Camas from the 1850’s to 1950’s and how this leads into the two main categories of social stratification in Camas. Throughout the century Camas experienced a series of temporary population and economic booms followed by a major population decline and economic recession. The author shows us that Camas, for the most part, has been settled by groups of workers of various projects in Camas at different times. He stresses that when these projects were complete the majority of the workers who settled there moved on, resulting in population decline and economic recession. Its reputation as a service town with clean cut roads, a railroad, provincial government offices, a hospital, and schools made it favourable place for people who wanted to live conveniently, make quick cash an move on. The author presents us with two categories of social stratification that developed in which other sub-categories can be placed. These categories represent the permanent residents and the transient residents as well as class. The permanent residents are divided into upper-class leaders, middle-class workers and the lower-class characterized by unemployment and poor dwellings. The transient residents consist of the transient upper-class and the transient lower-class. These are all temporary residents differentiated by their profession. The transient upper-class is characterized as “the doctors crowd”, doctors, clergymen, lawyers and government officials and the transient lower-class consists of teachers, nurses, and other professions. The author also discussed attitudes and views of these two residential categories toward one another and their socialization and association with each other. In his conclusion the author makes reference to Fried’s (1963) preliminary survey of northern settlements and states that they display residential arrangement similar to that he found in Camas. He suggests that maybe such kinds of Canadian communities also share length of residence and ownership of real estate as important factors influencing their stratification.

His study is conducted in Camas, where he interviews members of both stratified systems and gains insight to views which he then uses to support what he sees. He also makes use of surveys and statistics.

CLARITY: 5

GINA PALEOTHODOROS York University (Maggie MacDonald).