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American Anthropologist 1999

Abrahamer Rothstein, Frances. Declining Odds: Kinship, Women’s Employment, and Political Economy in Rural Mexico. American Anthropologist, 1999 Vol.101 (3): 579-593

Rothstein focuses her article on the roles women play in Mexico with respect to kinship, employment and the economy. Her article centres on women from rural communities who have stable employment. She believes that kinship is a forgotten anthropological concept, ignored especially when looking at contemporary capitalist societies, and argues it is still a large aspect of human life. Anthropologists, mostly male ones, often neglect women’s roles in kinship, for both unilateral and bilateral systems, according to Rothstein. This article also outlines the economic transformations women have gone through from 1950 to 1999 in a small Mexican village.

In rural Mexico, a woman’s economic position and status is usually dependant on her kinship ties. This shows that kinship is not only depended upon for immediate survival, but also economic gains. San Cosme, the Mexican village this study is based on, has under gone a multitude of economic changes in the second half of the 21st century. In 1950 San Cosme was a mostly peasant community which primarily relied on agriculture grown by each individual family, with only a small amount of men working in factories. After the Second World War, a textiles boom occurred, resulting in more of the men from the village starting work in factories. As the value of agriculture decreased and inflation increased, more and more men were going to work in factories. Families found the need for more than one income generator in the workforce per household, so women started working outside the family land. Ties to affinal kin, ritual kin, and bilateral kin are what the women used to gain jobs, skills, land and machinery necessary for employment. They relied on their families for their economic gains, and sometimes the most important kinship ties were the one which were the weakest. The weaker ties, usually only renewed once a year at religious celebrations, or major life cycle evens such as births, weddings and deaths, were the ones in which there was the most to be gained. These were because the relatives often lived in different places, and had different opportunities for work. Reciprocating favours, labour and help formed these ties.

As evidence for these statements, Rothstein provides statistical evidence about the people of San Cosme, and the numbers of men and women working in which fields. She also cites individual villagers and states which relatives they have gotten opportunities from.

STEHPANIE FRIEDMAN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Aikens, Melvin C. Obituary: Jesse Jennings. American Anthropologist 1999 (101) 2-13 pp155

Melvin Aikens from the University of Oregon writes the obituary of Jesse D. Jennings. (1909-1997). Aikens begins by describing many aspects of Jennings’ work and experiences in archeology and anthropology. While Jennings was drawn to cultural anthropology, in his practicum term in 1931 he was sent to Illinois field school to do an archaeological dig. He progressed quickly and was soon promoted to supervisor. Aikens suggests that this was a major focal point in Jennings existence, that may have led the way to many of his career and writing opportunities.

Jennings’ first scholarly publication was “The importance of Scientific Method in Excavations” in the Bulletin of the Archaeological Society of North Carolina” He wrote about the importance of order, cleaning and tracking records while you are excavating. His first major publication was the ” Peachtree Mound and Village Site, Cherokee County, North Carolina.” In this publication his work clearly defines again the importance of being careful and attentive in reporting within excavating.

Jennings’ traveled to Guatemala, Arizona, Nevada, Utah, and Samoa. He did excavations and wrote many articles about the challenges and the skills that he learned. He also created the University of Utah Museum of Natural History. It took 20 years, but came together in 1973. The experience is documented in Jennings’ memoir, published in 1994.

Aikens concludes with the major honors Jennings accepted throughout his career, including: Editor of American Antiquity in 1950-54, the Executive Board of the American Anthropologist Association in 1953 to 1956, Viking Medallist in Archaeology in 1958, and many more. Aikens showed that Jennings gave time-consuming and important contributions to anthropology and archeology. Aikens suggests that this can be revealed through all the exceptional honors Jennings received through his entire life’s work.

This article was fairly easy reading with a few difficult phrases that can easily be understood by consulting a dictionary.

UNKNOWN University of Alberta

Aikins, C. Melvin. Jesse D. Jennings (1909-1997). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 155-159.

Jesse Jennings, who helped lay the empirical foundations of modern North American archaeology, was originally drawn to cultural anthropology, not archaeology. Jennings was initially drawn to cultural anthropology while working with Robert Redfield in Mexico. After getting started with archaeology through a departmental field school in central Illinois, Jennings never strayed from the archaeological path. The early works of Jennings stress the important topics and themes central to his research. Order, cleanliness, and thoughtfulness in excavation, with attention to tracking and recording structural and contextual details were all of the utmost importance to Jennings.

The taxonomically structured “McKern System,” which compared cultural traits from archaeological sites to define the foci, phases, aspects, and patterns of the basic cultures, also guided Jennings’ work. After completing his doctoral work at Chicago in 1943, Jennings came to the University of Utah in 1948, where he continued until his retirement in 1986. He was an adjunct professor at the University of Oregon until 1994.

In addition to numerous publications dealing with North American archaeology, Jennings also was central to the creation of the University of Utah Museum of Natural History. This large undertaking lasted more than 20 years, culminating in 1973 with the building of the museum and the assurance of funding from the legislature.

Jennings was skeptical about much of the theorizing that had come to characterize modern archaeology. Yet, his guiding principles were most definitely under the rubric of archaeology theory. In the pursuit of the advancement of archaeological understanding of the human condition, Jennings stressed archaeological data, especially data from new from sources such as physical-chemical analysis, over “theory.”

Jennings died at his home in Siletz, Oregon on August 13, 1997 at the age of 88.

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Bar-Yousef, Ofer & Kuhn, Steven L. The Big Deal about Blades: Laminar Technologies and Human Evolution. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol.101 (2): 322-338.

This article deals with the long held and widespread view that the emergence of blade technology and appearance of modern humans are contemporaneous. The abundance of blade evidence in the Upper Palaeolithic has often been linked to the superior cognitive abilities of modern Homo Sapiens. Although early evidence shows that blade technology was one of the tool making strategies used during this time, other techniques were not necessarily abandoned and thus this technique may not be strictly an Upper Palaeolithic/modern human technology. As modern humans made use of various tool making techniques, so may have early human ancestors, and may not have been lacking in the necessary cognitive abilities.

The authors use the vast amount of archaeological evidence that has been uncovered during past decades to show that this connection between blade technology and modern humans is unfounded. Drs. Kuhn and Bar-Yousef draw on the archaeological research of many of their colleagues to show that blade technology was being utilized as early as the late Lower and Middle Palaeolithic in Africa and Eurasia. They also attempt to hypothesize as to why this technology was not more widely used until the Upper Palaeolithic, but the reasons early human ancestors had for choosing to make their tools have become buried in the past with them.

The evidence used in this article is presented to the reader in a very straightforward manner. The authors draw on archaeological data found at many sites across Africa, Europe and Asia to illustrate that blade technology can be seen much earlier than the Upper Palaeolithic. Although

this evidence cannot show why this technology becomes more widespread with modern humans, it can show that blades were not an invention of these people.

The authors provide maps and diagrams from the various archaeological sites to aid in the illustration of their factual evidence for the evolution of blade technology. They provide a very clear and concise article to express their conclusions.

CURTIS F. CHRISTOPHER University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Bar-Yosef, Ofer and Steven Kuhn. The Big Deal about Blades: Laminar Technologies and Human Evolution. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):322-338.

Ofer Bar-Yosef and Steven Kahn have used “The Big Deal about Blades” to combat the theory that the evolution of the blade has any relation to the evolution of the modern human. The authors begin by describing different blade types. They cover the definition of a blade “any flake more than twice as long as it is wide” (323), the procedure of knapping a blade, and the advantages of laminar technology.

Blades and flint knapping materials have been found in layers that are associated with eras long before the age of the modern human. The Upper Paleolithic has been associated with the type of lithics discussed here, but the information that links the blade with the Upper Paleolithic is outdated. Such an assertion is based on data from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The technology used to manufacture such blades existed prior to the Upper Paleolithic. Evidence can be found at sites in the Near East and the Levant. The blade may not dominate the sites mentioned by the authors in eras pre-dating the Upper Paleolithic, but the blades found are typical of the laminar technology associated with the later dates. At the same time, later sites that include the remains of Homo sapiens may not be so laminar.

Although blades and the technology used to manufacture them were present before the Upper Paleolithic, they are found more often in layers associated with the Paleolithic. The question is why did blades become so popular in the Upper Paleolithic? The authors theorize that before the Upper Paleolithic the appearance of blades is contingent on whether the creators of the tools came across a decent source of the raw material used for the construction of the tools. The blades and bladelets common to the Upper Paleolithic era are perfect for use in and construction of composite tools. These composite tools would have taken more time to create. Therefore it is likely that the appearances of such tools indicate a social structure that allowed for division of labor so that some individuals could concentrate on subsistence needs and others could spend time creating the more intricate tools.

CHRISTINA BURRIS Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Berman, Judith C. Bad Hair Days in the Paleolithic: Modern (Re)Constructions of the Cave Man. American Anthropologist, June, 1999 Vol.101(2):288-304.

This article provides insight into the debate regarding archaeological data of Upper Paleolithic humans versus the conventionalized, modern image of the Cave Man. Berman argues the modern image of the Cave Man is not consisten with documented, historical data obtained by a myriad of archaeologists.

Public, mass media is credited with popularizing the erroneous image. Television shows such as The Flintstones and legends of “wild men” (in particular the Sasquatch), bombard the lay public with stereotypical representations of “these primitive people.” Berman denounced these images as fantasies. She examined one of the most meaningful attributes associated with the Cave Man: his hair. Berman considered the modern construction of the Cave Man as a reckless man with wild, uncoiffed hair. She explained that because there is not a lot of information regarding the physical appearance of Cave Men, the modern day image must be one that is psychologically, socially, and culturally conditioned, and related to contemporary and recent constructions of the symbolic significance of body hair.

She refered to resources that are available, and which yield a more accurate description of the Cave Man. These include the skeletal remains of Upper Paleolithic humans, the material artifacts of Upper Paleolithic humans, and thirdly, images of Upper Paleolithic life produced by Upper Paleolithic human artists. All are sources of data that provide information on Upper Paleolithic humans.

In reality, she concluded, the data from Upper Paleolithic humans showed that they most likely did not have unkempt hair. For example, there are documented material items such as accessories, combs, needles and fastenings that Upper Paleolithic humans used. Also, various figural representations of Upper Paleolithic humans made by themselves such as figurines (in particular ‘Venus figurines’) attest little to the notion of a vastly hairy man. The ‘Venus figurines’ are small sculptures that show styled hair and little body hair. While some of her argument depends on representation of “Cave Women”, Berman acknowledged her failure for disregarding the modern depiction of the Cave Woman. Although she mentioned that in comparison with the Cave Man, the Cave Woman does not play such a significant role.

This is a very interesting read. Berman argued her points well and the inclusion of contemporary images provides contrast to those obtained by archaeologists. The artical will intrigue l readers with a wide range of interests.

ZEHER CHADI University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Berman, Judith C. Bad Hair Days in the Paleolithic: Modern (Re)Constructions of the Cave Man. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101 (2): 288-304.

The author examines the iconography of the “Cave Man” in anthropological, evolutionary, and philosophical contexts from medieval art to scientific illustrations to films and cartoons, and assesses the influence of these images on the scientific interpretation of our ancestors. She suggests that the image of the Cave Man—draped in fur, adorned with bone jewelry—is based on a specific visual construct rather than on paleoanthropological, archaeological, or biological evidence. The Cave Man is visualized stereotypically but read in many different ways, reflecting our views of ourselves relating to our origins, our place in nature, even our destiny.

Berman provides an art historical and archaeological background for the development of Cave Man imagery. Berman sees hair as a visual marker for the perceived nature and animal tendencies of the Cave Man image, which is originally derived from the image of the hairy Wild Man. Artists easily appropriated the Wild Man image and applied it to human ancestors. The Wild Man’s wild hair places him outside of mainstream society and morality while the Cave Man’s wild hair places him between animals and modern humans, or between animals and civilization. Cave Man images seem natural or true to us because they draw on conventionalized observations about human origins and natural history, not because they are based on any scientific data. The author regards the depiction of hair as the key to understanding where the artist places the subject on the evolutionary tree—more hair means further away from modern humans. While an inaccurate representation of our Neanderthal and Paleolithic ancestors in Berman’s view, the Cave Man image is important to consider because it represents the primitive self in each of us. It is also relevant to recognize how much a part of an artist’s imagination these images are.

MARGARET BERGER Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Biersack, Aletta. Introduction : From the “New Ecology” to the New Ecologies. American Anthropologist. 1999. Vol 101:(1):3. pgs 5-14.

The intention of this paper was as a tribute to Rappaport’s work in the field of ecological anthropology.

She begins with a brief history of Rappaport’s work and how it relates to current changes in ecological studies. Rappaport apparently believed that ecological populations should be studied as a whole and not as “units of analysis” (6). This idea was conceptualized as “the new ecology” (5). The wording used by the author indicates that at this time, this idea was either a new concept or that Rappaport was the first to introduce it to ecological anthropology.

The next section of her paper summarizes key focal points of the “new ecologies” which include: symbolic, historical and political. During this section she relies less heavily on reference to Rappaport’s ideas to support her own. She makes strong arguments and uses other references to express her points.

The third part of the paper is a discussion of the new ecology that “overrides the dichotomies and debates of the past” (5). It is in this section that she generously quotes Rappaport to support her beliefs while giving the audience insight to his views. From the quotes the reader can deduce his position without ever having read his publications.

The final section discusses some of the new directions of ecological anthropology. She closes with a few more quotes that “demonstrate the continuing value of Rappaport’s writing as an open and provocative oeuvre” (5).

The author’s goal is much more than a mere tribute to Rappaport and his work. She wants the audience to be aware of his theories and how they continue to influence the direction of ecological anthropology. It is very apparent that she supports the idea of the “new ecology”. She emphasizes her position with quotes not only from Rappaport but from many other authors as well. She also uses quotes that contradict her theories so that she can then provide further evidence to support them. She uses enough reference material that the audience need not read Rappaport’s writing to understand the article.

The article was well written and flowed with ease. In the introduction she clearly states how her paper is organized and proceeds to give the reader increasing information from beginning to end. Her points are well supported and her position is clear.

JENEIL AGARD University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Biersack, Aletta. Introduction: From the “New Ecology” to the New Ecologies. American Anthropologist March , 1999 Vol. 101(1): 5-18.

In this introduction to a special issue in honor of Roy A. Rappaport, Aletta Biersack attempts to trace the impact of Rappaport’s work on anthropology. She uses Pigs for the Ancestors as her starting point to trace the effects this work had in beginning a new ecology, which affected many scholars, including Rappaport himself. This “new ecology” was one that looked at populations as the units of study, and examined them in the context of environment, as a system of exchanges of a trophic nature.

Biersack goes on to examine Rappaport’s own revisions of this theory, as well as the many outside responses to it. These responses take the form of the new ecologies, which Biersack calls symbolic, political and historical ecologies drawing from Rappaport as well as from others, such as Sahlins and Levi-Strauss. These new ecologies are various and focus on many aspects of Rappaport’s original theories.

Biersack also places Rappaport at the center of the materialism vs. idealism debate. This debate, based in the structural opposition of nature vs. culture, is also important because recent new ecologies have found ways to synthesize this opposition. New ecologies, according to Biersack, especially symbolic and historic ecologies have found a way to synthesize the nature/culture opposition with a humanized nature.

Biersack also reviews and discusses the findings of the articles in this special issue, placing them in theoretical context and in relation to Rappaport. This discussion of new uses of a new materialism is based on a comparison with her own work, which she places in the symbolic and historic ecology theoretical niche.

GWENDOLYN KELLY Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Biersack, Aletta. The Mount Kare Python and His Gold: Totemism and Ecology in the Papua New Guinea Highlands. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101: 68-87

In this article the author is talking about the totemism and cosmology of the Paiela of Papua New Guinea and what role it plays in the gold rush that occurred there from 1988 – 1990. She argues that totemism serves a dialectical purpose as opposed to the traditional view by such anthropologists as Levi-Strauss and Durkheim who believed that totemism was either about affiliations between human and other species or between religion and society. Biersack would argue that it is about religion, society and nature.

Biersack divides the article into three sections, which helps to clarify her arguments. The first section deals with the story of the Mount Kare python and how it encompasses the idea of the death and regeneration of all living things including humans. The cosmology is that the landscape on which they live was at one time the python’s body. The python was their ancestor and was murdered by his daughter who wrapped pork meat around a hot stone and then fed it to her father killing him. Now to sacrifice a pig and feed it to the python is a redemptive offering. To ensure the renewal of life the must give a life.

The second section is about the gold found in the area. It is believed to be pieces of the python’s flesh that he is giving to the people. In order to maintain their changed lifestyle money is now needed and the python is giving it to them through the gold. It is believed that he has kept it a secret from them until now for a reason, which is unclear.

The last section is her concluding statements how this all relates to ecological anthropology and the relationship between religion, society and something she calls a nature/culture binary. She adds that there are complexities today that cannot be described by the terminology of past thinkers.

Biersack shows us parts or the stories that she has collected as evidence to her portrayal of facts. It is from these stories that she justifies her thesis. She has a sound argument and follows through quite nicely.

JACQUELINE BELLEROSE University of Alberta (H. Young Leslie PhD)

Biersack, Aletta. The Mount Kare Python and His Gold: Totemism and Ecology in the Papua New Guinea Highlands. American Anthropologist. March, 1999 Vol. 101(1): 68-87.

In this article, Biersack traces the story of the discovery of gold in Mt. Kare (Papua New Guinea) and its symbolic, totemic, economic, and environmental importance for the two ethnic groups resident in the region. The Mt. Kare python is a totemic ancestor to many descent groups in the area and his story, as Biersack describes it, is part of the core knowledge of the Huli and the Ipili. It describes their cosmological understandings about the world. Biersack seeks to link these cosmological beliefs to the way in which the gold rush at Mt. Kare has occurred and been emically interpreted.

The article starts out describing the basic outline of events of the gold rush, (1988-90) and how these events were described by various outside sources. Then she proceeds to outline the myth surrounding the Mt. Kare python, as totemic ancestor and cosmological analogous entity. The serpent itself is seen as an idiom for the landscape, and the myth of his murder is the basis for the layout of the land and the cycles of death and regeneration that make up the cosmological cycle. The system of sacrifice to the python ancestor is also linked to the basic beliefs about the nature of death and regeneration; the inevitable cost of life is always the expenditure of life.

The article then outlines how various cargo-like beliefs present in the area are used to explain the sudden discovery of the gold which is said to have its origins at the mythic death of the python, who has withheld the gold until now. The main point that Biersack makes is in relation to the cultural nature of nature, and the “cognized models” of the Mt. Kare population in fitting the significant environmental change into their previous understandings of both their environment and the cosmos. The interplay between nature and culture and the ultimately cultural nature of the environment is what Biersack conveys.

The interpretations of people in the Mt. Kare region apply not only to the past, the reasons why things happened the way they did, but also to a somewhat millenarian future in which the lifestyles of the whites, (already associated with the sky and with a transcendence of biological necessity and hardship) will come about when the earth ends, which is coterminous with the end of the gold. This kind of millenarian idea is the basis for their continuing interest in the gold and their co-operation with international corporations who seek the rights to mine it.

The article concludes with a discussion of how ecological anthropology can move forward and utilize a more dynamic and open approach to the study of people and environments. This is important particularly in relation to the penetration of capitalism into local level societies, and the impact of this encounter. The symbolic history and the cognized model of the Mt. Kare people are just one piece of this interaction worldwide.

GWENDOLYN KELLY Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Binford, Lewis R, Cordell, Linda S, et al. Obituaries: James Newlin Hill (1934-1997). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101 (2) 12: 385-387.

A compilation of authors sum up the life and work of James Newlin Hill in his obituary. The reader is given a short and well-informed outline of the many academic and professional accomplishments of James Newlin Hill. Hill is portrayed in a very positive light and receives many praises from his friends and colleagues. The reader is not only informed of the character of James Newlin Hill but also his contributions to the field of anthropology.

The article begins with Hill’s early life and background, which then leads to his work in anthropology. The reader learns of the many important jobs held by Hill. These include: the Acting Director of the Institute of Archaeology, Chair of the Anthropology department and Chair of the Archaeology Program all at UCLA. Also Hill participated in many field projects such as the Chevelon Archaeological Project, the Southwestern Anthropological Research Group and the Pajarito Archaeological Research Project. Hill is also recognized internationally for his research concerning ceramic data and his excavations at Broken K Pueblo. Along with these achievements, Hill is also an accomplished writer with many anthropological publications.

It is clear from reading this article that James Newlin Hill was a dedicated anthropologist who inspired many people. Although Hill specialized in Archaeology, he was dedicated to all four fields of anthropology and believed in its validity as a science. Hill was greatly respected and admired by his colleagues who openly promoted and recognized his many accomplishments in the discipline of anthropology.

EMILY KOLMOTYCKI University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Boyer, Pascal. Cognitive Tracks of Cultural Inheritance: How Evolved Intuitive Ontology Governs Cultural Transmission. American Anthropologist. December, 1999. Vol.100 (4):876-889

Boyer’s article is an explanation of his idea of intuitive ontology and its role in influencing acquired culture. Boyer defines acquired culture as the culture transmitted from person to person, as opposed to evoked culture, which is the culture that is innate to every person and can be triggered by outside events. Intuitive ontology is basically the recurrent inferential capacities found in all humans. The author believes that features of acquired culture can be traced back to early childhood and the limitations imposed by intuitive ontology. Boyer shows that while many aspects of acquired culture seem to defy evolutionary theories of culture, they can in fact be situated within this framework. Evolutionary theory struggles to explain cultural practices that seem to lack adaptive fitness, such as religious practices and dress styles. Intuitive ontology claims there are some recurrent, perhaps not quite universal, categories found in infants, regardless of culture. These categories are extremely rudimentary; Boyer gives as examples: Animal, Plant, Person, and Artifact. These categories come with some associated “quasi-theoretical” properties that allow for differentiation and are open for enrichment. This means everyone in some sense starts with similar capabilities to perceive the world. According to Boyer, these categories are enhanced based on the individual’s culture, which accounts for widespread differentiation among cultural groups. On the other hand, there are some constraints imposed by these cognitive tracks that explain why there are recurrent themes in a diverse number of cultural domains, e.g. folklore and language patterns. Boyer’s theory is that acquired culture is in fact influenced by evolution through intuitive ontology. He does this by showing that certain categories are found in all humans and these categories form the basis for acquired culture.

Nathaniel Marsh Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Brightman, Robert. Traditions of Subversion and the Subversion of Tradition: Cultural Criticism in Maidu Clown Performances. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):272-287.

This article by Robert Brightman is concerned with the place of the clown in Northwestern Maidu society. The clown is an initiated member of the ruling class, (yeponi). The position of clown is not hereditary, but rather appointed by heads of the society. Once appointed to the position the clown will hold the station for life.

In the past the clown has been characterized as a subversive figure. Brightman argues that the Maidu clown is subversive and yet conventional in his subversion. Brightman builds an argument through examination of the clown’s sardonic behavior and the reactions of members of the society. He deduces that the clown’s behavior is not truly anti-social. The society has dictated this role. The point is made by using cross-cultural and historical examples, and by examining past theories of the Maidu clown’s purpose.

The clown challenges the convictions of society in such a way that allows the society to release tension that may exist within the social structure. The anti-social nature of the clown is seen in such ways as his lackluster involvement in obligatory rituals and turning other solemn occasions into a parody of themselves. The clown mocks the social rules through his actions. Yet the actions of the clown have been prescribed by the culture. The clown acts just as the clown that came before him, the one before that, and so forth. The society heads chose the clown knowing that he would create such havoc. The clown has been chosen by the society as the key figure in an inversionary ritual.

The clown serves as a connection to the ancestors. With the ancestral connection comes responsibilities to the community. Such duties include the passing of knowledge to the next generation through the initiation of both boys and girls. The clown also interprets the yukbe’s language in conversations with spirit beings, directs the aki dance, and tends the fire in the dance house. Brightman refers to this “Janus-faced capacity” as the clown’s ability “to point both towards and away from received convention at once legitimizing the cultural order as naturally given and destabilizing it as artificially contrived” (272). With this “Janus-faced capacity” the clown serves Maidu society as both a release valve and a connection with the ancestors.

CRISTINA BURRIS Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Brosius Peter. J. Green Dots, Pink Hearts: Displacing Politics from the Malaysian Rain Forest. American Anthropologist, 1999 Vol (101): 1:4: 36-52

J. Peter Brosius’ purpose for writing this article was to discuss the process of institutional development with reference to a rainforest campaign that focused on Sarawak, East Malaysia. The Sarawak campaign that Brosius studied began in 1987 when Eastern Penan hunter-gatherers in the district of Sarawak erected a series of blockades against logging companies on their land.

In regards to the institutional development that Brosius mentioned above, it is important to note that even though these institutions were created to stop environmental destruction, they actually may have stopped real change by endless negotiations and legal evasion.

In the early years of the campaign, environmentalists used what could be termed the “fern gully” allegory. The image that the environmentalists presented was of indigenous innocents living in the peaceful rainforest, as bulldozers headed toward them, destroying everything in their path. By the environmentalists presenting that type of image the Sarawak campaign became high profile and widely covered by the media.

The Malaysian authorities responded to the environmentalists by accusing them of romanticizing the situation of the Penan hunter-gatherers and for using the Penan issue to raise funds for their own organizations. The most outspoken critic was Malaysian Prime Minister, Dr. Mahatir Mohammed, who characterized the campaign against logging in Sarawak as nothing more than a “smear’ campaign against Malaysia.

Brosius’ larger intellectual issue was the dilemma that faces us between environmentalism and institutionalization. The dilemma is not whether we should make a choice between one or the other, or whether one is a better alternative. Rather, it is important to us because we have to be careful about the terms under which institutionalization occurs. We have to make an effort to determine what is gained or lost, who is heard or silenced as the process of institutionalization continues. Furthermore, when dealing with development of these institutions one must take into consideration that these institutions exclude moral or political intervention in favour of bureaucratic or scientific forms of intervention.

The only criticism I have is that the vocabulary used in the paper was above my comprehension level, which made the paper difficult to understand. Also, there was much important information included, making the article quite difficult to summarize. This paper has particular importance to the discipline of anthropology because these environmental movements have been taking place on terrain once thought of as anthropologists’ own- the rural/remote field site. The paper is also important to anthropology in the sense that otherness is seen in indigenous rights campaigns and that critical commentary is needed to aid in stopping that.

CHELSEA ASTILL University Of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Cartmill, Matt. The Status of the Race Concept in Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol. 100(3):651-660.

In “The Status of the Race Concept in Physical Anthropology,” the author outlines the disagreement among physical anthropologists about the validity of race as a biological category, and he looks at how the concept of race has been used and misused in research. In 1996, the American Association of Physical Anthropologists passed a statement on biological aspects of race, but the difficulties they faced in gaining approval of the statement reveal the divisions within physical anthropology as to whether biological races exist among humans. According to Cartmill, each side uses the same evidence; one seeks to discredit use of that evidence, and the other uses it to support their theories.

The author begins the discussion of the race concept by presenting the cases both for and against the used of racial categories in physical anthropology. The basis of the argument for racial taxonomy is, briefly, that geographically determined populations will interbreed and thus carry the same genetic material. The anthropologists who oppose racial classification criticize the weakly and irregularly defined categories. For example, if race were a geographical construct, then subdividing North Americans, who were all born in the same region, into racial groups contradicts that distinction. Also, Cartmill notes that concepts of physical race ignore modern human populations, assume that population variation is a recent phenomenon, and only use visible characteristics to determine race

The article outlines the use of the race concept in research articles, and finds that the role of racial categories in the study of human variation has changed little, if at all, over the past 30 years. Physical anthropologists agree that behavior is affected by biology, but, as Cartmill aims to show, there is a difference between biology and environment in the shaping of an individual. By using philosophical and biological examples, the author presents evidence that genes do not act independently of environments, and thus a genetic trait will be expressed differently according to environmental circumstances.

The carefully worded essay ends by explaining that while geography may possibly affect genetics, conventional racial groups assume genetic and ancestral uniformity. That uniformity does not exist, thus invalidating racial classification. Race is, in effect, a cultural notion.

REBECCA DEEB Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Cartmill, Matt. The Status of the Race Concept in Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist, 1999 Vol. 100(3): 651-660.

The concept of racial differences has been heavily debated on political, moral, scientific, and social grounds. Matt Cartmill states his belief that, even though there are obvious genetic differences between people, the fact that people in certain regions or ethnic groups are more likely to possess particular physical or behavioral imperfections, does not necessarily support the race concept and racial discrimination. He also emphasizes that some physical anthropologists fight against scientific racism, while many biological anthropologists view human racial taxonomies as oversimplified social constructs. The stand that many physical anthropologists take generally correlates with their social position and cultural upbringing.

People that promote racial taxonomies highlight the belief that human genetic variation is associated with geography. Ethnic groups that mate within the group and that do not mate with immigrants, tend to have similar facial appearances and genetic variants. Thus, it would be appropriate to refer to people that originated from Africa but live in the U.S.A. as “African American.” Such classifications can lead to discrimination against certain groups, but also can allow doctors to be forewarned about certain diseases that are prevalent in certain populations through genetic connections, and can assist police attempting to solve crimes by identifying suspects based on race. Since race is a social construct that is used commonly in American society, it is important to understand how certain races are given different opportunities than others.

Those that argue against the race concept maintain that it is not valid to connect a race to a distinct geographical region or phenotype. Thus, many races may live together in one place, and the phenotypes of individuals within races include the entire range of variation in humans. Also, most populations are mixtures of many different groups and genes, and those groups that may be similar ethnically may differ genetically. This is in a large part due to immigration across countries and continents. In fact, there is more variation genetically amongst members of a “race” than between races. However, Cartmill conducted a study in which he concluded that the number of references in articles in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology to racial taxonomy hardly changed from 1965 to 1996.

While physical anthropologists debate over the concept of race, most believe that human behavior is affected by biology. Humans are constrained by their biology and by their environment. This idea accounts for Cartmill’s belief that heritability and fitness do not exist, since they are both affected by and vary according to the environment in which the individual or group lives.

LAUREN WOLLIN Middlebury College (David Napier).

Chin, Elizabeth. Ethnically Correct Dolls: Toying with the Race Industry. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):305-321.

In “Ethnically Correct Dolls: Toying with the Race Industry,” Elizabeth Chin investigates the claim that ethnically correct toys enhance minority children’s’ self-esteem. She contrasts a case study of Mattel’s Shani doll [Mattel’s African American Barbie] with data from her fieldwork in an African American working-class neighborhood in New Haven, Connecticut. From her work with the children of New Haven, Chin ascertains that racially diverse dolls do little to meet their stated objective and rather fix color boundaries more firmly in place. She asserts that the children’s’ actions of braiding their white dolls’ hair and otherwise complicating the dolls’ racial identities hold the most potential for subverting racial categories and allowing the children’s self-esteem to blossom.

The “doll studies” conducted by the Kenneth and Mamie Phipps Clark in the late thirties and early forties form the basis for doll manufacturers’ marketing ideologies. In these studies, researchers showed children a series of dolls of varying colors and asked the children which ones they thought “looked nice” and which ones they thought “looked bad.” The results showed that black children often thought that the white dolls looked nice and the dark-colored dolls did not. As a response to this study, doll manufacturers started producing more ethnically diverse dolls; they hoped to tap a market of minority parents concerned with their children’s self-esteem.

Chin criticizes this move with information gleaned from her fieldwork. The children she interviewed expressed their frustration with the limits of Mattel’s Barbie and Shani dolls. Although the Shani dolls were similar to the girls in color, they did not mirror other aspects of their lives and identities. The working-class children of New Haven did not find much in common with the expensively outfitted and accessoried Shani doll, nor could they afford to purchase her. They wished for Barbies that were fat or pregnant or dressed in ways similar to themselves. In short, there were no dolls available to reflect the New Haven girls’ realities. As a response to this, the girls took their white dolls and gave them hairstyles characteristic of working-class African American women. Chin believes that it is only through actions like this, actions that challenge the categories of racial identity, that minority children will cease to feel slighted by society.

BROOKE BOCAST Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Clark, Gracia. Mothering, Work, and Gender in Urban Asante Ideology and Practice.American Anthropologist 1999. Volume 101 (4): 717-729.

This article focuses on urban Asante societies in Ghana, and in particular on the relationship between gender identity and labour practices among these people. Women are shown to be defined by their capacity to reproduce and by their devotion to their children, as displayed by how hard they work to support them. Neither women nor men are seen as fully functioning adults unless they have children. While both men and women are evaluated by their society on the basis of how well they support their children financially, this financial support is split between fathers and mothers. Fathers are expected to pay major expenses such as school fees or rent in accommodation away from home, while mothers shoulder the daily obligations of buying food and clothing. This is one way in which the maternal bond is strengthened and affirmed in this highly matrilineal society. Daily material provisions for children are provided through work, so the longer a mother works, the more she is able to provide for her children and the higher she is held in the esteem of her peers. The primary employment of women is in market trading, although it is not an environment conducive to childcare. Children are often left in the care of female relatives for extended periods while their mothers earn a living.

Gracia Clark bases her findings on field research conducted in 1994-95, and supplements them with prior research conducted throughout the 1970’s and 1980’s. She interviewed 60 women aged 45 to 95 who were working in Kumasi Central market. Since market trading is the occupation of the majority of both urban and rural Asante women, Clark’s data is reasonably representative of mainstream Asante culture. Her knowledge of the Asante language and her personal relationships with many of her subjects lend credibility to her arguments.

Clark’s findings are placed in a broader context when she compares Asante practices with those of African American communities in the United States. For example, she shows that the Asante’s relative freedom of expression of marital and lineal relationships results in fewer conflicts than in American subcultures (p.718). This integration of her studies with those of researchers such as Karen Sacks is valuable in linking Asante practices with cultural practices familiar to North Americans.

KAREN GABERT University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Clark, Gracia. Mothering, Work, and Gender in Urban Asante Ideology and Practice. American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol.101(4):717-729.

Clark analyses urban Asante ideologies and practices of gender and parenting and demonstrates how these ideals adapt to changing historical circumstances. Clark conducted fieldwork among urban Asante female traders in the late seventies and mid-nineties. Her research addresses the connection between capital distribution and the construction of gender roles.

The ideal Asante mother is devoted to her child; she demonstrates this devotion through tireless employment outside of the home. This ideology stresses financial care-taking over time spent with one’s child. The norm of the working mother does not conflict with an Asante view of child-rearing but it does conflict with Asante ideologies about spousal roles. An Asante wife is expected to cook and clean for her husband; these activities compete for time with income generating work. This is a structural tension that is accepted as natural by most Asante.

The most common occupation for Asante women is market trading. Previous studies have indicated that Asante women engage in trading because it is compatible with on-site child care. Clark rejects this notion on the grounds that bringing a child to the market compromises the child’s safety and the success of the trader. Clark suggests that Asante women participate in trading because it is an occupation that does not create capital accumulation. Asante mothers pay for the day-to-day needs of their children but fathers, who work at jobs where accumulation is possible, are responsible for significant expenditures such as school fees. Thus Asante gendered categories depend upon financial accumulation, not just income-generating work.

Clark has watched Asante practice change as their society becomes increasingly urbanized. As Asante society grows more anonymous, there is a need for standard gender ideologies to base interaction on. Clark asserts that the conflict between motherly and wifely duties has become more pronounced and that new points of contestation are emerging.

BROOKE BOCAST Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Cole, Johnnetta B. John Langston Gwaltney (1928-1998) American Anthropologist September,1999 Vol.101 (3): 614-615

John Gwaltney was an amazing individual. I do not know him personally, and the only knowledge I do have is from his obituary. Reading the available text without prior research into his works, one can see the remarkable influence he had in the lives of the individuals that surrounded him.

John Gwaltney was not only a black anthropologist (which was uncommon in his time); he was also blind. He overcame his disability and went on to receive his B.A. degree from Upsala College in 1952, his M.A. from the New School for Social Research in 1957, and his Ph.D in Anthropology in 1967 from Columbia University. He worked under Margaret Mead for his dissertation, and she said of him, “a most remarkable man…[who] manages his life and work with extraordinary skill and bravery…” (614). He won the prestigious Ansley Dissertation Award at Columbia University and later produced many papers that documented his immense and extensive knowledge in ethnography.

It was clear from the article that he was also well versed in poetry, song, creative art, and excelled at education and anthropology as well as being a strong advocate for the representation of Black anthropologists and ethnographies. As Cole states, John Langston Gwaltney was “a humanist and a visionary, who believed in the indomitability of the human spirit to rise above oppression” (615).

SAMANTHA KELCH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Cole, Johnnetta B. John Langston Gwaltney (1928-1998). American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol. 101(3):614-616.

In this obituary for John Langston Gwaltney, Johnnetta B. Cole lauds the work, innovations, and passions of an African American cultural anthropologist. Gwaltney, who passed away on August 29, 1998, lost his eyesight soon after birth but did not seem to let his vision impair his life or career. Cole relates his educational and professional accomplishments, which includes several books.

Gwaltney’s dissertation on river blindness among Chinantec-speaking people in Oaxaca, Mexico was highly praised by his advisor, Margaret Mead, and won an award at Columbia University. This dissertation eventually produced a book, The Thrice Shy: Cultural Accommodation to Blindness, and Other Disasters in a Mexican Community. His observations of everyday life in America also provided material for two more books, Drylongso: A Self Portrait of Black America and The Dissenters: Voices from Contemporary America. He supported the Association of Black Anthropologists, which gave him the 1989 Distinguished Achievement award. After his death, the Association set up the John Langston Gwaltney Native Anthropology Scholarship, yet another sign of his esteem in the field.

Gwaltney recognized the value of black culture as well as its traditional misrepresentation in anthropological literature. He sought to correct the misrepresentations of cultures in his innovative “native anthropology.” Native anthropology used traditionally ignored perspectives and input from the people being studied in order to produce ethnographies that were representative of and recognizable to the group. He strongly advocated a view of a “vibrant, historical” (615) Black culture that acknowledged its influences and complexities. One of his new methods for information collection was the folk seminar, in which people in their own homes provided personal narratives for the sake of anthropological research.

In addition to his anthropology, Cole remembers that Gwaltney was a poet, singer, and wood carver; a mentor and a teacher. The obituary showcases a man whose brilliance and passion earned him professional and personal acclaim, and left important marks on American anthropology.

REBECCA DEEB Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Dagg, Anne Innis. Infanticide by Male Lions Hypothesis: A Fallacy Influencing Research into Human Behavior. American Anthropologist, 1999, Vol.100(4)940-950.

Dagg writes to disprove the Infanticide by Male Lions Hypothesis because she fears that this hypothesis, when allied with another about infanticide amongst primates, has dangerous implications when applied to humans. She claims that infanticide is not a universal practice amongst humans of varying cultures and therefore precludes genetic predisposition. Dagg presents four main criteria that would allow for the hypothesis to be true amongst lions. She proceeds to refute them all with information from behavioral reports on Serengeti Lions. She reviews all the research conducted on these lions chronologically. She proves that the research done has not consistently focused on one pride nor has any of it consistently produced findings that would support the hypothesis. She mentions the Packer and Pusey case where the researchers appeared to have found evidence supporting infanticide by male lions, however, they manipulated the data by failing to mention that females were also a major cause of infanticide.

Dagg is disturbed by the fact that such a hypothesis could come to be accepted by both the academic world and popular culture when founded on such flimsy evidence. She wonders how this is possible and what its repercussions are for research in general if such fabrications can so readily be accepted as factual. Dagg claims that this was made possible by theory-driven hypothesis that effects the way researchers collect, view, manipulate, and present raw data. Dagg warns against relying on sociobiological explanations of human infanticide and omitting cultural explanations; there is no room left for social change if such behavior is genetic.

KELLY HINES Middlebury College (David Napier)

Comitas, Lambros. Obituary: Conrad Maynadier Arensberg (1910-1997). American Anthropologist 1999 Vol.101(4:8)810-817.

A virtual child prodigy, Conrad Maynadier Arensberg was accepted into Harvard at the age of seventeen. A highly skilled anthropologist and ethnographer, he helped to revolutionize mainstream anthropology, making several major contributions to its methodological and theoretical development. Arensberg was elected president of both the Society for Applied Anthropology in 1945 as well as the American Anthropological Association in 1980. In addition to Anthropology, he harbored a love for English, history, and languages, becoming fluent in many.

In 1932 Arensberg was invited to join a Harvard anthropology department project designed to study Ireland (pg. 811). His work there led to the publication of two groundbreaking books, which shifted the European and North American focus away from the study of preliterate or non-Euro societies. In 1952 Arensberg was offered what had previously been Julian Steward’s position in the graduate department of anthropology at Barnard College, having held positions in all three affiliates of the Columbia corporations over the course of his career. In addition to his field studies and many published works, Arensberg remained committed to his students and his teachings. He sought always to apply his principles within the field, with an ever-present desire to learn and to take anthropology beyond the traditional and across disciplinary boundaries. As an anthropologist, he was, according to Comitas, “a man well ahead of his time” (pg. 813).

ERICA HOLT University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Cordell, Linda S., Lewis R. Binford, Timothy K. Earle, Allen W. Johnson, William S. Longacre, Robert W. Preucel, James R. Sackett, Michael B. Schiffer, and Michael R. Walsh. James Newlin Hill (1934-1997). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):385-399.

This obituary of archaeologist James Newlin Hill, who passed away August 2, 1997, recalls his personal and professional accomplishments. Hill held several positions on professional committees and boards, including Chair of the Anthropology Department at UCLA, and Chair of the American Anthropological Association, and of its Division of Archaeology, as well as being a member of its Committee on Ethics. His focus was the United States Southwest, particularly ancestral Pueblo society.

This interest led to the Broken K Pueblo research project in Arizona, the heart of his career. His study and other work that emerged from this site explored social organization in ways previously delegated to ethnology. Hill was a constant advocate of scientific method within archaeology, believing that all conclusions should be replicable. He used methods such as testing hypotheses with a variety of evidence. Ceramic design elements formed the main body of evidence for the Broken K project. Hill and his colleagues also emphasized use of multivariate statistics and examination of formation processes.

One publication that Hill edited, Explanation of Prehistoric Change, was an attempt to form a strong theoretical framework as a way to study cultural change and stability. A contemporaneous work, co-edited by Hill, strove to apply method and theory in archaeological studies. Both books were intended to study social organization, including craft specialization and exchange.

Hill was one of the founding members of the Southwestern Anthropological Research Group (SARG), an association that sought to foster and support archaeological research by compiling a computer database. The project addressed general research questions of interest to southwestern archaeologists, and it became a model for public archaeology databases.

The nine authors also wrote of his encouraging, thoughtful disposition. He helped students at all levels to develop suitable methods, and treated his students and colleagues alike. At UCLA, Hill played a major role in strengthening the anthropology department as well as in developing the undergraduate honors program.

REBECCA DEEB Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Davis, Elizabeth A. Metamorphosis in the Culture Market of Niger. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101 (3:1): 485-499

The overall concern addressed by Davis is the perception that the ‘Western’ appetite for ‘exotic’ cultural artifacts is tantamount to exploiting the cultures to which the artifacts belong. Also, the accusations leveled against those who supply these objects to the purchasers, particularly those who hybridize cultural motifs with Western utilitarian objects, of being ‘whores’ are explored extensively. As well the desire to acquire these objects on the part of Westerners is explored through those who demand and those who supply. Davis’ exploration of this phenomenon takes place in Niger. The main characters, so to speak, are Western expatriates, Tuareg artisans and Tuareg nobles.

The main attraction Westerners have to such objects Davis explains is “…the exotic appearance…” as well as perceived antiquity, perpetuated in no small part by the dealer who wants the sale. These two factors, according to James Clifford as related by Davis create and enforce perceived distance between the culture and experience of the Western buyer and the native seller. This distance in turn makes the buyer more cognizant of their common humanity as well as more consciously aware of their own culture. Conflict over the sale of these objects (though not violent) has arisen between the Tuareg artisans who supply hybrids of Western objects (lighters, letter openers and such) with cultural motifs and Tuareg nobles who see this as rape of their culture as well as denying them an income due to the popularity of these hybrids. The Tuareg nobles with few exceptions prefer to remain traditional in regards to their art.

Davis supports her thesis with information supplied by Western expatriates, as well as native informants. Her article is constructed using blocks of data. By this I mean that she has arranged the article as an author would a book, in ‘chapters’. The headings of each block set the reader up with expectation of what is to follow. To cite an example, the section entitled ‘Objects’ give the reader an overview of the objects created by the artisans and the nobles that are subsequently sold to Westerners as well as the objects desired by Westerners. Overall Davis’ article is constructed in a way that those of us raised with MTV can more clearly understand as opposed to older articles written in an older style of prose.

CRIS CORCORAN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young-Leslie)

Davis, Elizabeth. Metamorphosis in the Culture Market of Niger. American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol. 101 (3): 485-501.

Using Tuareg artisanry in Niger as a case study, the author shows how neocolonial Western habits of collecting “exotic” art have given way to more collaborative artistic practices, by focusing on Western objects produced in “traditional” Tuareg style. This article traces the evolution and developments surrounding the social implications of artistic change among Tuareg artisans and the society in which they live.

The author is in disagreement with Clifford’s ideas about the way exotic, non-Western art fits into the “art-culture system.” Contrary to Clifford’s belief that the “exotic” appeal of an object lies in its creation of distance in time and space, the changing dialectic of Tuareg artisanry today and the Western expatriates who increasingly consume it shows a more collaborative, egalitarian development between the consumer and producer.

Previously, Tuareg nobles were the sole employers of Tuareg artisans. In the service of the nobles they produced artistic works as well as more practical items such as saddles, leather bags and tools. The displacement of the Tuareg nobility, through various colonial practices and general “modern” developments, as well as through rebellion against the Nigerian government, has enabled artisans to shift the focus of their artistic production to other consumer groups, and to enter into the cash economy. The “new” expatriates in Niger, mostly employed by foreign governments and non-governmental organizations, wish to be externally identified as being aware of Nigerian culture, and the production of modern items (decorative pins, napkin rings, cigarette lighters, pencil boxes, photo albums) by Tuareg artisans in the traditional style has enabled this to be a cultural identifier.

Tuareg nobles have not been unaffected by these changes. The nobles have also developed a niche in the dialectic culture market. Impoverished Tuareg nobles have taken to painting (ironically under the training of Western professionals) representational images of a more “traditional” Tuareg culture. These radical changes among Tuareg artisans, from being primarily employed by Tuareg nobles, for whom they produced more practical goods, to being employed in the context of a fetishistic capitalist economy, have upended the “traditional” classificatory system of social positionality within Tuareg society. “Modern” artisan objects represent a transformation in relations between Westerners and non-Westerners, a transformation which both embodies tradition and “modernity.”

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Durrenberger, E. Paul. Erem, Suzan. “The Weak Suffer What They Must.” The American Anthropologist. Vol.101 (4) pp.783.

This study puts emphasis on the importance of empirical studies in anthropology today. In the instance of this particular paper, it is of hierarchy and leadership roles. Durrenberger has found a scenario which is a textbook example of the effects of shifting leadership roles, and the importance of hierarchy in a relatively closed culture. The case is of a labor union undergoing a change in management. At the begining of our interval of interest, the labor union is at a peak of leadership and support by its members. All around the same time, the older and more trusted stewards begin to retire. For about a year prior to their actual retirement, they train a younger and less experienced generation to take over for them. As these new stewards take to their responsibilities, the union members have less faith in them, as they have not yet proven themselves. Shortly after, a crisis emerges wherein the hours of the workers are cut, and the union is ineffective in correcting the problem. Time passes and no resolution to the problem is found. The role of leadership has by now shifted from the union to the management itself. Once the union leaders realize this, they take action and begin shifting those roles back onto themselves. Durrenberger goes into a detailed study of these events, including calculations and statistical models. Included is a section on “Theoretical Backgrounds” wherein the theories are outlined. Also included is a “Triads Revisited” section, where triads are used to analyze the data. Somewhat optionally, Durrenberger outlines the statistical methods through which the results were obtained. Finally, Durrenberger makes a small commentary on relevant “Structure, Agency, and Class” scenarios, with respect to labor unions.

TIM HENSMAN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Durrenberger, Paul and Suzan Erem. The Weak Suffer What They Must: A Natural Experiment in Thought and Structure. American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol. 101(4) 783-793.

Paul Durrenberger has examined the emic perspective of union workers in order to decipher whether they have formed their own folk models concerning the relationships in the work place. Durrenberger conducted a study using the Anthropac triads test, in which he asked employees at several hospitals to take the three words, worker, steward, and representative, and name the one word that is farthest from themselves. If the final statistics from the study show more of a similarity between the union representative and the workers this indicates a “union model.” If co-worker is chosen then this indicates a structure based on hierarchy. This is due to the fact that the individual has chosen the two positions that are ranked above him. A choice of representative as the least similar would indicate a workplace centric model.

The original study conducted by Durrenberger took place in 1996 among several hospitals. The one time study could have been influenced by recent events in the work place and union that may have tainted the views of the people being surveyed. The opportunity arose in 1998 to retest one of the hospital groups. The union representatives were going through a change over. The first survey had taken place at a time when the elected union representatives had been in place for an extended period of time. These representatives were secure in their dealings with management and the union members had faith in their union. The survey conducted at that time indicated structure that was union centric. The second survey conducted in 1998 showed a structure that was work place centric. This reflects the changes happening within the union and the workers lack of faith in their union and its representatives. The new representatives were unaccustomed to dealing with management, to leading the workers, and did not have the “relationships of mutual obligation” (785) that the previous representatives had gained over the years. Through this study Durrenberger intended to and succeeded in showing that cognitive structures are not stable things, rather they are subject to change as the external structure changes.

CHRISTINA BURRIS Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Ember, Melvin. Ember, R. Carol. Cross-Language Predictors of Consonant-Vowel syllables. American Anthropologist December 1999 Vol. 101(4):730-742.

The authors suggest that language culture research should look at something different, specifically, the degree to which words in various languages are composed of consonant-vowel syllables. The authors make the argument that languages vary considerably in the degree to which syllables are consonant-vowel in form. The authors noted one study that theorized that consonant-vowel syllables are more prevalent in warm climates. Another suggested that frequent baby holding explains a high frequency of consonant-vowel syllables They set out to find out if (either of) these were true.

To establish their argument, the authors first look at Monroe et al. (1996) which states that warmer climates are associated with higher consonant-vowel scores. Next, the authors resort to the writings of Barbara G. Ayres and discuss her theory that baby holding has an effect of consonant-vowel scores. The authors then described their own research. Their argument relies on the study of various cultures. In a chart, the authors list culture in the first column in alphabetical order. In the other columns, the authors states the consonant-vowel score, number of cold months, literacy, amount of baby holding, doubtful ratings (that is if there were doubtful ratings on both climate and baby holding), number of phonemes, vowel to consonant ratio, and the mean number of syllables. The authors then analyze the data and draw conclusions. The conclusion the authors make is that high amounts of baby holding partly explains a high frequency of consonant-vowel syllables. The authors suggest that this is so because frequent baby holding makes regular rhythm rewarding (the idea is that consonant-vowel syllables and alteration make a sort of rhythm). This is evident in their analysis in that it is statistically significant and an independent predictor of consonant-vowel scores. They find that in their analysis climate is not involved independently of explaining consonant-vowel scores. They do note however, that although it is not a direct causal predictor there is still a moderate statistical relationship between baby holding and climate. The authors argue that this may be because where it is cold, the best way to keep a baby warm and safe is to keep it close to the body. From this, the authors conclude that more research is required where multiple regression analysis will find other variables correlated with consonant-vowel syllables.

Vasilios Galanopoulos University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Ernst, Thomas. Land, Stories, and Resources: Discourse and Entification in Onabasulu Modernity. American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101(1): 88-97.

The author, Thomas Ernst writes his paper on the issue involving, new politics of difference that has emerged in multinational resource development among the Onabasulu. The change of the Onabasulu community life is also looked at in terms of kinship and ethnicity.

Onabasulu society is going through an alternation of arrangement of their social organization due to resource development. Multinationals and the State of Papua New Guinea as well as Chevron’s petroleum extractions located nearby are the impact of the alteration of preexisting arrangements of the Onabasulu society.

The author uses abbreviated stories told by several people from the Onabasulu community, he then gives a short explanation of it underlying the political agenda. The three stories told contain information about geographic features, autochthonous female originary figure named Duduma, and traces of kin relations and control of land. Storytelling however is “messy, contested, and full of ambiguities, and it lacks the imperative clarity of liturgical language and performance.” The importance of this paper is dealing with political ecology and how entification takes place without acknowledging nature and society.

The author writes a little about the location and population of Onabasulu and some surrounding communities. This gives the reader a better understanding of change that takes place and how the Kutuba Petroleum Development Project affects the land. With the land changing the aspects of Onabasulu changes as well as surrounding communities. The explanation given by the author in regards to the first story talks about ethnicity, boundaries and groups between Onabasulu and Huli. The second story given is followed by an explanation discussing lineage, legally fixed clans, landscape, and creation of social life. Lineage, status, territory, and creation of ethnic and social groups (as in story one and two) are apart of the explanation for story three. As mentioned before the explanations given by the author gives a political understanding of the abbreviated stories.

The information the author collected for this paper is all form 1996. The paper wasn’t written until 1999; therefore many things may have changed in that time period. Even though the paper is recent we must keep in mind the information may not be. The abbreviated stories are myths told by several people among the Onabasulu, so some of the details are slightly different depending on who told the story. However the author does take into account all details.

SAMANTHA BIDLOCK University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Ernst, Thomas M. Land, Stories, and Resources: Discourse and Entification in Onabasulu Modernity. American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101(1):88-97.

Thomas Ernst argues for a discourse on Onabasulu modernity that recognizes the political roots of human-land relationships and the flexible history utilized by politics. He looks at the new politics as it emerges in recently developed storytelling. For the Onabasulu, on the Mt, Bosavi region of the Great Papuan Plateau in Papua New Guinea, story telling is a performance by all parties: messy, contested, and chock full of ambiguities. Ernst feels that it is this lack of clarity that made it morph into such a highly politicized discourse. He argues that “this case study of the Onabasulu in an era of petroleum extraction illustrates how groups are discursively produced, through state performatives , anthropological jargon (“clans” and the like), and, ultimately, local efforts to appropriate and use for indigenous purposes these discursive innovations” (90).

Ernst looks at the changes and continuities in the Onabasulu world by analyzing three stories that have become important since the recent changes in their society. The first story defines the Onabasulu for the purpose of controlling cash resources, the second defines them by melding new social, political, and geographical concerns into a traditional story, and the third story is an attempt to maneuver within these new concerns. All the stories illustrate how resource development can create an entirely new discourse within a society with new beliefs and new identities. Ernst reminds us that storytelling is a fluid medium, which in this context illustrates how it can highlight politicized practices while placing it in a context that is based on understandings that are exclusive to this region.

JULIA E. MACKESSON Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Fienup-Riordan, Ann. Collaboration on Display: A Yup’ik Eskimo Exhibit at Three National Museums. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):339-358,

This article explores important issues regarding museums, anthropology, and native North American communities. Representation, cultural appropriation, and exhibition of cultural objects are hot topics in anthropology, and Fienup-Riordan uses her experiences as a curator of a Yup’ik Eskimo mask exhibit to address these issues. The author describes how she and Yup’ik community members planned the exhibit, and the problems and challenges they faced as it moved from museum to museum.

The exhibit, entitled Agayuliyararput (Our Way of Making Prayer), showcased masks that had been collected from Yup’ik communities in the late 1800s. It traveled across the United States; originally intended to be shown in a village, a regional museum, and a state museum, it made its way into national venues like New York City and Washington, D.C. From the beginning, the author makes clear, this was a collaboration among museum professionals, herself as an anthropologist, and Yup’ik community members. The community members wanted to express pride in and recognize their heritage, as represented by the masks. Therefore, the exhibit was designed to present the masks within the context of their use, not as mere art objects.

Fienup-Riordan chronicles the movement of the exhibit and explains how the individual museums determined the theme and scope of the exhibition. On the local and regional level, pride and tribal identity were most important, so the emphasis was on local history, and the direct involvement of the community in the process was evident. In the larger museums, tribe members were less directly involved. Also, national venues tended to portray the masks as examples of Native American art rather than as local histories, but the overall exhibit design and its curators usually succeeded in maintaining its collaborative identity.

The author uses this essay to present an example of an “insider’s” exhibit, and discusses ways in which larger institutions can accommodate these newer exhibits, as well as ways in which they are unable to do so. Fienup-Riordan advises institutions and scholars to reexamine the guidelines and methods that limit serious collaboration, and to be willing to listen to and work with Native Americans in staging exhibitions.

REBECCA DEEB Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Fuentes, Agustin. Re-Evaluating Primate Monogamy. American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol.100(4):890-907.

Fuentes proposes that the conventional views on primate monogamy may have numerous flaws. The first issue is the lack of a single definition for monogamy. Most researchers use different criteria when monogamy, and some never define it at all. Fuentes claims that what is commonly termed as monogamy may represent a much larger range of social groupings that a single term implies.

Fuentes chooses to re-examine all of the reports of primate monogamy. For this analysis he uses a common definition used in many studies; monogamy as a two-adult group with prolonged association and pair bonding. Among the prosimians thought to be monogamous he finds many exceptions. Some are flexible in their living arrangements and show variable grouping patters or only break off into pairs for part of the year. The neo-tropical primates also exemplify flexible breeding systems, which may include two-adult groups alongside multi-adult groups. Gibbons are considered to be fairly good examples of monogamy; however, Fuentes finds evidence that they may not be as strict and exclusive as often thought. They do not exhibit strong pair bonding, mate-guarding is rare, and genetic evidence shows a high rate of extra-pair copulations. A great deal of the evidence for human mating systems comes from marriage patterns. Fuentes argues that these may not be fully accurate. Also the nuclear family is not the predominant social grouping in most human societies.

Fuentes claims that there is anthropocentrism in the way we examine mating patterns and suggests a revised definition for monogamy as a system in which males and females mate exclusively with each other for successive mating periods. Also, monogamy can be divided into two-adult groups, and pair bonded groups, since the two do not always go together. Monogamy may not be as common among primates as once thought, and it is important to acknowledge that many species show a high level of plasticity in their breeding arrangements. Many have no “typical” mating pattern. Better use of genetic data and more attention to variables such as ecological constraints and behavioral flexibility may help to revise some of our views on primate monogamy.

SARAH MULLEN Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Fuentes, Augustin. Re-Evaluating Primate Monogamy. American Anthropologist, 1999. Vol.100 (4):890-907.

Augustin Fuentes proposes a new definition of the term “monogamy,” utilizing evidence from the primate species to identify key problems with the current meaning or, more importantly, a lack thereof. Though often defined as the pairing of one adult-male with one adult-female plus their offspring, Fuentes argues that monogamy as a social system does not exist within the primate family. Monogamous primates, in fact, exhibit a wide range of behavioral patterns within the group and as individuals.

Fuentes illustrates the problem of grouping all primates into one broad category by offering examples from various types of the order. He concludes that there are only twenty-four species out of all primates which could fall into the one adult-male/one adult-female category. Within these twenty-four species, however, there is a vast array of behavioral and evolutionary patterns, thus prohibiting the ability to label the group as a type of social organization.

Fuentes offers three descriptive categories to replace the ambiguous term of “monogamous social organization.” The first category is the two-adult group, which would refer solely to the composition of the group and does not propose any other social or ecological commonalities, which consequently reveals the diversity within the primate family. The second category is pair-bonded groups, a reference to both group composition and social order. The third and final category Fuentes proposes is a specific definition of monogamy, which would only refer to mating patterns and not group composition or social patterns. Limiting monogamy to one concrete definition would end the current ambiguity surrounding the term.

By utilizing evidence from prosimians, neotropical primates, old world monkeys, and apes and humans, Fuentes argues that grouping all monogamous primates together in one social system will only impede our understanding of complex social systems. It is therefore necessary to abandon such generalist models and accept the complexity of the primate world.

PALOMA HAGEDORN-WOO Middlebury College (David Napier)

Gezon, Lisa L. Of Shrimps and Spirit Possession: Toward a Political Ecology of Resource Management in Northern Madagascar. American Anthropologist 1999(101) Vol.1:5: 58.

Dr. Gezon focuses on the local fishing industry and the role of spirit possession and ritual innovation, both local and global, on the northern tip of the island of Madagascar. She demonstrates how ritual symbolism is used to show political control over certain natural resources. Gezon begins by supplying the reader with the history of shrimp fishing in northern Madagascar since the 1970. She demonstrates how the production of shrimp has increased drastically over the past 30 years in many of the coastal villages of Madagascar and how it continues to rise at a steep rate. She then describes that the indigenous Ampanjaka, or king, has claimed political power and jurisdiction over the area. The Ampanjaka belong to the ethnic group called Antankarana which, make up a simple majority in the fishing villages. This information is important to Gezon’s case because it demonstrates not only a majority but a minority as well, known as the Vahiny, or the outsiders. The creation of an outsider in any society is a prime example of how the government constructs a nation. She states that the influx of the Vahiny into the villages, who come from the other side of Madagascar, has been a cause of tension in the region. The Antankarana believe the Vahiny are the cause of misfortune in the area because they do not respect the local taboos. Gezon suggests that the increase of outsiders has also affected the authority of the Ampanjaka over his region and resources. Gezon then describes some common attributes of the fishing community. She points out that most are single young to middle aged men, who have rice farms. They use traditional fishing techniques such as nets and outrigger canoes. Gezon then provides a case example of a young man who has two canoes. Through this example many facts are given, such as the price of equipment, the divisions of labour and method of payment to the fishermen.

Dr. Gezon then examines the spirit possession and political struggle for the Antankarana kingdom. She states that the Ampanjakas are both political and spiritual leaders in the area and are respected by the federal government. She continues by noting that, to understand any issues concerning management of resources requires a wholistic view of the problem, and one must expand their study from the “ethnographic present” to the interethnic history and ritual. She then provides a brief history of ethnic politics and their connection with religious rituals. Gezon then provides a specific example of ritual and local authority being practiced in the Fisehana ceremony. This ceremony demonstrates the political significance of rituals by having fishing companies, who are spiritually unattached to the Antankarana, ask for blessings from the Ampanjaka ancestors in order to insure a successful fishing season.

Gezon uses simple terminology and provides a definition of every tribal word, making the paper clear and easy to follow. The paper is organized in such a way that, the reader gains the basic knowledge at the beginning needed to understand the larger problem which, is introduced later. This paper deals with the interconnections of different aspects of a society via the examination of what may seem to be a culturally insignificant point, such as, in this case, the management of the shrimp industry in northern Madagascar.

MARK BELL University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Gezon, Lisa L. Of Shrimps and Spirit Possession: Toward a Political Ecology of Resource Management in Northern Madagascar. American Anthropologist March, 1999. Vol. 101 (1): 58-67.

Gezon builds upon Rappaport’s interests in the systemic nature and political control of human-environmental interactions, and the interactions between meaning and material relations. She places ecological relations and spirit control within an explicitly political framework, and shows how both control the use and management of the environment.

Shrimp fishing in Northern Madagascar for coastal peoples has, in the last 30 years, replaced farming as the biggest subsistence activity. The dominant people in the area are the Antankarana, who have a political leader called the Ampanjaka. However, more outsiders are coming in, attracted to the economic opportunities available in the fishing industry. The influx of immigrants, and specifically Merina, the enemies of the Antankarana, is an unwanted happening for the Antankarana, who have spiritual, or tromba, associations to the area that they feel are unrespected by the newcomers.

The Ampanjaka exerts both spiritual and political control over the region. Rituals provide a way for the Ampanjaka to legitimate his authority. They also provide “a framework for Antankarana responses to national and international interest” in the resources of the area.

One thing the rituals do is draw on history to establish ancestral relationships between the Antankarana, other peoples and their connection to the sea. Gezon uses a recent example of how the Ampanjaka exerted tromba control to stop an aquaculture project from moving into the area. This project, the Antankarana believed, would bring many Merina managers into the region, and they said this would “profoundly disrupt the spirits of the ancestors.” This action also helped the Antankarana to maintain local management of the resources.

The Ampanjaka also asserts a ritual presence when dealing with the fishing companies, asking them to participate in ceremonies blessing the ancestors. Moreover, the Ampanjaka established an annual tromba bathing ceremony, fisehana, that “further consolidated his rights to manage marine resources in the eyes of the local people.”

In her analysis, Gezon focuses on the political aspect of human-environmental relations, and how an indigenous leader evokes spiritual authority “through historical memory and ritual enactments” to maintain control over local resources. Gezon concludes by saying that political and historical ecology “must preempt earlier understandings of ecology.”

MICHAEL SEVERINO Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Goldstein, Donna. “Interracial” Sex and Racial Democracy in Brazil: Twin Concepts? American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol.101(3):563-578.

Goldstein questions the popular notion of Brazil as a racial democracy using her ethnographic data and a framework that allows for the intersection of race, class and sexuality. She reviews the scholarly literature, especially the work of Peter Fry and Michael Hanchard and the work on sexuality done by Gilberto Freye in the 1930’s. Goldstein concludes that there has been no significant prior investigation of the interplay of race, class and sexuality in Brazil. She believes that the absence of attention to racism, in both academic and popular arenas, has stifled the growth of a mass movement to challenge Brazil’s internalized racial structures.

Brazilian racial hegemony, echoed in popular and scholarly discourse, states that ‘Brazil is different’ because interracial romantic relationships are common. Goldstein argues that notions of race and class are bound up in ideals of sexual attractiveness and thus racism is intrinsically present in Brazilian society. She uses the example of the, “treasure chest coup,” a popular fantasy, to demonstrate how race and class factor into beliefs about sexual attractiveness. The treasure chest coup describes a situation in which a working class black woman seduces an upper class white man and profits materially from this relationship. This fantasy, which often becomes reality, exposes the commodification of black female sexuality and white male class privilege. Although this is one example of an interracial relationship, it is hardly indicative of the absence of racism in Brazil.

Through systematic analysis of her data, Goldstein concludes that the presence of interracial relationships does not preclude the existence of racial inequality in Brazilian society. She asserts that by maintaining belief in Brazilian racial democracy, Brazilians are prevented from raising their race consciousness and challenging the status quo.

BROOKE BOCAST Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Harding, Thomas H. Elman Rogers Service (1915-1996). American Anthropologist March 1999. Vol. 101 (2:15): 161-164.

Harding’s obituary on the life of Elman Rogers Service is focused on Service’s anthropological contributions and their significance within the realm of cultural evolution. Although Harding reveals very little about the personal life of Service, the reader is privileged with an introduction to Service’s position on the evolution of complex societies.

A brief history is given within the obituary pertaining to Service’s education, where he was born, his role in the army and the effects the Depression had on him as a writer. In fact, it was the Depression that “sensitized”(p.162) Service and initiated his “interest in the origins of the inequality associated with the emergence of political states”(p.162). Service began his impulse to “combat inequality rather than study it” by forming the Mundial Upheaval Society to which he later became a senior member. He later finished his Ph.D. on Guarani acculturation, followed by fieldwork in Paraguay, Havasupai, and Mexico, and then began his teaching career at the University of Columbia.

One aspect of interest was the relationship between Service and Morton Fried. The two were close friends, yet supported two extremely divergent theories pertaining to political evolution. Harding provides the reader with a brief explanation of both the “integrationist and conflict positions”(p.162-163) on political evolution, as well as an explanation to the “unbridgeable gap” of both theories provided by Paul Kirchoff. Service has been best known for his contributions to the cultural evolutionary theory, kinship, the origins of the state, and the concept of chiefdom societies. However, Harding informs the reader that all these diverse contributions were based on one major objective – the objective to “try and devise causal explanations of cultural phenomena”(p.163). Service has provided a revolutionary model as to how “sociopolitical development was depicted and explained…focusing on the integration of multiple local groups, hereditary leadership, social hierarchy, cycles of expansion and decline, sumptuary rules, and a redistributive economy”(p.162).

Ultimately, Service’s work on political evolution has helped stimulate others, such as archaeologists and ethnologists, to join in the development of cultural evolution through “theoretical and empirical substance”(p.163). He has provided both a guide and a challenge for the younger generations of anthropologists. Service has been defined as the most influential cultural evolutionist of the past half-century.

AMY MARTIN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Harding, Thomas G. Elman Rogers Service (1915-1996). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 161-164.

Elman Service began his working life in a southern California aircraft factory, almost as remote from academia as is possible. With his savings and training fees from amateur boxing, he then headed off to Michigan. The Depression sensitized Service to the inequalities and injustices of complex society, and this perhaps began his scholarly interest in the origins of inequality associated with the emergence of political states, for which he is known. Institutionalized inequality was a rather late development; a departure from the “human norm” that Service believed required careful explanation and study. Service’s experiences with inequality were of a more firsthand as opposed to scholarly nature, however.

Service fought fascism as a member of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in the Spanish Civil War, and an anthropologist colleague helped Service gain an anthropological perspective on inequality. Service completed his undergraduate studies at Michigan in 1938, majoring in English (Service also took anthropology courses). Service did a year of graduate study at Chicago before entering the army (he served in France as part of a reconnaissance/ aerial mapping division). After the war he completed his Ph.D. at Columbia (1950) on the G.I. Bill with a thesis on Guarani acculturation. When teaching at Columbia Service shared an office with Morton Fried, a colleague who also shared Service’s interest in political evolution. However, Fried believed that the first states were exploitative, while Service believed that the benefits outweighed the “costs.” Their never-ending debate was a precursor to the integrationist/conflict positions.

Service is best known for his ideas about the origins of the state. He believed comparative ethnography allowed for the best formulations of this problem. The development of causal explanations of cultural phenomena was one of Service’s major objectives. Service had taken Leslie White’s undergraduate course “The Evolution of Culture” and naVvely believed that cultural evolution was an established anthropological subject. Service was an energetic developer of cultural evolution, as evidenced by his publications, which added both theoretical and empirical substance not only to cultural anthropology but also to archaeology. Service never abandoned his cultural evolution hypothesis, and it would not be a stretch to say that he is regarded as the most influential cultural evolutionist of the past half-century.

Service was an accomplished lecturer and storyteller, yet some of his life experiences were off limits. His tenure was delayed, and often referred to himself as “The World’s Oldest Assistant Professor.” He is survived by his wife “Stevie” (Helen Stephenson), who was also trained in anthropology and co-authored Tobati (Chicago, 1954) with him.

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Hart, Keith and Conrad Kottak. Roy A. “Skip” Rappaport (1926-1997). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 159-161.

Roy A. (“Skip”) Rappaport, the Leslie White Professor of Anthropology at the Univeristy of Michigan, died on October 9, 1997 at the age of 71 following a prolonged battle with lung cancer. Rappaport was internationally recognized as a major figure in anthropology – his primary contributions to anthropology were in the areas of ecological anthropology, the anthropology of religion, the anthropology of the Pacific (specifically Papua New Guinea), and most recently applied (“engaged” in his own words) anthropology.

Rappaport is best known for his book Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People (Yale University Press, 1968). Pigs is a classic, oft-cited case study of human ecology within tribal society, and is an important contribution to anthropological theory, ethnographic methodology, ecological anthropology, and the anthropology of religion.

Social policy, in addition to topics of anthropology, knowledge, and theory, also concerned Rappaport. Policy issues, such as dealing with population increase, warfare, environmental degradation, development, globalization, and threats to cultural autonomy all concerned Rappaport and the discipline of applied anthropology. Rappaport was unfailingly supportive as a scholarly mentor to undergraduate and graduate students.

Roy Rappaport was a two-term Chair of the Anthropology Department at the University of Michigan and later headed the Program on Studies in Religion. Nationally, he was President-elect (1985-87) and President (1987-89) of the American Anthropological Association. He was also a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Hirsch, Eric. Obituaries: Alfred Gell. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101(1): 152- 155

Eric Hirsch wrote on the life, influences and research of anthropologist Alfred Gell by the comparison of his mannerisms to famous artists such as Schubert, Duchamp & Titian, and Sherlock Holmes. Hirsch used the musician Schubert to compare the similarities in personality. He suggested that Gell, like Schubert, was modest and unaware of his own talents and importance to the field of anthropology. Hirsch also compared artists Duchamp and Titian to Gell in order to illustrate Gells own talents as an artist. Hirsch suggests that Gells artistic talents enabled him to lure the reader into the diagrammatical nature of social processes. Hirsch argued that this artistic ability allowed Gell to form his own unique style, in which his main focus was visual sources. Hirsch seeks to explain how Gell saw that anthropological studies more often would come from these visual sources, therefore it would not be adequate to just emphasise writing the culture, but to also take on the explicative imagery. Hirsch also compared Gell to Sherlock Holmes in order to explain Gells intellectual processes. He suggests that Gell was a master at clarifying an ambiguous situation by receptiveness to diversity, the use of imagination, knowledge and the so called ‘trivial’ matters that Gell often considered the most important.

Hirsch also discussed the people who influenced Gells and how these early influences seeped through into his studies and publications. Two important influences were Levi-Strauss and Leach who inspired Gells use of structuralism. Although Hirsch suggests that Gell put more emphasis on intentuality than linguistics. However, Hirsch proposes that the greatest influence was that of Gells Ph.D. supervisor Anthony Forge. Forge influenced Gells by his own use of visual communication and thus shaped Gells approach to interpretation of his own studies.

In conclusion, Hirsch discussed how unique methods of interpretations from Gells various influences and inspirations triggered different perspectives in Gells own studies, theories, arguments and publications up until his death from cancer in 1997.

This short article was very concise and easily read. The comparisons to Schubert, Duchanp, Titian and Sherlock Holmes made the interpretation and relation to Hirschs meanings very clear.

DANA KYLUIK University of Alberta (Dr. H Young Leslie)

Hirsch, Eric. Alfred Gell (1945-1997). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 152-155.

After contracting malaria during fieldwork in New Guinea in 1969 and believing himself to be near death, Gell felt he was living on borrowed time. At first glance Gell’s publications have no unifying theoretical theme, yet upon closer inspection the nexus between what is seen and how what is seen is understood emerges as a redundant theme within his writings. The “writing culture” debate seemed to be missing the point, according to Gell – we must understand how X sees the world and what they make of it rather than trying to figure out X’s thoughts.

Gell’s interest in anthropology was sustained through his participation in the rigorous seminars of the London School of Economics. Intellectually, Leach, Levi-Strauss, Husserl, Merleau-Ponty, Alfred Schutz, and Bourdieu influenced Gell. Gell was a committed structuralist, and always had varying theoretical orientations within the domain of structuralism. Gell’s ideas about the philosophy of time were strongly influenced by phenomenology, which he believed would be consistent with materialism and also subjectively realistic.

The visual and the domain of art were also anthropological objects of study for Gell. He hoped to show how the “art nexus” could be of central concern to anthropological theory. This interest grew out of a serious study and attachment to the works of Duchamp, which provoked much aesthetic and intellectual controversy. Gell’s final anthropological endeavor, begun during his last months, dealt with the anthropology of humor. Gell lambasted the seriousness that dominated much of anthropological writing and the silence of anthropology in the face of humor’s “disruptive potentiality.”

Alfred (Antony Francis) Gell died of cancer on January 28, 1997. He is survived by his wife Simeran (also an anthropologist), his son Rohan, and his parents, Professor Philip and Mrs. Susan Gell.

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Kaplan, David. Robert A. Manners (1913-1996). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2): 388-391.

Robert Manners was born in 1913. He spent nearly a half-century in the field of anthropology, and the majority of his career was spent at Brandeis University. Manners started his career in 1947 as a graduate student. At this time he participated in Julian Steward’s Puerto Rican project, and studied under him throughout graduate school. Steward was to become a great influence on Manners.

Beside the Puerto Rican project Manners did fieldwork among the Kipigis of
Western Kenya, several of the Caribbean islands, and the Walapai of Arizona and Utah. Manners was extensively published and served as Editor-in-Chief of the American Anthropologist from 1973 to 1975. Manners had a masters in English and was well known among his colleagues and students as a splendid manuscript editor.

Manners maintained some of his views that went against those that have evolved in contemporary anthropology. Manners believed that change was inevitable in the societies that we as anthropologists study, and group identity cannot and should not be maintained.

Clarity Rating:5
CHRISTINA BURRIS Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Kay, Paul, and Maffi, Luisa . Colour Appearance and the Emergence and Evolution of Basic Colour Lexicons. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101 (2) p. 743

This article discusses the fact that different languages place colours into different lexical classifications. In the past, it was commonly assumed that when languages did not differentiate between two colours that European languages considered distinct, it was the result of the speakers’ inability to perceive the colours. In other words, speakers of these languages were considered inferior, perceptionally speaking. Kay and Maffi discuss historical challenges to this view, noting that it began to lose favour when linguistic and cultural relativity surfaced, beginning in the 1920s with Sapir and his contemporaries. Empirical research done by Berlin and Kay in 1969 demonstrated that there are universals in the semantics of colour in most or all languages, and that the integration of colour terms into a lexicon follows a predetermined evolutionary sequence: black precedes red, red precedes green and yellow, etc. In the years that followed, further empirical research confirmed the basic tenants of the Berlin/Kay work. Kay and Maffi seek to challenge and revise this model, discussing alternatives and newly emerging theories about colour naming in language. Firstly, they discuss the notion that all languages contain universals in the semantics of colour. According to the Emergence Hypothesis, this idea is over-simplified, in that not all languages necessarily possess sets of words or word senses whose signification is a colour concept. Kay and Maffi attempt to address this problem in the original model by proposing a new, revised model, that also explores the idea of evolution of basic colour term systems. Their model is based on four principles: the partition principle, which discusses the tendency for notional salient domains to be partitioned by a set of lexemes, and the principles of colour term universals and evolution based on colour appearance, which discuss the existence of the four primary hue sensations (red, yellow, green, and blue) and the two neutral sensations (black and white). The physiological aspects of the perception of these colours are discussed, with postulations on how the physiology in turn may affect lexical perception. Kay and Maffi include summaries of data used in the formation of their hypotheses, proposing that the data indicates that straightforward application of their four principles defines the main line of colour term evolution. In short, since the influential original work by Berlin and Kay, there has been much scientific and linguistic research which has enabled anthropologists to test and refine theories of universals and evolutionary development of colour term systems, which Kay and Maffi seek to expand upon, using modern day scientific and linguistic knowledge.

SARAH GAMBLE University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Kottak, Conrad P. The New Ecological Anthropology. American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol.101(1):23-35.

This new method of anthropology provided a paradigm shift from the ecological anthropology of the 1960’s. Previously, ecological anthropology was mainly the study of culture to optimize human adaptation and maintain the ecosystem. But because of globalization and the increased flow of technology, people, and information, it was no longer possible to study culture as a lone entity. Political awareness and policy concerns, such as environmental degradation, racism, and environmental hazards had to also be addressed with the purpose of stimulating awareness and action.

This paper began by exploring the Old Ecological Anthropology, which examined human adaptation to the environment as it related to culture. This method treated the ecological population and the ecosystem as separate, and focused on knowledge for the purpose of classification rather than action.

In contrast, the New Ecological Anthropology incorporates application, political awareness, and policy concerns in the study of people and culture. It attempts to understand relevant issues and devise appropriate solutions. The issues that were identified and the solutions that were developed in other nations could give insight to North American issues as well.

A linkages methodology was developed to link changes from the local level to all levels of society by incorporating “multilevel, multisite, multitime (31)” research projects. These projects studied process, history, politics, and economic power to apply the information gained by the research to all levels of life.

After outlining the New Ecological model, Kottak discussed some of the issues of importance in relation to this method. The decrease of natural resources created a need for self-regenerating change and culturally sensitive conservation efforts. Ecological awareness also needed to be increased to enhance the peoples’ willingness to participate in environmental preservation. NGO’s and rights movements provided an interesting issue for anthropologists as these movements challenged the nation-state and evoked in people a realm of morality and justice above an institution. Lastly, there was the issue of environmental racism that resulted from discrimination and led to an increased burden of waste and environmental hazards upon the poor. But there was hope that the New Ecological model would bring insights, and perhaps even solutions, from other cultures to these issues.

This new method of study brought a shift from studying a single culture, seen as a single entity, to recognizing that all people are interdependent and impacted by other cultures surrounding them.

JENNIFER ANDREWS University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Kottak, Conrad P. The New Ecological Anthropology. American Anthropologist. March, 1999 Vol. 101(1): 23-35.

In this article Kottak sets out to describe the theory and methods behind a new and improved ecological anthropology, in part descended from previous versions of ecological anthropology, and in part developed in reaction to these older forms of theory. This article, which is part of a retrospective on the work of Roy Rappaport, strongly criticizes Rappaport’s models and theory based on a single assumption of a closed ecological system.

The article initially outlines the basic framework and assumptions of older ecological anthropology based on Steward, Rappaport and Vayda. This section of the paper is also the main stage for criticism of the assumptions of these theories, in particular their definitions of an ecological population and an ecosystem. He asserts that these definitions are too closed and assume an isolation of people and ecological zones, which he thinks is unrealistic in the current world system and economy.

Kottak then outlines the assumptions, methods and goals of a new ecological anthropology based in what he defines as “linkages methodology” involving a wider view of people and communities in space and time, and predicated on cooperation between scholars and officials. This methodology is both historical and political, and the researchers should be “engaged” in their subjects cultural systems as they interact with outside special interests in development and environmentalism. He argues that anthropology can be used to find solutions to conflicts of interest between local and indigenous groups and NGOs, environmental organizations, and developers. He also points out that people should always come first in such negotiations of interest. People should also come first in research methods and ethnography should not be forgotten, even though local informants may not be able to give the anthropologists the whole picture.

He discusses especially cases from Madagascar and Brazil, in which ecological issues facing the local people are not limited to effects of their own actions within their ecosystem; government policy, the establishment of reserves, and the growth of industry from foreign owned companies also play a role.

He concludes that the expanded assumptions of a “linkages methodology” that include the world system, politics and economics as causal factors, and the expanded methodology are necessary improvements on the old ecological anthropology. These changes are necessary because they make viable the valuable aspects of the old ecological anthropology in an increasingly permeable social and political world.

GWENDOLYN KELLY Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

McLeod, James R. The Sociodrama of Presidential politics: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Power in the Era of Teledemocracy. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):359-373.

Presidential elections in the United States take place every four years. Candidates representing the Republican party and the Democratic party compete against one another by participating in a series of debates, by portraying themselves as appealing to the public, and through other campaign strategies intended to win public favor. The goal of this campaigning is to become the President of the United States. In this article the author asks the question: In a Candidate’s election campaign is what he/she does and says important and relevant to the operation of a country, or is it just a performance, a social drama (or sociodrama)?

In an election campaign the candidates try to prey on the voting public’s fears, values, morality and loyalty, to make themselves look good and to make their opponent look bad. According to Kertzer (1987:108) “The greatest political sociodrama… come each four years with the campaign for the presidency.”. Presidential campaigns are nothing but a way of “tugging at the heartstrings” of the voters through sociodramas.

McLeod believed that the best way to argue that presidential politics was a sociodrama was to study elections of the recent past, namely the campaigns of 1988, 1992, and 1996. He showed how ritual, rhetoric, and television all contributed to sociodrama being the power of presidential politics. “Political rhetoric and political rituals are the principal means by which American political elites create these presidential sociodramas for themselves and members of their culture.” (McLeod 1999:362)

In 1988 “attack politics” was in full effect. George Bush (senior) used the fear of the public to his advantage, when he compared his opponent Michael Dukakis, with the case of Willie Horton , a man accused of rape, who was released by police. Bush produced a commercial where a couple talked of the release of Horton and rape of a white woman. The intent of the commercial was to exploit voters fears and attack Dukakis’ record against crime. In 1992 Clinton/Gore campaign used a bus tour to get the voters to associate them with the average American. In 1996, Bob Dole ran a campaign based on family values with his rhetorical “bridge to the past”, symbolizing the return to good old-fashioned family values. All three of these campaigns are sociodramas, and McLeod argues these are not going to go away any time soon, especially not in the age of teledemocracy.

This article was very easy to read and to understand. It was different to read an anthropological article about something so close to home. But the study seemed to be completed using the standard anthropological tools. This article was organized exceptionally well and was a pleasure to read.

NATHAN CONNOR University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

McLeod, James R. The Sociodrama of Presidential Politics: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Power in the Era of Teledemocracy. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101 (2):359-373.

James McLeod’s article examines the American presidential campaign cycle as a series of ritualized sociodramas. Examples from the 1988, 1992, and 1996 campaigns help illustrate the functional roles of ritual, rhetoric, symbolism, and the mass media in the presidential election process. The stated goal of the article is to analyze the American presidential election cycle from the perspective of political anthropology. The election cycle is analyzed through an examination of the rhetoric and symbols manipulated and constructed during the presidential election cycle.

Political rhetoric, often in the form of negative personal attacks, is combative, and much modern campaigning is devoted to such attack ads. The combative aspects of the presidential campaign must be viewed in the context of political anthropology. McLeod refers to presidential campaigns as modern “rituals of rebellion” – cultural ceremonies that express antagonism against the larger political system, yet never place the actual system in question (through the possibility of a real revolution). Through sound bites, debates, and televised performances, American voters participate ritually in the sociodramas of presidential rebellion. McLeod specifically cites the Clinton/Gore Bus Tours of 1992 as exemplifying the ways in which candidates specifically introduce symbolism and political economy. This successful strategy resulted in a disarticulation of “Average Americans” from the Republican campaign.

McLeod illustrates how each calculated campaign move, whether rhetorical or symbolic, manipulates the emotions and votes of the electorate. Symbols become even more important because of the media-saturated environment in which these sociodramas unfold. McLeod believes that the power of political rhetoric – at the juncture of political economy, logic, propaganda, and persuasion – affirms the symbolic means through which presidential candidates are tested, examined, and ultimately claimed by the electorate. Competitive rhetorical sociodramas are created through Presidential commercials, debates, and speeches. McLeod postulates that in the era of “teledemocracy” and mass media elections, the power of political propaganda, rhetoric, and political symbolism will increase as electronic participation in the political process grows. McLeod ultimately asserts that the process of presidential campaigning constitutes one of the most important political rituals of our time, and thus deserves better comprehension and analytical understanding, particularly regarding the rhetoric and symbols involved. In the age of “teledemocracy,” McLeod argues that comprehending political ritual is one of the greatest challenges of out time.

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Moore, Carmella C. et al. The Universality of the Semantic Structure of Emotion Terms: Methods for the Study of Inter- and Intra-Cultural Variability. American Anthropologist September 1999 Vol.101(3):529-544.

This article discussed one of the most highly debated issues in recent sociocultural anthropology: Cultural universals versus linguistic relativity. The authors set out to prove that cultures with completely structurally different languages share common meanings for selected emotion terms. They provided a review of ‘semantic domains’ and introduced methods that aided in the objective analysis of empirical findings on extent of which semantic structure was shared among different languages. A key goal was to provide a method for the measurement of both differences and similarities within and between cultures. Three completely distinct languages were investigated: Chinese, English and Japanese. The question was asked whether each language was arbritary relative to other language or whether there was some universality evident in semantic domains. The inter- and intra-cultural variability in the meaning of emotion terms were analyzed. The results of the investigation showed that speaking subjects of the three languages all had similar meanings to fifteen common emotion terms.

The authors concluded that they had presented analytical methods that could be used as tools for measuring cultural variability. Both the uniqueness of each individual as well as the similarities between individuals and the person to other cultures could now be investigated.

This artical will be a difficult read for a person without a linguistics background. The descriptions of the languages are complex, and the non-specialist is dependent upon the authors’ interpretations of the semantic domains, statistical analysis and results obtained from the three populations.

CERI FALYS University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Otterbein, Keith F. A History of Research on Warfare in Anthropology American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol. 101 (4):794-805.

Keith Otterbein’s essay on the analysis of warfare in anthropology takes a chronological approach. Four major periods are identified by Otterbein: Foundation Period, Classical Period, Golden Age, and Recent Period. Otterbein’s approach focuses on the reception of research results among the author’s contemporaries, not the validity of the results today. The larger world in which we all live in impacts the construction of these works – colonial expansion, World War II, and the Vietnam War were particularly strong influences on anthropological research into warfare, according to Otterbein.

The Foundation Period (c. 1850-c. 1920) begins in the mid-nineteenth century, around the time that ethnographic data began to be collected in the field and become available to scholars who were later deemed anthropologists. Early anthropologists were not centrally concerned with the study of warfare for a number of reasons: (1) since warfare was not usually an ongoing phenomenon during their research; (2) most scholars of the time were morally opposed to war; and (3) the role of warfare in the affairs of the societies being studies was not appreciated. The main theoretical framework employed during the Foundation Period was of an evolutionary nature, and the level of subsistence technology was the most important variable.

The Classical Period (c. 1920-c. 1960) was dominated by the anti-evolutionist American anthropology of Franz Boas and his students. Of central importance was the myth of the peaceful savage. The notion of prehistoric peace, the absence of warfare in band-level societies, and the ritualistic, game-like nature of war (when it did indeed occur) are all encompassed in the myth of the peaceful savage. The dominant characteristic of the Classical Period dealt with the myth of the peaceful savage and the idea that people with no war or ritual war were of a lower developmental sequence, which is rooted in the Foundation Period, and was nurtured by cultural relativism during the Classical Period.

The Golden Age (c. 1960-1980) saw a proliferation of theories of the causes and effects of war, and many classic ethnographies and cross-cultural studies were produced. The myth of the peaceful savage was shattered. The Golden Age was characterized by a dramatic increase in the theoretical and ethnographic publications on warfare, and a schism developed between those who believed that tribal level peoples were warlike and those who believed they were not.

The Recent Period (c. 1980-) is characterized by two trends: the demise of theories from the Golden Age and a new direction in research on warfare, focusing on the origins and seriousness of war, ethnic war and genocide. Studies of peaceful peoples have also grown. Recently questions have arisen over whether native warfare is an indigenous development or the result of culture contact. The failure of an evolutionary framework has resulted in comparative and paradigmatic studies that examine causes (material and efficient) and consequences, and the variation of occurrences.

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Powers, Willlow Roberts. John Adair (1913-1997). American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol.101(3):611-614.

John Adair died in December 1997, at the age of 84, after a long and active career. His interests were broad, but he is best known for his work in visual anthropology. He worked with the Navajo and the Pueblo for most of his career, and he continuously filmed and took photographs. Adair was born in Memphis Tennessee in 1913. As an undergraduate anthropology major at the University of Wisconsin Adair studied under Ralph Linton and became involved with Clyde Kluckhohn’s fieldwork among the Navajo in New Mexico. This started Adair’s life-long fascination with the Southwest, and the Navajo in particular. In 1938 Adair began his own research with the Zuni Pueblo and Pine Springs Navajo. He observed silversmiths at work, took photographs, and learned to make silver. He was interested in how the culture and the craft were linked , and particularly in the economic details. In 1944 he published the results in his book The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths.

In 1939Adair did start graduate school at the University of Michigan, but his studies were interrupted by World War II. After the war Adair returned to his studies at the University of New Mexico, where he was the University’s first doctoral candidate in anthropology. For his dissertation, Adair Zuni veterans returning from service in order to determine if they were agents of change due to their experiences abroad.

Next Adair was hired by Cornell to teach and co-direct a series of field seminars in the Southwest. In 1953 he joined the Cornell-Navajo Field Health Research Project at Many Farms on the Navajo Reservation in Arizona. He task was to study Navajo health practices and beliefs, and then to study the doctors, and create a mutual understanding between the two groups. After the Cornell project Adair joined the National Institute of Mental Health, where he worked until 1964 when he became a Professor of Anthropology at San Francisco State University. Along with Sol Worth and Richard Chalfen, Adair started the Navajo film making project in Pine Springs. They taught some Navajo how to film and then let them film without interference.

Adair retired in 1978, but kept up his interaction with the Pine Springs Navajo community. Perhaps it is because Adair spent so much of his time exploring, interviewing, filming, photographing, and lecturing that he did not publish extensively. However, he donated his extensive notes and photographs to the Wheelwright Museum of the American Indian, in the hope that the people of Pine Springs could use them for the benefit of the community. This useful, open, and personal gesture reflects the character of Adair as in individual and an anthropologist.

SARAH MULLEN Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Roberts Powers, Willow. John Adair (1913-1997). American Anthropologist Sept 1999 Vol 101(3): 611-614.

Roberts Powers portrays the late John Adair as an innovative anthropologist who preferred visual anthropology as his method. He was interested in applying the insights of anthropology towards his many jobs, including extensive work with the Navajo. He recorded his observations and experience through films, photography and written material. His photo/film work was known for capturing all aspects of life, not just staged photography. This article sums up some of the achievements of John Adair, although at times, the history is not sequential. The following is a summary of Mr. Adair’s life, as put forward by Roberts Powers.

John Adair developed his interest in studying the Navajo, through fieldwork he did with Clyde Kluckhohn in 1937. The following year, he began his own research in Navajo/Pueblo silversmithing. In 1939, he began graduate school at the University of Michigan. In 1944, he published a book, based on his experiences with the silversmiths called “The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths.” His work was interrupted by World War II, when he served with California’s Army Air Corps. After the war, he started his dissertation at the University of Mexico. He put forth the argument that the silversmiths had more effect on change in their societies, as opposed to the veterans of the war, who generally returned to traditional modes of life. This was published in “A Study of Cultural Persistence: The Veterans of World War Two at Zuni Pueblo.” In 1955, he began his work with the Cornell-Navajo Field Health Research projects at Many Farms, Arizona, on the Navajo reservation. It was here that Adair was able to apply his anthropological insights to help the Navajo accept medical treatment from those that were considered outsiders. He published his experiences in 1959 in “First Look at Strangers.”

He spent the longest duration at San Francisco State University where from 1964 to 1978, he was the Professor of Anthropology. In 1966, he undertook another innovative venture. Along with Sol Worth and Richard Chalfen, he initiated a project where Navajo youth were permitted to record their own histories and observations, from their own perspectives. This was described by Willows Roberts as a shift from visual anthropology (with outsiders documenting), to anthropology of communication (where the insider decides how to represent the community). In 1975, he published “Through Navajo Eyes,” where he described the project. The 1970’s were also controversial in Adair’s life. He was chastised for developing a project where Navajo’s were asked their views on alcohol. This project was cancelled as it was worried that it could promote negative stereotypes of Navajo people.

His next project was collaboration in 1987 on the film, “A Weave of Time.” It was a story of a Navajo family of four generations. Although he returned to his study of silver smiths during this time, ill health prevented the completion of his project. Before his death, Mr. Adair donated his research and materials to the Wheelwright Museum of the American Indian, with a request that it remain accessible to the Navajo people that he worked with. His anthropological records were described as “unorthodox and creative” (613).

JANET JANVIER University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Rothstein, Frances Abrahamer. Declining Odds: Kinship, Women’s Employment, and Political Economy in Rural Mexico. American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol. 101 (3): 579-593.

In this article, the author explores the employment practices of women in San Cosme Mazatecochco, a rural community in central Mexico. The changing rural economy and the community’s flexible kinship system enables women to get more secure employment in a wide variety of occupations. However, this is limited by the workings of the larger political economy, and as the Mexican economy deteriorates, women are consistently seen in more marginal positions of employment.

The author begins by discussing how kinship is often neglected in the study of contemporary societies, often only focusing on the way kinship is used by poor people for survival, instead of viewing kinship within the context of the accumulation and gain of wealth that kinship can enable. Three direction have come out of recent work with regard to kinship: the increasing recognition of kindred-based action groups in capitalist societies, the importance of kinship relations traced through women, and the need to examine kinship in conjunction with the construction of gender and the state.

With the waxing and waning of the Mexican economy, from the “economic miracle” to contemporary recessions, families in rural Mexico increasingly have relied on many family members working in many different economic activities for economic stability. The article specifically focuses on diversity among women’s employment in the non-marginal economic roles. Kinship in San Cosme is flexible, and is not limited strictly to marriage or relational kin groups. In comparison to America, kinship exists and is encouraged regardless of distance. It is through kin in other areas that residents of San Cosme get access to jobs, housing, and schooling. Beyond the nuclear family, particular relations are not characterized by specific obligations.

The author concludes by citing specific ethnographic examples of the flexible kinship system of San Cosme and how it is tied in to the larger Mexican political economy. Specific economic classes can be set in motion through kinship and the economic gains enabled by it. However, the increasingly closed class structure of Mexican society is causing kinship to be less of a force when seeking economic advancement. Women’s insertion into the Mexican economy is the result of flexible kinship patterns and the weaving together of local norms and expectations.

MICHAEL BOBICK Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Santino, Jack. Public Protest and Popular Style: Resistance from the Right in Northern Ireland and South Boston. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101: 515-528

In this article Santino argues that although the content may differ between Right and Left wing protests, the style and form of these protests are often identical. His primary example is the conflict between the Unionists and Nationalists of Northern Ireland.

Santino describes a Right wing protest as one where individuals or groups believe in the legitimacy of the institutions and power structures that are in place but disagree with particular laws, dislike particular representatives of institutions or wish to protest against Left wing protests. Such protest groups are usually of the middle or lower class and find that they are distant from those who they support. Their style of protest often inadvertently emphasizes the class difference as the supported group is frequently embarrassed by this style. Members of the Right wing movement will often then feel abandoned and betrayed.

In contrast, a Left wing protest is one where individuals or groups are protesting the status quo and wish to do away with the prevailing institutions and power structures.

In Northern Ireland, the similarity in style is such that many people say that both sides are essentially the same. Both sides use bonfires, effigies, parades, flags, banners, murals and painted curbstones as modes of protest. All of these Santino sees as “street theater”. He investigation focuses primarily on parades (3600 every year) and murals (the murals of Gerard Kelly in particular). Among other purposes, many murals serve as “spontaneous shrines” – the placing of flowers, photos, etc in memorial of an untimely death. Memorials dedicated to Princess Diana of Wales at the site of the car crash are examples that are looked at in some detail. He also explores the use of symbolism and finds that both sides tend to use the same symbols as well including the shamrock, St. Patrick and the legendary hero, Cuchulain. The similarities between Left and Right become so striking that the primary difference between parades from the Left and Right, other than ideology, is the colours they use.

Finally, a comparison is made with the St. Patrick’s Day parade in South Boston. When gay and lesbian groups asked to be included in the parade, organizers refused. In response, these groups eventually started their own parade, which in turn lead to the creation of counter-parades. Parade as a form of protest proliferated in a similar way as in Northern Ireland.

Contrary to the title, South Boston is not a significant topic of this article. It counts for little more than a page. Nonetheless, the analysis of the popular forms of protest in Northern Ireland is logical and insightful. The rather long account of “spontaneous shrines” as they apply to Princess Diana’s death seems rather off topic but is also insightful and applicable to the murals of Northern Ireland. These shortcomings, however, do not detract from the article’s clarity.

JOEL CURRIE University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Santino, Jack. Public Protest and Popular Style: Resistance from the Right in Northern Ireland and South Boston. American Anthropologist. September, 1999 Vol.101(3):515-528.

In this article the author focuses on popular political demonstrations in Northern Ireland and some interesting parallels with protests in South Boston. In Northern Ireland the conflict exists between Catholic Nationalist and Republican groups who want Ulster to become a part of Ireland, and the Protestant Unionist or Loyalist groups who want Ulster to remain a part of Great Britain. Both groups utilize similar forms of public display such as parades, murals, effigies, flags, and banners. In Boston the protestors attempt to support the status quo through similar means of protest.

The Protestant groups in Ulster are the majority and are in support of the existing power structure, so they have some advantages. For quite some time the Nationalists had restricted parade grounds in Belfast, while the Unionists could parade through downtown. The territorial nature of these marches is also apparent in other displays, such as the painted curbs and murals that identify the political affiliation of the neighborhood. The murals can display historical and mythic figures like King William of Orange and Cuchulain, or paramilitary figures. Interestingly, due to a revisionist version of Irish history, some Unionist murals have presented Cuchulain as a defender of Northern Ireland against Celtic invaders. This appropriation of a symbol is certainly meant to provoke the Nationalists, but it shows how some symbols and methods of protest are shared by both sides, despite vast differences in their political stances. Although the Unionists are fighting in support of the government, they appear to have more in common with the Nationalists in their style of protest. In some cases, such as the use of paramilitary figures on the murals to support their cause, the Unionists alienate the British government. As a result of this lack of support from the government they are trying to uphold, the Unionists feel betrayed by the government..

An interesting parallel to the situation in Northern Ireland can be found in South Boston. The region is largely Irish-American and the people of this area are mainly working class. In the 1970’s controversy over school busing the people of this neighborhood took to the streets in protest of the court ordered busing of African American children. They were condemned by the authorities for their unlawful forms of demonstration. However the protestors were fighting to maintain the status quo and expected more support from the authorities. Again, there were feelings of betrayal by the power structure they thought they were fighting to support. In the present day, there have been strong anti-gay and lesbian movements in South Boston in reaction to petitions from gay and lesbian groups to be included in the St. Patrick’s Day parades.

In both Northern Ireland and South Boston the protestors, regardless of the cause, are basically of the same social class and utilize the same forms of protest. However, for resistors from the right, the class difference between themselves and those they support can lead to further conflict due to feelings of betrayal and lack of support.

SARAH MULLEN Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Schneider, Jo Anne. And How Are We Supposed To Pay For Healthcare? Views of the Poor and Near Poor on Welfare Reform. American Anthropologist, December 1999 Vol.101. No.4: 761-782.

Schneider’s article discusses the ways that people in the United States perceive government run social programs. Schneider argues that the attitudes and proposed solutions toward welfare reflect differential access to government programs and jobs for those on and off welfare. She adds, that the conflict with public assistance involves the issue of race. In order for welfare reform to take place in the United States, it must begin by providing universal benefits.

The centre of the welfare reform debate includes the lack of good quality universal healthcare; decent education; housing; and support for raising children. Schneider analyses two major points of view in the article: those of people on welfare and of the working middle class.

The first group supports the idea of universal benefits. “You have to provide basic things for all of the people, otherwise your economy goes down” (Pg. 761). This statement reflects the opinion of a student that attended a seminar that Schneider held. The people on welfare focus their attention on the inadequacies of the welfare system. Schneider provides an example of one woman feeling humiliated who said that welfare workers “make you feel like dirt” (Pg. 769). The seminar Schneider held was for the AWEP- the Alternative Work Experience Program, in which participants acknowledged that some people abuse the system. This view was expressed by most of the working middle class.

The working class experience frustration, which is attributed to the confusion of who does and does not receive benefits. The working class group felt that since they do not get any help, why should anyone else? “Some people get benefits when they are down and out while others, who consider themselves more deserving get nothing” (Pg. 769). In these cases “they” refers to race. Schneider believes that members of the working class assume public assistance is related to race, meaning that people of colour receive more benefits.

Schneider’s article is very well organized and researched. She provides material that has been in progress since 1995 and compiles it in a very clear manner. The author contributes evidence for her claims and assesses more than one point of view to reduce being biased.

JENNIFER GROVES University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Schneider, Jo Anne. And How Are We Supposed to Pay for Health Care? Views of the Poor and Near Poor on Welfare Reform. American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol.101(4):761-782.

Schneider conducted research among those who had and had not received public assistance, and explored their attitudes towards welfare and welfare reform. Her first group of subjects included white middle-class callers to a conservative radio program and college students working with welfare recipients in a service learning program. Her second group of subjects was composed of participants in the Alternative Work Experience Program (AWEP), a Philadelphia welfare-to-work program. The ethnicities of the second group were mixed. Schneider links her inquiry to issues of race in the United States and takes the theoretical standpoint that material conditions influence ideology. She suggests that the provision of universal government benefits would ameliorate poverty and change the framework of race and class debates in the United States.

Schneider’s fieldwork was done in 1995 and addresses concerns relating to the 1996 welfare reform legislation. She found that neither the attitudes of people receiving benefits nor the attitudes of people not receiving benefits were accurately represented in public or academic discourse. The concerns of her white middle-class subjects centered on the fact that the government did not provide for working citizens like themselves. Their sense of unfairness was rooted in insecurity about their own situations, not displeasure that members of the poor and working classes were eligible to receive benefits.

The members of the AWEP program were also dissatisfied with the current state of welfare, believing that the government should provide more comprehensive and efficient programs. Schneider asserts that the experience of receiving government aid shaped an ideology of joint individual and government responsibility, while those who had never received aid believed in purely individual responsibility for one’s affairs. Because these contradictory experiences are often unequally shared among racial and ethnic groups, this disparity contributes to debates about race in the United States.

Schneider concludes that the institution of universal benefits is the way to repair the fractured welfare system and reshape ideologies about race and class in the United States.

BROOKE BOCAST Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Schneider, Jane C. Obituary of Eric Robert Wolf (1923-1999). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):395-399.

Eric Wolf was born in Austria in 1923 to upper-class Jewish parents. He grew up witnessing the social class changes during the beginnings of early Nazism. He was always interested in exploring new places, and observing other people.

In his early youth, he moved to Britain to attend school. In 1940, the British Government labeled him a potential enemy, and sent him to a Jewish camp near Liverpool. He then fled to the United States of America where he trained as a volunteer in the US Army. Upon returning from his missions in Europe, he journeyed to Latin America to observe poverty stricken populations.

In his twenties, he applied himself to anthropology at the Columbia University, but he had a conflict with his professor, Ruth Benedict. He disagreed with her ‘Boasian’ methods of culture and personality, since he felt it neglected to associate cultural aspects to historical and material resources. He also felt the agonizing circumstances in Europe were being ignored.

Wolf pursued numerous ethnological and historical group studies, which he thoroughly documented. He published many essays and books, translated into various languages, which generally focussed on national integration. His life-long project was to explain Nazism, and his book, Europe and the People without History, was a step in that direction. It emphasized what he called ‘parallelograms of social forces’. This was a comparison of social groups and modes of communication with historical situations. He believed that no form of society was immune to an overload of ideology.

In the 1960’s, Wolf was a professor at the University of Michigan. He was popular for his lectures on social classes, ideology, nationalism, and anthropological theory. In 1995, he was elected to the Academy of National Sciences. In 1999, he passed away.

Not only was Eric Robert Wolf a favoured teacher, an avid learner and a generous citizen, but Schneider describes his as a gentle, good-natured, family man. His professional contributions to anthropology, especially the relevance of contemporary history, connected culture to power, in terms of history, sociology, politics and science.

Schneider provided a thorough description of Wolf’s accomplishments, and also included a detailed reference list of the works of this great social thinker.

NIKI KUX-KARDOS University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Schneider, Jane C. Eric Robert Wolf (1923-1999). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):395-399.

Eric Robert Wolf was a leader in revolutionizing anthropology, pushing the field to include state formation, capitalist and colonial expansion. He was interested in connected anthropology to other disciplines such as history, sociology, and political science.

Wolf was born to an educated Jewish family in Vienna in 1923. At an early age he was exposed both to a bourgeois form of culture, and the turmoil of a city in a depression and the rise of rampant anti-Semitism. Wolf sought an escape from this turmoil in the study of other continents and other peoples. Wolf also had a very direct exposure to class struggle when his father was transferred to the Sudetenland in 1933 manage a factory. He saw the effects that unemployment and Depression in general had on the people. Wolf was sent to the Forest School near Essex, and excelled academically. When the English government began incarcerating “enemy aliens”, Wolf landed in a camp that included the German sociologist, Norbert Elias, who introduced Wolf to the social sciences.

In 1940 Wolf and his family moved to the United States and Wolf began studying at the City University of New York, Queens College. He left college to fight in the United States Army, but returned to Queens College to finish his B.A., and then proceeded to a Ph.D. at Columbia University. Wolf was highly critical of the “culture and personality ” approach of the late Boasians, and began to study ecological adaptation with Julian Steward in 1947. He worked with Steward on his comparative project in Puerto Rico, and looked at the effects of the United States historical domination on the people he studied.

After his doctorate, Wolf turned to Mexico, where he explored the issue of national integration. This work resulted in Sons of the Shaking Earth (1959), which was influenced by the Marxist archeology of V. Gordon Childe. Wolf also was interested in the peasantry of all nations and began to systemize the study of peasants. In Peasants (1966) he compares peasants around the world by exploring their relationships to particular states.

Along with Marshall Sahlins, Wolf was an originator and participant in the first Teach-In against the War in Vietnam and the University of Michigan. Wolf was a professor at Michigan all through the 1960’s, and was highly productive there. In 1971 he moved to the City University of New York and taught as a Distinguished Professor. In the 1970’s Wolf studied the historical development and spread of capitalism.

Throughout his career Wolf studied power structures and how they organize the flow of energy. He viewed power as a necessary part of cultural creation. Towards the end of his life, Wolf began studying Nazism in an attempt to understand the phenomena. Wolf was the recipient of many awards. He leaves behind an enduring legacy for anthropology and the world.

SARAH MULLEN Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Smedley, Audry. “Race” and the Construction of Human Identity. American Anthropologist September, 1998 Vol.100(3):690-702.

Smedley traces the path of human cultural interaction to show the social construction of race and its devastating ramifications. She feels that race, as distinct from ethnicity, is dramatically obvious in history. People of the ancient world were in constant interaction with each other and seemed to understand that biophysical characteristics were external and that behavioral differences were cultural manifestations.

Smedley postulates that starting in the classical period, identity was mostly based on kinship and occupation, but otherwise was fluid and could be altered to fit different situations. Notably absent from the forms of identity were perceived categories that parallel today’s racial classifications; they were not ranked based on biophysical differences. These differences were noted in art and in descriptors, but they were not given significant social meanings. Until Britain became a European power, most writers explained these differences as environmental adaptations. It was when the concept of “race” came into being that the perception of human identity shifted to physical variation and human differences. “It imposed social meaning on physical variations among human groups that served as the basis for the structuring of the total society” (pg. 693). Since then our culture has linked identity to these characteristics, leading to an expanded sense of human separatism.

According to Smedley, race developed as a way to rationalize/justify the treatment of Native Americans during colonization. By magnifying the physical and cultural differences of the Native Americans and Africans, the colonizers could regard them as people “descended from a lesser species of human being”, and justify their own actions. The new ideology imposed the lowest possible social status on the newly conquered and enslaved people.

Smedley states that America regards race as the dominant source of human identity, making the problems for the low-status “races” enormous, complex, and almost intractable. She remarks that race identity takes priority over religion, ethnic origin, education, class, occupation, language, and all other social identities. Even attempts to change social preconceptions of race have only rearranged the status rankings

Smedley reminds us that today’s scholars are beginning to realize that race is just a social category intended for social stratification. The concept of the universal human might, in time, replace the concept of “race” and help eliminate some of its problems. She wants to caution anthropologists against making ethnicity into the new race; instead, she argues that ethnicity should remain fluid and “multicultural”.

JULIA E. MACKESSON Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Snead, James. Science, Commerce, and Control: Patronage and the Development of Anthropological Archeology in the Americas. American Anthropologist June 1999 Vol.101(2):256-271

Snead argued that the history of archeology has been shaped by the relationship between the archeologist and the patron or economic provider, and throughout time, the quest for professionalism in this area affected the relationship between the archeologist and the patron, and also the process of research.

As a discipline, archeology has been affected by the economic necessities of the individual archeologist, as well as by the different interests of the patron. These private patrons most likely have interests, such as economic benefits, which conflicted with the educational interest of the archeologist. Overall, argues Snead, this has affected the way archaeologists go about conducting research. For instance, in the United States, because government funding was not sufficient, archeologists depended (and may still do) on private patrons in order to carry on their research. Consequently, the way a project was conducted changed, simply because the interests of the patron were dominant, and their say regarding research, was obviously dominant too.

Although the argument is not clear, the author proves his point with a number of case studies that examine the lives of key archeologists and their respective patrons, and demonstrates how their relationships shaped archeology.

This article was extremely long, with more than half focused only on specific proofs in support of the main argument. In regards to clarity, this article was very difficult to read, which may be due to the overuse of highly intellectual vocabulary.

JORGE BUCH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Snead, James E. Science, Commerce, and Control: Patronage and the Development of Anthropological Archaeology in the Americas. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):256-271.

Snead feels that the social history of archaeology needs to be reviewed in order to understand the impact of context on scholarly endeavors. The implications of such things as patronage affect both the social and natural sciences; studying its effect, even in one discipline, can give us insights into others. This essay explores the shifts in patron-professional relationships in archaeology by examining the case of the Hyde Expedition to Chaco Canyon.

In the late 1800s museums began to push for academic professionalism; for archaeologists, in particular, this required gaining access to large collections and finding the means to do so. Collections were scholarly resources, educational tools, and the subject of great institutional competition. Collections could and frequently were purchased through intermediaries, but as archaeology became more scientific a lack of context became problematic. Museums began to do excavations of their own, but archaeologists needed to secure extra funding; enter then the patrons. The financial interest of the supervision became an important influence on the work being done and research became contested in a battle for control. These tensions were particularly visible in the late nineteenth century work in the American Southwest.

Snead looks at the problems of patronage and the shaping of archaeology by tracing the relationships, collections, and research done in relation to the patron of archaeology, Benjamin Talbot Babbitt Hyde. Through changes in museums, goals, and monetary flow the collections and members of the Chaco Canyon Expedition remind us of the blend of science and commerce in the past and present and how the intellectual is often a game of social politics. Snead feels that it is important to use historical data to unpack the history of archaeology so we can see social context and its impact; we can also understand where we have been and how we got here in order to improve future work.

JULIA E. MACKESSON Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Stasch, Rupert. Obituary of Valerio Valeri (1944-1998). American Anthropologist December 1999 Vol.101 (4): 814-817.

Valerio Valeri was born near Milan on August 4, 1944. By the age of ten he had lived in Libya as well as Istanbul, with his mother and father. Valeri attended a boarding school in Venice in 1964, studying sociology, the history of science, and eventually came out in 1968 with a degree in Philosophy. It was in 1963 that he began a close study of Levi-Strauss. Valeri’s interest in Levi-Strauss’s theory of kinship, marriage, and exchange lead him to study anthropology at the University of Paris, earning his doctorate in ethnology in 1976. This same year, Valeri joined “the faculty of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Chicago” (Pg.815).

Valeri was dedicated to his work as an anthropologist, focusing many years on fieldwork in Hawaii, eastern Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Burma. From his varied fieldwork, Valeri became well versed in seven languages and could read eight others. Throughout his years as an anthropologist Valeri published fifty articles in three different languages, and wrote many essays and books on his fieldwork.

From his studies in Hawaii, and Huaulu, Valeri became centrally concerned with taboo. In the Mid 1990’s Valeri initiated a project to study the kingship in Polynesian, European and mainland Southeast Asian contexts. This project was not completed, for on April 25, 1998 Valeri passed away after a two-year battle with brain cancer.

The author of this obituary portrayed Valeri’s life in a clear, and concise manner. It was helpful that it was written in chronological order, capturing many of Valeri’s accomplishments. Stasch described Valerio Valeri’s life with admiration, but at the same time acknowledges his weaknesses.

UNKNOWN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Stasch, Rupert. Valerio Valeri (1944-1998). American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol.101 (4): 814-817.

Known for his work in the ethnology of Indonesia and Polynesia, Valerio Valeri died of brain cancer at the age of 53. His research focused on the Hualu of the central Moluccas and on religion and political organization in Hawaii. His career ended abruptly, leaving much of the work he had planned to be taken up by future anthropologists, particularly the extension of his investigations of kingship from Polynesian and European contexts onto mainland Southeast Asia.

As a student of Marshall Sahlins and Louis Dumont he studied the political organization, rank system, and political myths of Hawaii around the time of European intrusion, and planned fieldwork in eastern Indonesia. He and his first wife spent two years on the island of Seram, where only one other foreign scholar had studied since World War II. He published on the issues of hierarchical ramifications of cross-cousin matrilateral marriage, the play between disparate forms of marriage within a single society, and symmetry and asymmetry in the symbolism of marriage payments. Throughout his career, he looked for the disunities along with unities in the unitary self-determining human subject.

He taught anthropology from 1976 until his death, and held research and teaching appointments abroad including at the Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa (1982, 1994), where he had been a student from 1964-1968. His major honors include a John Simon Guggenheim Fellowship (1982-83), fellowships at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton (1990-91) and the Getty Research Institute for the History of Art and the Humanities (1995-96). His most influential monographs are Kingship and Sacrifice: Ritual and Society in Ancient Hawaii (1985), The Forest of Taboos: Morality, Hunting, and Identity among the Huaulu of the Moluccas (2000), and two collections of his ethnographic essays Fragments from Forests and Libraries and Rituals and Annals: Between Anthropology and History, both edited after his death by his wife, Janet Hoskins.

MARGARET BERGER Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Stern, Pamela. Learning to Be Smart: An Exploration of the Culture of Intelligence in a Canadian Inuit Community. American Anthropologist, September, 1999 Vol.101(3):502-512

Can intelligence be measured? Until very recently it was believed that non-Western peoples were intellectually superior to those who are not westernized and that the social environment determined mental function. If, in fact, intelligence can be measured, how then can it be done cross-culturally? This is the question posed in an article about the Canadian Inuit community called Ulukhaktokmiut or often referenced as Holman Inuit in the article. Holman is an area located more than three hundred miles north of the Arctic Circle.

Although it is recognized that cognitive function is affected by both environmental and cultural factors, there are two theories outlined by two different researchers which explains the nature of intelligence. The first is by Sternberg, who explains that natural intelligence falls into to broad types: explicit and implicit. The other is by Gardner and identifies the theory of multiple types of intelligence in individuals.

First Sternberg’s theory of two types of intelligence is examined. The Explicit theory compares intelligence with cognitive function. The theory proposed that intelligence is universal and can be determines performance of a task or duty. These tasks include verbal comprehension and fluency, mathematical ability, spatial visualization and determining speed. The Implicit theory is less easily defined. It constitutes intelligent behavior in real-life situations. It is noted, however, that different cultures will vary between defining which behaviors are encouraged and which are not.

One criticism of the Sternberg’s Elicit theory is that although it is possible to test one’s cognitive IQ with aptitude testing, it must be considered that each individual may test differently. Therefore the measurement of the process is inconclusive. In contrast supporters of the Sternberg’s Implicit theory put forth that real intelligence cannot be measured by a test, but can only be applied to real-world situations and how a person reacts to those situations. Recent work by psychologists and anthropologists suggests that intelligence operates differently in different situations and it is possible that together both of Sternberg’s theories apply.

Gardner’s theory on the other hand contains elements of Sternberg’s theory, but more opportunities for intelligence to emerge. Gardner states that multiple forms of intelligence are involved in all abilities and all human abilities are an aspect or aspects of intelligence. He states there are seven different areas of intelligence: linguistic, logical or mathematical, spatial, musical, kinesthetic, interpersonal and intrapersonal. In keeping with Gardner’s theory, intelligence is the ability to solve problems or products that are valued in one’s cultural setting.

The author of this report continues to support Gardner’s theory by providing testimonies of and her personal interactions with the Holman Inuit. The author did an ethnography of the Holman Inuit on two different occasions and in her conclusions, asserts that the traditional meaning of intelligence to the Holman Inuit have not disappeared as technology, employment and schools have pervaded their region.

HEATHER BURR San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch).

Stern, Pamela. Learning to be Smart: An exploration of the Culture of Intelligence in a Canadian Inuit Community. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol 3: 502-514.

The introduction to this article referred to the theory that social environment determines mental functioning. The author started by giving a background of How Natives Thinks by Lucien Levy-Bruhl, which was published in 1926. His findings laid down a foundation of how we perceive indigenous intelligence in relation to our own. The ultimate point being that even though an indigenous person may perform poorly when issued an IQ test, it doesn’t accurately measure his knowledge that pertains to his culture. The focus of another source, Malinowski, was an attempt to develop “culture free” instruments of which to measure intelligence.

Stern’s concentration was “an examination of the ways that intelligence is understood, discussed, and encouraged by contemporary Inuit.” She observed an Inuit community with her colleague, Richard G. Condon, in a series of field studies between 1978 and 1995. The community resided in the town of Holman, situated in the Central Canadian Artic.

The Inuit word, ihuma, corresponds to the use of the English word, smart. The best explanation that does this justice is that of another anthropologist cited in the article; “a person who has (or uses) ihuma is cheerful but not giddy. He is patient in the face of difficulties and accepts unpleasant but uncontrollable events with calmness; and he does not sulk, scold, get annoyed, or attack others physically.” (Briggs) Stern arranged the article by emphasizing different forms of intelligence valued by the Inuit. Creativity, innovation, and art were among the most regarded cognitive abilities. Her field notes captured examples of these abilities which confirmed that “not only are they accepted, they are desired and encouraged.” Another form of intelligence relevant to the community is bodily kinesthetic or physical skills. Proficient knowledge of ones limits and capacities are imperative in their dangerous artic climate. Spatial intelligence is another aspect, which is relative to their climate due to the large role that hunting has on their economy and as a food source. The remaining form of intelligence recognized in the culture is that of personal intelligence, that is commonly referred to as social intelligence. Stern states this most eloquently, “More than any other aspects of competence, the manner in which adults comport themselves is seen as a reflection of their intelligence.”

Stern concluded that traditional values that measured intelligence were slowly being replaced by modern changes and influences from the outside the Inuit culture. Although expertise in the traditional skills has become somewhat replaced by other skills such as ice hockey, people still speak of ihuma in the same regard as they always have.

ZOE UNDERHILL San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch)

Trix, Frances and Sankar, Andrea. Women’s Voices and Experiences of the Hill-Thomas Hearings. American Anthropologist. March, 1999. Vol.100 (1):32-40

The authors of this article were interested in the reactions of women to the Hill-Thomas hearings. They freely admit that the survey project was undertaken as a result of the anger and helplessness they felt from witnessing these hearings. Three weeks after the hearings ended, they sampled 100 females, both white and black and from a large range of ages and professions. The women surveyed were all from Detroit, but represented a broad selection of backgrounds. The survey they gave to the women was purposely different from the type given by pollsters. The authors were aware that traditional polls often have glaring problems and can seriously misrepresent those questioned. They created a survey that they felt asked more engaging and timely questions about the proceedings of the sexual harassment hearings. The results of the survey showed much more support for Hill as compared to the earlier popular polls. The majority of the women surveyed by the authors either strongly supported Hill or supported her with some reservation. Only a small percentage of those surveyed strongly supported Thomas. This survey had other advantages over the popular polls; it asked questions that allowed the authors to discern the differences between the women that differed in opinions. For example, the survey showed that women that supported Hill had read and watched more about the trial, were more likely to have discussed the hearings with strangers, and a greater percent had been victims of sexual harassment. The media picked up the results of this survey with follow up polls showing that the majority supported Hill. The authors feel that anthropologists have much to offer to popular discourse such as this. Anthropologists have the potential to ask better questions and make more accurate interpretations in areas they study as opposed to relatively uninformed pollsters. One problematic aspect of this type of study is that no real genre exists for anthropologists to publish this type of timely work. At the same time, the authors believe that this work can be invaluable and beneficial as a way to better understand cultural responses that can slip through traditional media.

NATHANIAL MARSH Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Washburn, Dorothy. Perceptual Anthropology: The Cultural Salience of Symmetry. American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol.101 (3): 247-262.

The author’s main goal in this article is to demonstrate how the use of particular symmetries in a culture’s decorative art metaphorically embodies and visually represents fundamental cultural principles. She does this to support the notion that knowledge about formal universals as perceived by the visual system is fundamental to theory about how art communicates. She predicates her arguments on evidence from studies in experimental psychology suggesting that the human perceptual system focuses on symmetry, among other holistic properties, in the assessment of stimuli. This perceptual salience of symmetry, she claims, has led to a cultural salience of symmetry in that human perceptive abilities have made possible widespread nonverbal forms of communicative behavior through material culture, including art and objects for everyday use.

She uses Euclidean geometry to characterize the structure of symmetrical patterns in two dimensions. Symmetrical form and its readability come from the repetition of equivalent parts. This same kind of redundancy is important in written language and music as it functions to reinforce the information being communicated. She thinks it is plausible to expect similar communication through symmetry in visual images because the information embedded in the components, and their structure, is emphasized through repetition. Since symmetry reduces complexity, the information is presented in an economical and efficient format. Metaphorical thinking is a uniquely human mechanism in which the need for and perception of symmetry are embedded. Washburn advances the idea that concepts fundamental to a culture’s worldview can be metaphorically communicated through nonrepresentational geometric art.

Washburn uses the example of the selection of symmetrical patterns—bifold rotation in particular—in Puebloan ceramic designs to communicate cultural views held by the Hopi today, specifically about the perpetuation of life. Through discussions with Hopi individuals, Washburn learned how a particular symmetry is a visual metaphor for Puebloan concepts. Based on these discussions, she proposes that the interlocking elements in bifold rotational symmetry are a metaphor for the role and responsibility of the Hopi individual in the continuation of life.

MARGARET BERGER Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Watanabe, John M. and Barbara B. Smuts. Explaining It Away: Trust, Truth, and the Evolution of Cooperation in Roy A. Rappaport’s “The Obvious Aspects of Ritual.”American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol.101 (1):98-112.

The authors of “Explaining Religion Without Explaining it Away,” John Watanabe and Barbara Smuts, are heavily influenced by Roy Rappaport’s study of ritual. They have applied Rappaport’s theory that “ritual behavior could make social communication between individuals more reliable” (98) to greetings among a troop of Savanna baboons found in Kenya’s rift valley. This particular species of baboon is known as the olive baboon (Papio Cynocephalus Anubis).

The male baboons in question are very violent animals that rarely come in contact with one another without conflict. The non-violent greeting between two males is initiated by one male approaching a second with a fast paced exaggerated step. A specific set of facial expressions follow. These include lip-smacking, narrowed eyes, and pressing the ears against the head. If the second male chooses to accept the greeting he will maintain eye contact and mimic the lip-smacking and facial expressions of the first baboon. Once the first male approaches the second the two baboons will commence with a series of gesticulations, including presenting the hindquarters, grasping the hindquarters, mounting, touching and or pulling the penis and scrotum, occasionally the male baboons may make face to face contact or embrace.

Rappaport’s definition of ritual includes the following defining characteristics. First there are sounds and deeds made and done by the participants in the ritual, and a sequence or a format in which they must be completed. These participants are not the original creators of these actions and the sequence that they must follow. Second, a ritual must be preformed and not only referred to by the participants. The greetings that take place among the male olive baboons are formulaic and consistent with the definition of ritual.

Watanabe and Smut believe that these non-aggressive greetings between males insure alliances among older males in the troop. Ordinarily, older males have a lower frequency of breeding than the younger males. The alliance formed by the older males allows them to harass the younger males when they are in the company of a fertile female. A group of older males will chase a younger male away, and one of the older males will take his place with the female.

CHRISTINA BURRIS Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Whiteley, Peter M. Alfonso Ortiz (1939-1997). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101 (2): 392-395.

Born to a Tewa father and a Hispanic mother at San Juan pueblo north of Santa Fe, Alfonso Ortiz decided to enter the field of anthropology out of a desire to study, teach, and increase opportunities for American Indians. He was raised by his paternal grandparents and was exposed by them to Tewa culture, which he would later study. His major publication, The Tewa World: Space, Time, Being, and Becoming in a Pueblo Society (1969), aimed to show the operational logic of Tewa social, cultural, cosmological, ecological, and economic integration in practice and through time. In studying Tewa dualist pueblo organization, he showed how Tewa ceremonial moieties and sodalities functioned to provide unity-in-division through temporal alternations and staggered social allegiances in ritual structure and practice.

What set Ortiz apart is his activism, including mediating the 1973 Wounded Knee standoff, his involvement in returning Blue Lake to Taos Pueblo, and his role in political and social issues facing Native Americans across the country. He considered his activism to be the most valuable and lasting part of his career. He taught at Princeton and the University of New Mexico, and was the recipient of a Guggenheim and a MacArthur fellowship. As an insider to the culture he studied, he was criticized by other scholars, the media, and Pueblo leaders on the grounds of exposing tribal secrets, which in combination with his growing public policy engagements contributed to the decline in his scholarly publication.

MARGARET BERGER Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Wilk, Richard R. “Real Belizean Food”: Building Local Identity in the Transnational Caribbean American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101: 244-255

This article deals with food as a source for nation building and creating a sense of self by identifying others. Wilk relies on his own experiences in Belize as well as historical events. Belize is a relatively young country (having only become independent in 1981) and this article provides an interesting perspective as to how food played a role in both colonial and recent history.

Wilk contrasts two personal experiences with Belizean food, a dinner at a friend’s house in 1973, and a dinner at a different friends in 1990. He demonstrates that through contact with foreigners (television, tourism etc.) Belizeans have learned how to be Belizean. Wilks also discusses other aspects of Belizean culture and how their knowledge of the world has made them more conscious of their local identity. There is an extensive discussion about food patterns and the stratification during colonial times. An interesting example given is that of lobster. The poor ate it because it was cheap, the elite ate it because it was popular in Europe, and the middle class wouldn’t eat it because it was a “trash fish”. Wilks moves on to discuss when Belize gained an elected assembly, a visit from the Queen of England, and how food played into the political arena.

This is an excellent article. Wilk’s discussion of Belize and how they came into a national identity is clear and concise. In his conclusion, he talks about foreign goods creating local identity on a global stage and the concept of cultural capital. Wilk redefines Bordieu’s definition of cultural capital and compares Bordieu’s study of French food to his study of Belize. This article is a good tool in understanding the building of self from other, and the cultural construction of a nation state.

UNKNOWN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Wilk, Richard. Real Belizean Food: Building Local Identity in the Transnational Caribbean.American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):244-255.

Wilk argues that “the strengthening of local and national identities and global mass-market capitalism are not contradictory trends but are in fact two aspects of the same process” (244). He does this by examining the local identity of Belize and how it has changed since 1973. Close examination of the Belizean food and dining customs is used in his analysis of Belizean identity.

Wilk first compares a dinner he had with a Belizean family in 1973 and a second dinner he had with his wife and a Belizean couple in 1990. Between these two meals the concept of a national identity had undergone tremendous change. The country had gained independence from the British. Television, satellites, tourism and other means of contact with the world outside of Belize had aided the change in thought. News of the outside world was passed through mass media instead of the upper class. “In a world of constant cultural contact, international media, and marketing, the process of change in diets seems to have accelerated, but the boundaries that separate cultures [had] not disappeared” (244).

Wilk looks at the historical diets found in Belize dating back to the nineteenth century. At that time diet closely followed the stratification of society. The poor generally ate local foods while the upper classes consumed mostly imported foods. The middle class eventually adopted foreign cuisine, such as “Spanish” food, substituting imported ingredients for local components. This hierarchy of food was marketed by price and availability in elite shops. The stratification in Belizean diet remained until the early nineteen sixties. At this point the British allowed a limited self-government in Belize, and a push towards eating more local foods occurred.

Other than personal experience and historical research Wilk also draws on a number of surveys that he conducted. The surveys cover “1, 136 high school students from four diverse institutions and a door-to door survey of 389 people in Belize City, Belmopan, and a large village in the Belize District” (249). His findings show that the modern Belizean is less influenced by the model of the stratified diet that existed thirty years before. People’s taste in food is heavily influenced by environment, and in the case of the Belize people, they now feel less constricted to eat as others in their class eat. Globalization affects Belizean cuisine, but not in a way that causes it to become westernized. The force of knowledge of the outside world has caused Belize to become more conscious of the fact that it needs a national cuisine, and the country has formed one.

CHRISTINA BURRISS Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Wolf, Eric R. Cognizing “Cognized Models”. American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101(1): 19-22.

In this article reflecting on the work of Roy Rappaport, Wolf tries to examine the benefits and drawbacks of Rappaport’s “cognized models” for understanding cultural structure. He traces the development of these ideas in relation to Rappaport’s inquiries into ritual and ecology and to his development of a theoretical formal structural understanding of culture.

The article examines the basic organization of Rappaport’s cognized models, breaking it down into five levels of “understandings” or emic concepts and knowledge– what is “cognized” by people within a culture about the world/cosmos. These “understandings” of Rappaport’s model are make up an architecture of cognition. Wolf examines the contents of these levels of understanding and how the sum total is formed into a structural theory.

The first of five levels of understanding is the apex, or the “ultimate sacred postulates” which, as Wolf describes, ultimately refer only to themselves. These postulates do not depend on historical or environmental circumstance and are thus ultimately resistant to change. The fifth level is the opposite, secular knowledge that is based entirely on the social and ecological world. The in-between levels are on this continuum of sacred to secular, and relate to the basic “understandings” about things and the interactions between things, and it is in this aspect that Wolf relates Rappaport to Mauss’s interactionist theories.

Wolf concludes with a criticism of Rappaport’s apolitical and ahistorcial framing of the “ultimate propositions” of the fifth level of understanding. These he says are not treated in relation to their position in culture, and the potential aspects of power that may affect the function of these cognitive “understandings” as a part of the wider cultural “cognized model”. He also discusses how Rappaport’s ideas have been implemented by other authors with power and politics in mind.

GWENDOLYN KELLY Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Woodbury, Richard B. Obituary: Alden Cary Hayes (1916-1998). American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol.101(3):616-618.

Woodbury provides a concise chronological account of Hayes’ life, centering mainly around his unique career in archaeology. Chronicling the various projects that characterized Hayes’ research, Woodbury thoroughly examines the archaeological pursuits of Hayes. Despite his lack of a graduate degree, Hayes was considered a skilled fieldworker and creative problem solver; he is thus described as an invaluable role model for aspiring archaeologists. Even without an advanced degree, Hayes was very knowledgeable and insightful within his field; he readily shared this expertise with his colleagues and students, thus making a lasting contribution to archaeology.

Hayes’ archaeological career was not continuous, but punctuated by a brief period of ranching in Arizona, as well as by service in both World War II and the Korean War. The majority of his years as an archaeologist were spent in conjunction with the National Park Service in the American Southwest. Woodbury goes on to highlight some of the predominant accomplishments of Hayes’ archaeological career. Appreciation of Hayes’ thoroughness as a researcher is clearly evident, as it is mentioned by Woodbury throughout the article. Hayes was known to hold great respect for all those with whom he worked, as well as for the material with which he made a living.

Alden Hayes is portrayed as both an outstanding person and archaeologist; the respectful manner with which Hayes reportedly conducted himself is reciprocated in the gracious words of Woodbury’s article. Woodbury is successful in documenting the life of Hayes in a manner that directly reflects the character of Hayes: clear, concise, respectful and complete.

J. JOANNE KIENHOLZ University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Woodbury, Richard B. Alden Cary Hayes (1916-1998). American Anthropologist. September 1999 Vol. 101(3): 616-618.

In this obituary of southwest archaeologist Alden Cary Hayes, Woodbury presents an image of a man, who despite his lack of an academic background, contributed significantly and prolifically to archaeological studies of the South-Western United States. Hayes had a bachelor’s degree in anthropology, but no graduate degrees. He was field trained as an archaeologist, and his major contributions were in fieldwork, data collection, and the training of successive generations of academic and field archaeologists.

Hayes’s most prominent and valuable studies are of the Mesa Verde area ruins, especially Wetherill Mesa, and at Chaco Canyon. His excavations and the directions of his field research, including exhaustive surveys, created the ground upon which many other archaeologists stand in terms of data. He was dedicated to accurate and complete recording and reporting of excavations, and his extensive descriptions about the findings provide a wealth of information.

Hayes, although he disdained theory, did indeed entertain certain working hypotheses that allowed him to do the quality fieldwork he did. He was an integral and essential part of the National Park Service in regard to most all archaeology with which the Service dealt. This association continued for most of his life and career. His archeological pursuits were interrupted by his work as a rancher and by military service both in WWII and in the Korean War.

Hayes’s contributions to archaeology were numerous, despite his being among what many called “illiterate” archaeologists. He is recognized not only for the quality and quantity of his research but also for his personal integrity.

GWENDOLYN KELLY Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)

Wright, Lori E. and Chew, Francisco. Porotic Hyperstosis and Paleoepidemiology: A Forensic Perspective on Anemia among the Ancient Maya. American Anthropologist. December, 1999 Vol.100(4):924-939

Iron deficiency is one of the most common nutritional problems in the world, and if it becomes too severe, it can lead to anemia, a condition in which the normal blood cells are replaced with smaller cells that carry less hemoglobin. One of the most common causes of anemia is low consumption of iron. This is a problem for people who depend on non-heme sources of iron in which the iron is less bio-available. Recent studies also stress the importance of infectious disease and parasites as causes of anemia. The body may sequester iron in response to some pathogens, although the causality in this situation is not well understood because low iron may also lead to infection. Parasites can cause intestinal bleeding or diminish the ability of the intestines to absorb iron. If anemia occurs during childhood, when the body is still growing and has high demands for iron, it can cause porotic lesions in the cranium. These lesions appear on different portions of the skull of young infants and older infants, which allows paleopathologists to approximate age and duration of iron deficiency. Also, these lesions do not form anew in adults, although childhood lesions may persist in adult skeletons.

Traditionally paleopathologists have linked high incidence of porotic hyperostosis in adult skeletons to very high rates of anemia. However, recent work suggests that populations with a high incidence of porotic adult skeletons may indicate a more robust population then those with fewer anemic adults, because the decrease in adult lesions may be a result of high childhood mortality rates. In order to examine this issue, Wright and Chew turn to the modern Mayan peoples. Anemia is still very common in these populations. The diet of the present populations has not varied a great deal since pre-colonial times, and there is evidence to suppose that the parasite load has also remained fairly consistent.

Wright and Chew use the data recovered from anthropologists exhuming bodies from the mass graves generated by conflict in Guatemala. The vast majority of carbon atoms can be traced to maize consumption. Meat accounts for about 7% of the protein consumed, which may even be lower then prehistoric levels. The calcium carbonate from lime processing of maize leads to lower absorption of iron, but the greater levels of Vitamin C in modern populations may improve iron absorption. Overall, the diet and parasite load are sufficiently similar in modern and ancient populations that it cannot account for the lower incidence of porotic lesions in adult skeletons. However, the introduction of Old World infectious diseases increases the infant mortality rate. Also, modern populations do not breast feed their children as long as the prehistoric ones, and this increases the chance of infection and malnurishment in infants. Overall, there is sufficient evidence to conclude that the high incidence of porotic lesions in adult skeletons of the ancient Maya is due to a healthier environment because more adults survived childhood anemia.

SARAH MULLEN Oberlin College (Jack Glazier)