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American Anthropologist 1973

In this article Edit Fel and Tamas Hofer discuss the tanyakert as practiced before World War II in the village of Atany in the northern part of the Great Hungarian plain. The tanyakert is a social phenomenon practiced by the men of Atany. It has ties to politics, work relations, neighborhood interactions, and kinship. The Tanyakert is practiced in winter and early spring months when there are shorter days and less work. Groups of men gather at the stables of rich farmers and discuss issues around a fire fueled by hay.

The sponsor is usually someone who is well respected and generally aspires to achieve public office. Conversations are secret as statements made are not to leave the tanyakert. The tanyakert members are usually employees, neighbors and kin of the sponsor. It affords the men an opportunity to discuss situations in a friendly environment that typically lessons the repercussions of statements made. Employees can make statements regarding work conditions without fear, political opinions are discussed, and members of the tanyakert who have needs can let them be known.
The needs of members are typically met by the other members. If a poorer member falls on hard times, or if the sponsor needs assistance with a particular project, the membership work together to find answers and assistance for the one in need. This aspect of the tanyakert bridges the gap between the rich and the poor by allowing both security . The poor man knows that if he can’t afford to take care of his family, the wealthier members will help. And the wealthier member knows that if he needs a job done, he will always have people ready to work.

In addition, the tanyakert affords a stable voting group for the sponsor. Members are bound to the sponsor in their vote. Even if they disagree with the sponsor on particular issues, membership in a tanyakert demands political loyalty. The members must vote in favor of the sponsor. If a member failed to support the sponsor in his vote, the sponsor has the right to remove his assistance from that member.

ERIC DEATHERAGE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Freeman, Susan T. Introduction to Studies in Rural European Social Organization.American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 2:743-749.

In this article, which is an introduction to a set of articles, the author analyzes the method of study of rural European social organization. She does a good job of critiquing and finding the shortcomings of social anthropologists’ methods circa 1973.

Freeman argues that studying European social phenomena cannot be done without taking into account the importance of literature, mythology, history, economic, and demographic variables as well as the fine arts. She believes that a social anthropologist requires more than just anthropological methodology and theoretical training.

Freeman also states that European researchers must be concerned with the following areas: “(1) definition and analysis of the ‘peasantry,’ of its internal characteristics and external relations, including analysis of the folk-urban dialectic; (2) exploration of the value of ‘honor’ and of its implications for social behavior and social status in European communities; (3) analysis of the relationships of neighbors and relations between groups; (4) the analysis in European social life of the role of Barnes’ networks (1954) and Wolf’s interstitial supplementary and parallel structures.”

In general, Freeman acknowledges the need to look beyond the small villages that are normally studied when examining European culture and to realize that the interaction between groups extends beyond the boundaries of villages and even countries. She says that these political boundaries limit the social anthropologist’s ability to truly understand the culture. Finally, Freeman suggests the need for more intensive studies of European culture. She believes there is not enough general knowledge on the region to get a full understanding of European culture, either rural or urban aspects.

JAY HANEWINKEL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Fujimoto, Hideo and Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney. Mashio Chiri 1909-1961. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):872-878.

Chiri was a professor of anthropological linguistics, but more importantly, one of the foremost scholars of Ainu japanese culture. He was intrigued by the language and the culture when his aunt, who authored a collection of Ainu epic poems, took him under her roof. Chiri excelled in school, often beyond any expectations. He attended the best schools in Japan, and with the help of professor K. Kindiachi, specifically involved himself in the research of Ainu lanuage and culture. Part of Chiri’s motivation stemmed from the prejudice in Japan against the Ainu culture. His goal was to elucidate for the rest of society that the Ainu way was not inferior to any other culture, and he succeeded quite well. He died as one of the foremost third-world linguists and anthropologists.

BRYAN TIPPY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Fujimoto, Hideo and Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney. Mashio Chiri 1909-1961. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3):872-876.

This is an obituary for Mashio Chiri, an Ainu linguist. Part of the aim of this obituary was to spread knowledge of Chiri and his work with the Ainu, a group largely unknown outside Japan due to language barriers. Chiri spent his entire career studying the Ainu and defending against the widespread prejudice and misconceptions about this group.

The term Ainu is the name of a small culture group in the northern area around Hokkaido, Japan. Even now, this term still retains a strain of negative connotation. The authors compare the stigma in the term to that of “nigger.” Through a study of the Ainu language, in all its intricacies, Chiri sought to show the cultural value and complexity of the people “from an insider’s point of view.” During his years of fieldwork, he collaborated with many scholars of different fields who were also studying the Ainu, incorporating knowledge of botany, architecture, and medical science with his analyses of the culture through language. His three-volume book, “Classification Dictionaries of the Ainu Language,” won the prestigious Asahi Bunkasho Award. He had planned on writing eleven volumes, covering many subjects, but his early death left only three completed: Volume 1 – Plants (1953), Volume 2 – Animals (posthumously 1961), and Volume 3 – Humans (1955).

Described here as “one of the finest examples of third world anthropologists,” he is hailed as a “genius” among both his people and the field. As an Ainu, he faced considerable prejudice, but excelled in all subjects, and was accepted into the top schools, eventually getting a Ph.D. in linguistics. He claimed that he could not be humiliated or fail because he was representing the entire Ainu community. He criticized research methods of the time as interpreting data to fit theories. In sticking to his high standards of accuracy and depth in academic research, he would often speak out against known “experts” of the Ainu in the field, correcting where he saw flaws in theory or method. This was most especially directed at a Western expert on the Ainu, Batchelor, who used condescending language in his reports of the Ainu, viewing them in a cultural evolutionary light and painted as primitives. Batchelor also used many Christian terms in references to Ainu religion, and held a distorted view of his findings on Ainu religion that aimed to help support a monotheism theory. This only encouraged Chiri to complete an Ainu dictionary that he hoped would replace Batchelor’s, but Batchelor was still long regarded as a worldwide authority on the Ainu due to his works being widely published in English. Chiri published several dictionaries and grammar books, such as “Outline of Ainu Grammar” (1936). Chiri expressed a desire to capture the full kotodama, or soul of the language. He studied folklore and morphology, even using historical linguistics to postulate a northern origin for the Ainu and possible migratory path from the Kamchatka Peninsula, through the Kuriles, onward to Hokkaido. In his work, he detailed where every piece of data was acquired, making no vague references to “the Ainu.” He died in 1961, at 52 years of age, from a heart condition that had been with him since his mid-twenties.

ATHENA LOTT Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Geiser, Peter. The Myth of the Dam. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):184-193.

A question that has plagued the science of anthropology, social change, is the topic of discussion pursued by Peter Geiser in this article. The author approaches this problem in the context of an ethnographic example involving people of Nubian ethnicity. His argument seeks to explain how the ideas of legend, myth and ritual, preservers of the past, interact with other forces that serve to transform social structure. By exploring the supposedly opposed ideas of change and stability he attempts to explain the current position of the Nubian people with relation to their past and how both play out in the social and individual aspects of their culture.

The beginning of the paper is used by Geiser to introduce certain ideas that he applies to the solution of his problem. Quoting others who have tackled the question of social change, the author asserts that the forces that work for change and those that pull for stability act in a way that allow social structure to transform while affirming group identity. The phenomenon of ritual and myth as agents of stability is brought into the discussion as well. At the same time environment and technology are seen as being proponents of change. With these matters speckled by the proverbial “light”, Geiser is ready to embark on an explanation of the current situation of the Nubian people.

The author’s argument is that the Nubian people have used a dam, constructed in 1902 upon the Nile, as a symbol. A symbol that not only stands for the predicament of urban migration that has overcome the group, but that attests to the strong collective identity that is felt within the ethnicity. Moreover, Geiser sees the Nubian’s metaphor of the dam as a means of the people affirming their past practice of urban migration under a mythological framework.

Geiser produces previously gathered data that supports the idea that male members of the Nubians had, at least throughout the extent of the 19th century, an institutionalized custom to migrate to large cities such as Cairo, Egypt for a large part of their life. However, the number of Nubians living in the city at the time the paper was published exceeded the amount living in their homeland. When questioned, the Nubians, explained by Geiser to be an honest people, retort that “but for the dam, no man would have left his village”(189). A statement that the author believes designates the dam as a myth, the stuff of legends, in the Nubian neighborhoods of the city. The myth serves as a way for the people to keep their past identity while undergoing the processes of social transformation. In other words, the “legend” of the dam is used to solidify ties in the city and to explain the unfortunate alienation from the land that, while they were absent in the past, was still theirs, but no longer exists today.

CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Geiser, Peter. The Myth of the Dam. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 184-194.

According to the author, “only a handful (of sociological studies) have analyzed the dynamic properties of social and individual life which represent the agents of change” (p.184). Geiser wants to improve the understanding of social change. He wants to understand how a society deals with social transformations, and how an individual’s personality is affected by these transformations. He believes that “both change and stability can be understood not as polar opposites, but as conditions necessary to the viability of organic life, both social and personal” (p.185).

Geiser believes that two cultural inventions, ritual and myth, help prepare individuals prior to social and personal transformations. A ritual is a social act used to confirm the traditional practices and beliefs of a group. Geiser says that a myth is used when explaining an event or situation that occurred in the past or present. His article seeks to demonstrate the function of the Aswan Dam myth within Nubian society.

The Nubians have occupied land adjacent to the Nile River for most of their existence. The annual flooding of the Nile provided the Nubians with fertile lands to grow their crops. Geiser says that the Nubians had engaged in urban labor migration since the seventeenth century. It is a part of a tradition, which arose from lack of cultivable areas to farm, for Nubian males to travel to surrounding cities in search of work. The men would return to their village when enough money was saved. Geiser says that an average of two years was spent working in the cities. Over the years the urban labor migrations steadily increased.

When the Aswan Dam was completed in 1902, the Nubians experienced flooding for a chief part of the year. Most Nubians continued to live in the same area, just relocating to higher ground. Geiser says this was an attempt made by the Nubians to resist change. By the 1930s most Nubians had surrendered and a large number of families began to leave their villages in Nubia and move into the cities of Egypt and Sudan. The Aswan Dam myth is a common belief that Nubians would have never left Nubia if the dam was never constructed. But Geiser believes “a crystallization had taken place in the social structure supporting migration long before the building of the dam” (p. 189).

Urban labor migration is a traditional form of economic support. If a Nubian male failed to contribute money to support his village family members, he would be ostracized from his family. Geiser says that urban labor migrations of the Nubians have helped to maintain the group’s solidarity and have enabled them “to cope with the problems of adaptation to urban life” (p.190). He says that migration eventually lead to a complete social transformation in which “the myth both justified the Nubian’s physical and psychological departure from Nubia and reinforced his sense of ethnic solidarity” (p.191).

JESSICA ZIMMERMANN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Golde, Peggy and Kraemer, Helena C. Analysis of an Aesthetic Values Test: Detection of Inter-Subgroup Differences Within a Pottery Producing Community in Mexico. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1260-1275.

In this article Golde and Kraemer attempt to detect subgroup differences in aesthetic preference in a small Nahuatl-speaking peasant village in Mexico based on the differences of sex, occupation (potter or decorator), and degree of travel outside of the village.

The authors attempt to predict the results of what they call an “Aesthetic Values Test” that is composed of a set of fifty-one pairs of similar photographs and drawings, of which the subjects were asked to choose the item from the pair that was more aesthetically pleasing to them. The pairs were divided into two distinct groups. Group one was composed of formal traits, or design elements, including line elements (curvilinear vs. rectilinear lines), color (traditional vs. non traditional), compositional aspects (symmetry vs. asymmetry, and borders vs. no borders), and decoration (painted vs. unpainted).

Group two was focused on subject matter, including mode of depiction (identifiable subject matter vs. abstract design, realistic vs. stylized, and skillful vs. crude), compositional placement (bird vs. flower vs. male, etc), and emotional meaning (aggression or action vs. non-aggression or inaction, unfamiliarity vs. familiar, western style clothing vs. traditional Indian clothing).

The subgroups of people were divided according to sex and participation in pottery painting. The groups were as follows: Women who did not paint pottery, women who did paint pottery, men who did not decorate pottery, and men who did decorate pottery. In both of the female categories some of the women were potters and some were not.

Golde and Kraemer expected women to prefer curvilinear lines and non-aggressive portraits, while predicting men to like angular designs and active portraits. They also expected that men and women who traveled outside of their village, typically for the purpose of trading, would prefer non-traditional clothing and designs. The authors also expected a difference in the preferences of those who did paint pottery to those who did not.

Although in some areas the authors’ predictions proved correct, they came to the conclusion that “aesthetic preferences…are not homogenous among individuals in a small, Indian, peasant community of farmer-craft specialists in Mexico” (p.1272). They also state that until further testing is done in other communities, “it will not be possible to determine if this heterogeneity of preferences is characteristic of all human groups or if it operates most strongly in those communities that are undergoing acculturation to Western values” (p.1272). Although the data may seem inconclusive, the authors did conclude that the degree to which one has been acculturated does create a high degree of consensus of choice for visual art form.

BETHANY J. MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Golde, Peggy and Helen C. Kraemer. Analysis of an Aesthetic Values Test: Detection of Inter-Subgroup Differences Within a Pottery Producing Community in Mexico. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1260-1275.

Golde and Kraemer’s article reads like a standard psychology report of statistical data. The purpose of this study was to evaluate aesthetic preferences of peoples in Guerreo, Mexico. Researchers hoped to identify community sub-group preferences based on cultural sex and occupation roles. Golde and Kraemer also hoped to establish set criteria so preferences may be examined in other cultural contexts.

In the Guerreo community, females are the primary potters and painters. Males also paint pottery but rarely, if ever, manufacture pots. Males are also the primary traders of the pottery and are more extensively traveled than the females. Sub-groups were defined according to sex and the degree of participation in the pottery process.

The final test consisted of forty-five minimal pairs based on current village painting styles and photographs of pottery from outside of the village. Data used to determine the heterogeneity of the sub-groups were analyzed using a chi square test. Three scales were used to delineate contrasts in design (1) action-inaction of figure, (2) aggression-non-aggression of scene and (3) curve-angle of lines. Golde and Kramer expected males to choose action, aggression and angles categories over the others while females would prefer inaction, non-aggression and curve lines. These assumptions were based on cultural stereotypes of male sex roles and recent claims by psychologists that females would prefer curves and passive scenes.

Golde and Kraemer claim their data supports all three hypotheses, with the greatest support for male’s preference for aggressive scenes. Preferences of curve to angle lines were least significant. Researchers attributed that to differences between participants who paint versus those who do not. There were also outside cultural influences unaccounted for in the variables. While no statistical data are given in this report, they claim that exposure to diverse cultural influences alters the aesthetic view. They also claim that preference is dependent upon placement of the design, border versus scene. Golde and Kraemer’s final assertion is that “aesthetic preferences reflect style as a manifestation of culture.” They go on to state that these preferences may not only express cultural values but also changing values (1272). The researchers suggest further analysis of preferences is needed in other cultural groups to validate this test and to better substantiate their hypothesis.

ANNA SAPPINGTON-SANDIDGE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Halper, Katherine Spencer. Obituary, Ann Fischer. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):292-294.

Halper writes about the life of Ann Kindrick Fischer and her dedications to accomplish her goals throughout her life. Fischer was born in Kansas City on May 22, 1919, and laid to rest on April 22, 1971. She was a professor in Anthropology at Tulane University where she studied family planning and structure in New Orleans. At Tulane she studied social work and public health relations. Fischer was active in the American Anthropology Association in the 1960s.

Ann Fischer became the first anthropologist to hold a training fellowship in biostatistics and epidemiology. She was influential through subjects of medicine where she published a book length manuscript. When Fischer got married and had children she and her family traveled to other countries to study childhood experiences and the structure of the family. She became Co-Director of a New Orleans family planning organization called “Family Survey of Metropolitan New Orleans.” This survey examined the organization of black and white families. She participated in defending the rights of women and here she revealed her generosity towards women and others. When Fischer died in 1971, she was missed by her colleagues, family and friends, as well as her impact in anthropological studies.

MEGAN WILSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (JonathanHill)

Halpern, Katherine Spencer. Ann Fischer 1919-1971. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1): 292-294.

This obituary is an account of the contributions that Ann Fischer made to anthropology, as well as her notable humanitarian affairs.

Ann Fischer made many important contributions to anthropology and humanity in her lifetime. Up until her death on April 22, 1971 she was an influential professor of anthropology at Tulane University. Her research concerned aspects of family organization. She was involved in many organizations like the American Anthropological Association, serving as Program Chairman of the 1969 Annual Meeting in New Orleans as well as Reviews Editor of the American Anthropologist, just to name a few. Fischer was born and grew up in Kansas City. She received her undergraduate degree from the University of Kansas in sociology and obtained her doctorate at Radcliffe College studying anthropology. As a professor at Tulane, she focused much of her attention on anthropology within public health, along with other forms of social work, and was highly involved in creating social work education. Throughout her career she maintained her interest in family organization and structure, as well as “childhood experience.” In 1961 Fischer even traveled to Japan to study this area of interest. She was also an advocate for the rights of women, Native Americans, and African Americans.

Tragically Ann Fischer died of cancer in 1971, but her immense contributions and influence to anthropology will never be forgotten. She was a renowned and prominent figure in anthropology and a true and dedicated humanitarian.

BROOK MCCRACKEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Hammel, E.A. and Djordje Soc. The Lineage Cycle in Southern and Eastern Yugoslavia.American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):802-813.

The authors of this article set out to define the reasons for variation in lineage organization in the Balkans. Using thirteen demographic studies, lineage organization is compared through the number of houses in the different lineages that were recorded by ethnographers. This number of constituent houses is called lineage density, which is the basis of the article.

Many factors are taken into account when analyzing lineage density. These include fieldwork region, source region, migrational current, settlement type, economic type, religion, fertility, and time depth. The regions of field work were of the same size of an average county here in the United States, each with their own ecology and traditions. Source regions, migrational current or population flow, and economic type all serve as controls for cultural tradition. Additionally, the three religions involved, Roman Catholic, Muslim, and Serbian Orthodox, were all used as indicators for ethnic identity. And lastly, fertility and time depth intercorrelate to determine how fast a lineage can grow.

The authors stress that their approach to studying lineages does not tell us what a lineage is like but shows how the variables should affect lineage density. Different religions, for example, should indicate the strength of lineage between groups. For instance, lineage density should be higher for Serbian Orthodox than that of Moslem or Roman Catholic populations. On the other hand, from an economic standpoint, commercialization and craftsmanship should weaken the strength of lineages.

The authors make it clear that the factors of lineage run into conflict and do not always dictate lineage density as when economic factors or constant warfare influence migration. We can see the correlation of all factors when determining lineage density in this article, and it allows us to be more skeptical when considering ethnography.

CHAD KALBFLEISCH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hammel E. A. and Djordje Soc. The Lineage Cycle in Southern and Eastern Yugoslavia.American Anthropologist June, 1973 Volume 75(3):802-814.

This article examines lineage organization among the Slavic peoples of Southeastern Europe, specifically the lineage patterns of the Bosnian, Serbian, Macedonian, Montenegrin, and Hercegovinian peoples. The Balkans have been the subject of some proficient ethnographic work, but not enough has been completed to reach an absolute conclusion. Hammel and Soc’s article deals primarily with 13 studies in which the information was similar enough to allow proper comparison and analysis, thereby allowing them to identify some patterns in the lineage organization of the region.

Most of the data gathered from the 13 ethnographies dealt with patterns in settlements, economics, fertility, time, religious and ethnic affiliations, and migrations. Hammel and Soc believe that in order to gain the most profitable information from lineage patterns, the information gathered should include how long the people being studied have lived in their region and how fast the population grows. The most important variable found among the studies was time. Through time the most variance in data was found among the lineage patterns, accounting for 57 percent of the total variance in the populations studied. Naturally, through time, a population will increase and lineage patterns will develop in order to classify kinship relations. Understanding the changes in kinship relations through time will allow for further understanding of other cultural features in the Balkan region. Hammel and Soc emphasize the importance of focusing on demographic information as well as looking at other factors such as economics and culture, in order to gain the most complete picture of a society.

This article would be of interest to those who also regard lineage organizations and patterns as an important part of cultural study. Hammel and Soc allow the reader to get a clearer picture of the Southern and Eastern Yugoslavian people. Their work demonstrates how incorporating lineage information into ethnography can help to shed light on the culture as a whole.

LEONA WESTOVER Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja).

Hay, Thomas H. A Technique of Formalizing and Testing Models of Behavior. American Anthropologist June,1973 Vol.75(3):708-729.

Hay discusses two models, the ‘deterrence model’ and the Freudian model, comparing and contrasting both to each other and also to Spiro’s “general elements of explanatory models” (708). That Hay uses data based on Ojibwa restraint is negligible due to multiple assumptions made on his part as well as small sample sizes, contrived data (mostly percentages of choice), interpreter bias and post hoc analysis.

Both the ‘deterrence model’ and the “Freudian model” are formal, mathematical models. The ‘deterrence model’ is explained as “an interpersonal variation of the ‘deterrence theory’ which is popular with military strategists”. Hallowell develops this model in his 1955 book Culture and Experience. Freud developed the “Freudian model” during patient analysis. Both models consider fear to be the primary motivating factor. In the ‘deterrence model’ the individual restrains himself fearing retaliation (in this case by magic). In the “Freudian model” the individual restrains himself fearing he may (magically) injure the other. In contrasting these two formal, mathematical models to more simple, informal models using Spiro’s elements – goal attainment, potential acts, perceived efficiency of choices – formal, mathematical models are indeed more complex. To begin with, mathematical models require greater specification at all points. Greater specification makes for greater complexity. Formal, mathematical models in addition to potential acts also require all potential outcomes (as opposed to goals), relative value of the outcome and the probability each act will produce each outcome.

After depicting each model Hay then applies both the “Freudian” and the ‘deterrence’ model to Ojibwa behavior, dissecting the psychological assumptions underlying them. This is where the strength of this article lies. Through discussing the application of these formal, mathematical models, Hay demonstrates the inherent complexity of behavior analysis. Scientifically the studies have little worth, but as examples of the application of these two models they serve well.

JEFFERY BROWN: Southern Illinois University – Carbondale (Jonathan D. Hill)

Hay, Thomas H. A Technique of Formalizing and Testing Models of Behavior: Two Models of Ojibwa Restraint. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 708-730.

The main goal of this article is to show the utility of using formal models when observing behavior within a group, rather than informal models. Hay uses the previous work of Spiro to help explain the advantages of a formal, mathematical model. He says:

“First, formal models require greater care and precision in the specification of the ‘set of potential acts.’ Second, formal models also require specification, not of “a goal,” but of a set of potential outcomes, which may result from the specified actions. Third, formal models require the numerical specification of the relative values (to the individual) of these outcomes. Fourth, formal models also require numerical specification of the subjective probability (for the individual) that each action will produce each of the outcomes (p. 708).

Hay uses the informal behavioral models of Hallowell and Freud to show the benefits of using formal models when studying behavior. Hallowell’s model concerned the “extreme inhibition of aggressive behavior which is characteristic of the Ojibwa,” which he tried to explain using deterrence theory (p. 709). Freud used his model in the analysis of a patient in the article “Notes on a Case of Obsessional Neurosis.” Each of these models can be applied to a situation where an individual, IA, is being annoyed by another individual, IB. The two models provide different explanations for IA’s high probability of choosing a passive response to IB’s annoying behavior.

To avoid the problems presented by Hallowell’s and Freud’s informal models, Hay goes through the necessary steps involved when creating formal models. Hay says,”The first step in making these models explicitly quantitative is to identify the classes of actions with which these models are concerned” (p. 709). For example, Hay uses Hallowell’s model and divides the typical behavior of IA into two basic classes of actions, “attacking” and “directing.” To denote a certain type of action, Hay uses the variables A1, A2, A3, A4 and assigns a probability for each of these actions (Table I, p. 710). He says “In a formal decision model, it is assumed that the individual’s choice of an action depends, in part, on what he believes are the probabilities that each of the actions will produce each of the outcomes. These are called the individual’s subjective probabilities” (p. 711). Hay uses the variable “O” to denote the subjective probabilities.

Hay says the next step “is to determine the values which IA must attach to the various outcomes according to the deterrence model” (p. 711). He assigns a value to each of the possible outcomes or “possible future States of Nature” (p. 712). The last requirement in creating a formal model “is to calculate the subjective probabilities, for IA, of producing each of the States of Nature with each of the Actions” (p. 713).

Hay then demonstrates how to formalize the informal models of Hallowell and Freud. Hay says that models must be formalized in order to have any real scientific value. He understands that the formal method is meticulous, but he believes this method may provide a clearer picture when trying to understand behavior and personality.

JESSICA ZIMMERMANN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Hippler, Arthur E. The Athabascans of Interior Alaska: A Cultural and Personality Perspective. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75:1529-1541.

Perhaps one of the most inhospitable environments for human subsistence is that of interior Alaska, where food is often scarce and temperatures dive to around –50 quite frequently. These environmental aspects of Athabascan life result not only in a complex subsistence, but a complicated psychological behavior as well. The author explains his psychoanalytic approach to these people by first focusing on infant development. An eighty percent infant mortality rate had a direct relationship with a child’s psychosexual development because of it’s unsatisfied oral and nutritional needs. Those needs accompanied with jealousy of other siblings and even “murderous impulses,” resulted in surviving adults who possess an extreme control of emotional expression.

Arthur E. Hippler continues his article on the Athabascan culture by stressing the importance of “interdependence, and interpretation of culture, personality, and social structure.” He first describes basic social organization of this matrilocal culture. Due to the limited hunting season, the clans hunt, fish, and gather in small groups of around 10, relying on cached resources during the extremely cold winter. Such a harsh environment results in the absolute necessity for interclan and inter-moiety relationships which form their cooperative subsistence patterns. Furthermore, these various environmental challenges made warfare a great deal harder on the clans. Although highly suspicious of one another, clans did not hesitate to embrace one another as friends through a potlatch system of gift exchange. Similar to other potlatch systems, a man established prestige and heightened political status through gift exchange at these funerary events. However, though preventing war, these gift exchanges also had a competitive dimension to them as well. Another means of maintaining social order was through a patrilineally inherited chieftainship. This legal system implemented law that was absolute and without question.

The above mechanisms of preserving the Athabascan culture were developed largely out of necessity, and therefore were needed to sustain their life way. Much to their disadvantage, the Athabascans were Christianized, U.S. law was implemented over the high chief, and alcohol was introduced to them. These factors resulted in an essentially nonfunctioning society characterized by drunkenness, rape, and a failing legal system. With some lack of evidence, the author suggests that social functions of Christianity are easing the disintegration of these peoples culture and are helping them cope with “psychodynamic forces.”

KEVIN CONNORS Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Hippler, Arthur E. The Athabascans of Interior Alaska: A Culture and Personality Perspective. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75: 1529-1541.

Hippler gives us a view of the Athabascans through a psychoanalytic eye. He explains not only cultural traits but also their effect on the psyche and how they came to be. He begins by explaining relationships in the “close” family (mother to offspring, father to mother, offspring to father, etc.). One example given is that of the mother to her offspring. The environment of the Athabascans is a harsh and challenging one. The infant mortality rate is close to 80 percent. Because of this, Hippler states, the mother will not show affection or nurture the child for fear of death. This creates a plethora of emotions and feelings that shape and form the Athabascan psyche. Hippler suggests the roots of these relationships percolate deeply and permanently into Athabascan personality.

The Potlatch, as Hippler explains, is a huge social institution in Athabascan society. It is a taboo to touch the dead body of a relative, so members of a neighboring moiety must perform the task. Hippler describes briefly how this practice evolved into what is now known as the potlatch, in which “…social needs and pragmatic realities could be combined with an expression of basic psychodynamic concerns…”

The psychoanalyzing of Athatbascan culture is very interesting and gives one a different angle to view the culture.

RICK ANDREWS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Hoffman, Michael A. The History of Anthropology Revisited – A Byzantine Viewpoint.American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1347-1357.

This article on the history of anthropology suggests that previous studies have overlooked the contributions of Byzantine documents to the beginnings of anthropology. Previous studies propose that there was a break, or period of time, between the end Classical and beginning of Western intellectual thought. Hoffman disagrees with this viewpoint and presents evidence from Byzantine documents to support his hypothesis that the so-called break does not exist. Hoffman cites works by historians, travelers, poets and elite rulers. These people contributed a great deal of information including: documentation of the customs of barbaric peoples; geographical and ethnographical data on those living outside the Roman Empire; information about people from India, the Far East, and the Balkans.

Hoffman concludes that scholars must not keep the division that many believe to be a strong break from the Classical Period to the Renaissance. On the contrary, he believes that intellectual learning and anthropological thought continued throughout the traditionally accepted time break and that we must look to that period for the beginnings of anthropology.

TINA HASTINGS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hoffman, Michael A. The History of Anthropology Revisited—A Byzantine Viewpoint.American Anthropologist October, 1973 Volume 75 (5): 1347-1357.

This article discusses the evolution of anthropological thought beginning with the classical history of the Byzantine Empire. Hoffman’s main goal is to emphasize the importance of looking at the role Byzantium played in the development of anthropological theory. Historians have often paid too much attention to the thinkers of Western Europe and have neglected the impact upon anthropology by the Eastern Roman Empire (the Byzantine Empire). Hoffman examines the significance of historians who have provided valuable information pertaining to the non-Roman peoples that inhabited the dominion of both the Eastern and Western Roman Empire.

Renaissance Western Europe borrowed much of the cultural thought of Byzantium, which helped to preserve the “Classical traditions of antiquity” (p. 1354). The ethnographic work and comparative studies of the Byzantine Empire allowed for further understanding of humanity and the world itself. Much of modern anthropological thought and theory comes from the systematic observation and relativistic evaluation of the fifth, sixth, tenth, and eleventh centuries of the Byzantine Empire. In conclusion, the Byzantine Empire is often overlooked for its contributions to Western thought. It should be known that many of the themes found in today’s anthropology, history, sociology, theology, and biology came from the early ideas of the Byzantine Empire.

Hoffman’s article would be of interest to those who are intrigued by the origins of so-called Western thought. He provides an evolutionary perspective on many of the theories we find in the Western world today. Hoffman gives an excellent account of the often ignored role of the Byzantine Empire in the development of the anthropological thought we know today.

LEONA WESTOVER Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja).

Hopkins, Elizabeth. The Politics of Crime: Aggression and Control in a Colonial Context. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):731-741.

As the title suggests, Elizabeth Hopkins explores the various dimensions of political action in retaliation to crime or social upheaval in this article. In order to provide evidence for her argument that political and judicial actions were often used by colonial governments as a tool to suppress social unrest, Hopkins relies entirely on the example of the British in Uganda on the continent of Africa during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

During this period of British control in Uganda the local governments utilized, according to the data gathered by the author, judicial measures in order to prevent two offenses that were viewed as being tools of anti-colonial activity. Witchcraft and arson had both apparently been used to threaten the grip of the British colonialists quite often in the region. Due to a lack of manpower in the alien country, the British could by no means confront the protesters in open conflict. Instead, by creating and passing legislation, the colonial government hoped to deter these traditional acts of personal injury that had become a weapon applied to their downfall. The author believes that the legislative method was chosen because the government could suppress these actions while not creating a larger faction of dissidents.

Witchcraft was not seen as a crime in colonial Uganda, though it existed, until “the British recognized that such acts of personal injury or intimidation could readily serve as a matrix for opposition to British rule itself”(732). When a cult-led uprising sprang up the British were quick to apply the Witchcraft Ordinance to suppress it. However, it turned out that the laws lacked the necessary means to easily convict the designated perpetrator. This initiated rapid re-working of the laws, sometimes allowing legislation that was directly opposed to English law.

As happened to the attempt to suppress political unrest through the means of criminalizing subversive witchcraft, the efforts against arson also did not have as big an impact as was hoped. Very often, according to the article, the natives would use arson, normally a means for personal vengeance, against the colonialists. The British tried to monopolize this crime by taking the case in only colonial courts. However, they were unable to penetrate the cultural meaning of arson, and it was still used as a means of protest until the British assimilated the natives into the role of governing, thus providing a more direct political outlet for the people.

CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hopkins, Elizabeth. The Politics of Crime: Aggression and Control in a Colonial Context.American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):731-742.

This article addresses the problem of using colonial legislation to regulate colonial rule. Colonial governments often use the judicial system to try and demonstrate their presence and authority, but the misuse of legislation and misunderstanding of the rules by native groups often weakens control. In this article, Hopkins presents two offenses as examples of how colonial rule was ineffective in Uganda despite several tactics used by colonial authorities. Early colonial British rule outlawed witchcraft, because they saw it as a competing body of authority, and arson.

The ordinance against witchcraft faced several problems. First, the British failed to define witchcraft. Therefore, “witchcraft” could be inclusive of many things. When a local cult, the Nyabingi, became a threat to colonial rule, they were punishable under the witchcraft ordinance because of the ambiguity of the term. The Nyabingi did not pose a physical threat to anyone, but the British saw it as a threat, and were able to prosecute. The prosecution of the Nyabingi uncovered more weaknesses in judicial control. The British were unable to get a conviction because they were dealing with indigenous belief. The natives were frightened and refused to identify members being accused. If someone were convicted, sentencing also posed a dilemma. The initial sentences failed as deterrents, so the British increased the sentences. They also changed procedure so that a person could be convicted by indirect evidence. These attempts to change judicial law to facilitate colonial rule failed. In the case of arson, these offenses became tools for political aggression on the part of the natives.

Arson was an established offense, and therefore had a definition, but the burden of proof still remained a problem. Although, the witnesses willing to testify were abundant, eyewitness testimony was scarce. Colonial administrative buildings became the targets, and with a low conviction rate, arson became a very common act. When a conviction could be made authorities gave the maximum punishment available, but getting a conviction was still the main problem. In an attempt to curtail such activity, colonial authorities once again changed legislation. They included arson under the Collective Punishment Ordinance of 1909, which allowed the entire community to be fined if they did not cooperate with local authorities in the event of arson, but this was only in the case of damage caused to colonial administration. Also, they increased the minimum sentence for arson to seven years. These changes once again failed to be effective. The provision that the crime must be against British authorities weakened faith in the alien government, and the minimum sentence was avoided by district administrators because they believed it to be too harsh.

Hopkins concludes that successful colonial law requires the “acceptance by the African of the validity of colonial intervention, and the acquisition of values which will ensure cooperation with British authorities in the detection and prosecution of the offender.” In the case of Uganda neither of these was attained. The British widened the parameters of the offenses of witchcraft and arson in order to have the power to prosecute an array of crimes, but their ulterior motives led to local peoples using the offenses as a means to protest the British presence, and the legislative rewriting proved ineffective.

TRACCI GABEL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Hsu, Francis L.K. Prejudice and Its Intellectual Effect in American Anthropology…American Anthropologist Febuary, 1973 Vol.75(1):1-19.

In this article Hsu states that the majority of people think of prejudice in terms of employment and educational inequalities directed towards some ethnic or religious group. Hsu goes on to explain that his paper is not aimed at the general idea and instances of prejudice. Hsu attempts to show us a subtler and often unrecognized type of prejudice and how it effects the intellectual development of the profession of Anthropology. He has come to these conclusions through research and personal experience.

The central problem, according to Hsu, is that after a minority person has been appointed to a faculty position at a university, his chances of real intellectual contribution are next to nothing. This is not because he has nothing of value to say, but rather because his or her theories are not accepted or recognized. Therefore he has little hope of helping to shape the intellectual direction of his chosen profession.

Throughout the article Hsu states that his intentions are not intended as negative criticism. He also says that he realizes that there are White American Anthropologist’s who do not feel the way that he claims the majority do. However he feels that it is part of the American collective consciousness. He also admits that prejudice is a complex problem that requires more study. After sharing these things Hsu asks three questions:

“What and how far non-White intellectual contributions have been given a chance?

How do my own experiences illuminate the picture?

What are the intellectual implications to American Anthropology, if any, of the answers to questions 1 and 2?”

Hsu starts giving evidence of this prejudice by exploring the Peking man incident. No one ever heard about the researcher Dr. Pei Wen-chung. Davidson Black, Franz Weidenreich, and Von Konigswald were all mentioned, but none of them contributed as much as Dr. Wen-chung.

Hsu also finds evidence in the amount of references to non-white works most publications contain. Only eight references to non-White works are found in the 940 page Anthropology Today, and in The Rise of Anthropological Theory only four out of 1000 items are non-White.

As far as his own personal experiences go, Hsu feels that they are not out of sync with the norm.

He concludes with these hypotheses: White anthropologists do not consider their non-White colleagues as intellectual equals.

Since theoreticians enjoy higher professional esteem than mere fact gatherers, they can tolerate non-Whites in the role of the latter far more than that of the former.

Even in the role of fact gatherers, White anthropologist would like non-Whites to confine themselves to their own native, non-White cultures.

White anthropologists find it most intolerable to accept theories about their own culture from non-White sources.

Hsu goes on to give some examples of areas in which this prejudice of White, American anthropologists has hurt their theories. He mentions the American idea of witchcraft being only the outlet for psychological repressions. He also talks about Americans not yet breaking out of their ideas concerning caste. But the major problem as far as Hsu is concerned is American anthropologists general theories on the determinants of human social and cultural behavior.

Hsu concludes his paper by once again stating that he does not mean to infer that white America has a monopoly on prejudice, but that it is there. Furthermore he says that unless we begin to consider ways and means of breaking out of these prejudice ways, any truly universal applicable theories of man can hardly emerge.

BRANDON HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hsu, Francis L.K. Prejudice and Its Intellectual Effect in American Anthropology: An Ethnographic Report. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75 (1): 1-19.

In this article, Hsu harshly criticizes American anthropology for its failure to utilize and appreciate the offerings of “non-White intellectuals.” He argues that the field does not value the opinions and observations offered by this group of scholars and also asserts that they are even considered inferior intellectually. Hsu cites personal examples where Western anthropologists have been referenced repeatedly and “non-White” authors have been greatly overlooked, illustrating how much this problem permeates the field.

The goal of Hsu’s article is to “reveal the intellectual conscience collectif of the White American anthropologist.” He claims that the ethnocentric Western perspective greatly alters our interpretation of important theories about witchcraft studies and caste systems and even creates an “obsession with Economic Determinism.” According to Hsu the American ideal of individualism so greatly colors the anthropologist’s view that the researcher is unable to practice cultural relativism. He also claims that the Western cultural belief of Western intellectual superiority restricts the contributions and criticisms that “non-Whites” can offer the field of anthropology.

Hsu insists that this article is not an attack on American anthropology. It should be used to see that prejudice exists even in a field with a reputation of cross-cultural egalitarianism. By recognizing these errors the field has the opportunity not only to correct them but also to ensure that future research respects the intellectual contributions of “non-White,” non-Western trained anthropologists.

ANNA SAPPINGTON-SANDIDGE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Keesing, Roger M. Kwaraae. Ethnoglottochronology: Procedures Used by Malaita Cannibals for Determining Percentages of Shared Cognates American Anthropologist October, 1973 75(5):1282-1289.

In this article, Roger Keesing studies the many kinship rules that govern how the people of Malaita, in the British Soloman Islands, divide up their relatives when they die. Of course, eating the body has huge religious significance, and only the closest relatives are allowed to eat the most important body parts. He mentions that the Kwara ae gather at the crucial events in a man’s life: his birth, his death, and his marriage. There are many rules governing the certain divisions of the body and the techniques for preparing this part for consumption. Some parts are eaten raw while others are cooked, and there are many other symbolic preparations for the bodies. Body parts are handed out to all of the most important kin, while it seems that the less important kin are stuck with soup when there is no meat left.

In the article, Keesing mentions that Christianity has changed things slightly among these people in recent years. The notion that all men are brothers has caused much controversy and now in some areas, the kin of the dead eat their pigs rather than the deceased.

Keesing draws up certain models and graphs in order to try to give the reader a better understanding of the subject, although some of the charts only confuse the reader and add to the questions. The chart of the bodily divisions is very helpful, but the other charts and certain “formulas” for the division of the body and how this relates back to kinship are very confusing. Drawing these conclusions from research that was conducted in an interview rather than from firsthand experience and observation seems very questionable.

ALAN THIES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Keesing, Roger M. Kwaraae Ethnoglottochronology: Procedures Used by Malaita Cannibals for Determining Percentages of Shared Cognates. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (4): 1282-1289.

In this article, Roger M. Keesing writes a razing satire of “the new ethnography,” also known as “ethnoscience.” To accomplish his back-handed critique of this theoretical paradigm, Keesing utilized the facade of analyzing native Kwaraae kin and body terms to explain the way the Kwaraae of Malaita, British Solomon Islands, “carve up their world of experience.” To obtain the emic view favored by ethnoscientists, Keesing frames his discussion of Kwaraae kin and body terms in an explanation of how one’s relation to a kin who died in a feud determines how much of that particular kin’s body one will be allowed to eat. In other words, the Kwaraae are cannibals who eat their deceased kin, and their status in relation to the deceased kin determines their portion of the funeral feast.

Because ethnoscientists and cognitive anthropologists frequently utilize linguistic analysis to obtain their understanding of culture and thought, it is fitting that Keesing, a linguist, wrote such a critique of ethnoscience. His sarcasm is evident throughout the article from the initial description of his use of “the highest ethnoscience standards of ethnographic rigor, psychological reality, methodological precision, explicitness . . .incomprehensibility, and irrelevance” to his endnotes, the second of which states:

This cultural grammar is unfortunately not readily available because of its large size (38,411 pages), excessive cost, and limited utility (since it is written in Kwaraae). The author recommends in the interests of economy and space that interested parties import a knowledgeable middle-aged Kwaraae pagan instead.

For those with a limited knowledge of anthropological theory, the above quote makes reference to many of the common criticisms of ethnoscience, emphasizing the impracticality of the ethnoscientific belief that one should only use native terms to describe a culture. Employing the then-typical ethnoscientific approach of creating diagrams to outline word-meaning contrasts and distinguish native conceptual categories, the bulk of this article consists of diagrams, charts, and equations sprinkled liberally with Keesing’s macabre sense of humor (he refers to ego’s bodily remains as “Kwaraae burger,” ego’s kin as “still-hungry,” and ego’s dismemberment as “carving”). His figure representing the typical “segmentation” of a late Kawaraae kinsperson is of particular note to persons whose interests lie in the rituals associated with death.

For those who have a weak stomach, a literal mind, a lacking sense of humor, and/or a close connection to the ethnoscientific paradigm—beware! Otherwise, this article is rather enjoyable light reading that requires some knowledge of the ethnoscience and cognitive anthropology paradigms, as well as their critiques.

CASEY REID Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Kemnitzer, Luis S. Adjustment and Value Conflict in Urbanizing Dakota Indians Measured by Q-Sort Technique. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):687-707.

In this article Luis Kemnitzer explains the results of a quantitative analysis test known as a Q-Sort that was conducted upon Native Americans that had migrated from their reservations to San Francisco and Oakland. The point of the tests was to measure quantitatively the conflict between two ideal value systems of the Native American Subjects. The value systems in question were labeled as “ideal” and “actual”. The ideal value system being based upon what the subject would value “if the world were just the way you wanted it”(690). The value system labeled “actual” dealt with the subjects’ perceptions of what urban society required of them.

The test was conducted by handing each participant a deck of 36 cards, each with a different statement upon it. The fieldworker then asked the participant to pick out the statements that were most important in life, creating separate lists for the “ideal” and “actual” sorts. The object was to discern if greater discrepancies between the two abstract value systems caused the subject to experience a lack of adjustment to urban life. The author however concedes that in order to make this judgment the aspect of actual observed behavior must be brought into the analysis. This is done by describing the observed behavior of two subjects whose cases are known in detail.

The first case study, A, revealed that the subject’s “ideal” sort was closer to the observed behavior than the observed behavior was to the “actual” sort. This suggests that while the subject had not done extremely well in adjusting to urban life this was not as important to him as living as he thought he should. A was seeing as being relatively unstressed in his urban life, though he had failed to adjust to his perceptions of what was required of him. B’s sort, on the other hand, revealed that he had done more to adjust to urban life than A. However, it was thought that since there was such a large discrepancy between his “ideal” and “actual” sorts while he appeared to adhere to his “actual” values that B must suffer more tension than A.

In conclusion the author summarizes that conflict is always present no matter if the urbanizing Native American adhered to his “ideal” or “actual” value system. Though in one case the conflict is between the behavioral and “ideal” systems, and in the other conflict lied between the two abstract value systems.

CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Kemnitzer, Luis S. Adjustment and Value Conflict in Urbanizing Dakota Indians Measured by Q-Sort Technique. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75 (3): 687-707.

In this article, Kemnitzer explores data that was recorded and interpreted using a newly devised technique called the “Q-Sort.” This technique was used to measure value conflicts in Dakota Indians who had been living in an urban setting. Value conflicts occur when a Native American individual or family would move from the reservation into a larger city in search of work. They are mainly differences in the way a Native American family perceives the world around them from a native perspective and how that conflicts with their new urban perspective. The Q- Sort Technique was devised to examine the compatibility between the two cultural situations and to test a hypothesis that states that in most situations the more similarities between the native culture and the urban culture, the easier the adjustment of an individual into the new environment.

The researchers tried many different ways to test the above idea. In the beginning, subjects were given thirty-six cards, each with what the author called “a value statement.” The subject was asked to put the statements in order according to what the subject would think is an ideal order of values and then the order of values the subject believed was essential to survive in the city. This test had many flaws, including the misunderstanding of instructions by the test subjects and their unwillingness to admit this and the misunderstanding of the actual statement on the card. The cultural differences between the Dakota test subjects and the test givers caused problems that many times went unnoticed, including problems with interpreting value statements accurately. Another test had the subject rate values according to their own view of what values they possessed. It was realized that this could only prove an accurate description of the subject if the researcher compared the stated values with actual behavior and life experiences. Two test subjects were chosen and their lives were studied to solve this problem.

When the two subjects and their families were evaluated, the researchers looked at the public records of both individuals. For the most part, the records were unflattering and contained evidence of rash behavior and loose work ethics. Examination into the personal lives and history of the Dakotas involved began to show reasons behind these problems. Only with the understanding of the Dakota Indians’ perspective and belief systems could the researchers begin to piece together the real value systems of the individuals involved. Once they had their evidence, the researchers then used the Q-Sort technique to make their own value hierarchy for both of their test subjects that took into account personal experiences and was vastly more accurate than the value hierarchy that the subjects themselves had created at the beginning of the study.

After the work with the Dakota Indians and the Q-Sort technique, researchers came up with one basic hypothesis. This hypothesis states that if the desired value system of the individual based on cultural beliefs is in conflict with those beliefs the individual feels are essential for survival in the urban world, then the individual will try to maintain the values that are believed to be ideal even at the cost of his new city life. The other option is that the individual will try to adapt to the urban values despite the conflict he or she will undoubtedly experience with their cultural values. The author believes that conflict will arise in either situation.

REBECCA HENDERSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Khera, Sigrid. Social Stratification and Land Inheritance Among Austrian Peasants. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):814-822.

The Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) was a project that intended to collect ethnographic information from around the world and to organize that information into categories such as marriage, kinship, or food. For example, one could go to the HRAF files, look up marriage, and pull up information on marriage customs from around the world. Khera’s article is a part of the HRAF file project. Khera looks at land inheritance in two areas of Austria, Upper Austria and the easternmost province of Burgenland. Her article contrasts land inheritance in the period before the 1950s and from the 1950s to the present.

As a part of the HRAF project, Khera’s article is primarily a description of average Austrian peasant life up until rural industrialization in the 1950’s, and little after the industrialization. Prior to the 1950’s, Austrian farmers passed their land from parent to child. Anyone who did not own land, worked for those who did own land. When a couple decided to “retire” from their farm, a contract would be drawn up that outlined which child (usually the eldest or the youngest) would be the heir, and how much money the remaining children would receive as compensation. Also prior to the 1950’s, the local political leadership in rural Austria was controlled exclusively by those individuals who owned a great deal of land.

After the 1950s, much of the agricultural labor was performed by machines and those individuals who had previously worked the farms were now finding jobs in industrial plants or urban industries. Prior to the 1950s, there was a two-level stratification of society: those who owned land, and those who worked for the land owners. After the 1950s, the people who had previously worked for the land-owning farmers were now economically independent of the land owners. The two-level stratification expanded into several more levels as former farm laborers were now able to achieve status equivalent to that of the land owner. Politically, there were changes as well. Industrial workers now occupied political positions.

In Upper Austria, the industrial workers and land-owning farmers seem to live in relative harmony compared to their Burgenland counterparts. According to Khera, the workers and the farmers in Burgenland belong to opposing political parties. Khera maintains that this difference in worker/land owner relations between Burgenland and Upper Austria is understood though the different attitudes towards status and status flexibility in the two communities.

LISA PORTER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Khera, Sigrid. Social Stratification and Land Inheritance Among Austrian Peasants. American Anthropologist April, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 814-822.

Khera describes the social stratification of Austrian peasants in two different regions. The first is Upper Austria which has undivided land inheritance; the oldest or youngest son is given the land when the father retires. The father and mother then move out of the farmhouse and the oldest or youngest son moves in with his wife. Even though the mother and father live on the farm they play no part in running it. The rest of the children are provided with a share of the value of the farm in cash. These payments start with the second oldest sibling and may take a long time for the oldest to pay off. The youngest sibling usually receives a lower amount than the others, because the payments take so long to get and the farm value may depreciate. Once the payments are received, that individual now is no longer attached to the family and goes off to find his own work or buy a small amount of land. They are then called a small-plot owner. The oldest son is also responsible for paying the dowries of his sisters. His wife’s dowry is not included in the farm’s value. All of these obligations are written in a contract that holds the oldest son to the job. The reason the farm is not split up is that if you do not own a certain amount of land you will then move to a lower social class. Their socio-economic structure is based on the amount of land a person has. The other siblings are on their own; they are expected to save money to pay a family member room and board to take care of them in the case of illness or disability.

In northern Burgenland the land is divided according to family size. If it is a large family the youngest is usually the main heir. If the family is small the heir is the oldest son. Either way, the son has to be married before the transfer is performed. The couple then moves in with the groom’s parents and takes care of about three acres of land. They gain the profit from that land and anything, such as cattle, that the wife may have brought as her dowry. Siblings who do not marry into a farm live for about three years in the parental household. They have the choice of living with the husband’s or the wife’s family. They gain land to work on and the wife and husband both work in the field. They can also use any of the farm equipment on the farm for their own use. Only after all of the children can buy their own land and move out does the heir receive rights to the land. If the main heir dies a brother or a cousin will step in so that the land stays in the family. Unlike Upper Austria there is a large amount of interaction between all of the relatives on the farm.

Khera also explains the impact of WWII when most of the larger families had children emigrate overseas. Even with all the contractual agreements it is not impossible for a well-to-do member of a family to descend to a lower class. Yet, it mostly took several generations for this descent to happen. Overall, the Austrians found ways to keep individuals in their original social classes.

GEORGIA F. MERRICK Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Kronenfeld, David B. Fanti Kinship: The Structure of Terminology and Behavior. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1577-1595.

In this article Kronenfeld examines kinship through both linguistic terminology and studying the behavior between kinsmen in a small Fanti fishing village in the Central Region of Ghana, West Africa. He compares the two results to see whether linguistic categorization complements behavioral patterns or if the behavioral patterns do not reflect the linguistic hierarchy.

Linguistically, kinship categories are defined by a certain set of defining attributes, although others are sometimes placed in a category because they are similar to the primary members of that category. These attributes are based on age, generation, and maternal or paternal lineage. It should be noted, however, that relatives can move up or down in generation according to their maternal or paternal lineage. For example, one’s mother’s brother’s child is equal to one’s own child, thus moving him down a generation. On the other hand, One’s father’s sister’s child is equal to one’s mother or father, moving them up a generation. Linguistic categories appear to be strict and are strongly respected. Kronenfeld does a poor job explaining the details of the linguistic categories and their relatedness to their defining attributes in an understandable way in this article.

Behaviors that Kronenfeld found to complement the linguistic hierarchy are those concerning the line of inheritance and “acting like” a parent (p.1583). Kronenfeld conducted an experiment where he asked the members of the community which behaviors they took part in with their relatives. Behavioral categories included, “‘inherit from,’ ‘spank,’ ‘sweep for,’ and ‘like to live with’” (p.1584). He found the most important attribute that defined behavior was seniority, followed by closeness.

Overall, the author found lineage membership to be more significant to the terminology than it is to behavior. Linguistic categories are well defined, but difficult to understand. These categories, however, seem to have no independent effect on behavior, however it appears that certain behaviors (inheritance and acting like a parent) define a person’s categorization. Although, based on this conclusion, the author initially had a materialist view, he concludes that it “differs from the materialist view by claiming that it is not these behaviors themselves which most directly structure the terminological system, but rather that it is the non-terminological, but still mental, construct, the class of people to whom the behaviors potentially can occur, which structures the terminology” (p.1589).

BETHANY J. MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Leone, Shirley. Associational-Metaphorical Activity: Another View of Language and Mind.American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1276-1281.

The field of linguistic anthropology deals with the interrelatedness of language, thought, culture and meaning. To this end, linguistic anthropologists pay close attention to not only what people say but also how they say it. In this article by Shirley Leone, she looks at how metaphor, double entendre, and puns (referred to as secondary associational patternings) are themselves an important part of language and that they are examples of Edward Sapir’s “patterns of expression” in a highly visible form. Despite this, she states that secondary associational patterns are sometimes made invisible by a more surface-rich objective form of language in which the meaning is referential and clear. However, when one starts to look for such secondary associational patterns, it is realized that they are everywhere and as much a part of language as syntax and grammar. To this effect she gives various examples of speakers who unintentionally layer the meaning and significance of their utterances through the use of pun, metaphor and the like. What makes this possible, she says, is the use of the principles of inclusion and multiplicity. That is, taking all possibilities of meaning simultaneously and allowing for, “an associational cluster of related elements”—a characteristic that is highlighted in the behavior of schizophrenics (p.1280).

Leone ends her article by suggesting that there is a tension at work in language. It is played out through the symbolic formation of logical limitation and reduction and the “paralogic” of disorder through multiplicity and inclusion. This ties back to referential communication as a product of limitation and reduction and metaphoric expression as a product of inclusion and multiplicity.

T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Leone, Shirley. Associational-Metaphorical Activity: Another View of Language and Mind.American Anthropologist October, 1973 Volume 75(5):1276-1281.

In this paper Shirley Leone makes the argument that metaphor is not merely a tool used by poets, a symptom of psychological disorder, or limited in linguistic use to the description of emotion. Instead, she sees metaphor as a functional part of language that is used to convey deep meanings with regard to ideas promoted in everyday sentence structure.
Leone sees language as a continuum where the use of metaphor to its greatest degree is at one end of the spectrum and the use of non-metaphorical communication to its greatest degree is at the other. It is the first extreme, extreme use of metaphor, where you would find poetry and Schizophrenia. In contrast, normal language would be found in a range towards the middle of the continuum, with non-metaphorical and metaphorical communication weaving in and out of each other to create normal language. Metaphor is used functionally in normal language as punning relationships, double entendre and metaphorical allusion. Leone gives examples of each as used in normal conversation.

Leone also addresses the issue of extreme metaphorical use as a symptom of Schizophrenia. Schizophrenia patients appear to attempt to take all possible metaphorical relationships of words into simultaneous consideration when speaking. For this reason it is common for a Schizophrenic to start a statement only to have it end in a long string of metaphorical association. Leone argues that it is not the metaphor that is the symptom of Schizophrenia, but an inability of the Schizophrenic to ignore associations between words in favor of other more functional organizations relative to the statement being made. In conclusion, Leone restates her original idea that metaphor is a functional part of common language.

ERIC DEATHERAGE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Leon-Portilla, Miguel. Alfonso Caso 1896-1970. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):879 -896.

Born in Mexico City in February of 1896, Caso first studied law and later earned his M.A. in Philosophy from the National University of Mexico. It was only a few years later that he discovered his true profession as an archaeologist and social anthropologist. This transition took place during a visit to Xochicalco and he quickly became the head of the Department of Archaeology at the National Museum.

Caso had many long and important research and development projects including: discovery of treasure at Monte Alban; studying the calendar systems of Central Mexico and Oaxaca; the establishment of Coordinating Indian Centers.

He was involved in many scholarly organizations and was highly published in the field as the bibliography following the article details. Caso had a great deal of energy and held many positions throughout his career that helped him to further applied anthropology and Central American archaeology. Alfonso Caso died November 30, 1970.

TINA HASTINGS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Leon-Portilla, Miguel. Alfonso Caso 1896-1970. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 877-886.

This article acknowledges the merit and achievements of the late Alfonso Caso, a distinguished anthropologist and archaeologist. Caso was renowned for his work and contribution to exploring and understanding his own native Mexican culture and history. His obituary includes a brief history of his career including interests, education, research, career positions, contributions, and other achievements. The remainder of the article is a bibliographic account, written in Spanish, of Caso’s life from 1919 to 1970.

Caso’s original interests were in law and philosophy. In 1919, he graduated with a degree in law from the National University of Mexico and one year later he obtained a Masters in philosophy. He taught at his respective university for several years until his interest was sparked in the subject of archaeology while visiting an archaeological site at Xochicalco. For Caso, this was the “turning point” (p. 877) and in 1931, he began his archaeological research in Monte Alban, Oaxaca. His discovery of the golden treasures in tomb 7 of Monte Alban gained him immediate fame and recognition in the field. His research continued at Monte Alban for nearly 12 years and his findings contributed much to the understanding of the ancient Zapotec and Mixtec cultures.

Among his contributions, Caso helped organize many centers of archaeological and anthropological research throughout his lifetime. Such centers include: the Mexican Society of Anthropology, the National Institute of Anthropology and History, the National Museum of Anthropology and its Department of Archaeology, and finally the National Indianist Institute. Prestigious positions for Caso include Director of the Museum of the Institute of Anthropology and President of the National University of Mexico where his research interests focused on the calendrical systems of Central Mexico, Zapotec stelae, and religion of the Aztecs just to name a few.

Later on in his career, Caso gained more of an interest in social anthropology. His creation of the National Indianist Institute in 1949 led to the establishment of nearly a dozen related centers all throughout Mexico, all with the common goal to promote the preservation and understanding of Mexico’s native communities. Even as Director of the National Indianist Institute, Caso continued to devote himself to his research until the time of his death in 1970. As one of the most prestigious archaeologist and anthropologist renowned in the world, Alfonso Caso is recognized for his lifetime of devotion and contribution to the field of anthropology.

ANGELIA SMITH Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Lison-Tolosana, Carmelo. Some Aspects of Moral Structure in Galician Hamlets. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):823-834.

This article is based upon an ethnographic study conducted in the northwest corner of Spain, a region known as Galicia. The author’s area of exploration lies within the realm of what he describes as moral structure. More specifically it is the moral relationships of the hamlet, or small settlements of people whom are closely interrelated, that is the concern.

These hamlets, according to the writer, and the people who live in them are organized into three major realms of relationships that in turn constitute the moral structure found in the region. At the center of the residents’ allegiances is the specific house to which one is a member. As Lison-Tolosana describes, these houses consist of three generations with the eldest male being the head of the household. This generational hierarchy is the basis for all economic and social ties within the hamlets. The second realm of relationships stems from those who are actual, geographic neighbors and the third from those who are neighbors in the sense that they live in the same town.

The author uses this description of the social structure to embark on his purpose of exploring the moral structure of the Galician hamlets. The House, being at the center of their moral universe, “provides the basis for a moral dichotomy of all that lies inside it as opposed to all that lies outside (824)”. Everything that lies within the house including, all buildings, livestock, crops, furniture, and human members are possibly subject to a sort of curse that is imposed by those outside of the house, or, specifically, neighbors. These outsiders have at their disposal a weapon, known as envy in the region, that can be used to hinder the growth or prosperity of their neighbors. It seems that the nature of neighbors in Galicia is latently hostile. However, as the author explains, certain rites, ceremonies, charms, and practices can be facilitated to prevent the envy of others to bringing harm to a household. These ceremonies and practices keep the vecinos in constant competition with each other.

Lison-Tolosana ends the article with a look at how the moral structure of these people can serve not only to divide the hamlet and reinforce the household, but can also strengthen ties within the community. Such things as the naming of god-parents, and yearly ceremonies that symbolize the people of the hamlet as one opposed to the rest of the outside world serve to create the necessary social structure that reinforces the importance of the community as a whole.

CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois of University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Lison-Tolosana, Carmelo. Some Aspects of Moral Structure in Galician Hamlets. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 (3):823-834.

Galicia is located in North West Spain. Covering an area of 29,434 square kilometers with a population of over two and a half million, Galicia is broken up into four provinces and 315 municipalities. According to Lison-Tolosana tradition subdivides the municipalities into parishes, which are then broken down into Hamlets, the focus of this article.

The concept of the house is very important in Galician Hamlets. According to the author, the ideology and reality of the house offers an outline for understanding the social composition and residential structure of the hamlet. In Galicia the term “the house” has multiple meanings. It can refer to the actual building people live in, the whole estate of a family, or the family itself.

A household is made up of the head male, his eldest son (the heir) and their wives and unmarried children. Men of Galician Hamlets marry women from neighboring hamlets 84% of the time. Sons who are not first born and therefore do not inherit the house must move out on their own. Daughters are most often married to men outside the hamlet and move away with them. This leads to a lack of kinship ties between families within the Hamlet. The head of the house has certain responsibilities that he must fulfill. They include: producing an heir, bettering the house, not allowing the house to deteriorate, and striving against neighbors. This makes it hard for neighbors to help each other. The head of the house must decide if helping a neighbor or the community will hurt his house.

In the community the household operates as a single unit. Only one member of the household is required to fulfill community requirements such as attending church and town meetings. The household also holds one vote in community elections.

According to the author, the people of Galicia see their local universe as two worlds, that which is inside the house and that which is outside. They perform cleansing rituals that stress this polarization. For example, rituals are performed when a new member enters the household or sometimes when a member of the household leaves to go to town. These purifying rituals associated with coming and going underline the singularity of the house, according to Lison-Tolosana.

In Galician Hamlets a “bad neighbor” is the worst thing one can have. This is emphasized in prayers, folk tales, and songs. To Galician villagers envy, witchcraft and evil and caused by bad neighbors. Evil that comes from outside of the Hamlet (from new comers) is attributed to witchcraft.

STACI GATES Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Lynch, Thomas F. Harvest Timing, Transhumance, and the Process of Domestication.American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1254-1259.

This article deals with the role transhumance played in the domestication and improvements of plants. The main purpose of the article, as stated by the author, is to “call attention to the important role that ‘non-optimal’ or poorly timed harvests might have played in promoting plant transfers, domestication, and improvement of crops in mountainous zones.”

Lynch begins the article by noting that it is not often accepted that single species of plants undergo multiple domestications. The reason for this belief is that domestication is a slow process and relies on genetic mutations that result in the loss of dispersal mechanisms and adaptability to different environments. However, he gives a few examples of plants that do not seem to fit this idea, proposing that multiple independent developments of agriculture may be more probable than previously understood. First is the suggestion that barley has been domesticated twice in Western and Central Asia – through two separate genetic routes. Secondly, the author points out that Phaseolus beans have undergone multiple domestications, as well as four different species of chili peppers.

Lynch then goes on to explain the importance of harvesting qualities as they apply to domestication. He explains how a mechanism “preventing effective dispersal of seeds at maturity” (reducing natural reproduction), combined with late harvesting by man, came to be favored. Furthermore, the selection of plants with non-dispersing characteristics occurred over consecutive generations, contributing to the distribution of seeds (whether deliberate or accidental). Three more important factors are proposed by the author (originally by Flannery) for the beginnings of domestication. The factors describe a “pattern of interchange of resources between groups exploiting contrasting environmental situations – a kind of primitive redistribution system…” (1255). They show that it is important not that man planted maize, but that he “(1) moved it to niches to which it was not adapted, (2) removed certain pressures of natural selection, which allowed more deviants from the normal phenotype to survive, and (3) eventually selected for characters not beneficial under conditions of natural selection.” Lynch adds that the “ideal” conditions for this to occur would be where hunter-gatherers practiced seasonal transhumance (moving between lowlands to adjacent mountains). The reason for this is that the abrupt difference in environmental zones makes it possible for disadvantageous characteristics to be advantageous in the neighboring area.

Another point proposed by the author is that where transhumance takes place, “harvests will take place too early or too late for the best yield.” He explains that when harvesting plants late, one will very effectively pick the plants that do not disperse their seeds effectively – which would be beneficial for migratory people. Furthermore, with premature harvests, seeds from plants may very well be taken to areas, such as to a higher elevation, with a shorter growing season.

Lynch comes to the conclusion that areas with “high relief and environmental diversity” create favorable conditions for domestication and transhumance. He also applies this to the Americas, saying the “first archaeologically known plant domestications coincide in time and area with diversified, evidently transhumant, economic system.”

CHRIS SWOPE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Macaulay, Ronald. Double Standards. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1324-1337.

Macaulay, in his article, argued the definition of the terms “standard” and “nonstandard” in reference to anthropological linguistics. The terms have been misused to associate what is called a “nonstandard” variety of a language with an inferior connotation. Macaulay proposed that there may not be a solid definition of what a standard form of a language is. Should Black English (ebonics), Scottish English, or even Southern American English be considered nonstandard, or varietal dialects of the same standardized language? Macaulay used three examples to explore his query; the use of Schwyzertutsch in Switzerland, the use of English in Glasgow, Scotland, and Black English (ebonics) in the U.S. In Switzerland, three-fourths of everyone speaks Schwyzertutsch (the most popularly-used language). However, in most all formal matters (schooling, business, etc.), Standard German is the only widely acceptable form of communication. Even though most speak it, Schwyzertutsch is considered functionally inferior to German (and sometimes French), therefore acquiring the dubbing of a nonstandard language. In Glasgow, Scotland, the prestigious accent of inhabitants has posed a dilemma: Is Glaswegian English its own language or is it merely a form of nonstandard english? Glaswegians know English, and they actually prefer the variance they have achieved. They know and accept (proudly) their own dialect, and actually shy away from efforts to refine their speech to become more proper. In this argument, Macaulay noted that the only real distinction between the two (Glaswegian and ‘American’ English) is in phonological usage, but in principle it clouds the definitions of standard and nonstandard. Thirdly, Macaulay argued the use of Black English (ebonics) in America as one of the most notable problems of a standard-nonstandard definitive class. Much like the situation of Schwyzertutsch in Switzerland, Black English is used mostly in informal situations. In nearly all official matters, “standard” English is the norm, and Black English is commonly associated to those lacking a formal and complete education. This notion is untrue on two accounts, because Black English speakers are quite likely to be educated to some degree, and they knowingly and deliberately choose to speak Black English after they learn Standard American English. Macaulay’s main ideas are that the terms “standard” and “nonstandard” are biased, because “nonstandard” is too often interpreted to mean “substandard”, and the definitons of the “standardized” forms of languages have been quite eurocentric, if not anglocentric.

BRYAN TIPPY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Macaulay, Ronald. Double Standards. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (5) 1324-1337.

Ronald Macaulay analyzes the use of the labels “Standard” and “Nonstandard” in socio-linguistics in order to identify variations of languages. In this article he examines the variation of so-called Standard German called Schwyzertilsch, the language of approximately seventy-five percent of the people in Switzerland. He also examines Glasgow English, the variety of English spoken in Scotland, and Black English in the United States.

Macaulay begins by looking at the four distinct functions suggested for a standard language. The first is the unifying function; second, the separatist function; third, the prestige functions; and the fourth is the frame-of-reference function. The author then points out that these functions present the idea that standard is good and nonstandard is bad and that this point of view, which is consistent with most standard language speakers, gives rise to the notion that nonstandard speakers are uneducated, which is clearly not the case. Macaulay begins to unravel these arguments by first looking at Schwyzertilsch. He drives home the point that most of Switzerland’s population speaks this variation, and that the more prestigious French and German speakers are in the minority, which, he argues, makes Schwyzertilsch more of a standard than the accepted standards.

Macaulay also asks the question, as he does in the examinations of both Glasgow English and Black English, “Why should an apparently intelligent and well-educated population insist on speaking a nonstandard language?” He then states that either linguists have exaggerated the benefits of a standard language or they have mistaken the nature of a standard language. In the situation of Glasgow English he illustrates that the people realize that it is not “correct” but they would not choose to speak “standard” English. The people of Glasgow believe that it distinguishes them from the people of England, indicating that Glasgow English has its own prestige. This makes it apparent that standard language must be defined with consideration to the local situation. Macaulay also says that there is absolutely no difference between Glasgow English and Standard English outside the phonology, which he attributes to the Great Vowel Shift.

Black English is commonly attributed to two factors: lack of education and upbringing. Macaulay smashes both of these notions, saying “characteristics of nonstandard Black English do not appear in nearly such a pronounced form before adolescence.” From this he deduces that Black English is a result of a stratified social order. He states that Black English was formed to maintain social distance, which is the equivalent of geographical separation for dialects. He then reasons that if Black English is truly occurring due to social differences, then it is primarily a result of choice. Macaulay lists the characteristics of Black English as “(1) omission of the third person singular suffixal-Z; (2) deletion of the copula; (3) use of invariant be; (4) negative concord; (5) inversion in embedded questions.” He reasons that it is fair to label these features as nonstandard since there is a norm that these usages violate. He also says that focusing solely on grammar will cut down on the number of nonstandard speakers considerably.

From these observations the author determines that because most so-called nonstandard languages have their own standard to which speakers are expected to conform, there is more than one standard within languages. Macaulay reasons that trying to fit all varieties of a language under one standard is virtually impossible, and that drawing norms of speech for certain communities and locales is a better way to study the language of that social group.

JAY HANEWINKEL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Magnarella, Paul J. and Turkdogan, Orhan. Descent, Affinity, and Ritual Relations in Eastern Turkey. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1626-1633.

Ritual co-parenthood as it occurs among many Christians is commonly known and understood, however a widespread Middle Eastern form has received little attention. For this reason the authors have chosen to study kivrelik, practiced among various Sunni Muslim and Alevi-Shiite sects. The authors explain that there is no religious law prescribing kivrelik, and the practice is scattered among different ethnicities in the Middle East. Kivrelik practices vary tremendously, but the basis for all of them is the circumcision of a young boy and the ensuing father-son-like relationship between the sponsor and the boy.
The different forms and functions of kivrelik often correlate with marriage preferences. In some villages, it is ideal to marry one’s first cousin, while in others this is not common at all. The underlying function of kivrelik seems to be social solidarity. By choosing a sponsor for one’s son, a social bond is either formed or strengthened. The word kivre is used to describe the relationship. The sponsor is expected to aid in the circumcision ritual’s expenses, as well as help with other aspects of his up-bringing and adult life. In return the boy is obedient to his sponsor, with whom he has a loving relationship.

One form of kivrelik parallels marriage. The sponsor will be related or a close neighbor, and kivrelik serves to reinforce connections made by marriage. In this case, there is no taboo applying to marriage between the sponsor’s daughter and the sponsored male. Elsewhere the sponsor and boy cannot be related. Here the function of kivrelik is to strengthen bonds within an established group, regardless of class, ethnicity, or religion. The authors also discuss problems that may arise due to the potential benefit when choosing a wealthy or powerful sponsor. Kivrelik is not based on these traits, but has nevertheless been misused in the past.

RACHAEL WILLIS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Magnarella, J. Paul and Orhan Turkdogan. Descent, Affinity, and Ritual Relations in Eastern Turkey. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1626-1633.

This article discusses the practice of co-parenthood or kivrelik among tribes of the Middle East characterized by the practice of circumcision. Magnarella begins by describing the religious and political aspects of the region but focuses on the tribes of eastern Turkey and how they employ kivrelik. According to the author, kivrelik involves three central elements: the rite of passage associated with the circumcision of a male child, usually between the ages of seven and twelve, the socio-spiritual ties established among the participants, and the ties established between the family and the sponsor. The sponsor or kivre of a child who is to be circumcised takes on voluntary responsibilities similar to those of the child’s own father. The kivre is partly responsible for the child’s care, upbringing, education and marriage. In return the boy offers the same loyalty, respect, and affection that he would give his own father. The purpose of sponsoring a child varies among individuals. Some do it for economic gain, but the majority does it to build ties between families. The relationship between the families of a sponsor and of the sponsored is usually one of trust, mutual assistance, close friendship, and respect.

Türkdo—an, a colleague of Magnarella who has done research on the son-sponsor relationship, notes that in several instances kivrelik is a distinctly inter-class phenomenon. In the province of Kars it is common for wealthy men to be kivre to several poor families. Through this method the poor are helped economically by the rich, and the rich gain prestige. Also, in the same province poor families will sponsor a child of a wealthy family. The main reason for this is that the father of the child will select a man who has qualities like honor and modesty that the father wants instilled in his son. According to Magnarella, the main purpose of kivrelik is to function as a mechanism of intra-group and inter-group intergration and as a means of extending one’s personal social network.

PATRICK THOMPSON Southwest Missouri State University(Bill Wedenoja).

Magubane, B. The “Xhosa” In Town, Revisited, Urban Social Anthropology: A Failure of Method and Theory. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(4):1701-1715.

In this article, Magubane reviews the three-volume text called “The ‘Xhosa’ In Town”. The first volume of this work is called “The Blackman’s Portion”, the second is “The Townsmen or Tribesmen”, and the third, “The Second Generation”. These volumes were written under the direction of Philip Mayer between 1961 and 1963. The subject is the city of East London in the Cape Province in South Africa. The main focus of Magubane’s review centers around the second volume, “The Townsmen or Tribesmen”.

The Xhosa of South Africa are a people that have been “urbanized” by white European moneymakers. They are considered second class citizens in every way to the whites. Opposition to white employers and authority is forbidden here, and social opposition appears between African’s living in town and those living in the country. The “town-rooted” (1704) or “School” (1705) people are in direct conflict with the “double-rooted” (1704) or “Red” (1705) people. The “double-rooted” people are those that are from the country but are currently in town. The two groups are greatly influenced by opposing ideologies. The “School” people approve of Christianity, formal education, and Westernization, and the “Red” people prefer the old ways of the Xhosa, including the pagan religion.

Magubane’s review of these volumes is very critical. He cites that one learns about the mental processes of the Xhosa people in their subjugation to the “twin processes of industrialization and urbanization”, the fears and suspicions about people from different ethnic groups, regions and backgrounds, but one does not learn the historical background for these reactions. Magubane’s greatest criticism is about the Cartesian dualism between the “Red” and “School” peoples. This contrast was not present before the urbanization of Cape Province. He also emphasizes that the social structure is not a dualism at all, there are at least three groups to compare and contrast in this analysis of East London, the white Europeans, the “Red” Xhosa, and the “School” Xhosa. Magubane says that the authors of these books focus their attention on the African “half” of the picture without taking into account the larger structure. They “divorce the social behavior of Africans from the objectively shaped system of social relations” (1708). He holds strong to his conviction that “ideologies are worldviews which, despite their partial and possibly crucial insights, prevent us from understanding the society in which we live and the possibility of changing it” (1709).

KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Magubane, B. The “Xhosa” In Town, Revisited Urban Social Anthropology: A Failure of Method and Theory. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1701-1715.

This article is a criticism of a series of three works by Mayer, Reader, and Pauw called The Xhosa in Town. The Xhosa in Town is an analysis of the social situation and processes occurring in apartheid South Africa. Magubane sets out to demonstrate that this trilogy of articles is a “pseudo-scientific defense of economic and political interests of the White society.” His first argument examines the models and assumptions that were used in the study. In this, he criticizes Mayer’s use of subjective criteria in classifying people, the goals of his research, his avoidance of socio-historical determinants of behavior, and his misrepresentation of Africans.

His second argument criticizes Mayer’s use of certain terms referring to various groups in his study. Magubane asserts that these terms only maintain the status quo and undermine the objectivity of Mayer’s study.

His third critique of Mayer’s study is the political influences that affected it with or without Mayer’s knowledge. He consistently took the whites’ perspective because that information was the most readily available, but such information, though seemingly objective, is biased and maintains the powers and misconceptions that are already in place.

Magubane concludes with his concern that monographs like Mayer’s have been occurring more than is acceptable. He summarizes Mayer’s weaknesses by stating that a good anthropologist takes into account the larger whole in which his facts exist because facts without context are easily misinterpreted and misleading. Magubane expresses his concern that if articles like Mayer’s continue to be written, it will only perpetuate racial bigotry and ideological biases.

LARISSA L. EVEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Makarius, Laura The Crime of Manabozo. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):663-675.

This article centers on the symbolism of myths and focuses on a particular Alongkin myth and its many versions, with the main character of Manabozo. Myths contain fantastic and sometimes improbable situations and often are full of contradictions and incoherence. Myths are revered for what they say and often for what is implied. In the common version of the myth of Manabozo he has a companion that is a small wolf and this creature turns into a human and becomes his younger brother. Manabozo’a brother is later killed by sacred powers and when Manabozo goes to avenge the death he is instead initiated into a secret ceremony giving him magical powers. The myth seems to portray a story of brotherly love; but in actuality it represents the sacrificial death of a sibling for the betterment of the group to give a member magical/medicianl powers. In the longer versions of the myth, Manabozo violates many taboos like his abnormal birth, the sacrificing of his brother, and his later marriage to a women who is in menstruation. He is also accredited with bringing menstruation and miscarriage to women by killing a bear with the luck of breaking a taboo and throwing a blood clot at his grandmother, hitting her in the abdomen, thus causing women to menstruate.

This article focuses on the symbolism in the mythological language presented in the many versions of the Manabozo myth and points out the often silent implied themes in this story. The article also touches on the consequences of violating taboos and on the origin of many aspects of present day society as they are explained in mythical language.

NIKKI JOHNSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Makarius, Laura. The Crime of Manabozo. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 663-675.

In this article, the author addresses the issue of the elusive inconsistency in myth, specifically the trickster myth. The trickster myth is one “where the contradictions involved are those that arise from the violation of taboos for the purpose of acquiring magical power for the group.” Makarius hypothesizes that incongruity in myth indicates a violation of taboo that is compelled to be expressed but at the same time suppressed to maintain the taboo and, therefore, social order. He asserts that by examining inconsistencies in myth closely, we can discover what societal taboos are being violated in the myth.

In an attempt to support his hypothesis, Makarius analyzes the myth of Manabozo. In the Menomini version of this myth, Manabozo adopts a small wolf for his companion. This wolf turns into a man who is Manabozo’s younger brother. One day Manabozo utters a blasphemy against the gods to his brother, declaring that they two are the most powerful on earth. Angered by this, gods from the underworld come and kill Manabozo’s younger brother. Manabozo is very upset and vows revenge on these gods; but when his brother returns to him as a shadow, Manabozo drives his brother away to the land of the dead, causing all men to be mortal. In compensation for the murder, the gods set up a medicine-lodge and invite Manabozo. The supernatural beings give him medicine bags, and he is initiated in a ceremony. Besides the Menomini version, Makarius gives the Sauk, Fox, Potawatomi, and Ojibwa versions. He explains that it was Manabozo who killed his brother for the purpose of obtaining the magic of medicine from the gods. In these societies, murder of a human, especially a blood relative, is taboo, but it is also believed to be a means of acquiring magical powers. The myth of Manabozo attempts to express the reality of what happened, but does not want to taint its hero, Manabozo, with a taboo act or have the act of murder justified by the procuring of magic. The myth seeks to disguise Manabozo’s sin by making the gods responsible for his brother’s death, but there are clues within the myth that reveal Manabozo’s responsibility, such as the statement of Manabozo driving his brother away to the land of the dead.

The author concludes the article with an examination of mythical heroes as the mediators of society. These heroes are between gods and men, and they perform taboo actions not by their will but in order to obtain good things for men. As a result of this, they become ostracized heroes who sacrifice themselves into all that is evil, but are admired for this.

LARISSA L. EVEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Robert A. Manners. Julian Haynes Steward 1902-1972. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 2:897-903.

This article is an obituary for anthropologist Julian Haynes Steward, who died on February 6, 1972. Robert A. Manners recounts the life of Steward and his work in anthropology.

Manners begins by illustrating Steward’s belief in cultural change and how Steward wanted to distance himself from being labeled as an evolutionist. Steward did believe that cultures evolved from one kind and transformed into another, but he did not believe that diffusionism represented how this evolution occurred. He wanted to find the various causes of culture change whether borrowed through diffusion or locally invented. Manners points out that Steward was not so much an evolutionist as he was trying to find the cause and effect relationships in cultural change.

The author also notes Steward’s career, moving from university teaching to become an anthropologist for the Bureau of American Ethnology from 1935-1946. During his tenure at the Bureau of American Ethnology he did work for the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Manners sums up Steward’s work with the Bureau of Indian Affairs by stating that he “affirmed his humanitarian concerns… and raised important questions about reform programs that are undertaken without adequate knowledge of the complex historical, cultural, and political factors involved.” Also, while working with the Bureau of American Ethnology, Steward organized and contributed to the seven volume Handbook of South American Indians, which has become one of the more important books in ethnographic literature, according to the author. Manners also recounts Steward’s professorships at Columbia University and the University of Illinois as well as authoring several other books. Steward turned down the editorship of the American Anthropologist and twice refused to run for president of AAA.

Manners concludes by praising Steward as a pioneer in his day whose ideas have stood the test of time. The author also suggests that Steward was one of the most innovative anthropologists of the twentieth century.

JAY HANEWINKEL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Martin, John F. On the Estimation of the Sizes of Local Groups in a Hunting-Gathering Environment. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1448-1468.

Martin discusses the local group size of the Pai Indians of southwestern United States, including the Hualapai and the Havasupai. He accounts for the various reasons why the number may be higher or lower than the mean of twenty-eight, while looking for the frequencies of the variances. Martin focuses on the formations of recognizable local groups or bands, which revolves around a village. Martin says that the memberships to these groups may have frequently changed and members could often be scattered throughout wide areas. The local groups would often temporarily combine for large hunts or when large concentrations of plant foods were available.

The lower the population density, the greater the ratio of resources to consumers was, which resulted in better returns of labor. Individuals in areas of more than ideal density would tend to move to areas with lower ratios of people to resources. Martin discusses how people in the same area will often form bonds with others in the same area. The optimal group includes just enough people to manage the most efficient technique for the groups’ tasks.

Martin discusses the role of women among the local groups. Seasonal plants were easy to find and resulted in there not being a need or economic advantage of grouping the women-gatherers together. A group of two or three mature women would have been the functional and ideal unit.

Martin discusses how there were many advantages to have the men cooperate with each other in their hunting efforts. The men mainly hunted deer, which stayed in a rather small area and developed stable patterns. The men relied on different hunting techniques, some being more advantageous with small numbers of men, other requiring more men to successfully hunt. The meat was then distributed among the village members, who were able to consume the meat before it had a chance to spoil. Larger cooperating groups of hunters could better ensure a constant supply of fresh meat. A larger concentration of hunters would mean heavier pressure on the local supply of game and would require greater efforts in searching for animals. The wild plant life could be utilized effectively by smaller groups, while hunting groups rewarded larger groups.

Martin looks at the sex ratio among the groups, and discusses how many females suffered from infanticide. This ratio resulted in a large number of single men and the difficulty to reproduce. Martin shows that there was much consideration made in expanding the group size in an effort to maximize the labor force.

Martin states the Pai local groups were built around the men in optimal four-man hunting parties. Groups tended to consist of four mature men, their wives and immature children, the successor males with their spouses and children, and other personnel. The personnel may have consisted of elders, orphans, widows, and immature children. The successors were sons, but due to the reproductive patterns of the Pai, they were often sons-in-law. Martin successfully evaluates the reason for the optimal number of group members among the Pai.

AMY CREASY Southern Illinois University-Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Martin, John F. On the Estimation of Sizes of Local Groups in a Hunting-Gathering Environment. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1448-1468.

In this article Martin presents a theory for calculating how many people existed within a group of Pai Indians. The Pai consisted of several hunting-gathering groups in northwestern Arizona; however, by the turn of the century they stopped this means of subsistence when the United States government placed them on reservations. In order for Martin to do his research he looked at the 1902 census, which was the last time a census was taken before the Pai were placed on reservations.

According to Martin the number of people who lived within a group was dependent on the number of mature males in the group. Martin defines a mature male as a male between 20 and 55 years of age. The reasoning behind this age was that when a male was 20 he began to hunt and would retire on average when he became 55. The ideal number of mature males in a group was four. Martin bases this number on the number of men that was best suited for drive hunting. Drive hunting is when people scare pray into an ambush of waiting hunters. More than four hunters would create too much noise, causing their pray to go in undesired locations.

Martin also discusses the fact that men greatly outnumbered women among the Pai, which Martin believes is due to female infanticide. This low number of women made it difficult for men to become married until they were older. Most Pai men did not get married until their mid-twenties or early-thirties despite being able to marry once they turned 20. Marrying later caused them to have children later, especially since they did not produce any offspring until they completed their bride-service to their bride’s family, which could take from one to three years. Once the couple had a son, it took another 20 years until he was ready to begin hunting and by that time his father was about ready to retire from hunting and his son would succeed him.

By looking at the four mature hunters who were the central figures of the group size of the Pai and then taking into consideration their families, as well as the elders and widows, Martin calculated that the average number of people in a group was around 27. He then compared his average to the average that can be found from documents from the late 1800’s, and the average number of people in a group was 28.

MITCH DOWNING Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja).

Miller, Stephen. Ends, Means, and Galumphing: Some Leitmotifs of Play. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):87-97.

This article examines the phenomenon widely referred to as play. Play includes things like games, wrestling, acting silly, or picking on a sibling. Typically, one would expect the researcher to outline exactly what sort of behavior they are observing. However, Miller does not burden himself with devising a solid rubric to judge an action as play or not. Instead he concentrates on three main topics.

The first issue he addresses is the widespread recognition of play and the multitude of forms play is expressed in. People at the zoo can all recognize play in animals, despite having no articulated criteria to evaluate the animal’s behavior by. All these observers are untrained laymen and still there is remarkable consistency in their evaluations. On the other hand trained researchers are often hard pressed to mark an action as play, because the actions don’t fit the criteria they’ve laid out. Part of the problem with assigning play any specific characteristic, is the multitude of forms that play takes. It can be silly games of hopscotch, a baby sticking his tongue in and out, a gambler betting his life savings, a passionate game of baseball, or just a hobby.

The second topic he addresses is the commonalities between the different forms of play. He notes that one of the common traits of play in its forms is an aspect of inefficiency. In play, the means are more important in relation to the ends. For example, a child walking down the sidewalk without stepping on any cracks still wants to get to the end of the sidewalk. The most efficient way of doing that would be to just walk there, but the child is concerned with getting there in a certain manner also, so he spends extra time and energy not to step on any of the cracks. Miller provides another example of the mountain climber for whom the summit is worthless, without the challenges to get to it.

Lastly, Miller ponders the benefit of play, asking the question, “Why would anyone expend extra energy by making things more difficult than they have to be?” The author theorizes that play allows the individual to become more familiar with the less common ways of acting so that if the need to act in those ways should arise, the individual would be semi-prepared.

Miller wrote an enlightening and entertaining observation of play. He does a good job of backing up his observations with his research and his conclusions seem to be solid.

GLENN MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Miller, Stephen. Ends, Means, and Galumphing: Some Leitmotifs of Play. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1):87-98.

The main issue in this article is to define “play” and to discover its functions. Miller notes that people understand play and notice it very quickly when seen. He uses an example of a crowd’s response to “primates and carnivores” in a zoo. He noticed that the people could easily decipher whether or not the animals were playing, but when some of the people were asked to define play it was often hard for them to do so. They were unable to give any standard reasoning behind what play is and the “criteria” for play. The peoples’ definitions were very broad and could easily go in many directions. In other words, there were no solid definitions, other than the fact that they all recognized and unanimously agreed about play and non-play. Therefore, Miller believes that in order to understand play one must look at what is “being recognized,” rather than looking at the definitions of play. He explains that the key to understanding play among human beings is to look at the “metacommunications: social messages that serve to affect the way in which other social messages are interpreted.”

To further explain his speculations he provides vivid detail about his observation of baboons in accordance to play and non-play. These observations can be relevant to understanding human play vs. non-human play. Some examples of characteristics that Miller found when observing the baboons in play were: patterns of repetition, exploration, and the “absence of conflicting motivation” while in play. He also explains the differences between “play fighting and real fighting.” He clarifies that the difference between both is quite evident. Within real fighting, “the movements are quick, efficient, and clearly purposive.” However, the characteristics of play include “flailing, bobbing, exaggeration, and indirect, ineffective action,” which he calls “galumphing.” Play is defined later in the article as “patterned, voluntary elaboration or complication of process, where pattern is not under the dominant control of goals.” Miller goes on to explain and illustrate many other observations of baboons in play and how it can easily correlate to human play.

In the next section of this article he explains the different categories of play by using Piaget’s “structural categories.” The categories are: practical play, symbolic play, and games with rules, which he defines and demonstrates by using examples of human behavior. He uses Buhler’s (1930) theory of Funktionslust to explain the reasoning behind play, which he explains “is a pleasure of doing, of the act of producing an effect, not of attaining the effect or result itself.” He also uses examples of human play to differentiate the diverse categories of play. Miller tries to portray that play is rather subconsciously concerned with “process rather than goal.” He then discusses the functions of play, by explaining how play helps us to learn.

In conclusion, Miller does not believe that he has truly answered his questions concerning the aspects of play. However, it is clear that he has opened the door to our perception of “play” and the importance of it within a social spectrum.

BROOK MCCRACKEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Muller, Jean-Claude. On Preferential / Prescriptive Marriage and the Function of Kinship Systems: The Rukuba Case (Benue – Plateau State, Nigeria) American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(1):1563-1576.

Muller examines the kinship and marriage systems of the Rukuba people of Plateau State, Nigeria. Muller studies the ways the Rukuba people differentiate in their models of prescriptive and preferential marriage, while Levi Strauss reveals the relationship between kinship and marriage as well as the function of kinship systems. The Rukuba society is divided into two moieties, predominately exogamous, thus being for marital purposes only. When a woman is born in one moiety she cannot marry into that moiety but must marry into another. The moiety is divided into what Muller calls a “wife-taking unit.” This unit is divided so the women can receive a local name.

The women of Rukuba experience a preferential marriage where the eldest girl is set apart from the rest of the uterine sisters, however is not a kinship marriage. Preferential marriage is between a young women and the son of the mother’s last lover. This is decided from the wife-taking unit which the women receive local names after they have married. All women must be preferentially married and there is no divorce among the Rukuba. Women may stay with the man she is to marry only for a short while and decide if she would like to marry. The idea of prescriptive marriage is in fact limited to the eldest daughter. If there are too many uterine sisters only the first few matter and the rest will be sent to marry elsewhere in the wife-taking unit. This model represents the three concepts of preferential marriage, being one for the eldest daughter, one for the following two or three, and one for the lasting children of the family.

MEGAN WILSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Muller, Jean-Claude. Preferential/Prescriptive Marriage and the Function of Kinship Systems: The Rukuba Case (Benue-Plateau State, Nigeria). American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (5): 1563-1576.

The author had two objectives in writing this article. First he wanted to examine whether the distinction between preferential and prescriptive marriage practices among the Rukuba was necessary. Second, he wanted to test the validity of Levi-Strauss’ statements about the function of kinship systems and the relationship between kinship and marriage practices. He uses the specific case of the Rukuba people of Benue-Plateau State, Nigeria.

Muller begins his analysis of the Rukuba marriage practices by outlining their social construction. He describes how the society is divided into exogamous moieties. Within each of these moieties are smaller subdivisions called “wife-taking units.” These units are divided still further into sub-clans. He then describes the rules of these societal divisions and how they determine primary marriage patterns, secondary marriage patterns, and premarital relations. By examining the manner in which elder and junior sisters are betrothed, he discovers that the Rukuba recognize three distinct models of preferential marriage: “one for the eldest daughter, one for the two or three following junior ones, and one for the rest of the sisters, if any” (p. 1569). However, their marriage “model” does not coincide with Muller’s statistical data of the actual marriages within the society.

After describing the marriage models in detail, he goes on to question some of Levi-Strauss’ propositions about the function of kinship systems. Muller finds that the Rukuba marriage practices are not governed by kinship rules; but rather, they are governed by the societal divisions of “wife-taking units” and secondary marriage. He did find however, that kinship rules do prevent sexual intercourse in certain situations. So he discovered that kinship prohibitions do affect marriage practices in that they can determine whom one should not marry, but they cannot determine whom one should marry.

He concludes by stressing the importance of studying all the elements of social constructs. Since many of these institutions evolve independently of the kinship system, studying kinship rules does not provide enough information to create an accurate theory of marriage practices. One must examine, in detail, the rules of all the interconnected social constructs in order to attain an accurate interpretation of the society.

MICHELLE LISS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Ortner, Sherry B. On Key Symbols American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1338-1345.

In this article Ortner explains what is meant by the term, “Key Symbol”, and how anthropologists go about discovering these symbols and the important meaning behind them.

Key symbols have been alluded to by many anthropologists, under different names. “Themes”, “focal values”, and “integrative concepts” are just a few of them. Ortner states that this idea of key symbols can be found in British anthropology. The author asserts that the primary question then is what do we mean by a “key”. There are two methods to go about solving this question according to Ortner. The first method involves analyzing the cultural system for its underlying elements. The second method the anthropologist finds something that seems to be of cultural importance and then analyzes the object for its meanings. This second method is the method most commonly ascribed to. Ortener offers five reasonably reliable indicators of an item’s cultural importance.

The natives tell us that X is culturally important.

The natives are positively or negatively affected by X.

X comes up in many different cultural contexts.

There is greater cultural elaboration surrounding X.

There are greater cultural restrictions about X.

Among these symbols there are two distinct types, “summarizing” vs. “elaborating”. Summarizing symbols are those types which are seen as representing and simplifying strong feelings or ideas. Flags, sacred symbols, and many others fall into this category. Elaborating symbols, on the other hand, provide a way of sorting out complicated issues and feelings. These symbols are rarely sacred.

After Ortner has sorted out symbols she starts to define “key”. She asks, ” Why are we justified in calling a particular symbol “key”?” The author then goes on to describe in length the “two modes of keyness” and the different ways in which they can be contrasted.

The author summarizes her article by stating that key symbols may be discovered by virtue of a number of reliable indicators which point to cultural importance. Ortner also tells us that the article is intended to be programmatic. She asserts that although up until now the idea of “key symbols” has been for the most part unarticulated, it is worth while to try and systematize this method.

BRANDON A. HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Ortner, Sherry B. On Key Symbols. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1338-1346.

Ortner’s goal in this article is to discuss a diagnostic tool of anthropology, so that it may be standardized because she believes it to be “our most powerful entree to the distinctiveness and variability of human cultures.”

The diagnostic tool that Ortner discusses is the concept of key symbols, an idea derived from Ruth Benedict’s ethos concept introduced in her book Patterns of Culture. Key symbols are the symbolic units that formulate meaning in a culture. Ortner mentions two methods for determining these symbols. The first method involves analyzing the underlying elements of a culture, and then seeking out some image within that culture that represents these elements in the purest form. The second, and more common, method seeks out an object of cultural attention and analyzes the object for its underlying elements. Ortner offers five clear indicators of such an object: the natives identify it as important; the natives are stimulated by it; it comes up in many different contexts; there is much elaboration concerning it; or there are many restrictions concerning it.

Ortner then categorizes key symbols into two broad types, summarizing symbols and elaborating symbols. Summarizing symbols are objects of cultural respect that collapse many cultural elements into one symbol that arouses feeling and not thought or action. Elaborating symbols work in the opposite fashion, turning feelings into thoughts about ordering the world. Summarizing symbols are often sacred while elaborating symbols are rarely sacred. There are two subtypes of elaborating symbols. The first is what Ortner calls root metaphors. Root metaphors function primarily to conceptualize one’s cultural ideas. The second is called key scenarios, which influence one’s actions by demonstrating the culturally accepted ways of achieving goals.

Lastly, Ortner characterizes the differences between summarizing symbols and elaborating symbols by describing three different continuums of cultural thought on which they can be placed: content versus form, quality versus quantity, and vertical versus lateral, with summarizing versus elaborating, respectively. She stresses that these symbols are on a continuum and not absolute, so there is much room for variation and overlapping within both of them.

LARISSA L. EVEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Ortner, Sherry B. Sherpa Purity. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):49-63.

In this article, Ortner examines the underlying factors affecting the determination of purity among the Sherpa of Nepal. Purity is the state of being clean, not only in the physical sense but also in the spiritual and social sense. For example, in America a bar may be physically clean, but some would say it is impure and dirty in a spiritual sense. Anything that endangers or lessens that purity is pollution.

The Sherpa have many rules governing purity. Sexual activity, birth, illness, death, any bodily excretions, bad smells, dirty food, crowds of people, and water mills are all polluting. The ground in general is polluting, as is contact with lower castes. This pollution is cited as the cause of cretinism, laziness and possibly insanity in individuals. On a larger scale this pollution may defile an entire kin group or cause the gods to withdraw their protection from the community.

Ortner’s main point is that the perception of purity is representative “of three fundamental principles in the Sherpa worldview.” These principals are the demonic, the physical and the spiritual. Humans are pulled in three different directions by these forces. The physical pulls humanity towards a purely material existence. The demonic pulls humanity towards acts of evil. The spiritual pulls humanity towards enlightenment and society towards order. The spiritual is the most highly regarded and the one to be attained if possible.

After some careful analysis, the author notes how the rules governing purity are used to separate the race of humans from the demonic and physical influences, so that they may pursue the spiritual unencumbered. The rules governing food, sexual activity, contact with the ground and contact with bodily secretions are designed to keep one separate from the physical influence of life. Further symbolic sacrifices are made to spirits to gain protection from demons.

The three primary types of institutions designed to purify are monasticism, the tu ritual and the sang ritual. Monasticism brings one closer to the spiritual. The tu ritual separates one from the physical. Lastly, the sang rituals help guarantee that a community and individual will be protected from demons.

Ortner has done an excellent job of studying and analyzing the underlying structure of Sherpa purity. She supports her arguments with solid reasoning.

GLENN MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Ortner, Sherry B. Sherpa Purity. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1): 49-63.

In this article, Ortner presents a symbolic analysis of the purity/pollution belief system of the Sherpa culture in northeastern Nepal. In the introduction, she discusses some previous analyses of purity/pollution systems and how they tended to have more of a “Durkheimian” or sociological emphasis. She quotes essays from Stevenson, Yalman, and Douglas and emphasizes that their respective sociological approaches failed to get at the real constructs that underlie purity/pollution belief systems. She states that purity/pollution belief systems are more like a “system of symbols,” that is they are “a guide, or program, or plan for human action” (p.49). Therefore, as Ortner asserts, it is through symbolic analysis that we can learn the most about these systems particularly how and why they are formed and how humans act in accordance to such systems. The remainder of the article is divided into four sections.

In the first section of the article, Ortner defines “pollution” by listing a series of polluting elements as defined by Sherpa culture. Such polluting elements include but are not limited to sexual intercourse, birth, illness death, “bad smells,” “dirty food,” water mills, and lower castes. She also discusses the effects of pollution on the individual as well as on a society.

In the second section, Ortner addresses the underlying principles on which this belief system is based. She asserts that the purity/pollution belief system is a “triangulation of three fundamental principles in the Sherpa world view – the spiritual, the physical, and the demonic” (p.53). The spiritual aspect entails the human ability to strive for ultimate perfection and purity, the physical entails the biological aspect of the human body – the animal instinct and sensuous urges, and the demonic aspect includes the aggressive, violent aspect of human behavior. She asserts that the fundamental problem that forms the basis for the purity/pollution system is the human struggle between these three elements.

Finally, Ortner reveals the symbolic nature of this system and the overall importance of ritual in maintaining it. She asserts that the spiritual aspect is symbolized in the purity and spirit of gods, the physical aspect is best represented by domestic animals, and the demonic aspect is best represented by demons, which are considered to be the embodiment of aggression. The author goes into further analysis of these categories, defining each more specifically. She discusses the relationship of humans to these three categories and offers three different strategies used by humans to maintain balance in this belief system. She discusses the ritual of tu, which involves “the cleansing of physicality,” and sang, which involves “the manipulation of demons” (p.58). She also includes monasticism as the ultimate quest for salvation and spiritual pureness. With these strategies, man does not necessarily achieve “purity” or “a god-like state” but instead maintains a certain “balance between the forces of purity and pollution” (p.60).

In the fourth and final section of the essay, Ortner discusses some of the issues brought up in the introduction of the article. She concludes the article by highlighting some of the benefits and problems associated with symbolic analysis.

ANGELIA SMITH Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Otterbein, Keith F. and Charlotte S. Believers and Beaters: A case study of Supernatural Beliefs and Child Rearing in the Bahama Islands American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1670-1679.

In this article Keith and Charlotte Otterbein attempt to show that a culture’s belief in and reaction to supernatural powers has a direct impact on their child rearing techniques. They start by stating their hypothesis, which is stated thusly, that persons who have a real fear of the supernatural will in turn raise their children with more emphasis on punishment as a way of behavior modification. The authors appeal to the model of circular influence. This model, in its most basic form, has the assumption that mothers who raise their children in a certain manner will pass those child rearing methods onto their children.

The authors started by selecting a group of people with which to conduct the study. They chose the Bahama Islands because of the differing views on supernatural phenomenon that are critical for a balanced study. The authors then chose twenty women to study in detail. These twenty women varied in fear of the supernatural from not fearful at all to refusing to go outdoors at night. These twenty subjects were then asked a series of questions concerning their child rearing habits. Special attention was paid to the punishment given to children, and for what various delinquincies punishment is given. It was also noted the harshness of the punishment received by the children.

After all of the data was collected and studied the results were in. As the authors had hypothesized, the women who had a greater fear of the supernatural were more apt to punish their children more severely.

BRANDON HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Otterbein, Charlotte Swanson and Keith F. Otterbein. Believers and Beaters: A Case Study of Supernatural Beliefs and Child Rearing in the Bahama Islands. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1670-1681.

The Otterbeins focus on the personality of adult child caretakers and how the caretakers’ belief in the supernatural affects the rearing of children in their care. They believe they will find that caretakers who believe in the supernatural will inflict more pain on the child than those who do not fear the supernatural. They also believe that those adults who had a painful childhood will be likely to inflict that same belief on the next generation in their care.

They identified the belief system by taking twenty women, who are caretakers, in Congo Town and interviewing them. They found that the first realm of supernatural is “Christianity.” All the caretakers believe in the Christian God. Some of the women believe that God hurts or punishes individuals as much as he helps them. All of the caretakers believe that God punishes you when you do something wrong. The second realm is “spirits of the dead.” They believe that if you die right in Christ you rest or can help people. However, there are those who die ungodly and become wandering spirits that want to hurt people. Furthermore, some caretakers believe that God has the bad spirits under his control so they will not wander where He does not want them. The final realm is “Obeah,” the magic of the West Indies. Only two of the caretakers displayed knowledge of it in the village. Of these three realms, they chose only “spirits of the dead” as an independent variable to use in their study.

Next, they discussed the punishment system used by the caretakers. There are two types of punishment, switching or beating. The caretakers use a switch from a Tamarind tree, because they are very narrow and the end may be sometimes braided, to make the switching sting. Each of the caretakers agreed that they switch, but they all had different times and circumstances for applying punishment. The second form of punishment is beating and it was only reported by seven of the caretakers. There is a lot of discrepancy as to when these punishments are used and how they are administered.

The Otterbeins then looked at the relationship between the belief system and the punishment system. They show that the greater the caretaker’s fear of the supernatural the more likely she is to punish the children. The Otterbeins looked at six situations that lead the caretakers to beat their children. When the fear of superstition is the greatest, there seems to be more beatings.

In conclusion, the Otterbeins believe they have proven their hypothesis that belief and fear in the supernatural affect the levels of discipline used by the caretakers.

GEORGIA F. MERRICK Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Reeves, Brian. The Concept of an Altithermal Cultural Hiatus in Northern Plains Prehistory. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 73 (5): 1221-1253.

In this article Reeves asks whether or not a bison hunting culture lived in the Northern Plains in the period of 5500 – 3000 BC. The Northern Plains are defined as the grassland areas of Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Minnesota, Wyoming, and Nebraska. The Northern Plains are divided in to two types of landscapes, the prairies and the short-grass plains.

According to Reeves, there was a belief among archaeologists that there was a cultural hiatus in the Northern Plains in Prehistoric time that was linked with climatic fluctuations. This idea was based on a lack of radiometric or typologically dated sites from this time period between 5500 and 3000 BC. The hiatus is said to have occurred in the Atlantic time period (ca. 6300-2700). During the Atlantic time period there were several stable climatic episodes with quick distinctive climatic change between them. Dry periods in the Atlantic period would have been like normal seasons today. In dry years the short-grass lands grew larger and the prairies smaller. There was also a decreased forage yield, but the larger area of grassland made up for this. According to Reeves, the short-grasslands were not reduced to deserts but were a more arid environment. He states that a minimum human population of 10,000 – 20,000 could have been supported.

Reeves blames a skewed site sampling for the previous misinterpretation of the area. He notes that there were only 12 dated sites in the short-grass plains from the whole Atlantic period, and none between 5500 and 3000 BC. He attributes the lack of radiometrically dated sites to the lack of sites and to associated land forms and sediments that have yielded no components older than 3000 BC. He also notes that the paleohydrological sequence had destroyed or deeply buried emergent flood plain surfaces from 5500 – 3000 BC.

Though there would be fewer bison in the area than there could be today, the extent of change in climate would have been minor and the author doubts that they would have changed to a forager adaptive strategy or left the area entirely.

STACI GATES Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Riegelhaupt, Joyce F. Feasts and Padres: The Organization of Religious Action in Portugal. American Anthropologist Vol.75(3):835-851.

Riegelhaupt is interested in demonstrating the relationship between territorial ties of Portugal villagers and the ever-changing festas they celebrate. Though traditionally these festas tend to be religious by nature, and often remain to be viewed as such, they are increasingly changing in form and function, as well as in their relationship to the Church. The author claims that to be Portuguese is almost always to be Catholic, and that their religion continues to diverge from the Church. The main focus is on Sao Miguel, and the festas from the Middle Ages to the present. The main unit of these people has always been the household, and there has never been much political activity.

A study of church records shows that festas in 1779 and 1899 were largely church oriented. The author does not believe that national secular holidays received much communal attention in the past, however this slowly changed and cannot be claimed to be the case today. Parish organized activities have become fragmented as locally organized festas have increased, showing territorial relationship. The author demonstrates a rise in the number of celebrations disapproved by the Church, with only one festa organized within the parish in 1961. This is itself at odds with what the villagers call their religion, which is different from that of the priest. The priest, the quintessential representative of the Church, operates his religion like a business, and as a result many people have no motivation to prepare for the festas. It is said that the priest controls the unspent money of each year’s celebration, and does not allow it to go towards the next year’s celebration. From the Church’s viewpoint, there is a large-scale loss of religion; according to the general population, religion continues, but is increasingly separate from the Church through the festas.

RACHAEL WILLIS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Riegelhaupt, Joyce F. Festas and Padres: The Organization of Religious Action in a Portuguese Parish. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 835-851.

This article focuses on the fragmentation that has developed between the Parishes of the Portuguese Catholic Church and the individual communities over which each presides. The author particularly examines the Parish of Sno Miguel and the surrounding villages. She shows the progression of this fragmentation by examining “the interlocking network of festas, festivals, and holidays in which the people participate” (p. 836).

To the members of the communities, festas are synonymous with religious practices. However, they are also deeply committed to their community. The conflict with the parish begins when the members of the community attempt to join together the celebration of their territorial units and their religious practices.

The steady population growth of Portugal within the last 500 years has led to more competition between communities, and an ever-increasing desire for each community to exhibit its individuality. This has resulted in an increase in village festivals, which the people associate with religious practices, but which the church condemns as paganistic. Because of the church’s criticism of these practices, there has been a correlative decline in parish-sanctioned festivals and an increase in anti-clericalism within the villages.

The author concludes that the main reason for the stronger commitment to village rather than parish lies in the communal way of life. The hardship, struggles and disasters of a rural agricultural life are felt the same by all the members of a community. While the church lobbies for individual prayer and salvation, the members of the community know that only by coming together during individual festas can they exhibit the strength and oneness needed for survival.

MICHELLE LISS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Robbins, Richard Howard. Alcohol and the Identity Struggle: Some Effects of Economic Change on Interpersonal Relations. American Anthropologist February 1973 75(1): 99-121.

In this paper, Richard Howard Robbins attempts to examine how economic change may cause or go along with interpersonal conflict. To do this, he focuses on the Naskapi Indians of Schefferville, Quebec, and their drinking habits. He starts off by giving a thorough social and economic background of these Indians. Three miles from the main residential area of Schefferville, lay the “Indian village”. In 1957, they left the life of total farming dependence and focused more on governmental relief. They currently live in a settlement of thirty-seven government houses. Most have gotten jobs at the local Iron Ore Company, and the things they are able to buy and the simple fact that they have money has changed their lives considerably.

Robbins outlines how important it is for a Naskapi to be a “good man”, and many of the things that are commonly accepted to become one. In short, before money was involved, these goals for being a “good man” were much different. Now they must exploit all of the assets available to them in the physical environment. Certain material things are prestige markers in their community. In general, three main changes in their economy produced changes in their interpersonal relations. They consisted of the transition from a hunting people to people focused on wage labor, the easier accumulation of status symbols after the move to Schefferville, and hiring practices of the Iron Ore Company resulting in those who were lucky enough to be full time workers having the most prestige.

Robbins believes that the Naskapi people do not fit into the many categories of why anthropologists think certain groups of people drink. Their drinking is a total social act, and not the outcome of anxiety or dissatisfaction with their lives, as is the case with many other Indians. He outlines different types of behavior Naskapi exhibit while drinking, the social positions of those who drink, and the overall nature and meaning of the Naskapi social drinking.

The Naskapi seem to have very curious reactions to alcohol. It is quite odd how Robbins claims one would be able to “sober up” after ten beers when someone new joins the equation. Some of Robbins findings are questionable, but he believes that the drinking interactions serve as “identity-resolving forums”, in which members of the community claim and defend identities. Those who have been less successful in their job exhibit more of an aggressive attitude when drinking than those who are more satisfied with their earnings and job status.

ALAN THIES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Robbins, Richard Howard. Alcohol and the Identity Struggle: Some Effects of Economic Change on Interpersonal Relations. American Anthropologist. February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 99-122.

The author examines how the introduction of western goods, services, and subsistence causes a number of indigenous peoples of North America (and beyond) to shift their own mechanisms for these, which then produces identity problems and social conflicts. In this study the main focus is the drinking habits of the Naskapi Indians of Schefferville, Quebec. Robbins analyzes how, why, and for what purpose alcohol became used as a tool for the Naskapi in this identity struggle. He concludes that alcohol has been substituted as a coping mechanism, which compensates for former methods of creating and maintaining a desirable identity.

Robbins makes a distinction between western notions and Naskapi notions about the purpose and function of alcohol. In this, the author identifies a much different premise for drinking amongst the Naskapi peoples than exists in western culture. This reality caused Robbins to reevaluate his own negative notion about alcohol, that it is based on a “self-destructive” tendency, and to question prevailing theories of alcoholism in other cultures Instead, the function of alcohol to the Naskapi is a status enabler, built around alcoholic exchange and relationship maintenance.

The author presents a cross-cultural study of a number of peoples, including the Naskapi, Kwakiutl and Siane Indians of North America and the Lugbara of Uganda. These distinct cultures are linked by similarities in how they use attributes such as generosity, reticence and kinship obligations to maintain a desired identity. By comparing the responses of these groups to a changing economic life, Robbins concludes that “the power of traditional authority [became] threatened by the newly acquired status of those having access to new status conferring goods,” which were introduced by outside peoples (118). For example, Robbins examines the Kwakiutl potlatch, and illustrates how its function is similar to alcohol exchange amongst the Naskapi.

This study by Robbins focuses not merely on the individual, but is also concerned with society on a large scale. Many of the conflicts and identity struggles have resulted from unsettled issues imposed “by economic change” (113). Because economic change may, and often does, “occur on a large scale,” as Robbins illustrated with the Naskapi, “it becomes necessary for virtually all relationships to be reordered” (120). This reordering is facilitated by alcohol.

AARON MENDENHALL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Rohlen, Thomas P. “Spiritual Education” in a Japanese Bank. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1542-1562.

Rohlen participated in the three-month company training program for new employees at a Japanese bank. The “spiritual education” is more or less comprised of several tests of endurance, strength, and character rather than the religious teaching that the word “spiritual” implies. The training that the newly hired bank employees underwent consisted of activities such as a twenty-five mile endurance walk, weekends of zen meditation, and an exercise where the trainees were asked to visit a small town and ask strangers for work. This type of training, though it may seem entirely foreign at first, is not unlike the “bonding” type retreats that business men, student senators, or even Boy Scouts undergo in present day United States.

Rohlen does well to describe in detail five main activities of the training session. Though Rohlen sometimes summarizes the collective feelings of the trainees during each exercise (for example, everyone agreed that the food at the Zen temple was pretty bad) he does not give the reader much in the way of the “native’s” point of view. For instance, in the Zen mediation exercises, did the trainees in their own opinion really gain anything from that experience, or did they simply grin and bear it in order to retain their job? We get some sense of what the other men were feeling through Rohlen’s descriptive observations such as the following made during a Zen meditation in which the men were required to sit still for a period of time: “A few stealthily glanced at their watches to find out how much time remained before the next opportunity to stand and walk around” (Rohlen 1546), however, there is little that can replace the actual testimonies of those persons present and involved in the situation. Rohlen points out at the end of his article that little research has been done on Japanese training programs such as this one for bank employees, and as a pioneer work Rohlen’s article is a good piece of descriptive observation. The article’s only fault is that while it gives an adequate description of the author’s experience, it does little to reveal what the other trainees experienced or did or did not “learn.”

LISA PORTER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Rohlen, Thomas P. “Spiritual Education” in a Japanese Bank. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5):1542-1562.

Rohlen approaches this article with the intention of promoting an anthropology of education for “1) studying educational processes outside formal school systems; 2) considering native concepts of psychology in analyzing educational processes; 3) finding relationships between educational techniques and techniques found in religious conversion, psychological therapy, and social initiation; and 4) discovering avenues of education that proceed by non-verbal means.” In this context, he examines how Japanese attitudes towards socialization and education involve not simply an academic view of education, but are translated into non-verbal tests and lessons aimed at cultivating self-actualization, as in the “spiritual training” programs of many Japanese companies. Here Rohlen examines his fieldwork participating in a three month long “spiritual training” program for a Japanese bank’s new employees.

This three-month-long training was required for all new male employees; Rohlen’s group consisted of approximately 120 men. About a third of the period was spent on solely spiritual training, the rest on technical training. Five activities are highlighted here, in two-day snippets. The first activity was a visit to a Zen Buddhist temple, where the workers were made to practice Zen meditation and reflection. The meditation lessons contained many undertones, such as rules exist for the good of all, cooperation requires that those involved be unselfish, and that by learning to avoid selfish thinking one can achieve great self-improvement. Then they are taken to military bases, given uniforms, and go through military drills to learn group order. Also, they visit a museum for kamikaze pilots, who are presented as figures of great character, strength, and camaraderie. This is associated with the basic attitude of the business towards the employees, that hard work and sacrifice provide a great service to people and even the country at large. Next is kotoo, where the men go out in unlabeled uniforms and find work with people in a village. The theory is that it forces the workers to break away from familiar status and identity, looking for acceptance. Last, the workers live together at a hostel, forming social interdependence in units through group activities and games. The final task is a 25 mile endurance walk: nine miles done all together, nine in units, and seven individually. Rohlen relates how attitude changes throughout the walk, from pleasant to competitive to reflective.

Rohlen presents the messages in these activities as crucial to the ideas that underlie a lot of Japanese society. The exercises in spiritual education are aimed at getting workers to examine themselves as individuals and as part of the group. The tests are meant to be analogous to life, with the competition completely within the self, where to excel proves the strength of one’s character. Rohlen focuses on this cultural emphasis on one’s psychology, and how it creates a unique need for moral education.

ATHENA LOTT Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Rossi, Ino. The Unconscious in the Anthropology of Claude Levi-Strauss. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):20-48.

This heady piece by Rossi examines the unconscious, comparing and contrasting Levi-Strauss’ views with those of phenomenologists, existentialists, empirical anthropologists, empirical social scientists and the like. In doing so Rossi clarifies anthropological structuralism both historically and theoretically to some degree.

Rossi very fluidly divides his discussion into a number of sections, each dealing with a slightly different nuance of Claude Levi-Strauss’ Structuralism. To start Rossi identifies key components of Levi-Strauss’ Structuralism including symbols, mental structures and the dialectic relationship between the structures of society and those of the brain. Throughout the remainder of the paper Rossi brings to light many points of interest.

Linguistics is an important foundation of Structuralist theory, and much discussion is based around the linguistic facts and the proof that the study of language (at the time) adds to Levi-Strauss’ position. Section IV, in part, examines the postulates of Levi-Strauss and attempts to differentiate them from the linguistic facts. Section IV is an important section for within it Rossi deals with linguistics, but also a number of issues relating to the heart of Levi-Strauss’ Structuralism. Freud’s contributions to and influence on Levi-Strauss take up the bulk of this section. It seems Levi-Strauss has been greatly influenced by Freud’s analytical discussion on the workings of the unconscious mind. Also of great influence was Kant. From Kant Levi-Strauss has taken on a most philosophical perspective though “Levi-Strauss has refused to consider structuralism as a philosophy” (23). In this section Rossi also discusses the hard wiring of the brain (Cybernetics) and Levi-Strauss’ use of this discipline’s principals to further the discussion of “conceptual structures as an epiphenomenon of brain structures and mental processes subjected to social and biological constraints” (32). This article is worth reading though it may challenge the novice of this field.

JEFFERY BROWN: Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Rossi, Ino The Unconscious in the Anthropology of Claude Levi-Strauss. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1):20-48.

In his article, Ino Rossi attempts to clarify terminology, theory and purpose of the unconscious as used by Claude Levi-Strauss in his theory of structuralism. In his introduction, Rossi recounts the current debate and presents the arguments of empirical anthropologists, linguists, phenomenologists, psychologists, existentialists and many other fields of theory and philosophy. He goes on to claim that Levi-Strauss thought even many of his own supporters did not truly understand his concept of structuralism.

Rossi asserts that Levi-Strauss faulted most philosophies with studying man exclusively: “the unbearable spoiled child who has until now impeded any serious work.” (p. 21). Rossi often refers to Levi-Strauss as “quasi-Kantian” in his ideology and points out that this is a major contention between structuralism and empirical anthropology. Levi-Strauss’ main focus of study was to uncover the unconscious, which seemingly eludes empirical verification (p. 21)

Rossi cites many of Levi-Strauss’ influences such as Mauss, Freud, Marx, and Saussaure. Levi-Strauss himself claims that Kantian philosophy better fit his own ideas and interpretations of the unconscious. Rossi explains that Levi-Strauss saw anthropology as a “philosophy of knowledge and a philosophy of concept” and his eclectic style of fusing concepts from major philosophies to develop his ideas of symbolism and binary opposition is organized and systematic but somewhat confusing to most social scientists.

Rossi states that structuralism’s purpose is to reveal the conscious as the “object other” and to see the “unconscious infrastructure.”(24). He goes on to explain how man sees the natural world and defines its meaning by placing it into a logical order. Levi-Strauss points out the “logical order” and “natural order” do not occur together. Levi-Strauss believed that “men communicate by means of symbols and signs,” and all culture is filled with these hidden meanings. It should be the goal of anthropology and ethnography to uncover these meanings, which will give insight into the unconscious structures (p. 25)

Rossi briefly outlines three major influences of Levi-Strauss’ structuralism: Freud, Kant, and cybernetics. In a very detailed and methodical explanation he describes the theory and ideas of each and then explains how Levi-Strauss agrees and differs from them. The main contribution from Freud was that the unconscious is more important that the conscious mind. From Kant, came the idea that categories constrain the mind, but while Kant focused on introspective analysis Levi-Strauss believed the unconscious could be revealed in social phenomena. And finally, from cybernetics, Levi-Strauus gained the idea that society is a “machine for the exchange of communication; social phenomena are messages”(p. 32).

In his conclusion, Rossi accuses empirical social scientists of not truly understanding the ideas of Levi-Strauss and says they “might be unprepared for this type of analysis.” They should not dismiss “intuitive analysis” due to lack of understanding because Rossi thinks it will play an important role in the social sciences. By understanding and correctly applying Levi-Straussian concepts we have a greater chance of revealing the universality of the human unconscious.

ANNA SAPPINGTON-SANDIDGE: Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Sanday, Peggy R. Towards a Theory of the Status of Women. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5):1682-1700.

This article takes a very scientific approach to explain the status of women everywhere. Sanday defines status as the “number of economic and political rights which accrue to women.” Her theory focuses on the economic and ecological aspects that women have been dealt, and explains how these primary factors have undoubtedly contributed to the collective status of women around the world.

For her study, Sanday used Denham’s (1971) three key factors of energy exchange, social organization, and social survival of primate populations. These factors are “energy acquisition, defensive, and reproductive strategies.” One of the main ideas of this article is that when dealing with two opposing sexes (males and females), the sex that dominates over the three subsistence measures above will dominate the other sex. Since women are the bearers of children (reproductive strategies), this clearly imposes limitations on the other two areas (defensive, energy acquisition). Therefore, men generally control the status of women.

Sanday did an excellent job of combining a variety of studies and theories to demonstrate and establish her own theory about the status of women. This includes the work of De Beauvoir, Karl Marx, Engels, Ember and Ember, Boserup, Brown, Levine, D’Andrade, and Evans-Pritchard. She also used an assortment of cross-cultural statistical information from Murdock regarding subsistence measures of women, displayed on tables and charts. She explained where the information came from and how to understand and read the charts correctly. This part of the article goes into great depth and clearly helps to prove her line of reasoning. Other charts and tables, presented in her article, were formed by using a method called AID (Automatic Interaction Detector), which she also explained thoroughly and adequately. She also compiled information from HRAF into scales and charts.

This article is overflowing with information regarding her topic/argument about the status of women. If I were to choose a paradigm to classify this area of study I would describe it as a fusion between Cross-cultural studies, Functionalism, and Cultural Ecology, with an emphasis on Ecofeminism and a touch of Materialism.

BROOK MCCRACKEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Sipes, Richard G. War, Sports and Aggression: An Empirical Test of Two Rival Theories.American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1):64-86.

Richard G. Sipes’s article investigates the relationships among war, sports, and aggression. He tests two rival models of behavior: the Drive Discharge Model and the Culture Pattern Model. He does this by using a cross-cultural correlation study and a diachronic case study of the United States.

The Drive Discharge Model predicts that there is an inverse relationship between the presence of war and warlike sports in those societies. This model says that the probability of war can be reduced by increasing the use of an alternative behavior similar to warfare, such as combative sports. The Culture Pattern model predicts that there are differences in the levels of aggressive behavior in different societies. This model says that the probability of war can be reduced by decreasing the use of combative sports and similar behaviors.

Sipes then goes on to discuss what societies he used and how he chose them. He defines what a combative sport is and what sports it can include. He then discusses the information he found and what it means. He showed that sports and war have no functional relationship across time. Cross-culturally, however, war and combative sports show a direct relationship. This shows that combative sports are not an alternative for discharging aggressive tensions. He showed that instead of being functional alternatives, war and combative sports are components of a broader culture pattern.

Sipes filled this article with statistics and charts to show the information that he found and used. He did a very good job explaining what societies he used and why. He also discussed what factors of societies he used and how they would influence the results.

ERIK GUSTAFSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Stirling, Matthew. E. Wyllys Andrew IV 1916-1971. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1): 295-296.

This is an obituary written about the honorable life of E. Wyllys Andrew IV and his important contributions to the field of anthropology.

Andrew was a significant figure in archaeology. He received his undergraduate degree and doctorate from Harvard University. He served with the Navy during World War II and was honored with the Legion Merit for Achievement. After the war he served and worked for the Central Intelligence Agency. During his time as an undergraduate and graduate student he studied and helped excavate many sites in the Yucatan, Quintana Roo, and Campeche “under Carnegie Institution sponsorship.” These studies concerned the examination and exploration of the Northern Lowland Maya. Over the course of forty years he made many important contributions to this area of study. Unlike many archaeologists of his time, he was an “independent thinker” who often departed from the mainstream theories of “Maya prehistory and interrelationships.” One of his most distinguished projects was a twelve-year task involving the “excavation and restoration of the site of Dzibilchaltun in Yucatan under the sponsorship of the National Geographic Society and the National Science Foundation.” He unearthed creditable evidence of Mayan occupation in this area, which remarkably had lasted for over 3000 years. This was the longest duration of Mayan occupancy ever discovered in one area. He also made important discoveries with his excavation of the Balankanche cave. Here, he helped to uncover a sacred chamber that had been closed off for over 900 years.

In addition to being an expert archaeologist, he was also skilled in the areas of epigraphy and conchology, where he made noteworthy contributions to Mayan life and history. Due to his premature and unfortunate death in 1971, Andrew was unable to finish his two most important documents on his study of the Dzbilchaltun ruins and the Becan ruins (this excavation was never completed due to his death). However, his colleagues and his son have decided to complete these manuscripts. Though some of his important manuscripts were never finished, he has undoubtedly left the anthropological realm a tremendous knowledge of the Mayan world.

BROOK MCCRACKEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Struever, Stuart and Vickery, Kent D. The Beginnings of Cultivation in the Midwest-Riverine Area of the United States. American Anthropology October,1973 Vol.75(5):1197-1219.

The author’s purpose is to investigate the botanical evidence of several possible cultigens in the Midwestern United States. Corn, squash, and beans are all considered “tropical” cultigens because the author believes all were first domesticated in Mesoamerica. The native cultigens include chenopods, sunflowers, and various others. The first half of the article describes the findings of each cultigen at various sites. Of particular importance are the associated objects found in the same context, the preserved form of the plant remains, excavation methods, and particularly the radiocarbon date of the botanical evidence. The author hopes to determine the order in which cultigens came into use and to what extent they were utilized. By noting that native cultigens seem to have been found in pre-ceramic and pre-maize/squash/beans contexts, the author provided evidence for one hypothesis that an “eastern agricultural complex” developed in this part of North America before the tropical cultigens became important. It is also determined that the Midwest-riverine region contains the earliest finds of the tropical cultigens as well as the most extensive areas with ideal conditions for the native cultigens. The author demonstrates a switch from dependence on native cultigens to tropical cultigens, showing a parallel to the shifting life ways of the Archaic peoples to Early, Middle, and then the Late Woodland peoples.

RACHAEL WILLIS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Struever, Stuart and Kent D Vickery. The Beginnings of Cultivation in the Midwest-Riverine Area of the United States. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75 (5):1197-1216.

This article is an assembly of all published and unpublished archaeological information dealing with the remains of cultivated plants. The article deals with the information from the Woodland time period, in the Midwest-Riverine area. The purpose of the paper is to review the (then) current hypothesis of the beginnings of cultivation.

The authors begin the article by reiterating the importance of studying faunal remains and the part they play in the understanding of prehistoric cultural-ecological adaptations. Their study area, the Midwest-Riverine area, is defined as the complex of major rivers south of the Great Lakes – mainly the drainages of the Mississippi, Ohio, Missouri, Illinois, Wabash, and the many lesser streams.

The cultigens studied have been divided into two classes: tropical and native. The tropical plants include corn (Zea mays), squash or pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo), bottle gourds (Lagenaria siceraria), and beans (Phaseolus sp.). The native plants include pigweed (Amarenthus sp.), lamb’s-quarter or goosefoot (Chenopodium sp.), knotweed or smartweed (Polygonum sp.), marshelder (Iva sp.), giant ragweed (Ambrosia trifida L.), maygrass or canary grass (Phalaris caroliniana Walt.), and sunflower (Helianthus annua.).

The authors continue by giving the archaeological evidence for all of the cultigens – giving several examples where applicable, as well as radiocarbon dates when available. There are also charts included summarizing the occurrence of the cultigens, showing the time period as well as the site in which they were found. Following the examples from the numerous archaeological sites, a “summary of evidence” is presented. This section discusses the data, previously analyzed, from the Salt Cave, Newt Kash Hollow, and Ozark Bluff dweller sites. The evidence from these sites suggests a “considerable reliance,” in the Early Woodland complex, on the native cultigens: sunflower, marshelder, chenopod, canary grass, as well as pigweed. There is also evidence for gourd and squash as well as maize at a later time.

The authors then spend some time discussing the possibility of an “Eastern Agricultural Complex.” This theory suggests the possibility that agriculture (of local prairie plants) had a separate origin from that of Mexico and the Southwest – known as “pre-corn agriculture.” Out of this theory come three common ideas: “(1) certain local plant species were brought under cultivation at an early date in the eastern United States, (2) the phenomenon occurred independently of experiments with and dependence on cultivation in Mesoamerica, and (3) the cultivation of local plants preceded the diffusion of the tropical maize-beans-squash complex into the East.”

The remainder of the article deals with the initial locus of cultivation in the Midwest – whether it was the floodplain/river valleys or outside the valleys in the uplands. The earliest evidence of cultigens has been found in Salts Cave, Kentucky – outside the river valley. However, the authors explain that their picture is biased for three reasons: (1) different plants have different preservation tendencies, (2) caves, having excellent preservation, are absent in some areas, and (3) flotation techniques have only been used at a few sites.

CHRIS SWOPE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Swetnam, John. Oligopolistic Prices in a Free Market — Antigua Guatemala American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1504-1510.

Swetnam examines the behavior of marketers in Antigua Guatemala as they sell goods in what is considered to be perfect competition. Swetnam points out the prices of the market are what he calls oligopolistic, or goods marked at higher value. The products examined by the author are not just fruits and vegetables, but staple hand or machine-made items. The prices of these items do not fluctuate rapidly but do fluctuate according to change in another person’s sale. Swetnam explains the idea of mark-ups and sales volume as well as the benefits and equality of the income among the marketers. The idea of bargaining in the markets or reaching equal prices among the categories of goods is most obvious in that the marketer will only sell at the minimum price marked. The marketer will not sell at a lower price he considers to be the bargain price. Blankets are an exception to the rule. One may request a slightly lower price, and the marketer will accept it. The vendors do not want customers to compare prices and think of him as expensive. The idea of supply and demand is very important to the Antigua marketers, for they will only lower the price of an item when they feel it is necessary. Marginal traders will enter the market for full-time vending slots when high mark-ups come because this provides them a chance for good sale. Antigua vendors find success in selling for very low profits because this provides them profit enough to support their families. Competition keeps the market going at an even pace. The demand of the sales volume equalizes prices of goods.

MEGAN WILSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Thompson, Richard W. and Michael C. Robbins. Seasonal Variation in Conception in Rural Uganda and Mexico. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):676-686.

Robbins and Thompson examine the seasonal variations in conception and birth by focusing on two separate rural populations, and compare their hypotheses with a previous article by Ethel Nurge in 1970. Robbins and Thompson do not support the Nurge’s hypotheses that conceptions occur during times of heavy workload and that more births occur during periods of lighter work. The data for the study was collected in rural peasant populations in Uganda by Robbins and in highland Mexico by Thompson. The data from Uganda came from birth records from 1963-70, while births in Mexico were in 1957-66.

The populations have similar technological sophistication, seasonal variability of climate, and no absence of sexual abstinence or birth control. The individuals in these two areas are mainly sedentary agriculturists who lack access to modern items like birth control, computers, and air conditioners. The authors identified the heavy and light workload months in Uganda and Mexico by examining the agricultural activity.

Robbins and Thompson seem very open and honest in this article, pointing out places for errors throughout their study. They recognize the biases and errors that can account for discrepancies between actual and recorded births. Robbins and Thompson also rely on the estimation of conception as being nine months previous to birth, a figure that can vary according to seasonal gestation periods.

By looking at the temperature, rainfall, workload, and urban migration, Robbins and Thompson are able to determine the seasonal variations in conception and birth in Uganda and Mexico. The article provided several detailed tables that allow the reader to understand all of the variables the authors examined in their study.

AMY CREASY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Thompson, Richard W. and Michael C. Robbins. Seasonal Variation in Conception in Rural Uganda and Mexico. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 (3):676-686.

This article uses eclectic and multivariate models to explore the multiple effects of socio-cultural and climatic variables on seasonal variations in the frequency of birth and conception. They also used multivariate models to check the relationship between workload and seasonal variations in conception and birth. Their other purpose was to check the findings of Ethel Nurge, who found that there were more conceptions during periods of heavy workload and that more births occur during periods of light workload.

Thompson and Robbins did this by picking two different cultures in two different geographical areas. Robbins chose a rural peasant population in the Buganda region of Uganda and Thompson chose highland Mexico. They gathered their data from birth records. By doing this they had to address three major problems. The first was that the records only showed the births that were recorded. They also had to assume that conception took the full nine months since it wasn’t in the records. Another problem was that the records did not show the relationship of seasonal variation and workloads. To solve this problem they studied the people in these areas and determined what their workloads were like during different seasons. By studying these people they ran into some new problems, urban migration and sexual activity outside of the home.

Thompson and Robbins used many tables in their article that were very easy to follow and understand. Their research showed that there were seasonal fluctuations in conception. However, they showed that increased physical activity was not related to the number of conceptions by itself. Urban migration, temperature, workload, and rainfall were very influential. They also contradicted Nurge’s hypothesis that workload is the major influence on seasonal variation in conception and birth rates.

ERIK GUSTAFSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Verrips, Jojada. The Preacher and the Farmers: The Church as a Political Arena in a Dutch Community. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):852-867.

Verrips’ stated objective in writing this article is to examine a conflict between two opposing factions within the local church of a dairy-farming community located in rural central Holland, anonymously identified as “Muusland”, from both local and nation-wide economic and theological perspectives. To this end, observations made during fieldwork carried out during the period from 1970-71 are recounted. Verrips spends the majority of the article laying out descriptive and historical data regarding the two opposing camps of church members struggling to come to a decision regarding whether or not to incorporate another regional church in need of a minister into their church system. This examination includes both a general overview of the native, conservative dairy farmers who opposed the incorporation versus the more liberal, modern, non-farming church members who were in favor of the merger, as well as a detailed look at the specific players within each contingency (the minister, administrative chairmen, church elders, etc.)

Verrips states that in order to understand the events revolving around this situation, one must consider the impact of the economic realities of each of the factions, which in turn will help clarify the political and theological aspects of the conflict. The financial situation of the conservative dairy farmers is given the most attention; it is their difficult economic position during the time of Verrips’ fieldwork period that seems to be recognized in the article as being the major factor responsible for the conflict between the two groups. Verrips’ work provides a very detailed snapshot of the activities of the key players in this particular conflict. To more fully understand the broader context in which this situation was transpiring, however, it would also be informative to consider within the article a variety of viewpoints, such as those of other non-administrative members of the congregation or community members outside the church organization.

LINDA SMITH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Verrips, Jojada. The Preacher and the Farmers: The Church as a Political Arena in a Dutch Community. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 852-867.

The main focus of Verrips’ article is the state level of religious “trends” and how these developments are imitated and vocalized at the local level. The specific conflict discussed is between two factions within a Dutch village, each of them declaring they have “the truth” (p. 852). There were two crisis areas discussed by the author. The first is the way in which each of the parties attempted to attain their individual goals. The other area of crisis is that the conflict can be narrowed to two inclinations; 1.) a departure from accepted belief inside the Reformed Churches in the Netherlands, and 2.) a slow, steady weakening of the economic status of the farmers.

To fully understand the case at hand, one must first know the background of the Dutch community. Verrips starts by introducing the main religious organizations in the Netherlands: Roman Catholic, Dutch Reformed, Reformed Churches of the Netherlands, and the “Unchurchly”(p. 854).

The religious category that is important to this particular Dutch community is the Reformed Churches of the Netherlands. It has two governing bodies. The first is the church council and the other is the administrative commission. According to the author, “it was customary for the control of both governing bodies to be in the hands of the dairy farmers belonging to certain families who had for generations lived in the village” (p. 856). But all this changed when this particular village, called Muusland, acquired a new minister and the farmers were unsuccessful at being re-elected to their seats on the church council, beginning a struggle.

The author discusses six characters, but only three are important for this summary. First there is the new parson, Reverend Lankman, who came to Muusland in 1967. He is in his thirties and lives in a neighboring village called Blokveld, where he is also the minister. Lankman says the day is wasted when a minister goes sauntering through the village conversing with everyone. ‘That is not what I’m hired for,’ he says (p. 857).

The opponent of the minister is a 52 year-old dairy farmer named Wouda, a prestigious dairy farmer. For generations his family has held positions on the governing bodies. One of the faithful followers of the minister is Timmer. He is also a native dairy farmer, but had to sell his land and cattle because he owed taxes on his farm.

At first the church council criticized everything Lankman did, but he paid no attention. However, over the years the members of the church council have changed, and now support Lankman. The major conflict came when Lankman decided to initiate a program to aid a project in Pakistan. The church in Blokveld agreed to help, but the church in Muusland didn’t. The church in Muusland split into two groups: the Progressives, who supported the minister, and the Conservatives, who were against him. Of course, in the middle were some who were neutral. The conflict really heated up when a third church was added to Lankman’s ministry. Timmer, who was a supporter of the minister and his ministry, retired from the council and Wouda, a non-supporter, was named his successor. Timmer was a critical vote for this third church. Despite Wouda’s vote against the addition of the third church to Lankman’s ministry, it was approved anyway. Wouda resigned his position because he didn’t want anything to do with the council.

Verrips notes that the church “was converted into a political arena” (p. 806). Lankman didn’t care about being a minister; he was only interested in the politics of his position. He even wanted the farmers to sell their cows to help this program in Pakistan. A people’s culture is very important to them. It identifies who they are in relation to other cultures in the world. When someone messes with the way a people lives and works, then it changes who they are and it becomes a political issue, taking the matter outside of the place where they live. The point of politics is to reform or change policies and how things are done, but the church isn’t supposed to be about politics. This minister has totally changed the way this culture operated to tend to his politics.

TANA HIBBITTS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Wagner, Erica. The Mucuchies Phase: An Extension of the Andean Cultural Pattern into Western Venezuela. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):195-213.

This article deals with the cultural patterns of the Mucuchies, a protohistoric group from an often-neglected region of the high Andes of Western Venezuela. Erica Wagner provides evidence based on archaeological, ethnohistorical, ecological, and botanical information to support her hypothesis that the protohistoric inhabitants of this region of the high Andes, the Mucuchies, are a distinct and separate group from other sub-Andean populations of Venezuela. Starting with an analysis of private and museum collections from the region, and later conducting her own excavation and resource, the author postulates that this region was densely populated before being reduced by the Spanish. This culture relied mainly on various tubers and hunting for food, but there were a few corn cobs found, indicating some sort of association with sub-Andean culture since maize is unable to grow at such high altitudes. Although this evidence may lead one to believe that the Mucuchies are a sort of sub-culture of other Venezuelan (sub-Andean) populations, Wagner insists these people are in fact an Andean culture and probably came from the Colombia area. Evidence to support this claim includes the presence of stone constructions, agricultural terraces, complex burial paraphernalia, and most importantly, mintoyes. These stone cone-shaped structures are guessed to have been used for burial purposes, or perhaps even storage. While they exist in several different areas of the Andes, these mintoyes have never been found in sub-Andean Venezuela. Removing the large stones from the soil and placing them in a pile, or mintoyes, is feasible since the result is better soil for agriculture. Wagner dismisses such practices as simply being a cultural adaptation, apparently because of the similarity to other Andean cultures. Further proof of her hypothesis includes cruder pottery with decorative aspects closer to Colombian traditions. There appears to be no evidence of advanced social, political, or religious systems, but the author does warn that written information about the Mucuchies is very limited.

KEVIN CONNORS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Wagner, Erika. The Mucuchíes Phase: An Extension of the Andean Cultural Pattern into Western Venezuela. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 195-213.

In this article, Wagner seeks to define a new cultural history for the Venezuelan Andes. She attempts to counter the preconceived notion that the prehistory of Venezuela is a homogenous cultural history. The evidence she uses in her case is based on archaeological data, ethnohistorical, ecological, and botanical information. In describing the new phase, the tierra fría Mucuchíes phase, she describes the Mucuchíes pottery style, a chronology of the region, the Mucuchíes phase, and cultural patterns of the people.

She begins the article by describing the geography of the area, which is located around the city of Mucuchíes, in the central Venezuelan Andes. The area, which is 2000 meters above sea level, was glaciated in the Holocene, creating many small lakes, ridges, and moraines. She goes on to recount past work that has been done in the area, primarily by Cruxtent and Rousse, who established the Chipepe ceramic style.

In her excavations of the area, Wagner found that ninety percent of the pottery she found was of the Chipepe Plain type. Artifacts found, other than pottery, include: “round clay discs, serpentine plaques, polishing and grinding stones, metates, manos, celts, hammerstones, a shell pendant, and a gold pendant” (p. 201). The article contains many illustrations of the different types of pottery, as well as stone and metal artifacts, found.

In another figure, the author shows the regional chronology of Western Venezuela, showing “periods (relative chronology), dates (absolute chronology), styles, and series (sets of styles which developed one out of the other)” (p. 202). She goes on to describe the culture of the Mucuchíes phase, using ethnohistorical evidence citing that “the Mucuchíes ceramic style extended into the historical period” (p. 205). Using the defined culture of the Mucuchíe people, Wagner goes on to define culture patterns of the prehistory of Venezuela. She concludes that “at least two cultural patterns co-existed in the Venezuelan Andes in late prehistoric times (approx. A.D. 1000 and later) – a Sub-Andean Pattern and an Andean pattern” (p. 209). The Venezuelan Sub-Andean pattern (800m to 2000m elevation) contains the main traits of “corn as the basic crop, elaborate pottery, thin non-utilitarian ware, lacking stone construction, and simple burials.” The Venezuelan Andean (above 2000m elevation) pattern is noted by “stone constructions, agricultural terraces, complex burials, ceremonial paraphernalia, clay figurines and pendants, potato-like tubers as the main crop, and cruder pottery” (209).

In conclusion, Wagner states that the Mucuchíes phase “represents a manifestation of the Andean pattern” (p. 211). From her reconstruction, she states that the Mucuchíes people shared a simplified version of the culture of their Columbian neighbors. She concludes by saying that “the Mucuchíes phase is an extension of the Andean cultural pattern into Western Venezuela from Columbia, and that the tierra fría zone of the Venezuelan Andes was probably marginal in the cultural development of the Andes as a whole” (p. 211).

CHRIS SWOPE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Warren, Richard L. The Classroom as a Sanctuary for Teachers: Discontinuities on Social Control. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):280-292.

In this article, Richard Warren is looking at degrees of internal and external social constraints exercised on teachers at two schools, one in the United States and the other in Germany. For this he begins with a short statistical analysis of such information as population in each town the schools are located in, the average age of parents, the level of education completed by most parents and the average number of children in each household. He then outlines the two bases from which teachers are mandated; internal evaluations by the principal and two forms of parent-teacher interaction.

Warren considers internal evaluation by the school itself to be very ineffective in controlling teacher behavior (p.286). To this end he gives figures illustrating the ease with which teachers attain tenure positions. Warren then describes the mechanisms each school has for parent-teacher interaction. The German method has a parent council that sees its main role as mediating conflicts between parents and teachers. Warren says that this is a formality that discourages parents from having and acting on a sense of vested interest for the school (p.287).

The system in the American school is based on a school board that acts as the administrative mechanism through which community control is to be represented; this entails encouragement for parents and teachers to be actively involved in the progress of policy and practice. However, this amounts to teachers being solely responsible for setting up various meeting with parents, few of which are taken seriously.

Warren concludes that while teachers’ public behavior is subject to some cultural surveillance, their classroom behavior is relatively untouched by internal or external control processes.

T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Warren, Richard L. The Classroom as a Sanctuary for Teachers: Discontinuities in Social Control. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1): 280-291.

The author examines how and why culture molds the role that teachers have in a society, how it shapes the socialization power of teachers, and the varying social constraints imposed on teachers, both in public and private life. Moreover, this article allows one to realize the important socialization role and influence teachers possess on children and youth. Warren compares two school districts cross-culturally (using independent studies conducted in the mid to late 1960’s) to illustrate how geographic location, a culture’s history, and changes in culture combine to help determine how much socialization power teachers have. This in turn determines a teacher’s power and standing in society, correlates with societal expectations and overwhelmingly determines a teacher’s job satisfaction and performance.

Warren’s choice of school districts for the study may seem suspect at first glance, especially since the communities seem to be polar opposites, but the cultural differences instead greatly enhance his analysis. One of the studies used comes from Rebhausen, a small rural area in Germany, while the other comes from an urbanized area in the Western U.S. Also, the cultural history of these two communities compounds the comparison. While Rebhausen was founded in 767 and has a rich cultural history, the city comprising the district of Calhoun was founded in 1956, only 10 years before the study. Because of these huge cultural differences, major differences in the socialization influence of teachers exist between the two districts. Understanding these differences allows the reader to better grasp what may cause a certain community to treat education and socialization the way it does. One outcome is that Rebhausen teachers enjoy a much higher social standing than do Calhoun teachers and also carry a greater socialization responsibility.

The ways in which teachers are held accountable for their actions, both in the classroom and away from it, are also culturally determined. Two important control processes discussed by Warren that keep teachers in check are formal (school district/the state) and parental. Whereas Calhoun teachers are more apt to be scrutinized by parents, Rebhausen teachers worry little about such confrontations. Because of this, Rebhausen teachers enjoy far greater classroom control. Another great contrast is in achieving tenure. Rebhausen is far more demanding and stringent than Calhoun in achieving tenure and thus more rewarding. Because of these control processes, Warren posits that teachers in communities/districts such as Calhoun are less traditional and therefore must satisfy sometimes conflicting directives. They may feel less sanctuary/control in the classroom than teachers in more traditional communities such as Rebhausen.

AARON MENDENHALL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Watson, Karen Ann. A Rhetorical and Sociolinguistic Model for the Analysis of Narrative.American Anthropologist, 1973. Vol.75: 243-263.

The purpose of Watson’s five part article is to provide a more complete method for the analysis of narrative in oral storytelling. Watson defines narrative as “the account of an event or series of events.” The first part of the article briefly examines the importance of narrative to a thorough understanding of a culture and how this issue has been addressed by other anthropologists. Watson then proceeds to outline Alexander Propp’s ideas about developing a “morphology” for folktales and three theories that are based on these ideas: Claude Levi-Strauss’ theories regarding the study of myth; Alan Dundes’ method of analyzing myth; and B. N. Colby and Michael Cole’s ideas about the existence of a “narrative grammar.” Watson compares these three theories and notes that all three hold that meaning is implicit rather than explicit. There are then brief summaries of Fischer’s ideas regarding the sociopsychological analysis of folktales and Heda Jason’s approach to analyzing myth as an art form.

In the second part of her article, Watson summarizes the key points of Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical theory, which has been referred to by a number of titles including symbolic action, dramatism, and rhetoricalism. According to Burke, people initially create symbols in response to their environment; however, in a narrative, these symbols are creatively applied to different situations and convey modes of action rather than simply information.

The third section outlines William Labov’s sociolinguistic method. Labov focuses on the narration of personal experience rather than myths and folktales. He supports six parts for the narrative structure including the abstract, orientation, complicating action, evaluation, result of the complicating action, and coda.

In the fourth part of her article, after reviewing both Burke’s and Labov’s theories, Watson synthesizes the two into a working model for the analysis of narrative using symbolic equations and reaches the ultimate conclusion that complicating action can be jointly mapped with social context. Complicating action is defined as an analyzed list of minimal narrative and extended narratives. Social context, as proposed by Burke, has five aspects, which in turn have their own variables: act, scene, agent, agency, and purpose.

Watson then details the synthesized method that she will use to analyze narratives gathered from 55 part-Hawaiian children who range in age from five to seven. The analysis culminates with the establishment of a relationship between complicating action and social context.

In the fifth section of her article, Watson summarizes the goal of her research and details the type of analysis she will conduct on the narratives gathered from her test group. Through this analysis, she hopes to determine the influence of the narrator on the audience, and the audience on the narrator, in a given social setting. She anticipates being able to clarify the methods used by narrators towards their audiences, as well as the degree of propensity for narrative structure to be revised in response to certain social situations.

Watson primarily summarizes other theorists’ ideas. It would have been nice had she discussed in greater length her own research and included some of her findings.

RYAN CARTER, JENN WEIDMAN, AND MICHAEL JOHNSON Northern Illinois University (Giovanni Bennardo)

Watson, Karen Ann. A Rhetorical and Sociolinguistic Model for the Analysis of Narrative.American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 243-264.

In this article, Watson attempts to synthesize the rhetorical theory of Kenneth Burke with the sociolinguistic theory of William Labov to create a formal and functional analytical framework for the study of narrative. As data in narrative form is the basis of most ethnography, an understanding of the structure and uses of narrative in a culture is essential to an understanding of cultural data. She cites the current structural methods as lacking scope in how they rely on the latent meanings of words, as well as the call for certain brain structures, making language into a system of variable content and fixed form. Therefore, Watson sets out to create an updated methodology to study data in narrative form.

The majority of the article is spent in reviewing two approaches that she proposes to merge, that of Burke and Labov. Burke’s rhetorical theory puts emphasis on dimensions of narrative, outlined as symbolic action, drama, and rhetoricalism. To identify the substance of a literary act, you need a literary action, and so Burke defines all verbal acts as symbolic acts; i.e., symbols in action. Similarly, drama transforms experience, and rhetoric becomes a tool of socialization used by the individual to identify him or herself with others. Structure then comes out of motivation – the interaction between five dimensional ratios: act, scene, agent, agency, and purpose.

Labov’s theory of sociolinguistics focuses on two basic functions of narrative: referential and evaluative. In Labov’s view, sociolinguistics consists of “the details of language in actual use.” Therefore, the fundamental structures are best isolated in oral versions of personal experience. The narrative goes in stages from abstract, orientation, complication, evaluation, and coda, omitting stages according to the verbal skills and patterns of the individual. Throughout the narrative, the speaker is giving a performance, constantly attempting to prove the valid reportability of the narrative. As all of this data was derived from dialogues/conversations with an interviewer, it can be welded with Burke’s theory as performance that transforms experience to persuade the audience with formative images. In bringing together the two theories, Watson draws on a synthesis between definitions and theoretical syllogism. Complication, a key to Labov’s theory, equals the essence of narrative structure, related to the social context via the narrator’s pattern of experience. The narrator then patterns experience within and in response to social context, and the complicating actions used imply certain social concerns. The new methodology proposed by Watson would provide a framework for identification of narrative style and performance in oral storytelling situations through a quantitative analysis of data to determine relationship between narrative structure and social context in a narration.

ATHENA LOTT Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Weiss, Gerald. A Scientific Concept of Culture. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):1376-1413.

In this article Weiss discusses the concept of culture. He is dissatisfied with current views on the subject and hopes to adjust the concept so that it fits with reality. He begins by discussing the history of the term culture. Weiss uses lots of quotations to compare the many ideas of culture present in the discipline of anthropology. According to Weiss, culture is the total embodiment of humanness. The acts of being human whether they are mental, social, or physical are all a part of culture. Culture does not exclude products of culture such as artifacts. Weiss says that there are “certain total systems which deserve to be called cultural systems” (1378).

The problem with the term culture is that there is no definition that is widely accepted and used by anthropologists. Tylor’s 1871 definition is generally accepted ‘in principle’, but ‘in practice’ most anthropologists feel that something is lacking. Weiss is also concerned with the renaming of cultural anthropology to social anthropology. Weiss and numerous others cited in this paper feel that sociologists view culture as a derivative of social activity. Weiss states that “a comparative sociology would not be adequate to handle the full range of problems traditionally treated by the cultural anthropologist” (1381). He also believes that the concept of culture can be made precise and realistic. He proposes a set of terms with precise definitions that incorporate the term culture. There are 35 terms with definitions listed in this article. They include: anthropology, cultural anthropology, culture trait, a system, cultural system, society, human society, artifact, material culture, and culture area among many others.

KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Weiss, Gerald. A Scientific Concept of Culture. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (5): 1376-1413.

The concept of culture has been put through the ringer. Since Edward Tylor’s definition, the word “culture” has been redefined and misused countless times. In this article, Gerald Weiss attempts to establish a meaningful and clear definition of the concept of culture, and in so doing, limits and strengthens the definitions of many other terms in the anthropological lexicon

In the first half of this article, Weiss concentrates on the use of the term culture. His initial dilemma stems from the plethora of meanings that culture has acquired; some specific, some more general. To some, culture is ideas, to others it is more material. As references for these definitions, he quotes the likes of Malinowski, Kroeber, and Marx. He decides that culture is both ideological and material. He also differentiates the term “culture” from the term “society.” Then he presents the main points to be contended in his paper: “(1) A comparative sociology would not be adequate to handle the full range of problems traditionally treated by the anthropologist. (2) The concept of culture can be made very clear and precise, and demonstrably conforming to a definite empirical reality. (3) A set of terms incorporating the word “culture” can be given such exact definition as to dispel vagueness in a thoroughgoing fashion, these including the terms ‘culture,’ ‘a cultural phenomenon,’ ‘a cultural trait,’ ‘a cultural feature,’ and ‘a cultural system’.”

The list of definitions, which comprises a total of ten pages, is presented in logical sequence, so each term helps to define the next. You can understand the difficulty inherent in summarizing all 36 definitions, so for the sake of brevity I will list the first six, here culminating with his definition of culture, which should illustrate most of what I have summarized above.

Anthropology: the study of the sum total of all human phenomena.

Phenomenon: any particular observable thing, occurrence or property.

Human phenomenon: any phenomenon that owes its existence to the mere existence of man (the genus Homo).

Cultural anthropology: the study of the total of all human nongenetic phenomena.

Human nongenetic phenomenon: a human phenomenon that is not a direct expression of genetic inheritance.

Culture: the generic term for any and all human nongenetic or metabiological phenomena.

Weiss hopes to bring these newly defined terms back to a state where they can be used as tools for science. The idea that once we have a clear meaning of terms, we can then better utilize them to explain the observable world around us, just makes sense. I believe his article was successful in this. It is clearly written, and very well researched.

JOHN BERNHARDI Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Werbner, Richard P. The Superabundance of Understanding: Kalanga Rhetoric and Domestic Divination. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1414-1439.

This article analyzes the patterns of communication that are brought upon by discrete types of seance. The author analyses two domestic seances which he observed and taped in Kalangan clients’ homes in Botswana. These seances are performed in response to a complaint which must be investigated before treatment. He first analyzes a seance performed for a sick pregnant woman whose sickness was believed to have been brought about by sorcery. He then describes a seance performed for a woman (the diviner’s wife) who could not sleep at night yet became exhausted during the day.

The author describes the diviners, those who perform the seances, as well as who should and should not attend these seances. The diviners are always men who are usually above forty years of age. These men are chosen according to their public credibility as well as their ancestry to diviners of the past. Prior to the seances, the diviner is given extensive and recent information about the client, their family, and their family history. Attendance at seances is by invitation, although close relatives and visitors are often allowed to attend as well. But, as these seances are performed in response to a complaint, those who attend may vary, depending on the type of complaint. Those attending the seance of the pregnant woman included many neighbors and relatives, while the seance for the diviner’s wife was attended by very few.

The author determined that information and opinions generated by family, friends, and neighbors of clients creates the conclusions that a diviner draws and presents to his clients during and following a seance. Through the broad messages taken from activities during a seance and the vague messages presented, the clients can formulate their own opinions presented to them by the professional.

CHAD KALBFLEISCH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill).

Werbner, Richard P. The Superabundance of Understanding: Kalanga Rhetoric and Domestic Divination. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1414-1440.

In this article Werbner analyzes “the language of divination” and addresses its logic. He writes in an introductory paragraph that other studies of séances neglect the styles of communication that are used in distinct kinds of séances. He argues that the language of the diviner legitimizes the conclusions he reaches in regard to the problem he addresses.

Werbner analyzes the distinctive speech used in domestic séances by local diviners. He begins by giving an overview of the code used by diviners to interpret the elements of the apparatus they use to explain the cause of whatever problem they are addressing. In this case the “divining apparatus” is made up of four pieces of ivory or wood that are represent “visible signs.” These “signs” have meanings that are commonly known. It is the job of the diviner to interpret the signs in relation to each other. Although the combination of certain “signs” has a formal meaning, the diviner is able to shift meaning. This is essential so that his clients can “derive personal bearings” from the séance.

Werbner uses two detailed séances as examples of the stylized speech used in domestic séances, and from these he arrives at the following conclusions. First, divination is not shaped by randomness, but rather by a logical scheme that makes the “signs” relevant to the situation. Second, diviners must use devices, such as metaphors, to enhance the meanings of certain signs as opposed to others in order to lead the conclusion in a certain direction. In essence the diviner need not accuse anyone by name, only imply an accusation that will play on the suspicion of his clients. The séance is therefore an interaction between the diviner and his clients in which the information exchanged is vital to the outcome.

TRACCI GABEL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Westermeyer, Joseph. Assassination and Conflict Resolution in Laos. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):123-131.

Joseph Westermeyer examines ten cases of political homicides in Laos to determine any common factors among them. There are hardly any confrontations or arguments that follow the event, and the authorities rarely seek out the assassins. In each case, the author looks at the differences in assassins and victims, the homicidal events, the social contexts, and what provoked the assassin.

Seven of the cases examined involved only one assassin, and the assassins were male in every instance. Every assassin belonged to the lower class in Laos, working as either foot soldiers or peasant farmers. All assassins shared the same ethnicity of half Lao and half tribal. The assassins did not pose any problems in their communities and were seen as being responsible and mentally healthy. The primary victim was slain in eight of the cases, the other two cases involved the death of the victim’s wife and children. All the primary victims were male, with the exception of one female believed involved with witchcraft. The victims were from different employments and social classes, while eight of the victims were from the same ethnicity of the assassin. Westermeyer discussed the characteristics of the assassination event, identifying the location, time, and weapon used in each case.

Westermeyer discussed how problems that may possibly lead to assassination threaten the existence of the community. Other ways to solve these social problems have either been exhausted with no change or are simply not available. It is under these circumstances that political homicides serve as a last resort for social conflict solutions.

AMY CREASY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Westermeyer, Joseph. Assassination and Conflict Resolution in Laos. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1):123-131.

This article is about how the people of Laos dealt with political and peasant deviant or dissocial behavior in their country. Ten cases of homicide were studied in detail to determine what characteristics were common among them. With the help of research assistants in Laos, interviews were held with people who were friends of, or were kin to, the victim or assassin. Murder or theft had been the precipitating events in three of the cases, witchcraft in three, and abuse of power in the remaining four. In all cases the assassins were regarded as socially responsible men, respected by the people of their village. Someone who assassinated a person who was regarded as a social deviant was given a higher status in the village. This respect stemmed from the fact that Laos had no prisons or organized judicial system and if a crime such as murder or witchcraft was committed, the person responsible was held accountable by the local people themselves. In cases of political homicide, the leader had been corrupt or had failed in his responsibilities to the people. There were no political means of removing a leader from office, so assassination was the most effective course. In all of the cases, there was no retaliation on the part of the victims’ families, whereas in a murder case that was deemed unacceptable by the society, a head price was sought by the victim’s dependents. Assassination was chosen as a last resort after all other means of rehabilitation had been exhausted without effect, and the victim’s families acknowledged this. This study in Laos showed how the people dealt with crime by using assassination as a substitution for imprisonment, which was not available for people who could not function properly in their society.

PATRICK THOMPSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja).

Wirsing, Rolf. Political Power and Information: A Cross-Cultural Study. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):153-170.

The author of this article examines political systems, their power and authority, as well as information provided by these systems across cultures. Wirsing focused on two key points; the power that underlies politics, and foundations of the collected information as well as the processes it undergoes. To direct this observation a newly developed computer program was used to store data and understand the systems better by the information it provided.

A study was performed to examine views of authority cross-culturally. Wirsing pointed out that power and authority can lead to relationships where there is no reciprocity. In societies where power or hierarchy is represented in kinship tribute or tax is paid to the highest status and this can be gained through super ordinate power over lower territorial offices or levels. The highest rank or power attainable is dependent on the number of structural levels and the strength of those levels in a political system.

As well, a leader or authoritative figure can communicate with the community as a society grows and becomes more complex. “Communication is the cement which binds the fabric of society together.”

MEGAN WILSON Southern Illinois UniversityCarbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Wirsing, Rolf. Political Power and Information: A Cross-Cultural Study. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75: 153-170.

Wirsing’s study investigates two aspects of political systems: “(1) the dimensions of power of internal political relations, and (2) the number of structural levels at which politically relevant information is collected, stored, and transmitted.” His thesis is that “the degree of power exercised by top political officials is directly related to the number of structural levels at which politically relevant information is collected, stored, and transmitted.” The article fully explains the thesis, including definitions of the variables and terms, and tests the thesis cross-culturally.

Wirsing defines “political power” as a measure of “the degree of control intensity over warfare, adjudication, appointment, wealth, and human labor.” Hierarchically structured “political teams” of a society are “viewed as the units that store and vertically transmit information.” These two main variables are measured with an ordinal seven-point scale, and their interdependence tested using a newly developed (as of 1973) computer program. The data and results are tabulated and explained. Wirsing’s conclusion is that the evidence strongly supports his hypothesis.

To establish the link between power and information, Wirsing first explores the ways in which certain individuals gain maximal political power. These sources include: control over warfare, control over adjudication, control over appointment to lower offices, control over wealth, and control over human labor. The question he attempts to answer in his article is how do these recognized rights to power vary cross-culturally? By using data from HRAF and other sources, he compares the level of power in each culture to the amount of information controlled by each group. His evidence supports his claim: there is a positive correlation between the degree of political power in a group and the number of hierarchically structured teams it employs.

The societies sampled in this study are: Mbuti Pygmies, Wolof, Chleuh, Kurds, Garo, Iban, Lau Fijans, Blackfoot, Cuna, Bororo, Bemba, Tiv, Amhara, Yakut, Khasi, Aranda, Copper Eskimos, Iroquois, Aymara, Bush Negroes, Azande, Masai, Serbs, Koreans, Andamanese, Trukese, Tlingit, Tarahumara, and Mataco.

JOHN BERNHARDI Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Witherspoon, Gary. Sheep in Navajo Culture and Social Organization. American Anthropologist August, 1973 Vol.75(1):1441-1447.

In this article Witherspoon observes the importance and operation of the sheep herd in Navajo social structure. The sheep herd is occupies a very special place in the thought and social organization of the Navajo people. To them, every day consists of tending to the sheep and making sure they are properly taken care of. In this culture, if one neglects or does not take proper care of their sheep they will be thought of as lazy or ignored. No disrespect will be shown toward them but they will be looked down upon. The women play the most important role in sheep tending. From the very early morning into the night they must keep constant watch over the sheep making sure none of them leave the corral or are harmed by coyotes.

For the Navajo, these animals provide a great sense of security. They provide the people with food and clothing, and they prevent them from experiencing poverty. To them the sheep are a similar symbol of motherhood. Motherhood is a key symbol to the people and here they can see it through the birth of a lamb, like the birth of their children. To some the sheep are life, they are the mothers. As well, it is noted by Witherspoon that they have an “instinctual sense of danger”. The Navajo feel the sheep give them a huge sense of psychological security. The elderly feel that working with the sheep provide them good health and a stable frame of mind. Members of other residence groups will put their herd in the same corral and grazing field because they feel it will balance out the tasks of caring for the herd and balance the social correspondence between the groups. Children of the Navajo are given lambs to start their caring for the sheep at a young age. They then will understand the tasks of tending to the herd when they are older.

In the community, the size of one’s responsibility and social position is related to the size and appearance of their herd. When an individual of the group marries he will bring a few sheep at a time to his wife’s house and continue this until all of his sheep are at this location. For the Navajo, “each individual has the right to eat, live, and act for themselves” thus justifying killing one of the sheep only for one’s need. At this time a prayer will be said explaining why the animal was taken from Earth. Individualism, communalism are important concepts to the society. The sheep are owned individually and the food from the animal is communally shared. As well, products from the sheep are sold together and distributed as a group. The Navajo believe that what is good for one individual and benefits all. They take pride in the sheep herds and feel they are traditionally valuable to everyone in the society.

MEGAN WILSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Witherspoon, Gary. Sheep in Navajo Culture and Social Organization. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (2): 1441-1447.

Witherspoon tries to show that the ethical and social systems are integrated in the operation of sheep herding. He believes that the whole value system of the Navajo deals with sheep herding.

Witherspoon shows that the sheep herd provides the Navajo with material and psychological security. It helps keep them from starvation and poverty. Sheep provide them with meat for food, wool for clothing, bedding and weaving, and sinew for bows. The Navajos feel a moral responsibility to give the herd proper care. They believe that if they take care of the sheep, then the sheep will take care of them. Anyone who fails to take good care of their herd is not respected in the community and will not be elected to positions of leadership. The most powerful person has the most sheep. Herding also brings children into the life of the communal economy. The child learns the meaning, necessity, and nature of group or communal life. This experience forms his social personality. The Navajo form resident groups that put all of their sheep into one herd. This sheep herd becomes an extended family group. This communalism of individually owned sheep into a common herd also extends to the sharing of the products from the herd.

This article would interest anyone who wants to learn more about the Navajo in general or about their social system. It is very easy to read and follow.

ERIK GUSTAFSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Wolfart, H. Christoph. Boundary Maintenance in Algonquian: A Linguistic Study of Island Lake, Manitoba. American Anthropologist June ,1973 Vol.75(3):1305-1323.

The subject of this report is to provide evidence for the languages spoken at Island Lake in Manitoba. Apparently there has been some debate about this matter. Linguists report almost unanimously that the people inhabiting this area were of mixed origins. Moreover, observers also report that the language spoken by this branch of people is a mixture of Cree and Ojibwa. The problem lies in the idea that any “strictly genealogical classification of Algonquian languages breaks down”(1307).

Only a quarter to one-third of the population of the area in question is thought to be Cree, with the rest of the population originating on surrounding lakes. This ethnic ambiguity has added to the confusion of linguists. Also, the region of Island Lake is divided into four settlements, each believed to be different linguistically. The Island Lake Survey conducted by Mr. Wiebe sought to shed light upon this matter. One of his primary questions was whether the inhabitants spoke Cree or Salteaux (Ojibwa). 46.4% of the interviewed named Cree as their language, while 26.6% gave answers of either Salteaux or Island Lake.

The author provided much of the data that was gathered in the Island Lake Survey, explaining the linguistic evidence that points to one language or another. He concludes, based on the research, that “the speech is clearly Ojibwa with an admixture of Cree”(1317).

CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill).

Wolfart, H. Christoph. Boundary Maintenance in Algonquian: A Linguistic Study of Island Lake, Manitoba. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1305-1323.

This article concerns the apparent “mixed language” of native groups of northeastern Manitoba. The language, which is composed of both Cree and Ojibwa, is spoken among different groups who are seemingly isolated from outside linguistic influence. Wolfart tries to establish why the mixing occurred by looking at ethnohistory. He hoped to determine if some population mixture was responsible for the language. He mentions two specific projects called the “Cree Dialect Survey” and the “Island Lake Survey.” These projects focus on both the mixing of the two languages and the differences in the dialects spoken by the individual in certain areas.

While the Cree Dialect Survey is discussed in the article, the author does not give details about the information he gathered. Rather, he discusses the lack of information and the lack of previous study concerning this language group. His main concern is how the vast land that the Cree speakers occupy in their small, nomadic groups affected the diversity in dialects. A questionnaire was given to the people in order to find out personal histories. The information collected is “anecdotal” and not mentioned.

The Island Lake Survey is more detailed and states that the language spoken at Island Lake is a mixture of Cree and Ojibwa. This idea is widely accepted and there are three major reasons given for its acceptance. First, the idea has been noted by respected linguist Truman Michelson and was recorded in his writings. Second, inhabitants of Island Lake are fully aware that their language has major components of the two languages. Finally, the speakers of Island Lake cannot fully communicate with or understand speakers of Cree of Ojibwa. After this idea is established, the culture of the people of Island Lake was examined and the four separate settlements in the area were closely studied to find if differences existed between them. It was found that the four settlements could be separated into two distinct groups similar in dialect, as well as ethnohistory.

A survey was given to the people of Island Lake who lived in the four settlements and then their language was broken down into its basic linguistic components. These were studied and it was found that the language is more similar to Ojibwa with a mixture of Cree. However, the study could not determine if two separate language groups existed. Further areas of study were suggested.

REBECCA HENDERSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Wordick, Frank J.F. Another View of American Kinship. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1634-1656.

In this article studying the American Kinship system the author uses a process rather like anthropological linguistics to analyze relationships in American families. After a good deal of data, which at times is difficult to follow, conclusions are drawn from the analysis of the collected data. The author concludes that the system basically is comprised of three basic rules: half siblings and full siblings are alike, spouses are “linking relatives,” and parents are ancestors and children are descendents. The conclusion is made that since these rules can apply throughout the system, then it constitutes a solidifying element to the system. The differences in variation and the multiple use of affixes such as “in-law” and “step” cause the author to conclude that the system is still in the process of creating itself into a unified, widely accepted system for kinship.

TINA HASTINGS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Wordick, Frank J. F. Another View of American Kinship. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(2): 1634-1656.

Wordick offers a new analysis for the American kinship system. The underlying structure of the system is conceived to be a set of logical rules. The operation of these rules is to show how the ego orients himself with respect to other kin types: “The rules act upon complex genealogical descriptions, reducing only those describing kinsmen to immediate kin types, and thereby specifying not only who is and who is not a kinsman, but also what each kinsman is to be called.”

He distinguishes three different levels of classification. They are “deep” structure, “surface” structure, and “superficial” structure. He then breaks these down by using “reduction rules.” They are the “half-sibling rule (global),” “affinal incorporation rule (American),” and “ascendant/descendant rule (American).” He also identifies two “transformational rules”: “the bilateral symmetry rule and sex-neutralization rule.”

His new analysis shows that the American kinship system is based on three logical rules; “the equivalence of half siblings with full siblings, the equivalence of spouses as linking relatives, and the equivalence of ancestors with parents and of descendents with children.” He believes that these three principles underlie all varieties of the American kinship system. They also must have the same deep structure. It also shows that the American kinship system is well-defined since it tells who may be and who may not be considered a kinsman. There is also a specific term for every kinsman.

He concludes that there is an American type kinship system and that it is clearly defined. “The American system is ‘descriptive’ in the classical sense of the term in that collateral relatives are never merged with lineal.” He believes that the American kinship system should be considered a distinct type.

This article is difficult to read because of the terminology used.

ERIK GUSTAFSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)