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American Anthropologist 1972

Acheson, James M. Limited Good or Limited Goods? Response to Economic Opportunity in a Tarascan Pueblo. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1152-1169.

James M. Acheson’s article examines the causes of and reasons behind the differential response to economic change and instability associated with the new economic opportunities in a Tarascan Indian society of Michoacan, Mexico. Acheson strives to demonstrate that some people of the Tarascan communities were blocked from new economic opportunities as a result of both economic and cultural factors. Acheson highlights and criticizes hypotheses of various anthropologists who, like himself, have observed the Tarascan pueblos firsthand. These hypotheses touch on various interpretations of reasons for the economic standstill of the Tarascan people.

Acheson utilizes a case study of the furniture industry in Cuanajo, an eastern Tarascan community, and its affects as an “alternate economic opportunity.” He illustrates the importance of social, cultural, and economic factors with respect to economic opportunities in the Cuanajo community. In this study, the focus is placed on two main occupational groups: mechanized carpentry and the enterprise of selling furniture. Acheson breaks the case study down into three main hypotheses. First, the presence of superior economic opportunities is most effective in providing developmental and economic change. Acheson continues by noting the evidence that the predominantly poor economic status of Cuanajo men plays an important role in the ceasing of new opportunities. Acheson’s third observation states that men who have high “prestige” in the community and are not likely to benefit from such endeavors are “least likely to react to the economic opportunities.”

Acheson concludes that focusing on mechanized carpentry reveals more about the factors that influence the pueblos as a whole. In addition, he highlights the social and cultural features of Tarascan communities that play a large role in its economic development. Acheson draws attention to the following three main assumptions made by prominent authors in the field (in relation to economic responsiveness): There are economic opportunities available in Tarascan communities, these opportunities are only available to those willing to form large scale production and marketing units, and economic change in Tarascan communities requires external financing Acheson agrees that each of these assumptions is valid; however, he explains and outlines (based on his own observations) his own modifications to the assumptions.

Although Acheson’s examination of various hypotheses presented does not give definite reason or cause for the lack of economic change in Tarascan communities, he does provide insight into the phenomena.

LAUREN PATTERSON Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Banks, David J. Changing Kinship in North Malaya. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1254-1275.

David J. Banks’ article examines the social relationships among kin in Sik, a

region of the Malay Peninsula, after World War II. Changes in kinship patterns resulted from a decrease in agricultural and inhabitable land due to increasing demand for the natural rubber in the Sik region. Traditionally in Sik, the customs and the influence of the family determined the ways in which a person would function socially and plan out his/her life. When the rubber industry became lucrative after World War II, many outsiders, seeking employment, migrated to the area and disrupted the conventional family bonds of the indigenous people.

Between 1950 and 1960, the economy and structure of Malay society shifted from an agricultural, grain producing society into a society that primarily produced rubber

Initially, the rubber industry was minuscule, but after World War II the need for rubber grew. Not only did plantations consume much of the land, but the new industry also caused many people to flock to Sik, taking over the land that was once farmed and inhabited by the Malays. In addition, the government permitted once protected land to be utilized, sparking other jobs like road building that connected the region to other parts of the Malay Peninsula.

Ultimately, the relations within the family changed due to the new social and economic conditions. The Malays became less isolated because they were forced to develop deeper relationships with secondary kin and individuals outside of the immediate family. These new relations grew among people who had to start working for those who owned rubber trees. It was no longer possible to survive off the harvest of a private plot of land, now people had to perform different jobs in order to succeed in the new economy. With these changes, the family became decreasingly less structured as the members were forced to leave the area for jobs. Parents and children felt the pressures of separation, and the tradition of passing land on to one’s offspring ceased to exist because there was such a scarcity of available land. The Malays left the traditional world and entered a world of modernity.

JOHNA BOULAFENTIS Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Banks, David J. Changing Kinship in North Malaya. American Anthropologist: October 1972 Vol.74 (5): 1254-1275.

The essay Changing Kinship in Northern Malay written by David J. Banks, concentrates on the change in traditional ideas of kinship among the Sik in northern Malaya. Banks connects this to rapid population increase in the area due to economic factors, which had a trickle down effect that basically disrupted and changed many old ideas of social responsibility and kinship structures.

Initially the Sik created close nuclear family bonds that were based on blood relations. They believed in the moral responsibility to their blood kin and reinforced this bond in their daily lives through acts of loyalty, friendship, and trust. Shows of solidarity were considered very important and to deny it was to deny your blood history.

Other important aspects of kinship were to provide a base for your children to become self-sufficient and thriving members of the community. This was a fairly obtainable goal pre World War I when land was plentiful in relation to a small population of people. However this began to change as new social and economic factors began to infiltrate this once isolated community. After WW II the Sik community shifted from an agricultural society to a rubber producing society. As demand for rubber grew, corporations leaving less for private farming for the Malay by snatching up large tracts of land. Other portions of land were utilized for road building, which connected the region to other parts of the Malay Peninsula, hence making the region more assessable to the outside world.

The rubber industry eventually became fairly successful, thus attracting outsiders looking for employment. This created a population boom, which greatly affected the economic and social landscape of the area. Much of the land that was farmed by the Sik, was either taken over by plantations, or utilized as dwelling spaces by those who migrated to the area for work. Traditions in Sik culture that influenced the ideas of family and how a person should function socially in the process of living their life began to change. In turn, this influenced and changed the dynamics of traditional family bonds within the local population. As this new social and economic shift arose, it was no longer possible to make a living off a private plot of land. It became necessary for people to work different jobs in order to live in this new economic landscape. With these changes, there was also a shift in family values. Family members found it necessary to leave the area for other jobs in order to make a living. As available land became scarce, the long tradition of passing land on to ones children also was lost.

The Sik were forced out of their defined inner circle of kinship and forced into a new circle, the modern world. They must now look for “kinship” everywhere, and adjust to the new social order that has erased the old. In Banks conclusion he does not judge whether this shift in the social order is good or bad. He simply states what he has observed and that failure and success depend on life situations and fate.

TIMOTHY BORNTRAGER Indiana University (Anya Royce)

Beale, Calvin L. An Overview of the Phenomenon of Mixed Racial Isolates in the United States. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3): 704-709.

In his article, Beale’s argument is that the existence of mixed racial groups in the United States has been prevalent for many years. The minority groups spoken about are identified as the Black, White, and Indian races. These people are called “Triracial.” Certain assumptions have been made about “Triracial” groups as being drunk, violent and inbred. These ethnic groups were not firmly established until after the American Revolution. Local minority groups became noticed in the public eye through schools, census information, and health issues.

Another factor discussed throughout the article is the founding of separate schools for racial minorities. Segregation was prominent within school systems for many years. In 1969, parents of Indian children in Dorchester County, South Carolina were arrested for trying to send their children to a public school other than the one that was segregated. Those who were “Triracial” were not allowed to attend an all White or all Black school because they were thought to be such horrible people.

Beale constructs his argument by citing examples of interracial instances throughout history in order to convince his readers. Race, Beale claims, is intended to refer to someone’s ethnic background, but instead, it seems to describe his or her skin color. Each color or race has its positive and negative connotations. In the case of this article, being “Triracial” has held negative connotations for many years. Because there has been a decrease in separation as well as rural depopulation, “Triracial” groups are not very prominent anymore, only a few of them exist.

CAMILLE MOSES-ALLEN Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Benfer, Robert A. Factor Analysis as Numerical Induction: How to Judge a Book by its Cover. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):530-554.

In this article, Benfer defends his previous work against questions raised by James E. Sackett. He also discusses the “applications and limitations of factor analysis”, which he asserts is “an advanced method of creating numerical inductions” (which he claims may be “superior to more intuitive approaches” in certain cases) (530). He argues specifically for the usefulness of factor analysis in archaeology, giving example from both his previous and recent work.

Benfer asserts the validity of various statistical analyses. He argues against the idea, “that parametric and nonparametric statistics are entirely different approaches (531).” Benfer divides the objections raised by Sackett into two categories, those concerning factor analysis and those concerning the use of redundant variables. Benfer maintains that Sackett’s objections are unjustified. Many arguments against factor analysis Benfer claims are simply incorrect. Redundancy in variables he explains, essentially, as having an insignificant effect on the final statistics.

To illustrate his arguments, Benfer offers what plasmode, or, “worked example with relatively well understood data (530).” In this example, Benfer used books from his own bookshelf as his sample. He took various measurements and analyzed them using the methods he promotes in the beginning of the article.

After completing this experiment, Benfer came to several conclusions. He found that measurements that intuitively seem redundant might turn out to be independent, and those that seem independent may be redundant. “Factor analysis as numerical induction,” he maintains, ” still may not be more useful than, say cluster analysis (549).” Benfer ends by saying that more tests on numerical induction are necessary.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Berreman, Gerald D. Social Categories and Social Interaction in Urban India. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):567-576.

Berreman’s article deals with the definition, function and effects of social categories in urban India. More specifically, he examines how social identity in the city of Dehra Dun is derived and how it influences interactions among people and groups of people. His study is relevant to the larger issue of how strict caste identities shape behaviors in heterogeneous, stratified societies like India.

Berreman’s main argument is that the placement of individuals in social groups in Dehra Dun is extremely complex. A person’s social identity is formed from a combination of many factors including religion, regional-national-linguistic-racial group, caste category and social class. Because each category contains many sub-categories and the order of importance of these demographic characteristics varies among informants, the social designation of an individual is further complicated. This leads Berreman to conclude that while the urban Indian social stratification is rigid, individuals do have opportunity to manipulate the construction of how they are labeled into a social group by controlling the information about their identity they accentuate. Berreman also points out that certain situations may result in different interactions between people than other situations. He recognizes that stereotypes exist for all the social categories, but that a clear social hierarchy is difficult to define because groups often mutually disparage each other.

Berreman’s argument is constructed through the illustration of various categories that define social identity in urban Indian society and by defining the implications of that definition. He uses anecdotal evidence to show interactions between different groups and their perception of their own identity in relation to others. His careful analysis of the words and actions of the people he has studied provides a clear picture of the society’s divisions and the purposes they serve. He then presents his observations of their influence on the behavior, attitudes and culture of the people of Dehra Dun.

Readers will find Berreman’s arguments convincing because his research is extremely thorough. They will also find the article interesting given the widespread notion that the Indian “caste system” is extremely hierarchical contrasts significantly Berreman’s argument describing its complexity.

LAUREN HIRSCHFELD Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Berreman, Gerald D. Social Categories And Social Interaction in Urban India. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74(3):567-586.

In this article, categories into which people classify themselves and others in a North Indian city were collected, together with identifying characteristics and stereotypes. The research was performed from a symbolic interactionist perspective, using detailed observation and inquiry regarding what people do in face-to-face interaction. The author also examined how people in Urban India choose among alternative behaviors in terms of the meanings that specific attributes, actions, and social situations have for them and for those with whom they interact. Through this research, the complexity of the terminological system, the crucial importance of situation and audience, and the tenuous relationship between terminology and behavior in Urban India was revealed.

The research performed by Berreman was based on four fundamental kinds of questions: (1) What are the social categories-the social identities-of people composing the society as defined by themselves? (2) What characteristics are attributed to members of these social categories? (3) By what cues and in what circumstances do people identify individuals as belonging to a particular social category? (4) How are the above three questions related to interpersonal behavior? How do these facts affect how people behave in one another’s presence (or behind their backs)?

In order to answer these four questions, Berreman observed and talked to people in many different circumstances and in many different social classes. He worked primarily in public places where most distinctively urban interactions take place. He interacted with people naturally and in interview situations.

Berreman divides the terms used by the interviewees and subjects into four categories. These are: religious groups, regional-linguistic groups, caste-categories, and social class, life-style, and occupational categories.

In general, Berreman found that stereotypes and indicators of ethnic identity were closely tied to one another and to the terminology. Interpersonal and intergroup behavior, however, was not closely related to terminology and its correlates. Behavior proved to be less specific in terminology.

Gerald D. Berreman argues that social identity cannot be understood without understanding the variation in peoples’ knowledge and use of the categorical terms. These matters become a major focus of his research. The number and specificity of terms which could be applied to an individual, and which ones could be applied in a particular instance, varied from one individual to another. This variation, according to Berreman, proved to be largely a function of one’s own social identity.

ARLENE LIVINGSTON Indiana University (Anya Royce).

Bigart, Robert James. Indian Culture and Industrialization. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1180-1187.

Robert James Bigart describes the concerns with the process of incorporating Western technology into different cultures, such as the Native Americans. For instance, Bigart explains how factories were created by “Western” culture with the intention of serving those within their society; those on Native American Reservations, however, would prefer the factories be designed in a non-Western style. Moreover, Bigart explains the concerns with the possibility of Indian cultures acculturating into a more Western, technology-based society. It is because of these concerns that a group of Salish Flathead Indians in Montana were observed; through this research, it was demonstrated that these people were able to retain their heritage and traditions despite their interaction with technology.

Throughout the article, Bigart explains various character differences between members of Native American and “Western” cultures. For instance, within the Native American community, an individual’s independence is very prominent, as they look to others for help and guidance, but often answer their problems on their own. Another behavior practiced among Native Americans is the use of rewards before punishment, especially between various groups of the cultural hierarchy Bigart explains their strong sense of loyalty and dedication within the group, and they are taught to put the needs of others before their own. Bigart also discusses how Native Americans may not feel pressure to pursue careers and money, and they also place a greater focus on the present-time as opposed to the future.

He believes that the factories on reservations would be much more successful if they maintained Indian organization. He thinks there should be more of a balance which would allow the workers in the factory to benefit on an individual level as well as within the community. The Yankton Sioux Reservation in South Dakota is a prime example of this. The work is done on an individual level and workers are paid according to their needs, desires, and talent.

LINDA PRINCIPATO Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Black, Lydia T. Relative Status of Wife Givers and Wife Takers in Gilyak Society. American Anthropologist October, 1972. Vol.74(5): 1244-1248.

This article is concerned with the status of relations between lineages, in Gilyak (or Nivkh in modern terms) society, which is located in the former USSR. The relationship detailed in this article is that between wife-givers (akhmalk) and wife-takers (imgi). In Gilyak society, when strangers come to live in the village, permission is needed to settle as well as fish and hunt. In addition, when strangers arrive, they are given a wife or wives. This trading of women is symbolic in the society, as those that are the wife-takers have a lower position in the society than those already established in the village and must give wives to newcomers.

In Gilyak lineage pattern, each extended family concerns itself with warfare and general disputes, inherited fishing and hunting territories and inherited wealth, determination of married status and name, and determination of participation in village rituals. Lineages themselves are do not give special status, the only discrepancy in village status depends upon whether one is a wife-giver or wife-taker. Black disagrees with conclusions reached by Levi-Strauss, an anthropologist who researched kinship groups. Black comments that ethnographic data in this area proves that the only ranking done within Gilyak villages is based on the “time of settlement in the locality.” This fact points to the idea that those who come last are given wives, and are therefore inferior to those that have already settled in the village. In the relationship between he who gave the wife and he who took the wife, the wife-taker must perform menial tasks for the wife-giver, and live with the humility that comes with this position. Even Gilyak folklore, Black states, proves the point of the inferior wife-takers. Therefore, in this society, wife giving is a contract, a settlement between the settled man and the new stranger, a contract of cooperation, “mutual support,” and inferiority of the latter. Black admits that this seemingly strange arrangement does limit the amount of conflict in the village, and sets rights and duties between the settled and the settlers.

CARRIE CHARTERS Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Black, Lydia T. Relative Status of Wife Givers and Wife Takers in Gilyak Society. American Anthropologist. October, 1972 VOL.74(5): 1244-1247

In this article, Lydia Black gives evidence to support her theory that wife givers have more status than wife takers in the patrilineal Gilyak society. They are a egalitarian group located on both banks of the Amur river in Russia. She is also talking about other means of having status in the society, and that other factors play more of a role in ranking than wife giving and taking. These factors include things like the first person to settle an area of land and their lineage. Black is intending to show that while wife giving and taking plays a major role in status, there may be more important factors that are influencing this role. She also uses the story of the founding of the Gilyak society to illustrate her point.

In this society, strangers are welcomed with the gift of a wife. When strangers come into the society they have to get permission to fish and hunt. They are also given a wife. The person that is giving the wife to the stranger gets more status then the receiver. They also have more status because they are the owners of the land. Black goes on to prove her point by telling a Gilyak myth. The myth shows that when you are a wife taker you have to perform menial tasks for the wife giver, and that there is no respect for the taker. In the myth, the taker acquires wealth and is shown a great amount of respect. This shows that the Gilyak do look at status from many different levels, and not just by wife giver and taker. The wife is like a contract to the society. If the taker accepts the wife then he has certain obligation to the group.

In this article Black discuses many issues. She draws on folklore and the works of other anthropologists to get her issue across. Even with the integration of folklore and the works of others I found this article hard to understand. Black also did not touch on the woman’s point of view. I think that this is something very important to do, considering that they have no choice in the matter. I do not feel that Black conveyed the message that she was trying to achieve.

LAUREN IOVANELLA Indiana University (Anya Peterson Royce)

Brown, Jennifer. Plato’s Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic Education. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):672-675.

Brown discusses Plato’s Republic as documentation of the transition from an oral to a literate educational system and a critique of the Athenian educational system. Plato’s contemporary society, Brown claims, was in transition from oral to literate. She examines the educational processes associated with an oral society and the ways in which literacy can change them.

In oral societies information is transmitted through legends and sayings that easily remembered, often in the form of poetry, such as Homer. The formulaic nature of these legends and phrases makes them easy to mimic and remember. Brown argues that this is what Plato was criticizing in the Republic. Because knowledge was transmitted through imitation and memorization, ideas were rarely questioned and thus new ideas were rarely formed. Brown disputes those scholars who take offense at Plato’s suggestions to censor poetry and art. She argues that Plato’s intentions were not to limit imagination, but rather to promote thought. He wanted people to learn to question things that they were taught.

Brown compares Plato’s ideas on censorship to modern views on the violence and superficiality that people are exposed to through the media. Plato’s claimed that epic poetry and oral education in general was limiting people’s minds instead of expanding them, what is referred to as the Cave Allegory. Many scholars agree that enculturation in modern societies is significantly affected by the media. Brown maintains that the enculturation system Plato was arguing against worked in a similar way through oral poetry.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Brown, Jennifer. Plato’s Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic Education. American Anthropologist, 1972 Vol.74(?):672-675.

As the title suggests, there are two major parts to Brown’s piece. Although they are addressed separately, they are closely intertwined. The subject of this inquiry is Ancient Greek thinker Plato and his piece the Republic. As one of the hallmarks of Western thought, the Republic, contrary to its title, has been analyzed “as essentially a treatise on education rather than the political essay…” (Brown 672). More importantly, within the Republic Jennifer Brown examines Plato’s thoughts on the nature of education and restrictions needed keep it pure. In the end, Brown asserts that this Ancient Greek text provides one the first and most important instances of media bias, censorship and a system of positive feedback.

Plato emerged from a primarily oral, non-literate society and obviously much more greatly educated than the masses. From this pedestal, Plato questioned what is actually “educating” the masses in the first place. “Knowledge in older Greek society was largely cast in the form of myths, legends, and sayings…” (Brown 672). Homer and Hesiod were the major influences on an Ancient Greek child’s education. Plato accused these models of being “morally and intellectually confining rather than challenging or provocative” (Brown 672). Not only are the arts nurturing bad habits, but they are distracting and too limiting. From this negative opinion of the art and poetry, it is easy to see why Plato censors them in his ideal form of education in the Republic.

The second portion of Brown’s piece deals with Plato’s so-called Prosaic Education. This can essentially “be characterized as a ‘positive-feedback’ or ‘deviation-amplifying’ system…” (Brown 674). In respect to the current mode of education implemented and accepted in Athens, this Prosaic Education was a polar opposite. Plato’s teacher Socrates was put to death, essentially for such dangerous notions that threatened the status-quo in Athens, argues Brown. The author then argues that Plato’s famous Cave Allegory is an allegory addressing this shift from a “negative feedback system” to Plato’s system of inquiry.

Both topics discussed in Jennifer Brown’s essay shape Plato’s original thoughts on how inquiry ought to occur. Moreover, a system of education must both disallow for distractions while focusing allowing more original ideas to form.

TOM PELLMAN Indiana University (Anya Royce)

Cole, Michael and Gay, John. Culture and Memory. American Anthropologist, October 1972. Vol. 74(5):1066-1083.

Cole and Gay tackle a very intriguing question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently? They explore the relation between culture and cognition. They quote an anthropologist who suggests cultures differ only in their values and beliefs, not in the reasoning and thinking processes. They suggest that anthropologists study human behavior in distinct and limited situations in order to determine what cognitive processes are at work. The number of carefully controlled studies that look at the relation between culture and thinking is quite small making it difficult to collect information in this situation.

The particular problem that Cole and Gay discuss is the relation between memory and the specific social and logical circumstances in which it occurs. They expect that members of a pre-literate society may have developed mnemonic skills different from those of literate societies.

History plays a major role in many traditional societies and importance is placed on memory of these events. In these cultures, a person who cannot remember large amounts of information is likely to be looked upon as mentally lacking. The importance of items in a community also determines the amount of information retained about it. For example, a child could not relay a message given to him by the anthropologist, but when an adult was asked about how the cattle did last year; his answers were abundant and informative because in that culture, cattle was the main source of subsistence.

Another aspect of the relation of culture and memory was in African tribes. They had a system of rote learning. This simply means that a person has a tendency to repeat material in the same order in which it was presented. The success in this study was that the recall of the information was closely related to the degree of organization with which it is presented.

Cole and Gay conclude that much work still needs to be done in order to fully understand how culture and the mind are connected. Other places within the culture must be identified and considered and different methods of the recall of information must be tested. They do say that they are closer to answering the original question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently, then before their study.

VICTORIA RUSSELL Indiana University (Anya Royce)

Collins, Daniel. The American Isolates, The Racially – Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing The Jackson White Legends. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5): 1276-1285.

In his article, Daniel Collins addresses the problem of the Jackson Whites, a group of isolated people, being alienated because of their enigmatic background. Collins describes the Jackson Whites as a group of mixed race people who reside in the Ramapo Mountains, which are in the northern part of New Jersey extending over the New York border. Their racial backgrounds include of African American, Indian, and Caucasian, as well as other ethnicities. The Jackson Whites are the descendants of prostitutes, who inbred with the Indians the Dutch named Negroes, and the outlaws who were already in the Ramapos (1278).

Collins argues that the Jackson Whites are trapped in the confusion of race and class prejudices of the local white middle class. The Jackson Whites have reacted by taking on a code of silence in which they do not react to or speak of anything concerning their racial identity. Their identity is continuously slandered because of the lack of communication between the Jackson Whites and the outside world, which constantly causes misunderstandings. However, it seems that all the misunderstandings are caused by legends and false evidence. For example, residents who live in the same area as the Jackson Whites say that as a people they are lawless, that they are thieves and murderers and they harbor runaway girls and criminals (1283).

Collins tries to convince readers that the false legends of the Jackson Whites need to be corrected. He discusses their large and detailed background while along with the assumptions made by outsiders. Collins also describes where the Jackson Whites currently abide as well as the way they live, including the jobs they have and the closeness of their families. Collins uses previous background information from the works of J.C. Storms and Davis Steven Cohen to explain the confusion amongst the Jackson Whites and how their lives became the way that they presently are. Collins’ argument is reasonable enough to convince readers that racial and class injustices have been made against the Jackson Whites because of previous misconceptions.

CAMILLE MOSES-ALLEN Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Collins, Daniel. The Racially-Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing the Jackson White Legends American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(#5):1276-1285.

The general issue that this article dealt with was exposing legends dealing with the Jackson White group of people that live in the Ramapos Mountains, which are located in the Appalachian foothills of northern New Jersey and adjoining New York. The Jackson Whites are a group of people whose heritage includes Native American, African, and White ancestry and that live in relatively isolated groups. The author went through several local myths as to how the Jackson White peoples were formed and named. He then analyzed these myths as to the likelihood of their validity. He described how local populations and the Jackson Whites interacted with each other and the opinions that each group had about each other. With this article, the author is trying to dispel many of the destructive and untrue myths that have fostered self-fulfilling stereotypes about the Jackson White population.

The author sites a large number of sources that point to the stupidity, backwardness, and underdevelopment of the people known as the Jackson Whites that range from stories of their inception during the colonial times to their behaviors in the present (the early 1970’s in this case). The stories and myths that the author addresses were mostly written by persons and newspapers during the 1930’s, and seem to have been based mostly on opinion and legend instead of documentation and fact. The author then went on to describe the problems that were plaguing the Jackson Whites during the period during which the article was written. These problems included a public stereotype of them being dirty, stupid, and hostile as well as problems between them and the government that was trying to take away their land.

The author’s main point seems to be that the reader doesn’t need to instantly disregard public opinions in the matter of the Jackson Whites, but that they should look into several sources instead of blindly following whatever common stereotype is most prevalent. The author notes that the Jackson Whites do exhibit characteristics of communal silence towards outsiders, disregard of some civic law, and follow different family structures than many American families. However, he also points out that many stereotypes are completely unfounded (stupidity), and others are instigated in part by local population’s actions (such as the local police and firemen’s reluctance to assist them). The author concludes the article by describing the Jackson White population’s plight with their land. The population is slowly losing their land due to an increase in taxes on the land. Without the land that has defined this population in so many ways, the Jackson Whites may become just another displaced minority, and could soon lose any identity that they once shared.

SCOTT HUFFER Indiana University at Bloomington (Anya Peterson)

Dane, J.K., and Griessman, Eugene B. The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):694-703

In this article Dane and Griessman show the development of an Indian identity among two marginal groups of people in North Carolina, the Haliwa and Sampson County Indians. Which Indian groups or groups these people’s ancestors belonged to is difficult to discern, especially because all of the local tribes were displaced long ago. What does remain is a vague historical tradition of Indian descent and a need for identity.

Until 1835 Indians in North Carolina enjoyed relatively high social status. The first signs of Indians being considered a separate race were the 1835 laws to prevent Indians from marrying Blacks or Whites. Records show that people of races that were not Black or White, but simply “other,” have been living in the area since the first census in 1790. Some of the names that appear on this census are the people who the Haliwa claim descent from. Over the years the Indians have held their community together by organizing their own schools and churches. The schools were closed in the late nineteen sixties because of anti-segregation laws, so the Indian communities have had to find other activities to hold their communities together.

Dane and Griessman discuss the various obstacles the Haliwa and Sampson County Indians have faced over the years, especially since the nineteen fifties. They use local government records such as censuses to illustrate the population and economic levels of the Indians over time. They conclude that these people have developed a sense of pride for their Indian identity, which surpasses the previous feelings of inferiority impressed on them for years because of their confused heritage.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Driver, Harold E. Reply to Opler on Apachean Subsistence, Residence, and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1147-1151

In this article, Driver is replying to an article written by Opler, in which Opler argued against certain claims made by Driver in a previous article. All three of these article focus on the culture of the Apache Indians of North America. The three main arguments that Driver defends in this article concern the importance of girls’ puberty rites, occurrence of matrilocal residence, and methods of subsistence of the Apache Indians.

Driver agrees with Opler that the importance of girl’s puberty rites applies primarily to the reservation period in Apache history. However, he claims that the importance of the ceremony during that period still supports the argument he was making in his previous article, concerning the thesis of an article written by Judith K. Brown.

Driver states that Opler disagreed with him on the subject of matrilocal residence. According to Driver, Opler argued that all Apaches did not have contact with plains tribes; the people who driver claims influenced the Apache to live matrilocaly. Driver argues that he did mean to imply that all Apaches had contact with plains tribes, but rather that some Apaches did and they spread the idea to the other Apache tribes. Driver claims that in California and the Great Basin, the Apache women’s contribution to the subsistence of their society was the gathering of wild plants. A role, he argues, that would not justify the commencement of a matrilocal society without outside influences.

According to Driver, Opler argued that Apaches in the Great Plains, where subsistence agriculture and contact with matrilocal societies would have been likely, had a relatively balanced division of agricultural labor. Driver mentions a study done by Evon Z. Vogt, which attributes 450,000 stolen Spanish sheep to the Apaches and the Navahos (1149). Driver argues that if the men were able to raid the Spanish that frequently, they would not have had time for as much agricultural labor as the women.

Driver argues against many points made by Opler in an effort to support his own previous arguments. He draws on evidence from several other anthropologists as well as himself and even from Opler’s own work in order to support his claims. Driver’s arguments overall are persuasive, but both of Driver’s articles as well as Opler’s article would need to be read to comprehend their arguments fully.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Fulton, Richard M. The Political Structures and Functions of Poro in Kpelle Society. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1218-1233.

Richard Fulton’s article analyzes the political structures and functions of the Poro, or male society, in the Kpelle society of West Africa. It establishes that the Kpelle society exists due to the effectiveness of the Poro organization. Kpelle chiefdoms are shaped by the Poro, and the Poro could function as a society without Kpelle organization.

The main function of the Poro is to perform sacred tasks. They organize relationships with the spirits that are the foundation of the Kpelle. The Poro political structure is not uniform, but does maintain political equilibrium. Positions in the Poro are given through skill and completion of appointed tasks.

Fulton goes on to say how difficult it was to gain knowledge on the Poro, because the Kpelle believe that anyone who talks about the Poro will be visited by death. Fulton received most of his information from people who came to his window at night. Through this he discovered that the Kpelle, overall, do not have the close tribal identification that is part of the Poro society. They also do not have ancient home areas of their own as the Poro do. This is because the Kpelle have a more parochial existence due to limited commercial activity. They have less trade and slaves, which means less contact with other chiefdoms. This also gives them less power than the Poro, who are commercialized.

Richard Fulton’s article makes accurate statements about the structures and functions of the Poro in Kpelle society. The article is organized to make it easy for readers to compare and contrast the two societies.

JAQUELYN BITLER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Gray, Charles Edward. Paradoxes in Western Creativity. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):676-688.

Gray’s article is a quantitative follow-up to Kroeber’s Configurations of Culture Growth, which qualitatively analyzed the irregular spurts in creativity throughout Western history. Gray quantitatively measured creativity in Western civilization as a whole and in each major nation individually. He divided history into sixteen time periods ranging between the years from 850 and 1955. For each nation he counted the number of great artists or thinkers and the number of works produced in their field to determine when each nation creatively excelled and in what areas. He then took the sum of the nations to show the fluctuation of Western creativity as a whole over time. Gray found that while there are distinct time periods in Western history that yielded more creativity, the contributions from each nation for each discipline reveal more irregularity.

Each nation had a time period in which they produced a high rate of creativity in the arts. However this creativity was usually limited to one or two specialties. For example, while the Dutch were highly creative in painting during the sixteenth century, the English excelled in literature during the High Renaissance. Gray found a high correlation between the political state of the culture and the culture’s artistic creative output. For example, the Spanish painting and literature thrived during the height of their political power in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In contrast, the Germans lagged in the arts while they were involved in the Thirty Years War during the Baroque period. While a favorable political atmosphere seems to stimulate creativity, nationalism seems to stifle it. In Italy, Germany, England, America, France, and Russia, periods of cultural revolution and increased nationalism did not statistically show increases in creativity, contrary to popular belief.

By studying these bursts in creativity, Gray hoped to discover a reason why the arts evolve in an elliptical pattern while the sciences tend to advance in a linear progression. Although he found some correlation between the political state of a culture and its creative output, he could not determine the reason why certain countries would have a creative burst in only one area while others would stand out in multiple areas, such as the Renaissance Italians. He concludes that these irregularities from nation to nation may only be sparked by historical accidents and that the occurrence of artistic genius may be as random as the movements of individual molecules within a gas. Therefore, to try to achieve a more frequent and even level of creativity overall will be a daunting endeavor.

LINDSAY ANDERBERG Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Griessman, Eugene B. The American Isolates. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):693-.

Griessman chooses the term “marginal peoples” to refer to people of mixed races. Marginal peoples live in at least eighteen of the eastern states, both North and South, and their estimated population is 75,000. These people are often called American Isolates. They generally prefer to avoid attention. People have over time constructed insulting names to call them, such as “Red Bones”, “Brass Ankles”, and “Issues.”

The low social position of American Isolates in their societies is not a result of their “mixed blood,” but is instead due to their label as a third group in an environment that is based on only two social groups. Griessman explains that Isolate groups have formed boundaries, which makes it difficult for field workers to engage in detailed work for fear of ruining these boundaries or intruding on the societies’ “guarded secrets.” Isolates do not want to change the norms of their societies. While investigators respect this fact, it is beneficial for the fieldworkers to understand the cultures and how they interact with each other.

Soon after the Civil War and Reconstruction much effort was put into creating a “recognized Indian status.” Some of these groups were successful in achieving this status. They went about it in several ways. Separate schools and churches were created to establish unity among the Isolate groups. There is irony in the fact that these methods were formed to unify the groups, because they were the same reasons for which minority groups were discontinued. The two groups that Griessman chose to study were the Haliwa Indians, who were descendents of people from Halifax and Warren Counties, and the Sampson County Indians in North Carolina. These groups were examined demographically, economically, educationally, and politically.

Griessman describes the economic situation of the Haliwa populations. In 1968, they were poor and owned small farms that were used to grow minimal amounts of tobacco or vegetables. By 1969 more than ninety percent of were successfully maintaining positions in blue-collar jobs. These statistics seem to be great improvements for the Haliwa people, but in Sampson County Indians are economically and socially trapped between Whites and Blacks.

One of the more effective ways in which unity was created among these groups was though education. There was segregation in the educational field because Whites believed that Indians should attend “Negro” schools. The parents of these children would not allow that, and some groups built their own schools.

Politically, the Indians faced identity obstacles as well. In 1965, members of the Haliwa tribe fought to have their birth certificates, marriage licenses, and driver’s licenses changed to exclude the words “colored race” and replace the term with “the Indian race.” By doing this, the Indians achieved a huge advantage, an identity.

When fieldworkers visit these societies, they will notice that many of the negative attitudes towards the “marginal peoples” have changed. These people have a much greater pride in their race. This transition of race from American Isolates to Indian may eventually lead to a greater transition. When Griessman studied marginal peoples he came across a man who explained just this theory, “Sure there’s some around here that calls themselves Indians. When I was a boy they was Issues or Mulattoes. Now they are Indians. Before long, they’ll be White.”

LINDA PRINCIPATO Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Handlelman, Don and Bruce Kapferer. Forms of Joking Activity: A Comparative Approach.American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3): 484- 517.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the context and behavior necessary in joking activities. The activity must be consensual and permitting to those involved. In order to joke there must be a “license to joke.” This is the situation that is set up and makes it appropriate to act in a joking manner. There are also established “rules” to joking.

There are two sets of categories that distinguish the types of joking. The first set is a contained or uncontained joking sequence. This refers to the people that are allowed to participate in the joke. In a “contained” joking situation, only certain people are able to participate based on the context of the situation. In an “uncontained” joking situation, it is easier for others to join in.

The other categories are the types of joking frames. Jokes are either “setting-specific” or “category-routinized.” In a setting-specific joking frame, the joke is a single situation. The joke is normally short lived and is easily ended. In category-routinized joking frames, the context of the joke comes from something that the participants were previously aware of. The joke may last longer and can continue to be added to.

In order to support the theories of joking situations, four specific examples were given. Background information was provided in order that the joke situation would make sense. Then a dialog of the joke was given followed by an explanation as to why the joke worked in the given context.

The first situation gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame. An insult was made and was turned into a joke. The person who was the butt of the insult then made a joke about himself so as to make the situation funny. The whole situation, however, was actually making a statement. Because the joke merely derived from an insult, it was only a single situation.

The second situation also gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame. This example also stemmed from an insult. However, in this instance, the joke was almost carried too far. Once the joking starts to get serious, someone ends it in order to keep the mood of joking present.

The last two examples were category-routinized joking frames. In order for these jokes to work, a previous understanding of the context must be present. The first one dealt with typical actions of certain African tribes. Without the understanding of the tribe, the joke would not make sense. The second joking frame was an ongoing activity. Without the previous actions, the joke would not exist.

NICOLE PHILLIPS Indiana University (Anya Royce)

Hardesty, Donald L. The Human Ecological Niche. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):458-466.

The concept of the ecological niche is one of the most inconsistently used in anthropological studies. In his article, Hardesty clarifies the concept of the ecological niche and discusses the important implications of the niche in anthropology. He does so by using statements from other scholars including Barth, Hutchinson, and Cohen, and by drawing conclusions of his own. In his article Hardesty explains that the idea of the ecological niche is multi-dimensional; it is composed of ecological, biological and cultural factors.

A niche provides all conditions essential for an organism to exist. Human society includes many such personal niches to create a community of interrelated occupations and personalities.

Hutchinson argues for the “competitive exclusion principle,” which is the idea that two populations cannot occupy the same ecological niche. When a habitat is occupied by two species or populations, the two groups have different survival requirements and in fact occupy different niches. Evidence suggests that there are exceptions – including humans. The author of this article disagrees that the “competitive exclusion principle” is even a principle. He feels that competitive exclusion has to be demonstrated in data and not simply assumed because of exceptions in populations in which there is less competition for resources.

Many scholars, including Barth, have equated the ecological niche with the microenvironment, but this can lead to some confusion as it contains the idea of a habitat, which can seem synonomous to a niche. Hardesty’s argument is that interaction between man and environment should be evaluated in terms of niche occupation, because anthropologists look at the relationship between organism and environment and not the physical or geographical place where life is led, which would be a habitat. Therefore, disagreeing with Barth, Hardesty explains that habitat is not a useful term in anthropological situations.

Cohen lists criteria to indicate how much a human population has adapted to the environment. He explains that a “well-adapted system” (i.e. hunting and gathering, urban-industrial) has control over its environment by way of cultural behaviors. However, Cohen does not discuss the degree of adaptation due to adoption of a specific system, and this is where Hardesty clarifies. In his article, Hardesty attempts to clarify the confusion over the ecological niche in anthropological studies. He integrates biology, ecology, and culture in his attempt to define the human niche, while making reference to points made by anthropologists and other scholars. Hardesty’s article would be most interesting to someone researching the relationship between humans and their various ecological environments. It sheds a bit of light on the methods of analysis of populations and the niches they occupy.

LAURA MACLEOD Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Hardesty, Donald L. The Human Ecological Niche. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3): 458- 466

The purpose of this article is to define the human ecological niche and explain its importance in anthropology studies. Hardesty uses the definitions of various other anthropologists to help confirm his ideas.

The ecological niche can be defined in many ways. It is often confused with, but is not the same as, the habitat in which an individual lives. The niche is everything that an individual needs to exist. It is the place or role that the individual fills. It can be considered the culture of the individual and the activities that take place in life.

Some anthropologists consider the ecological niche the same as the microenvironment. This consists of all of the resources that are needed in a population for subsistence. This would also include the habitat in which an individual resides, takes shelter, and performs daily activities.

Another view is the multi-functional niche which consists of a “fundamental niche” and a “realized niche.” The fundamental niche consists of the conditions and individual faces when not competing with society. The realized niche contains the conditions when the individual is competing.

The article then goes on to explain the “competitive exclusion principle.” This principle explains that there will be competition and dominance so that an ecological niche is not occupied by more that one group. With specialization, the groups end up being different and in fact occupy different niches.

The last section of the article explains adaptation and its role in defining the ecological niche. This section focuses on the ecological niche being defined by the culture of a group. Culture is the way in which humans adapt to their environments. With the use of culture, humans are able to find their own ecological niche and class in the world.

NICOLE PHILLIPS Indiana University (Anya Royce)

Hays, David G., Margolis, Enid, Naroll, Raoul and Perkins, Dale Revere. Color Term Salience. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74 (5): 1107-1121.

In their article on colour term salience, Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins concentrate on a previous study by Berlin and Kay, which examines different cultures and the basic color terms they use. The authors of “Color Term Salience” look at Berlin and Kay’s study and point out certain lapses and omissions. They state that the more striking a color is, the more unique the term for that color is, which reflects a degree of cultural development.

Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins begin their analysis by presenting the correlations between salience and earliness of introduction, brevity of expression, frequency of use, and frequency of mention in ethnographic literature, correlations that have not been mentioned in Berlin and Kay’s study. In other words, the more remarkable a color is, the earlier has it been introduced to the language, the shorter the term for it, the more frequent the use of the term in the language, and the more common its use in ethnographic literature.

The authors of the article propose that, instead of talking about “basic” color terms used by Berlin and Kay, one should look at “focal” color terms – terms for a certain set of eleven specific colors (black, white, red, yellow, green, blue, brown, pink, orange, purple and grey). They insist that one should not look at how many specific color names a language has, but at how many of those eleven colors have specific names in the language.

Berlin and Kay divide language complexity into seven stages, based on the basic color terms. Stage 1 includes languages that only have terms for “black” and “white,” while stage 7 includes only languages that have eight or more specific color words. According to the authors of “Color Term Salience,” the more distinguishable a color is, the earlier a term for it is introduced to the language.

Even though Berlin and Kay’s study has some flaws, Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins’s study supports it with new and more specific proof. Berlin and Kay have specified the main colors by order of appearance in a language (black and white, red, green, yellow, blue, brown, pink, orange, purple, gray) quite correctly. They coincide with the order of the salient colors, listed from the most salient to the least salient, by the authors of “Color Term Salience.”

MIHAIL VUZHAROV Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Hill, Jane H. On the Evolutionary Foundations of Language. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):308-317

Jane Hill presents her arguments on how language has evolved to be what it is today. Using examples from other primate species, Hill makes a strong argument for evolution, through development of speech patterns, the biological voice and of Hominidae through their ability to communicate. She states we need to pay particular attention to where language originates, realizing that by doing so we will understand her theory of the process of hominization, or how hominids have evolved through time.

Hill studies the features of languages spoken not only by humans but also by primates, since primates do not speak words with which humans are familiar. Through her research, Hill concludes that linguistic characteristics share a common origin; in her words “I am assuming that the features under consideration are universal because they have a common origin in hominid phylogeny, not because of some convergence due to the interaction of other, unnamed features with common cultural conditions” (308).

Hill also discusses other points of human language which have not received much attention,. such as how voice and human speech are related, the human ability to acquire certain language skills, and whether or not a human population is able to retain these skills by becoming comfortable with their language.

Hill concludes by reinforcing her argument in four main points. First, as previously discussed, she examines universal characteristics of language, presenting the theory of a common origin. Secondly, she claims “articulation…with upright posture…puts a lower time limit on the date of the origins of language…” (315). By this, Hill is asserting that the way we speak a language, or how we articulate sounds, depends on our body position, which also quantifies the amount of time needed for language to evolve to its present status. Thirdly, she discusses the realm of cognitive abilities and how it plays a role in language development. Finally, she argues how the “nesting” or “embedding” phenomenon contributes to increased population growth, which is then displayed through human interaction.

BILL RANSONE Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Hill, Jane. On the Evolutionary Foundations of Language. American Anthropologist, 1972. Vol.74 (3):308-317.

Much debate surrounds the issue of the origin and development of human language: Where did it begin? When did it come into form? What evidence exists and how is it to be interpreted? In this article, Jane Hill attempts to outline and defend her hypothesis that language occurred through an evolutionary process much the same as the biological evolution that allowed for the emergence of anatomically modern humans. She disputes the idea that language occurred merely as a cultural catastrophe at the threshold between hominids and humans, and claims that with the emergence of upright posture came the potential for human language.

Not merely the increase in brain size, but also “(1) the vocal tract anatomy associated with human speech production, (2) the upper age limits on efficient language acquisition, and (3) the property of nesting or embedding in language” (309) occurring at this time of biological transformation is what allowed for the human language to slowly evolve. Hill’s argument stems from the discussion of these main areas of development and includes a wide array of outside sources and authorities. For each of the three topics she offers both supporting and contradicting beliefs.

Much of the evidence is from the study and comparison of human anatomy and structure to that of primates. She points out that while it is still believed that there are striking similarities between these two groups, “the mode of speech production used in all known human languages is rather different from that known for the apes and monkeys” (309). Hill makes clear her belief that when bipedal locomotion evolved, intellectual and linguistic evolution also occurred. She believes that these evolutions cannot be isolated but that they played a significant, interrelated role in the success of the formation of the modern human. Bipedalism led to increased speech production capacity, which in turn “gave the neurological systems something to work on” (311). The emergence of language was not merely a hold over of the primate aspect of the hominids, but instead a newly evolving human capability.

JULIA BUCK Indiana Uniiversity (Anya Peterson Royce)

Johnson, Leroy. Problems in “Avant-Garde” Archaeology. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):366-377.

Johnson’s article concentrates on the problems faced when applying “avant-garde” techniques to the field of archaeology. Avant-garde archaeology, better known as the “new” archaeology, refers to the use of statistics in social-scientific reconstructions of the past. The author examines five key problems within the practice of “new” archaeology and explains why each needs to be modified. These problems include philosophy and statistics, generalization and bias, site sampling and statistical induction, and data relationships.

The first problem is related to philosophy, statistics, and their role in archaeological methodology. With regard to philosophy, Johnson believes that the theories introduced using the techniques of “new” archaeology are too general and lack sufficient evidence. While data sets are large, there is still insufficient evidence because of the lack of literary evidence and interpretation of artifacts. In addition to insufficient evidence, “new” archaeology places too much emphasis upon statistical data. As a result, statistical data is left to determine theory and philosophical assumptions or philosophical theorizing. Ideally, statistics should be used only to determine patterns in archaeological data and not act as the core of archaeological theory.

The second section of Johnson’s work deals with generalizations and biased social reconstructions. Simplified, “new” archaeologists have manipulated archaeological evidence in order to confirm theories that lack physical evidence.

Another problem relates to archaeological site sampling and statistical induction. Johnson feels that the increased emphasis placed upon statistical data is driven by a concern to confront the role that bias plays in excavation. In effect, mathematical data is concrete and not subject to bias or interpretation. However, even though mathematical truth is not subject to bias, it cannot serve as the foundation of archeological theory alone. By combining archaeological principles with other social/scientific fields, more complete theories and analyses can be made.

Finally, Johnson discusses data relationships. Johnson believes that statistical data does have a place within the field of archaeology. The problem arises, however, when “new” archaeology relies too heavily upon statistics. Statistics should only be used when combined with archaeologists’ observations. When interpreting archaeological data, one should draw upon techniques used in other fields of sciences and social sciences such as anthropology and natural science.

The article serves as a valuable tool for researchers who want a concise summary of the problems pertaining to the “new” archaeology. While examples from other older archaeologists are used, they are only small excerpts that do not contain any in-depth analysis. It is imperative to note that “new” archaeology, while worth studying; no longer represents the latest trend in archaeology. Contemporary archaeological theory no longer privileges statistical analysis. For further information on the latest techniques in archaeology one should research Cognitive Archaeology, which is a combination of Postprocessual/Interpretive and Processual techniques. The article provides a very extensive bibliography, which will guide researchers toward other authors on the subject of the techniques and theories of “new” archaeology.

JUSTIN SOLONICK Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Khare, R.S. Hierarchy and Hypergamy: Some Interrelated Aspects among the Kanya-Kubja Brahmans. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):611-628.

In this article, R.S. Khare attempts to explain the practice of hypergamy and how it relates to hierarchy. The Kanya-Kubja Brahmans of Northern India are used as example. Hypergamy is the practice of marrying into an equal or more prestigious social group or caste. The Kanya-Kubja society has many different castes, and two major ways of dividing the population into these castes. One way is the gotra, the traditional way, in which people are divided according to their ritual group and concomitant ancestors. The contemporary way is the biswa, which is built on socioeconomic status. Therefore, in today’s society, the Kanya-Kubja look more to wealth than ancestral prestige for their place in society.

The caste system includes twenty different ranks, the higher the number the better the rank, and once in high numbers, it is more difficult to advance in society. Marriage is the surest way to rise or fall on the social scale. Women are married off to men of higher biswa ranking. Each marriage is rarely a drastic change in rank, but over generation this practice can lead to significant movement within the caste system. Neither the giver of the woman into marriage nor the receiver loses in the deal—the father or brother who give the woman away for marriage gains a relative of higher status, which will help his kin’s status, and the man who receives the wife also receives a large dowry, which advances his monetary value and biswa rank.

Khare uses graphs and charts to complement the data for this article. The data itself was collected through fieldwork in Kanya-Kubja districts between 1965-1966. Information for this article was also taken from three published genealogies, files from a published caste journal, personal correspondence with ten different people, as well as focused interviews on hypergamy and marriage conducted between 1960 and 1965. Overall, the argument was very convincing once all the ranks and mobility within the caste had been explained.

CARRIE CHARTERS Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Klass, Morton. Community Structure in West Bengal. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):601-610.

In this paper, Klass examines two definitions of what constitutes a “community.” The first definition by Robert Redfield identifies what he calls the “little community,” and the second, by Conrad M. Arensberg, approaches community as the minimal basic unit for the organization and transmission of culture. Klass argues that Redfield’s “little community,” which is applied only to a self-sufficient multi-caste village, is a virtually non-existent concept in India. This is because few villages in India are entirely self-sufficient in terms of economy, religion, or marriage; therefore, they cannot be understood as isolated communities, as Redfield suggests. They must instead be examined as communities that are embedded in much larger cultures and traditions. On the other hand, Klass argues that Arensberg provides a much more flexible model for ethnographic study. For instance, by using Arensberg’s model, one may consider multiple villages as a single community.

Using Arensberg’s concept of community, Klass then constructs a model of Bengal communities based on five basic units of structure, ranging in size from the immediate family to the entire caste to which an individual belongs. The interactions between each of these structures, Klass argues, are what form the community. Furthermore, this new model can be tested and applied elsewhere in India where the application of Redfield’s “little community” would lead to omissions or distortions in ethnography.

While Klass’s argument was certainly persuasive, it cannot be given much credence until it has been applied to other areas of India. I agree that Redfield’s concept of community is much too limiting—it does not take into account any other structures as constituting a “community” other than the immediate village. However, villages in India are rarely so isolated as to exist completely independent of one another. Arenberg’s model allows for the sense of identity generated by familial and caste structures to be taken into account, and Klass is right to base his argument on this model. However, while he derives this argument from his experience in West Bengal, he does not, in his article, apply it to any other community. Thus the validity of his argument must remain in question until it can be applied more broadly.

MELISSA MINOR Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Kuper, Hilda The Language of Sites in the Politics of Space. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):411-423.

Kuper argues that space expresses the social values and beliefs of a culture. The concept of space, reflected through classification, ideology, and technology, differs from culture to culture. This article reviews the work of anthropologists who have studied the concept of social space and what it means. Kuper uses specific examples from Western and non-western society to show that social space is used and reflected in all cultures.

Kuper credits Durkheim and Mauss, two French sociologists, for bringing the concept of social space into sociological theory. She discusses their idea that social space represents social classification within a society. Durkheim also believed that social space is determined by the needs of a society, such as space necessary for gardening, building, and trade exchange. Evans-Pritchard, a British anthropologist, focused on the ecological relations between communities, as defined by population density and distribution according to his observations of the Nuer in Sudan. He viewed social space as the relationships between groups of people according to their relationships. This idea suggests that the arrangement of social space in a community can express a set of rules in a society.

British anthropologist Radcliffe-Brown interpreted social space as based on the panhuman desire for territory. He said that every human society has a territorial structure arranged by definable rights (political, legal, economic, religious), which validate the rules of society. The ideas of Radcliffe-Brown parallel the view of cultural proxemists who describe territoriality as innate animal behavior. They use a biological approach to discuss desire for territory as a human instinct.

The importance of social space is reflected in our culture as well. For example, the White House evokes feelings of power and authority symbolic of our nation. Space can also be used to express dominance by ignoring, neglecting, and even obliterating the established sites of weaker peoples. This is particularly evident in countries conquered by white settlers during the time of colonization.

This examination brings to light the importance of “where” when studying a community or culture. Observing where a social space is located can reveal vital clues about the culture through classification, stratification, and categorized territory. Social spaces provide an opportunity to understand the reflected values and beliefs of a particular society.

JESSICA LEU Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Lebra, Takie Sugiyama. Reciprocity-Based Moral Sanctions and Messianic Salvation.American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):391-407.

Takie Sugiyama Lebra addresses the issue of social persuasion. More specifically, Lebra sets out to prove that her findings on reciprocity can be generalized beyond the specific group she speaks of in this paper. She believes that in a society, the roles of creditor and debtor, whether in the context of financial relations or social relations, will be morally charged. With the interaction of a charismatic third party, the creditors’ and debtors’ roles will reverse based solely due to the manipulation of the third person.

Lebra conducted her study in a Japanese American sect in Hawaii known as the Tensho or Dancing Religion. Lebra’s informants believe that they experience salvation from the founder of the sect, Ogamisama. Ogamisama is a countrywoman who is believed to be the third messiah, in whose abdomen God is enshrined. Lebra gathered information primarily through interviews with fifty-five Tensho members in Honolulu. She focused on her informants’ relations with family, friends and co-religionists from the past.

Lebra shows the asymmetry between her informants and their acquaintances extensively with a diagram and explanation. Reciprocity is when the two parties are even in the give and take of their credits and debts. It is rare the two parties to be perfectly balanced, and moral issues often arise. Lebra calls the bi-products from the asymmetry moral sanctions. She identifies four moral sanctions: self-righteousness, guilt, indignation, and gratitude.

Moral sanctions can be manipulated by a charismatic third person. This third person does not typically interfere with feelings of self-righteousness or gratitude because these positive emotions would not easily be affected by manipulation. Typically, negative sanctions (guilt and indignation) are more easily manipulated because either person is anxious to change the situation. Lebra has identified four types of manipulation: reciprocation, reversal, neutralization, and moralization.

In Tensho culture reciprocation is when Ogamisama persuades the person who converts to Tensho to release moral tensions from either guilt or indignation to restore reciprocity. Reversal involves the reversal of guilt or indignation through conceptual manipulation. Conceptual manipulation is when the one party’s point of view concerning the outcome of a situation is changed. Neutralization also happens through conceptual manipulation. It, however involves Innen, or fate, the affairs that occur are beyond the control of an individual. Moralization is when guilt or indignation is generated because of the conversion to Tensho.

When in an anxious state of mind, the members of the Tensho sect are easily manipulated. They give into Ogamisama because it is easier to be told what to do than to solve problems by oneself, especially if a feeling of release and ease comes of it. Hence brainwashing or psychiatric persuasion is simple if one, such as Ogamisama, is in the advantageous position.

THEDY BODAM Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill).

Lester, David. Voodoo Death: Some New Thoughts on an Old Phenomenon. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):386-390.

By examining cases of sudden death, as well as explaining his hypothesis for these cases, David Lester explains voodoo deaths as a realistic possibility. Voodoo has long been thought to be an occurrence only in traditional or tribal societies, which could cause the formation of a link between magic and undeveloped cultures. This could thus “prove” the societies’ inferiority in part because of their citizens’ beliefs. By first explaining the existence of voodoo in even the most developed societies, such as the United States, Lester argues that voodoo has nothing to do with the advancement of society. He instead correlates it to the exchange of culture.

Through laboratory studies involving decorticated cats, it was shown that by bringing on “sham rage,” sudden death would occasionally occur. These studies showed “that death was the result of over-stimulation of the sympathico-adrenal system” (p.386). What this means is that the cats died as a result of over exciting their sympathetic nervous system. This system, which works in opposition to the parasympathetic system, responds to alarm by increasing heart rate, dilating pupils, and raising blood pressure. Richter conducted later studies involving rats that showed exactly the opposite- “death appeared to result from hyperactivity of the parasympathetic system” (p.386). The results of these studies were then pooled to come up with the present theory, that sudden death is a result of hopelessness, simply of giving up on life, and mentally (consciously or unconsciously) allowing the body to stop functioning.

Further studies were then conducted, using mentally ill humans as subjects. Again, the results were that sudden death occurred, often after the patient experienced a stressful situation, ultimately causing them to give up on life. The death itself can be the result of many factors. Either subconsciously, or consciously, the patient allows their body to stop functioning, often allowing disease to enter, which is ultimately the cause of their demise.

Common interpretations of voodoo, at least in Western society, continue to be that it is a concept believed in only by the uneducated. Many people claim voodoo deaths to be instead the result of poison, disease, starvation, or some other impetus. While it is fully possible that voodoo is a real occurrence, there are no known cases where the information regarding the death has not come through hearsay. Unexplained deaths commonly occur in every society; many of these, while not necessarily voodoo, are the result of the person giving up on life.

CAROLE MCBRIDE Dickinson College(Anne Maxwell Hill)

Lieberman, Philip, Crelin, Edmund S., and Klatt, Dennis H. Phonetic Ability and the Related Anatomy of the Newborn and Adult Human, Neanderthal Man, and the Chimpanzee. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3): 287-307.

This article presents the theory that human linguistic ability is the result of a long evolutionary process that involved changes to the anatomical structure of the throat area and is also linked to the process of natural selection. The author admits that not much is known about this aspect of the phonics field. A comparison of newborn and adult humans, Neanderthal Man and chimpanzees would be able to show whether or not language was indeed an evolutionary development due to the changes in the bone and muscle structure of the throat, tongue and air passages over time. He explains how modern human speech is made physically and likens it to a pipe organ with varying shapes and sizes of pipes that vibrate to produce different sounds. The main anatomic structure he studies is the supralaryngeal vocal tract (the vocal cords), because the constraints of this structure determine the animal’s phonic range. He also lists 14 differences between the adult human skull and the other groups that are evidence of evolution. He studied the position of the tongue, vocal cords, and the larynx in all the animals to find clues as to how the evolution process might have taken place.

The authors also point out that the “phonetic inventory” of the human language is limited by the number of distinct sounds an animal is capable of controlling during speech, and further limited by the number of distinct resonant patterns available through the particular anatomy of the animal. They introduces the “vowel triangle” of [a], [i] and [u], which are limiting factors in language universally. These three sounds are vital for human language resonant patterns, and are made by making the vocal tract function as a two-tube system, which the chimpanzee, Neanderthal man, and newborn human cannot do. The vowel [u] is anatomically impossible for the chimpanzee to articulate. Human newborns pronounce [U] instead of [u] until they learn how to manipulate their vocal tracts correctly.

Some linguists argue that only one sound is necessary for communication in any species, for example the Morse code. But speech is ten times faster than any other known method. Our speech involves communication in syllable size units but, as evidence points to the presence of primitive speech in the Neanderthal culture, their language did not use syllables because of their inability to form vowels. Therefore, they could communicate, but the process was slower than today. This is the basis for the author’s theory that language has evolved from chimpanzees that could not speak, to Neanderthals who could speak in a primitive way, to human speech, as we know it today.

CASSIE PYLE Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill).

Lindburg, D.C. Licking of the Neonate and Duration of Labor in Great Apes and Man.American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3): 318-323.

For years people have discussed our origins as humans. There have been very stimulating debates on how, using natural evolution, Homo sapiens are similar to apes. Lindburg points out many similarities between apes and humans and the actions taken by them during childbirth.

When human infants are born, nurses or doctors clean the newborn to keep it clean. Apes do the same thing with their young after birth. This is an amazing similarity between the two species, which makes them seem more and more alike. The apes, however, lick the infant until it is clean instead of the modern human approach to cleaning the newborn. But many societies still have rituals of cleansing their babies. For instance, the Tewa society bathes the baby and covers it in corn meal. Also, the Mixtecan people have a ritual of greasing the newborns with almond oil after labor is over.

Apes also have a similar labor process as humans; we both occupy a long duration to birth children. Apes and humans both take up more time than many other mammals, which link us together even more than expected. The way that the female body in humans and apes reacts to giving labor is also very similar between the two. Apes also hold their child after birth, which seems to be a natural instinct shared between ape and human mothers. For instance, unless something is wrong, the human child is given to the mother to hold shortly after birth.

The number of similarities noticed between apes and humans is growing more numerous everyday. There is an obvious connection between the great apes and humans that is quite possibly more than mere coincidence. Just one example has been described through the physical aspects of having children. The article was very convincing, as the facts were laid out decently and charts were also well done. Despite this, it was not written as well as I would have hoped.

MICHAEL LAWSON Dickinson College(Ann Maxwell Hill)

Marwick, M.G. Anthropologists’ Declining Role in the Sociology of Witchcraft. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):378-385.

In his article, Marwick discusses two lines of research that have developed out of the study of witchcraft done by Edward Evans-Pritchard. He identifies these two lines as the comparative study of cosmology and the relation of accusations of witchcraft to the micro-political process (378). Anthropologists, such as Evans-Pritchard, once dominated the field of witchcraft, but Marwick identifies several other scholars who have recently have made the most important contributions to the field. Of the six most important recent contributions, three are historians, one is a lawyer, and only two are anthropologists. The historians and lawyers are using methods from their fields, in addition to anthropological work, on the sociology of witchcraft.

New scholarship contradicts the established findings of many anthropologists. Recent studies show that accusations of witchcraft are more common in rural settings than in urban settings because of the types of social competition in these areas. This is in opposition to previous theories held by anthropologists. The theory proposed by many anthropologists that the effects of belief in witchcraft are fairly conservative is now being challenged as well.

Marwick disagrees with the theory proposed by anthropologist Mary Douglas, that anthropologists are disappearing from the field because they cling to outdated methods. He feels they are not clinging to old methods, but rather failing to use, “…one of the oldest and most enduring principles of fieldwork (383).” Marwick’s diagnosis of the reason for anthropologists’ declining role in the study of witchcraft points to their failure to “quantify and objectify their methods.” Anthropologists often fail to enhance informants’ statements with specific instances of accusations of witchcraft.

ELIZABETH GIESECKE Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Marwick, M. G. Anthropologists’ Declining Productivity in the Sociolgy of Witchcraft. American Anthropologist 1972 Vol. 74 (1): 378 – 383.

Marwicks’ article is largely a criticism of his contemporary, Mary Douglas, who in turn, criticizes the work of Sir Evans-Pritchard. Pritchards’ book, Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic Among the Azande is highly esteemed as a study of the sociology of knowledge and the traditional acquisition of social practices and, apparently, has had a tremendously positive influence upon the author. In essence, the Marwick article addresses the failure of modern anthropologists to make significant contributions to the field of sociology and specifically, as it pertains to the study of witchcraft. He attributes this to outmoded anthropological models that rely on personal interview techniques rather than observation over an extended period of time.

Try as I did, I could not follow the convoluted arguments; whether the cited sources were provided to support or discredit statements, who made the statements, or if the author was making a statement in earnest or was snidely criticizing an alternate viewpoint. It would require an in depth understanding of the topic and the academic relationships between the contributors to unravel the point of this article.

SCOTT S. WILLIAMS Indiana University (Dr. Anya Royce)

Montagu,Ashley. Sociogenic Brain Damage. American Anthropology October, 1972 Vol. 74(5) 1045-1061

In Ashley Montagu’s article on sociogenic brain damage, she discusses the cause of brain damage due to various factors. Brain damage does not solely depend on the physical surrounding environment, but social factor can also impair the development of the brain during critical times of development that is irreversible. The author dives deep into various factors that cause brain damage in different situations, and tries to prove that brain damage can also be caused socially. Anyone would normally believe that the socioeconomic status of someone would determines someone’s intelligence, since we are organism’s that are affected by our surrounding environment, but people tend to neglect the big impact the social aspect has in the development of an individual’s brain has. Ashley Montagu structures her article first with the general background of the development of the brain, then sets out to prove that brain damage is due to socioeconomic status, a great example with the research done in mice, and fluidly moves to the social impact on brain damage, thus her article is called sociogenic brain damage.

Malnutrition is believed to cause irreparable brain damage in children, and this is mostly found in third world countries where food is scarce, and since their nutrition is deprived of valuable vitamins and minerals, their brains do not develop correctly, thus the brain is still very immature at the correct maturation age. The nutrition of the mother not only is important but as well as the fathers. It is quite obvious that if the mother’s nutrition is jeopardized, the child will suffer, from the development of the fetus inside her womb, to when the baby is outside, unable to get the proper nutrition from the mother’s milk since the mother is also malnourished. The father’s nutrition also plays an important role in the development of the fetus because if the father’s nutrition is also jeopardized, the development of his sperm or his DNA factory that pumps out DNA for the child will have many errors to it. Ashley collected date on the amount of DNA produced from a nourished individual to a malnourished individual, and the study found that the malnourished had less DNA than the nourished one. They also collected data of malnourished individuals who grew up in the concentration ghettos of WW II to see if malnourishment and stress affected mental retardation. They did a study with mice where they put a controlled group of mice in three different environments. One where it was deprived, two where there was enough staples to survive for proper development, and three a luxurious environment with food and mental stimulation. The end result: the deprived performed poorly on test than the other two, while group two performed better than group one, but group three outperformed all of the groups, thus proving that social stimulation is vital in proper brain development. The author suggests that learning ability is highly correlated to their social experience, since learning is a social behavior that is learned through observation transmitted through culture.

MICHAEL YOO Indiana University ( Professor. Anya Royce)

Montell, Lynwood. The Coe Ridge Colony: A Racial Island Disappears. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(5): 710-719.

In this article, Lynwood Montell focuses on the origin and demise of the Coe Ridge colony in southern Cumberland County, Kentucky. According to the author, the original inhabitants of Coe Ridge were identified as Negro (of African descent). However, it is known through oral histories that they also had Indian (Native American) and White (Caucasian) heritage and because of this they are a prime example of the integration of race.

The history of the Coe Ridge starts with the migration of settlers into North Carolina. Eventually multiple groups including people identifying as Indian, Negro, German, Scotch-Irish, Scotch Highlanders, and some English inhabited North Carolina (it is important to realize that the settlers moved into the area occupied by Cherokee Indians, and along with the settlers came their slaves). It is common knowledge that as time passed some Indians became slaveholders. This provided the conditions for interbreeding of Negro-Indian groups and Negro-Indian-White groups.

One of the descendants of an English settler, John Coe, bought slaves from an Indian by the name of Stove. One of the slaves was a Black woman named Betty and two others were Betty’s children by Stove, named Ransom and Ezekiel. Ezekiel went on to marry Patsy Ann, who was half White and half Black, and they had twelve children (listed as mulattoes although they were a quarter Indian, a quarter White, and half Black). Ezekiel, like some other slaves, was allowed to earn some extra money and save it. After the Civil War, he bought about 800 acres of land with the money he had saved. This land, named Coe Ridge, was sometimes used as a refuge for Blacks, for Whites shunned away by their own, and as a shelter to a group of Indians. There was of course intermingling, and eventually the inhabitants of this area were referred to as the Coe Negroes.

The Coe Negroes lived in isolation for several years, making a living from the timber and rafting industry and the resources their land provided them. Most of the White population surrounding the Ridge never had a problem with their neighbors. Unfortunately, there was a group of White troublemakers that would harass them, and conflicts arose between both groups leading to losses on both sides.

The Coe Ridge also lost members through litigations and subsequent imprisonment. Soon after natural resources ran out on the Ridge, members turned to moonshining, bootlegging, and robbery in order to make a living. The Black Coes began to fight among themselves, sometimes killing each other. The older population began to leave the Ridge moving to more populous areas. The Black Coes who remained were often put on probation for the charges against them and were forced to leave the area. As the number of inhabitants of Coe Ridge dwindled, the land itself began to grow over until it appeared that no civilization had even existed there.

SALLY GERGES Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

O’Brien, Patricia J. The Sweet Potato: It’s Origin and Dispersal. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):342-365

This article, as the title suggests, discusses the origin and dispersal of the sweet potato. It is widely accepted that the sweet potato originated somewhere in Central or northwestern South America. The exact time and place of origin is somewhat unclear. O’Brien focuses mainly on the dispersal of the sweet potato from Central or South America to Polynesia, although it’s dispersal across the globe is considered as well.

O’Brien challenges the theory that the Spanish introduced the sweet potato in Polynesia after colonizing South America. She presents linguistic similarities between the Polynesian and Amerindian words for sweet potato that may predate Spanish colonization, as well as archeological evidence to support this theory. She agrees that the lack of any other cultural exchanges between Polynesians and Amerindians makes this theory seem unlikely, but claims that the introduction was probably accidental or natural, involving no human interaction.

The spread of the sweet potato from the New World to the Old World, according to O’Brien, can still be accounted for by European Colonization. Various linguistic similarities suggest that the sweet potato made it’s way to Europe, Asia, Africa and India via the British, Portuguese and Spanish colonizers. O’Brien claims that the exact time and place of origin in Central or South America and subsequent appearance in Polynesia are what need to be examined more closely. She uses a variety of evidence, primarily linguistic and archeological, to support her theories. The evidence presented in this article makes O’Brien’s argument for an accidental pre-Spanish introduction of the sweet potato into Polynesia very persuasive.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko Spatial Concepts of the Ainu of the Northwest Coast of Southern Sakhalin. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):426-455.

Ohnuki-Tierney focuses on the spacial concepts of the Ainu. Originally located on the Northwest Coast of southern Sakhalin in Japan, the Ainu were relocated to Hokkaido at the end of WWII when the USSR claimed southern Sakhalin. Ohnuki-Tierney identifies the main types of Ainu spatial concepts: the shore, mountains, sea, home, directions, and world of the dead. According to Ohnuki-Tierney, the Ainu universe is divided into two planes, horizontal and vertical.

The shore, sea, and mountain areas make up the horizontal plane. The Ainu create a distinct division between the shore and the sea. The shore area is important to them because they live there, it is the locus of their daily lives. In the woods women gather berries and on the beach they collect dead fish during low tide. The Goddess of the hearth, a major deity, is the heart of the house and, on a greater scale, the heart of the Ainu culture. The fact that the major deity of the shore is female represents the idea that the shore is primarily assigned to women.

The mountain and sea areas, characterized by their subsistence activities and deities, are considered to be male areas. The Ainu view the sea as foreign. In the near shore area they fish and hunt sea mammals. The deep sea is a foreign place and the residence of the sea deities. The mountain area is important as it supports many food sources, one being the bear, which is considered a deity.

Ainu homes are miniature representations of their universe. The main side of the house faces the mountains, the most sacred area. There is also an altar placed outside on this side of the house. The rear side of the house faces the sea and holds the lowest status. The West coast, or sunrise, corresponds with the mountains while the east coast, or sunset, is a tabooed area that corresponds with the sea. East is associated with death and sickness. For example, the clothing of a deceased family member is placed outside the east part of the house.

The Ainu think of the vertical plane, the sky, as being in layers. They believe many deities reside there, including the Goddess of the sun and moon, who mediates between the Ainu and other deities. The Ainu believe there is another ground above the first layer of sky where the dragon deities live. Lightening is said to be the reflection of their swords. They also believe that demon cannibals reside somewhere near the sun.

The Ainu world of the dead is on the same shore as the world of the living, however, it is mirrored on the opposite side of the mountains. This world is invisible to the living unless an individual experiences “temporary death” and his or her soul visits the land of the dead via a tunnel. Ohnuki-Tierney claims that the wicked are punished in the world of the dead, resolving the issue of Ainu beliefs in any sort of hell.

JESSICA LEU Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko Spatial Concepts of the Ainu of the Northwest Coast of Southern Sakhalin. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):426-457.

Author, Ohnuki-Tierney analyzes the underlying structure of the spatial concepts in regards to the Ainu formerly of the north-west coast of Sakhalin. These Ainu were relocated to the island of Hokkaido during World War II after the Soviet Union claimed the island of Sakhalin. The author’s main concerns are the spatial concepts of the Ainu universe and the significance of the ocean and mountains in relation to their settlements.

The author’s main discussion is describing how the Ainu concept of space and universe works. Their universe is drawn up on the basis that the universe is divided into two parts, the first being vertical, or the sky which houses a number of their deities. The sky, according to Ohnuki-Tierney, is made up of layers and there is another layer on top of the first which houses dragons and demons, gods and goddesses. The second is the horizontal division is made up of the mountains, the shore, and the ocean. This horizontal division is significant because it is where the Ainu live. There is special attention paid to the separation of the shoreline and the depths of the sea and ocean. The shore is the Ainu’s home it is where they live, while the ocean is the unknown and is mysterious in its depths. This is why the shore, and ultimately the mountains are sacred to the Ainu. It is a unique idea that represents the universe as seen by a single culture carrier, and discusses the idea of the universe which is exclusively occupied by the Ainu.

After the author gives this brief description of the framework of the Ainu universe, including the divisions of the horizontal plane, there is attention paid to the setup of the Ainu home. The Ainu home is set up in a specific way and is considered to be a “Miniature” universe in regards to the Ainu. This home is set up so that the sacred window is facing toward the mountains and the other side facing the sunset.

Close attention is also paid to the possible locations of various enclaves of the universe which include the world of the Dead. The world of the dead is, according to the Ainu, located on the opposite side of the mountains. This is indicative of the feeling the Ainu have toward the sacredness of the mountains. The mirror images of the mountain house the souls of dead Ainu, deities, dragons, and cannibalistic demons. These dragons and demons seem to be why the Ainu believe that wicked people are punished in the afterlife. The world of the dead is, according to Ohnuki-Tierney, completely invisible to the now living Ainu except for special circumstances.

The main source for Ohnuki-Tierney’s information comes from a gifted Ainu woman born around 1900 named Husko, who is the only survivor who can coherently relate the life of her peoples. There are also several other authors including Yamamoto and Chiri who contributed to the article, however most of her information comes from her own fieldwork, mostly referring to her contact with informant Husko.

ADAM TILLEY Indiana University (Anya P. Royce)

Opler, Morris. Cause and Effect in Apachean Agriculture, Division of Labor, Residence Patterns, and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October, 1972. Vol. 74(5):1133-1146.

This article focuses on two arguments regarding matrilocal residence, or the practice of a man moving in with his bride’s family after marriage among the Apache Indians. One argument claims the reason for this relocation is the celebration of the female’s puberty rites, which, simply defined, is a ritual distinguishing her coming of age. The second argument, however, asserts that matrilocal residence is an adaptation made by the Apache to sedentary life, the female division of farm labor, or contact with other Southwestern peoples such as the Pueblos. Opler writes this article to dispute both of these arguments.

The first argument is based on the idea that female puberty rites are the most important, thus the most highly attended ritual among the Apachean people. Opler begins his counterargument to this idea by observing that girls’ puberty rites vary in size according to the size of the family and the availability of resources. Also, he notes that some of the tribes combine individual initiation ceremonies into one annual event, thus increasing the amount of participation. Lastly, Opler records that the girls’ puberty rites have been exceeded in attendance by other tribal events, such as nine-day chants, holiness rites, ceremonial relay races, and masked dancer ceremonies. By proving that female puberty initiation ceremonies are not the most highly attended of Apache ceremonies, Opler negates the idea that girls’ puberty rites are the most important.

Opler also opposes the idea that matrilocal residence is connected to the practice of farming. In this case, he argues farming is more of a detriment to matrilocal residence than an aid. Opler also notes that 85% of families in Western livestock region (where farming is not prominent) practice matrilocal residence, thus calling into question the link between matrilocality and farming.

Also in this second theory is the defense of matrilocal residence by examining the division of labor on Apache farms, as well as the sedentary lifestyle of Apache females. This theory holds that Apache women are mostly responsible for all of the farming, yet from Opler’s fieldwork, and the fieldwork of others with whom Opler has corresponded, there seems to be an equal amount of responsibility between both sexes. Opler then argues farming is actually based on the need of mobility.

The final aspect of this second argument holds that matrilocal residence was introduced to the Apache people by the influence of other Southwestern peoples such as the Pueblo Indians. However, according to Opler, there is little recorded contact between the Apache and the Pueblo people.

After discounting the reasoning for why matrilocal residence is common among the Apache, Opler offers a theory of his own. He suggests the reason for matrilocal residence is that men are commonly the hunters while women typically contribute through gathering. The skills needed in hunting, such as the ability to track, knowing animals’ food habits, and being aware of the elevations where certain animals live are not location specific. On the other hand, a woman’s knowledge of the local environment needs to be extensive and complete – a knowledge that is specific to a certain location. Therefore, it would be more practical for the women to remain in their familiar environment, thus having their husband join them in their home after marriage.

TOBIN CHIDESTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Opler, Morris. Cause and Effect in Apachean Agriculture, Division of Labor, Residence Patterns, and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October, 1972. Vol. 74(5):1133-1146.

In this article the author’s main goal’s are the desire to understand Apachean residence patterns and finding the links between agriculture, division of labor, and girls puberty rights. He also focuses on rebutting two arguments regarding the practice of martrilocal residence or the practice of or relating to residence with a wife’s kin group or clan. It is important to understand the links and connections in all of these to understand how the culture works and how it worked in the past. Opler utilizes text from his contemporaries including Judith K. Brown, Peter Kloos, and Grenville Goodwin in order to rebut their ideas and offer up an idea of his own.

Opler splits his rebuttal up into two different foci. In the first, he contends that the idea that the girl’s puberty rites are the “most important and ideologically best attended of all public ceremonies” is not a main reason for the martrilocal residence system. He also points out that during the Jicarilla Apache’s puberty rite a boy takes equal part at every stage of the occasion, meaning that caution must be observed. He doesn’t say that it is not a defiant reason for the martrilocal system, but rather not a universal dictum that every culture follows.

Opler then goes on in the second foci of his article rebut the idea that martrilocal residence is connected to farming in any way. Agriculture plays little role in deciding where the family takes up residence for the reason that there is an equal distribution of labor between both sexes whereas before it was assumed that women had the most to do with farming because of their overall sedentary lifestyle.

The end result of all Opler’s rebuttal is to define his own idea of how the Apache came to use a martrilocal system. This basically entails that during the hunter and gatherer period of the Apache, the women contributed mostly by gathering while men hunted game. This implies that men could hunt while not needing to be excessively familiar with the area, while women on the other hand needed to be very familiar with an area due to the fact that gathering requires extensive knowledge of an area.

ADAM TILLEY Indiana University (Anya P. Royce)

Peterson, John H. Jr. Assimilation, Separation, and Out-Migration in an American Indian Group. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1286-1295.

Peterson identifies and addresses two growing trend in American minority groups. One trend is toward assimilation into American society as a whole, and the other is toward the preservation of separate ethnic communities. To illustrate these trends, Peterson discusses patterns of assimilation, separation and out-migration among the Choctaw Indians of Mississippi.

Peterson begins by explaining the historical background of the Mississippi Choctaw, who are descended from the Choctaw who stay behind when they were sent to Oklahoma. The Mississippi Choctaw now live in seven small communities, mostly isolated from the dominant white society. For many years they supported themselves by sharecropping, but recently farming has declined in that area and more non-agricultural jobs have become available to the Choctaw.

The two main influences on Choctaw communities that Peterson addresses are the feelings of White’s toward them and the availability of jobs. Although the overall Choctaw population has remained the same, the populations of the communities where there are jobs nearby have been increasing while those of communities without jobs have been decreasing. In communities where the White people are more accepting of the Choctaw, larger numbers of Choctaw have been moving into the nearby white towns and sending their children to public schools. In areas where the White people are not very accepting of the Choctaw, they have been staying in their own communities and working together to improve their communities.

Peterson maintains that out-migration among the Choctaw is more likely in communities that still have predominantly agricultural jobs and are two small to provide services such as community schools. Some of these Choctaw move to other Choctaw communities and some move elsewhere. Assimilation, Peterson claims, is more likely among those who live away from Choctaw communities. Separation of Choctaw from surrounding white communities is more likely to occur in the areas were the White’s are less accepting of the Choctaw. Peterson argues that these findings can be used as evidence for the patterns of minority separation and assimilation as whole.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Pollitzer, William S. The Physical Anthropology and Genetics of Marginal People of the Southeastern United States. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3): 719-733.

In this article Pollitzer discusses the effects of the intermixing people of different races in the southeast United States. If there ever was a “pure” race it has been eliminated by the many combinations of racial groups. Europeans, Indians and Africans have been interbreeding for so long that there is no clear way to distinguish someone as Black, Indian, or Caucasian. He points out that there are two extremes, those who clearly believe in racial differences, and those (usually scientists) that feel there are no real races. He argues that the concept of race is based on perspective and subject to personal opinion. Two people could look at the same person and label them in two completely different ways based on their own beliefs and upbringing.

He addresses the intermixing of the three main ‘races’ in southeast America, Indians, Africans, and Europeans. He primarily discusses racially mixed isolated communities, where these three major races were combined over time in secluded societies. In these isolates it is very hard to distinguish physical racial differences because many of the people have traits of all three ‘races.’ Citizens have average skin color and nose width, all different types of hair in various colors, and assorted eye colors.

In several societies the isolates were analyzed to determine their racial mixture using blood tests. Many isolates showed a lot of mixing such as the Lumbee who are 40% white, 47% black and 13% Indian. Pollitzer also discusses the genetics of isolates. He refers to studies by Dr. Wikop to suggest that in the isolates there are often serious genetic diseases due the fact that the populations are small, so recessive traits for diseases are more frequently inherited.

One point Pollitzer makes repeatedly is that there really are no pure races. Even in isolated societies, there is always mixing. However, his discussion of selective advantages due to evolution is confusing. It implies that there is only one race, the human race, but in the article he indicates that there are races that can be determined from blood tests. He also discusses genetic inherited diseases due to lack of gene variation in the isolates, which is in direct contradiction to his point that isolates are made up of lots of different people or ‘races.’ Pollitzer tries to present race in an objective manner, but in doing so he creates major contradictions.

CARRIE BLOUT Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Pollock, Nancy. Women and the Division of Labor: A Jamaican Example. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):689-692.

Nancy Pollock writes about women’s roles in the national workplace. A woman who wrote an earlier article for American Anthropologist claimed that women only had jobs that would work around their need to care for their children. However, Pollock refutes this argument, citing examples of Jamaican women. These women work in their gardens and sugar cane fields to support themselves, while at the same time watching over their children. Women are put in this situation because the local men lack a strong sense of self-worth.

Many local men leave the villages when they become young adults. They feel they bring more respect to themselves and their families, while making more money, if they go into the cities to look for a better job. Therefore, many women are left without constant male companionship or support. The women bear children by the men who remain in the villages, yet these men often feel themselves unworthy and cannot provide for an entire family. Therefore the woman must provide for herself and her children.

As the children mature, the women’s lifestyles must adapt to meet their youngsters’ needs. First, as the children become harder to provide for, they need more clothes and food. On the other hand, however, as the children get older, they are also able to help more with the family’s workload.

These women then face another change as the men who left the village return and look for a stable life and family. Because of this, the middle-aged women of Jamaica are able to find a stable husband and have children to work with them in the field.

Pollock makes the argument through information gathered from her fieldwork. She talks about the life of a woman and how the children are involved in her work. Pollock relates the self-image of a Jamaican man to the work required of Jamaican women .

TOBIN CHIDESTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Rosman, Abraham, and Paula G. Rubel. The Potlatch: A Structural Analysis. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):658-671.

The article addresses the potlatch phenomenon. The potlatch consists of an elaborate system of exchanging goods between groups, either between members of the same society or between those of different societies. The process is essential in determining territory, creating alliances, and defining relationships within and outside of the group. Rank and succession are consistently defined through the potlatch system, yet the process in which they are obtained vary greatly among societies. The authors focus upon the variations of the potlatch among the Northwest Coast peoples, the Kwakiutl and the Tlingit. They seek to explain the potlatch by analyzing the relationship between the society’s potlatch and their position in society.

Rosman and Rubel commence their argument by briefly describing the potlatch system and the various theories explaining the reasons for its continuity. After an examination of these models, the article discusses the variable and constant potlatch features. Then the authors delve into an analysis of the Tlingit potlatch and social structure. This discussion focuses upon the group’s marriage rules and their effect upon the potlatch. Next, the article contrasts this group with the Kwakiutl by examining the Kwakiutl potlatch based upon succession rules. The authors conclude by briefly summarizing the differences of the two culture’s potlatches, which supports their point that a potlatch is governed by a society’s social structure.

The authors argue that the potlatch’s existence is best explained in terms of the social structure (i.e. gender relationships, rank system) governing a group. Social structure determines the potlatch’s characteristics (i.e. frequency, guests present, when it occurs). Specifically, the article examines the Kwakiutl potlatch based upon succession rules to chiefly rank, while the Tlingit potlatch is examined through marriage rules. Among the Tlingit, guests present belong to the two families linked to the host family by marriage. Their rank is not fixed. External ranking is absent and changes in the flexible internal ranking occur after deaths. Potlatch mainly occurs at funerals, because potential heirs compete for honors at funerals. Sometimes, potlatches involving shaming and dignity loss occur.

By contrast, Kwakiutl rank is fixed but marriage relations are variable. Potlatches occur at marriages and incorporation into a group, but not at funerals because succession is fixed by birth, not by competition at funerals. The Kwakiutl compete with their affines (people linked to you by marriage) through potlatching, which are not determined by a fixed marriage rule. Since rank is fixed by primogeniture, potlatches predictably occur when an individual receives a new title in society and those destined to be in chiefly rank have potlatches at predictable and set intervals throughout their life course. In each case, the authors argue that a direct correlation between these rules and potlatch qualities exists. Through the analysis of Tlingit marriage rules and Kwakiutl succession rules the authors defend their argument that social structure does govern the potlatch’s nature.

This article will fascinate anyone who ponders the potlatch phenomena. The article’s lack of lofty diction and jargon enhanced its readability. Rosman and Rubel’s model of the potlatch is thoroughly explained and supported, thus convincing the reader of the model’s validity.

AMANDA FAITH Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Sangree, Walter H. Secondary Marriage and Tribal Solidarity in Irigwe, Nigeria. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1234-1243.

Walter Sangree’s article looks at the custom of secondary marriage among the Irigwe and their neighbors in Nigeria. Within the Irigwe tribe there are two types of marriages. The primary marriages are arranged prior to the couple’s adolescence by their parents. For a man this is known as “taking a girl,” or nyinyira, and for the woman is known as “from-to,” or fo ‘wena. Secondary marriage is decided by the couple and is called “wife take,” or fo mbru to the man and “sing-sing,” or vwevwe to the woman.

In secondary marriage, a man who wants to marry a wedded woman will have another man ask her permission. If the woman accepts then the man will seek out the fathers permission for marriage, and pay him thirty to forty shillings. Once a woman has been wed for the second time she is committed to leave her first husband and spend one night with her new husband. She then must go back to her new husband at least two to three more times before the year is out. If she decides to go back to her new husband a fourth time, it usually means that she has decided to move to his compound.

Walter Sangree, in his years of fieldwork (1963-65), never found that the Irwig Tribe considered outlawing secondary marriages. He believed that this was because primary and secondary marriages were to, “serve strongly to surpress inter-section violence.” In a survey that Walter Sangree conducted over five compounds, all women past their teens had at least one secondary marriage as well as a primary one. For many neighboring tribes such as the Fulani and Hausa, secondary marriages are not allowed because it violates their Muslim beliefs. For other tribes it, “spoiled tribe ritual” and many think it could “kill” the tribe itself. These are just some of the reasons why most tribes’ counsels think the Irigwe ritual is wrong.

Walter Sangree’s argument about secondary marriage is constructed well, but difficult to comprehend. His word construction and vocabulary are difficult and it takes time for the reader to fully understand what he is trying to get across. The data he uses is based on surveys and it convinces the reader of the Irigwe beliefs and rituals of secondary marriage.

JAQUELYN BITLER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Sangree, Walter. Secondary Marriage and Tribal Solidarity in Irigwe, Nigeria. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1234-1243.

Until 1968, secondary marriage was common for men and women in the Irigwe tribe of Nigeria. Indeed, Walter Sangree’s census showed that most individuals had at least two spouses. In this year, however, the tribal administration outlawed polygamy. Sangree offers an explanation of the persistence and usefulness of secondary marriage until 1968, and also of the tribal governments decision to abandon it.

Sangree believes that secondary marriage was an important agent of peace in the Irigwe tribe. This tribe is composed of twenty-five sections that unite for important rituals, such as the end-of-season hunt, but otherwise remain autonomous and distinct. Lacking a common tribal leader, they needed other institutions to maintain good relations between sections.

Secondary marriage was one such institution. Its effectiveness was largely due to the taboo against intra-section secondary marriage. Sangree’s research suggests that intra-section marriage accounted for less than two percent of total secondary marriages during his fieldwork. Hence, secondary marriages established solid relationships between members of different sections. A further impetus for peace, particularly between co-husbands, was the Irigwe belief that if a sick or injured man were visited by one of his co-husbands, his condition would worsen, likely killing him. Co-husbands generally avoided each other, and in the rare occasions that they were together, they and the surrounding individuals (who also had co-husbands to deal with) made every effort to maintain civility in the group. Secondary marriage thus encouraged peace between co-husbands and between sections as well.

If secondary marriage had such importance, why did the tribal administration outlaw it? Sangree finds that the answer is a mix of religion and politics. The Irigwe tribe is divided into two districts, and each district into four sub-districts. The Irigwe Tribal Council consists of the appointed heads of both the districts and sub-districts, the appointed representatives of the Muslim Hausa and Fula minorities in the Irigwe territory, and the elected Councilors of the sub-districts. The Muslim and Christian members of the council opposed the indigenous marriage system, as their religions forbid polygamy. The reason to oppose the secondary marriage institution for most, however, was political. The Kwol District’s council members come mainly from the district’s largest section, the Nadzie. This section also had the highest number of intrasection secondary marriages during Sangree’s fieldwork. Such marriages were prohibited for good reason; informants told Sangree of several sections that had been torn apart by the conflict arising from intrasection marriages. Council members from the Nadzie section had great interest in maintaining its solidarity and political power. Additionally, secondary marriage became largely superfluous once the British introduced a centralized government capable of maintaining peace. Its only significant remaining effect on Irigwe society was causing conflict. Therefore, the majority of the Council members felt it could be safely replaced by serial monogamy, which eliminates co-husbands and the problems associated with them. Thus Sangree explains the Irigwe government’s decision to abandon the secondary marriage system.

SUZANNE DOERING Indiana University (Anya Royce)

Sankoff, Gillian. Cognitive Variability and New Guinea Social Organization: The Buang Dgwa. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):555-566.

In this article Sankoff discusses the Buang of New Guinea. She illustrates the variability of kinship claims made by individuals and argues that there is logic to Buang kinship group affiliation despite these inconsistencies. The Buang divide themselves into several kin groups, called dgwa. The dgwa of an individual is not obvious to an outsider, because dgwa can be inherited from either parent or any grandparent. The same person may claim several different dgwa affiliations at different times. Sankoff noticed these discrepancies and began asking questions to find out exactly how dgwa are assigned.

When asked to identify his dgwa in a group of people, a Buang man will identify himself with whichever dgwa he can plausibly place as many people around him in as possible, even if his claim to that dgwa is relatively unsubstantial. Sankoff identified different ways that Buang claim dgwa, through various familial ties, marriage, and sometimes apprenticeship. The strongest claim is to the dgwa of a father or grandfather and the weakest is a boy’s claim to the dgwa of the man he is apprenticed to.

Sankoff argues that the dgwa system can be explained by the strength of these claims. If all four of an individual’s grandparents were in the same dgwa, they have a strong claim to that dgwa. These individuals have the highest positions within their dgwa, but the least flexibility between dgwa. People with family grandparents from several different dgwa have weaker claims to each dgwa, but more flexibility to claim various dgwa. A strong claim to one dgwa gives a person a great deal of power within that dgwa and over the lands owned by that dgwa. Claims to many dgwa on the other hand give a person many useful social connections and claims to choose from.

H.W. Schefler argued that people truly only claim one descent group, despite outward appearances. Sankoff argues that this is not the case with the Buang. Although each Buang is assigned to one dgwa after death, Sankoff maintains that to insist that they only claim one “true” dgwa during life would, “do violence to the data (562).” What the Buang have, she asserts, is a flexible social system that allows for claims to various dgwa to be made to fit the social situation.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Sebring, James M. The Formation of New Castes: A Probable Case from North India. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74(3): 587-599.

In this article, Sebring argues that under certain conditions, new castes in India form from existing castes. Castes are social groups inspired by the Vedas, a series of ancient Hindu texts, and based on lineage and occupation in modern society. As evidence for his argument, Sebring cites a case study he conducted in Uttar Pradesh among a relatively low-ranked caste of carpenters known as the Artisan Shilpkar. In this case study, missionaries from the Arya Samaj, a social-religious reform movement, converted many of the Artisan Shilpkar and appointed a few of them to roles as “religious specialists.” As such, they were then able to perform certain religious ceremonies such as birthing and naming, ceremonies which were previously reserved for high-caste Brahmins. Certain factors led Sebring to hypothesize that this new group of religious specialists were indeed in the process of forming their own caste.

From this case study, Sebring identifies factors which contributed to the formation of a new caste. Some of these conditions were the changes in occupation among a sector of the caste, recruitment to the new role by virtue of birth, and the practice of endogamy, or inter-marriage—conditions that already existed as part of the larger caste system. Through linking these conditions, Sebring hopes to refute the persistent, but largely unsubstantiated notion that castes form by the “fissioning” of larger castes into sub-castes, or jati.

Although I agree with the conclusions he drew from this particular case study, I am not sure that these conditions are applicable across a nation as diverse as India. Without supporting evidence from other case studies, there is no way for Sebring to argue that castes do not form from “fissioning,” substituting instead only his conclusions.

Sebring concludes the paper with a persuasive argument that the formation of new castes both reflects and creates the relative stability of the Hindu caste system. The formation of new castes does not mean the system does not function—rather, it is an indication of the inherent stability of caste structure that it can bend and shape itself as circumstances dictate. He states that this is the primary reason that this hierarchy, devised thousands of years ago, has lasted, though in varying forms, to the present.

MELISSA MINOR Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Sebring, James M. The Formation of New Castes: A Probable Cause from North India.American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):587-600.

In this article, Sebring argues that a new caste is in the process of formation in an area of north India. He demonstrates this by presenting fresh data of his own which constitutes probable grounds for predicting the eventual formation of a new cast in India. Sebring’s data was collected in a single year’s worth of field research, and although at the conclusion there was no social group indisputably identified as a new caste, he believes that there are several factors justifying his prediction that a new caste is in formation.

Sebring describes how the activities of the social-religious Hindu reform movement, the Arya Samaj, has contributed, although unintentionally, to circumstances which are now giving rise to a new caste. He states the first basic step was the conversion to the Arya Samaj of a caste traditionally regarded as low. The second step was the creation of religious specialists from among the ranks of the converted low caste to minister to the religious needs of the converts. In addition, he describes other conditions that are affecting the formation of the new caste. Finally he argues that the fulfillment of these certain conditions must inevitably lead to the formation of a new caste.

In 1930, some missionaries of the Arya Samaj reform movement came to north India with the intention of converting Artisan Shilpkars, a caste of carpenter-masons and blacksmiths, and other lower castes to the Samaj. The credo claims the equality of males regardless of caste and declares that man, not God, created castes, and God created only the high “castes” of men and women.

The Artisan Shilpkars “Brahmins” constitute the idea of a newly forming caste. Sebring regards the following features as indicating this: They are referred to as “Brahmins” by the fellow Artisan Shilpkars whom they serve and they are frequently addressed by the term “pandit-jii,” an honorific that is used for “real” Brahmins by the higher castes. They perform religious rites for other Artisan Shilpkars. They do not pursue their traditional occupation to the extent that they did before becoming religious specialists. In addition, they wear distinctive garb during the performance of all life-cycle rituals and frequently when they are not performing these rites. They prefer to arrange marriages with other Artisan Shilpkar Brahmin families. They judge other Artisan Shilpkars as being or not. With those whom the judge to be deficient, they attempt to avoid having extensive non-ceremonial social intercourse of any kind. In private, they express patronizing views about other Artisan Shilpkars whom they tend to regard as imperfect or lapsed Arya Samajish. They also live in villages other than those in which the Artisan Shilpkars for whom they perform ceremonies.

Sebring uses these facts to indicate that a new caste is forming. He lists several reasons as to why he feels this way, these are: economic role differentiation, the members of the new role are accorded honor and prestige by other members of the caste, members of the new role interact less than their caste fellows with members of other caste whom they do not perform services for, the existing formal marriage kinship criteria by which marriage

partners are usually selected, and recruitment to the new role tends to be by birth ascription.

Whether a new caste is forming or not is still debatable, however, Sebring gives strong evidence and insight into his beliefs as to why and how a new caste could possibly be forming.

ARLENE LIVINGSTON Indiana University (Anya Royce).

Sertel, Ayse Kudat. Images of Power. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):639-657.

The abstract of this article (paragraph summary) gives a first impression that anthropologists must be very careful in generalizing when only interviewing a couple individuals in a community. Therefore, Sertel emphasizes this study of male and female perceptions of power and who holds power as having involved an entire village. This village studied was an agricultural community that consisted of equal individuals (in terms of wealth) who lived in an average Central Anatolian village. The study of these individuals was directed to find how individuals view power in their own community, who holds this power, and how these people gained power. The research was done in both interviewing and mathematical ways. Therefore, both qualitative and quantitative data ensued. Power, Sertel defines, is “a relationship in which the cognition or behavior of a person or group is affected by that of another.” Along with this definition, Sertel was interested in finding specific “influencers,” “influencees,” “the scope of the influence,” and the “influential strategy used” in this village. As none of the members of the village community were involved in any sort of politics, power in the community was not resulting from wealth, more sex and age. Education even was not proven to be highly influential in giving power to an individual. Strategies such as physical threat and public humiliation were the most popular to prove power. Three hypotheses were set out at the beginning of the study to determine exactly what the relationship between community individuals and power were. It was determined that women viewed the village as more equal because they were not allowed to be involved with village politics. In addition, it was guessed that younger people in the village would also determine the structure to be equal more than older people. Lastly, it was thought that those who were more educated would believe the power to be more concentrated with certain individuals than those that were illiterate.

In the final studies, mathematics proved that more men than women believed there to be one or two individuals who held the most power in the community. Many more uneducated individuals believed that there were no differences in power between individuals in the community than those educated. However, it was also found that the question of education only effected those women who were educated and their decision about power. Whereas men looked towards physical strength as a source of power, women believed family authority or official political authority to be the sources of power. This study, therefore, proves that men and women look at power and power sources differently. Sertel claims that this is because of “cognitive and psychological dispositions.” At the end of the article, it is implied that, with further research into other cultures, this claim may be proven as indicative of variations in other cultures as well.

With all the tables, mathematical models and formulas, and descriptions of individuals in the community, this article is very convincing. The evidence is in abundance and it proves the hypotheses of the researcher.

CARRIE CHARTERS Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Soen, Dan and De Comarmond, Patrice. Savings Associations Among the Bamileke: Traditional and Modern Cooperation in Southwest Cameroon. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1170-1179.

In this article, Soen and De Comarmond, “…analyze the adaptation of traditional institutions of the Bamileke, West Cameroon, to modern turn of events and modern needs, as well as to evaluate the contribution of the traditional make-up to modern cooperation (1170).” They use the saving associations of the Bamileke to illustrate the similarities and differences between traditional and modern practices.

Savings associations are widespread in Africa and have roots in traditional African backgrounds. The Bamileke have more savings association than other groups, and every adult male Bamileke is a member of at least one. Weekly or monthly contributions are made by each member, and distributed to the member whose turn it is. The Bamileke savings associations vary between communities. The number of members, frequency of meetings and the cycle of turns all depend on the needs of the community. The contribution of each member is determined by their income, so people with different wage statuses can belong to the same association. A member’s contribution can also vary as his income varies.

In rural associations, the funds are collected and distributed by a chosen leader. The leader also decides the order of turns. This can be beneficial because a good leader can distribute turns to those who need it most. This approach is very individualistic. The problem with this approach is that leaders sometimes become untrustworthy and make biased decisions.

Urban savings societies are generally larger than rural associations and there are two varieties, tribal and commercial. Urban societies must be more organized because of the larger number of members. They are divided into clans, each of which has a leader who answers to a main tribal association leader. Contributions are distributed to clans based on membership and turns are auctioned off one meeting prior to distribution. Tribal associations serve to keep traditions alive and tribal members in contact. Commercial associations are for wealthier businessmen, whose social status is increased by how many they belong to. Membership to a tribal association is required for membership to a commercial association.

Soen and De Comarmond conclude that the urban associations serve to balance traditional ways of life among the Bamileke with modern economics. All of the associations serve social as well as economic functions. Urban associations grew out of traditional rural associations, and have been adapted to the changing economy.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Spradley, James P. and Phillips, Mark. Culture and Stress: A Quantitative Analysis.American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74( 3 ): 518 – 527.

Spradley and Phillips discuss the relationship between culture and stress. To discuss the topic, they analyze culture shock with useful methodology that they define. They succeed in measuring the level of stress of cultural readjustment in the culture shock, using quantitative data. They also point out the problems beneath the methodology through this study. They address what anthropologists should pay attention to when they study stress through different cultures.

Spradley and Phillips identify stress, which contains wide and various meanings among anthropologists, following Seyle’s idea. There are three models, such as stressors, the state of stress, and stress responses, in this idea. To deal with the model, they reveal what stress is and give one outline to define stress. They mention the significance of measuring the relative level of stress because stressors exist in any circumstance and its concept depends on individuals, social, and cultural differences. Also, they suggest that we need to consider more of the change of situation, rather than the stress among events.

Culture shock is the subject of examination to verify their stress model. They mention that culture shock is an outcome of adaptive behavior through a change of situation. The change as a stressor brings people various magnitudes of stress responses, which are adaptive behaviors. They suggest that study of responses is the key to defining stress itself, and we need to be careful of differences between individuals.

Combining the concept of stress and the stress model, moreover, they represent one methodology, which distinguishes three steps. The first step is to identify the concept of stressor in a new condition in life or behavior. The second step is to get a list of cultural readjustment items. Finally, we need to determine the level of readjustment. Through this methodology, however, they have realized that it can lead ethnocentric bias, because the collected data is small and the meaning of every item they listed is different in different cultures.

Their work figures out the relevant aspects of studying the stress of cultural readjustment in the past and indicates the way to future study of diverse cultures. As anthropologists, they finally suggest that they need to share this study with members of other fields, such as sociologists and psychologists, to better understand culture and human behavior.

RISAKO UEDA Indiana University (Anya P. Royce)

Thompson, Edgar T. The Little Races. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5): 1295-1306.

Edgar T. Thompson begins his paper by emphasizing the need to study how people interact and form races. He believes the best way to study race is to observe the similarities among different races, and the best way to understand the development of a race is to study the “little” races. Little races are small communities of people with backgrounds of two or more races. Because these “little” races are very young, they provide an opportunity to observe their social development. As little races progress they begin to produce their own identity and define what is acceptable and what is not. Information from little races can be used to better understand all human social development.

Thompson also stresses the point that what you learn from a person is information that you may not be able to find from the group and vice versa. However, it is important to realize that the size of the group makes a difference in the kind of information available. For example, the politics of a larger group will be more diverse than the politics of a smaller group, and one person in the group may have a different interpretation than another person in the group.

The information that can be found in little races is different from that of more developed races. Also, it is apparent that in these small races people are comfortable with their position in their group, and they know where they stand. It is best to avoid situations where, for example, Irish-Italians begin to identify as just Irish or just Italian. These can produce many errors in the study of race and society. The study of “little” races can provide valuable insight into the development of humans in general.

SALLY GERGES Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Thompson , Edgar T.. The Little Races. American Anthropologist 1972:1295-1306.

Edgar T. Thompson wrote “The Little Races,” wanting to give overdue attention to the comparative study of race relations through the lens of marginal groups—but more importantly to present a way to break down long held barriers that have been instilled by cultural diversity. Thompson, giving an example of why there is a need for study into the subject of interest, expresses the view that the dominant racial category usually holds towards others of different race: “They are “criminal” or “bad” merely by being members of an ethnic group other than our own; the very idea of race carries this moral implication, faintly or extravagantly.” This critical concept has given rise to the “tagging,” of peoples with bi- or tri-racial ancestry, creating highly self-conscious individuals, and in turn, highly self-conscious communities.

For this potentially damaging “tagging,” to be avoided, one must understand the underlining characteristics of a “little race.” A “little race,” is a bi- or tri-racial community that seems to differentiate from the dominant racial category and define itself by use of a symbol, be it racial, linguistic or religious. According to Thompson, the study of “little races,” can be used as an essential tool to better understand human social development. A point that undertones the entirety of the essay, is the potential passing of the “little races”; if these pockets of marginal communities cease to exist, then we will lose an important tool to understanding human social development.

What evidence does Thompson present to indicate the likelihood of the “little races,” becoming extinct? He first points to the power of American industry: “American industry, no longer allowed to tap all the cheap labor it wants from other parts of the world, is mopping up available cultural and racial islanders within the boundaries of this country.” Technological advancement may also play a heavy role in the future eradication of the “little races.” The increasing efficiency of automobiles and expansion of highways are large factors in “little races,” being affected culturally. This frightening evidence serves Thompson’s purpose by underscoring his Anthropological call to arms: “Now is the time to take a more systematic and comprehensive look at the sort of communities discussed [the little races].”

DAVID SAMSON Indiana University (Anya Royce)

Van Horn, Richard N. Structural Adaptations to Climbing in the Gibbon Hand. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):326-334.

Richard Van Horn’s article examines the adaptations of the gibbon hand with regard to how the hand is used in the everyday activities of the gibbon, such as climbing and gathering food. More importantly, he emphasizes how studying the basic correlations of form, function, and adaptation of the hand and its use in daily necessities will make it easier to understand both fossil records and living primates.

Van Horn begins his argument by presenting the various types of thumb structures and the role of the cleft in the gibbon hand. Behavioral information regarding this has been provided through the studies of John O. Ellefson, who studied the ecology and behavior of gibbons in the Malay Peninsula. He presents the theory that the cleft functions to keep the thumb out of the way during brachiation. However, he states that this argument is open to heavy interpretation and criticism. According to Van Horn, the gibbon thumb is in no way similar to those of the great apes, nor is it not reduced in its size. Instead, he asserts that it is one of the longest thumbs of any primate and comes with a complete set of well-developed muscles.

Discussing the size and muscular capabilities of the gibbon thumb allows Van Horn to present the various activities that the structure of the hand permits the gibbon to complete. He mentions the observations of Carpenter, who saw gibbons climb up trees with one hand and two legs, while using the other hand to carry food. Carpenter also observed gibbons climbing trees of large diameters, which he concluded was possible due to the wide gaps between the thumb and the fingers. Van Horn also discusses how the gibbon climbs branches that seem too wide to grasp because it is able to extend its thumb far enough to maintain a proper grip. This is significant because it demonstrates not only the strength of the hand, but its flexibility as well.

Behavior patterns of the gibbon suggest that these basic climbing techniques are essential for the movement and food gathering of the Gibbon. Van Horn ends the article by discussing the structure of the thumb and how the muscles of the hand allow for powerful grasping to take place, as well as the danger of them falling and having their bones heal themselves. This article focuses very specifically on the adaptations of the gibbon hand. Van Horn’s arguments are strong and highlighted with an ample amount of previous studies and observations that are key in persuading his audience. By supporting his ideas with the widely accepted claims of Carpenter and Ellefson, he is able to make a strong case. He provides adequate data that strongly backs the claim of the strength and flexibility the gibbon hand possesses.

BRENDAN BURLAND Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Wallace, Anthony F. C. Paradigmatic Processes in Culture Change. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):467-478.

Wallace describes what he refers to as, “paradigmatic processes in cultural change (467).” The paradigmatic process was outlined by Thomas Kuhn in his essay, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962, 1970). Wallace elaborates on the statements made by Kuhn and attempts to illustrate how the paradigmatic model can be generalized for use in disciplines other than science.

Wallace divides the paradigmatic process into five stages: innovation, paradigmatic core development, exploitation, functional consequences, and rationalization (468). Innovation of a new paradigm occurs when researchers feel that the paradigm being used has too many problems. Someone develops a new paradigm that accounts for the problems being encountered. The old paradigm is challenged, and sometimes replaced. Core development is the ongoing process of elaboration on the basic paradigm. Researchers find new ways to use the paradigm and resolve any internal problems encountered. Once the paradigm has been refined and proven useful, it is somewhat likely that an organization that has political, religious, military or economic power will want to use the paradigm to advance their interests (470). If they do so, this is considered exploitation. Functional consequences are problems that occur as a result of exploitation. These problems are often beneficial to the organization exploiting the paradigm, but harmful to other members of society or the environment. Rationalization includes the various ways that people justify the functional consequences and their involvement in the continuation of these problems.

Wallace uses two examples to illustrate the application of the paradigm process model of culture change. In these examples, he describes the relationship between the paradigm community and the rest of society. Wallace explores briefly the application of this model to the development and evolution of mills and production along Chester Creek in the Delaware Valley of Pennsylvania. He then gives a more detail description of the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain in terms of the paradigm process.

Wallace maintains that the paradigm process was useful for the examples he applied it to, but that it needs to be tested for applicableness in other fields. He states the purpose of this article is simply to draw attention to this model and promote further research into it.

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Yarnell, Richard A. Iva annua var. macrocarpa: Extinct American Cultigen? American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3):335-341.

Richard A. Yarnell details the past and present existence of Iva annua L., commonly known as sumpweed and marsh-elder. The archaeological finds date from the early first millennium B.C. to the first half of the second millennium A.D. in locations of northwestern Arkansas, eastern Kentucky to North Carolina, Missouri, and the Mississippi valley, along with the plants’ current range in eastern Kentucky. The plant remains provide the seed size measurement dimensions found in his table. The means and ranges of seed size thus allow for Yarnell to conclude that the gradual increase in plant seed size is evidence of its evolution under domestication.

Yarnell continues the article with further attention to the geographic isolation of Iva Annua in varying soils with a brief overview of the Iva annua cultivation and hybridization in North America. Iva annua data may be relevant to the interpretation of “problems of paleoecology, pre-industrial substience, the origins of agriculture, and the evolution of plant domestication” although this research is undeveloped.

FAITH POWELL Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Young, Nancy. Independence Training from a Cross-Cultural Perspective. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):629-638.

In Nancy Young’s article she examines the independent tendencies, or development towards independent actions, within Chinese families in Hawaii. Young bases her study on a questionnaire that she administers to the mothers of Chinese boys between the ages of six and twelve. The study involves thirty-two local Chinese families, the majority of whom are of the middle and upper classes. The second group is twenty-two immigrant Chinese families, generally of the lower socioeconomic standing. Both classes are based on socioeconomic status and income.

Previous research shows that what different ethnic or cultural groups consider the optimal age for independence training in children various, but is generally between the ages of six and eight. Young studied the relation of two Chinese groups in one area and whether they differ in their opinion of the optimal independence training age. Her research began with a questionnaire that asked the mothers of the young boys how they ranked the importance of various social, educational, and developmental aspects of their sons. The Hawaii-born Chinese mothers placed the largest degree of importance on their son’s academics and their chores around the house. The least amount of importance was given to social interaction with peers. For the most part, however, the responses were similar for both the immigrant and local Chinese families. The only exceptions involved situations that could only be afforded by the upper class, local families. The study also noted that the average age that the boys began independence training was very different for each group. Regardless, the results for achievement in both groups were similar.

The study also attempted to note a correlation between the importance placed on an issue, such as academics, by the Chinese mothers and how well the young boys succeeded independently as they grew and attended elementary school. No significant correlation was found. Young notes in her conclusion that the results have a great deal to do with cultural factors such as values rather than the ideals and intentions of the mothers. Overall, the independence training for both immigrant and local Chinese in Hawaii was expected at a very similar age.

I felt the article was inconclusive. Young’s experiment did not seem to prove anything other than a difference between the child rearing processes of two groups of Chinese families in Hawaii. One can already assume that the way an immigrant family raises a child is different from a local family. I think her study proved her initial hypothesis wrong and the article was Young’s attempt to use the information she gathered in some constructive way. She presents the information in a very confusing manner, making it difficult to read or draw basic conclusions from. The article had no conclusion as to what the differences between the old generation Chinese and the immigrant Chinese had to do with independence training. The article, overall, was very difficult to read and understand.

JOHN SOLIT Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)