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American Anthropologist 1968

Antoun, Richard T. The Modesty of Women in Arab Muslim Villages: A Study in the Accommodation of Traditions. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:671-696

One of the most pervasive concepts in Middle Eastern culture is modesty. The origin of this belief can be traced to several passages in the Quran. This modesty takes many forms, including in dress and action. According to tradition, women are born pure and can be tainted by the outside world. Modesty in all forms prevents tainting. Success as a female hinges on adherence to these behaviors.

There are different standards of decency and ways of carrying it out among villages. Rules of modesty are strict, but there are often deviations in how penalties are issued. In some cases, elopement or denial are options, rather than harsh penalties, which, although preached, are not politically advantageous.

No one explanation for the presence of this modesty code, and the methods for enforcing it, is sufficient, since all aspects of culture are affected. Similar codes exist in south India, but the methods of enforcement are different due to the presence of the caste system and other rules which are in conflict with Islamic law. Instead, in Arab countries other methods to support the ideal of modesty exist, such as virginity tests and acceptance of illegitimate offspring as legitimate.

ANDREA MORRIS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Berlin, Brent, Dennis E. Breedlove, and Peter H. Raven. Covert Categories and Folk Taxonomies. American Anthropologist April 1968 Vol. 70(2)290-299.

The Tzeltal language, of Tenejapa and Chiapas, Mexico, is investigated to determine the significance of unlabelled or unnamed taxonomic categories specifically with a focus on plant taxonomy. Two methods are implemented to extract information from Tzeltal speakers. The first method involves ethnographic observation and recording, while the second deals with the extent of subdividing plant names. Each subgroup or subdivision of plant names is further analyzed by three procedures, which assist in defining theoretical features and connections.

The results indicate that the Tzeltal language has unnamed taxa and covert categories. For example, there is no word for “plant” or “animal;” however, people construct a distinction between the two based on comparing and contrasting physical characteristics. Further evidence reveals that unlabelled taxon increases the cultural information available for understanding the Tzeltal speakers. Certain semantic domains are discovered from unnamed taxa, which are otherwise concealed by named taxa because labeled taxa are restricting. Unnamed taxonomic categories play a significant role in understanding the conceptual characteristics of a particular culture and language.

LISA BURNS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Binford, Sally R. Early Upper Pleistocene Adaptations in the Levant. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 (4): 707-717.

This article examines the shift in human culture from a generalized hunting pattern to a more highly specialized pattern of hunting large migratory game animals. Binford postulates that this shift is the explanation for the changes of tool use and transitional forms (from Neanderthal to modern humans) found at the Levant sites. Differential depth of deposits shows regional patterns of environmental exploitation by the inhabitants of that area.

First, she divides the Levant area in Israel into three distinct geographical sub-regions: the valleys that drain eastward into the Jordan Rift valley, the costal plains, and the valleys on the western slopes of the costal ranges which drain in the Mediterranean. Next, the three regions are again divided into smaller geographical areas that contain sites pertaining to the research question and a detailed examination of the data collected from each area is made. Emphasis is placed on the frequency of three things: Levallois-Mousterian and Jarbrudian techniques, where transitional remains of Neanderthal are found, and which areas have an overlying level of Upper Paleolithic materials. Each region correlates with a distinct layer in the strata and an overall percentage of tool assemblage finds. This shows the differential land use or exploitation patterns of the environment by the former inhabitants. The evidence suggests that the lower the frequency of the Mousterian tools, the less frequently the area was used and the less dense the population using it was. In areas where there is an Upper Paleolithic level overlying the Mousterian, there is a higher frequency of Mousterian tool assemblages and transitional form finds. The increase in frequency of tools from the Mousterian level to the Upper Paleolithic level shows that there was an increase in the exploitation of the environment by the Levant people.

Binford then goes on to make the point that increased exploitation of the environment, such as the shift to large-scale hunting, causes cultural changes that lead to the conditions for evolutionary change. In order to coordinate a larger hunting effort, social groups have to be expanded. The expansion of the social group, which includes new mating partners, increases the gene flow rate and perpetuates evolution. This explains the transitional forms of human remains found at Levant.

The author concludes by stating that this is only one theory. However, she points out that it is a testable theory and that it is a relatively inexpensive experiment to do. She gives a list of the possibilities for testing and states that the results from these tests would do much to supply the archaeological world with important information and needed direction.

ROBERTSON, PENELOPE University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Binford, Sally R. Early Upper Pleistocene Adaptations in the Levant. American Anthropologist August 1968 Vol. 70(4):707-716.

Three climatic regions, within two archaeological sites in the Levant, are investigated to understand the transition from Neanderthal to anatomically modern humans by examining the Mousterian adaptations in the late Middle Pleistocene. Several factors within the two sites are closely examined; the environment, faunal remains, and cultural sequences help establish Mousterian adaptations. Furthermore, the geographic location, in combination with the characteristics of occupation, is analyzed to reveal similarities within the Levant.

Each region in the Levant is a different environmental and climatic zone suggesting that Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans exploited the resources of each region differently. Several excavations take place within each climatic region. Only one of the three environmental zones consistently has a Mousterian layer overlain by an Upper Paleolithic layer. It is difficult to use the remaining two regions to examine the transition from Neanderthals to modern humans because this transition is not represented in the archaeological record. By investigating differences in tool manufacture and faunal remains certain archaeological layers can be determined as Neanderthal or anatomically modern human. Further research in the Levant will help explain the biological and cultural changes of the late Middle Pleistocene.

LISA BURNS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Befu, Harumi. Origin of Large Households and Duolocal Residence in Central Japan. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70(2):309-319.

The origin of large households and duolocal residence in Nakagiri can never be proven, it can only be hypothesized. Records from any time before the nineteenth century do not contain the specific information needed to explore how these two living conditions began. Ethnographic studies of the Nakagiri area, tax records, and agricultural records are used to understand the Nakagiri household patterns and to explain how these households came to be and why they persisted. The theories are usually divided into two groups. There are those that want to explain the size of the households in Nakagiri and those that want to explain duolocal marriage. The few theories that tie the factors and events together are the most revered, but those are rare.

There is an emphasis on studying the history of Japanese settlements and their residence rules because many accounts are doubted. With no evidence that data, specifically about Nakagiri households, exists, it is hard to tell which versions are accurate. Some seem to contradict others or seem implausible when paired with the tax records and agricultural records. The only point that is agreed on by most theorists is that economic problems were a major factor in these living conditions.

There are many flaws to the explanations of the origins of these living conditions. The major flaw appears to be the lack of correlation shown between the two living conditions. The other flaws that are found seem to center on the assumptions that all of the histories are correct. No two explanations seem to be using the same data and that causes the theories to be incomparable. Without proper documentation it is hard to find the exact origins of the large Japanese households and duolocal residence.

MELISSA KIEHL Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Bushnell, John H. From American Indian to Indian American: The Changing Identity of the Hupa. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:1108-1116.

Prior to World War II the Hupa were identified as American Indians. However, after World War II, the nature of the Hupa became quite viable. Basic and widespread changes at this time have transformed the Hupa society so much that they should no longer be identified as American Indians rather Indian Americans.

For most of the 19th Century, Hupa tended to be out of contact with whites. The few encounters between the two made for an experience unlike that of other California tribes. However, in 1855, with the surmounting number of whites moving in during the gold rush, the U.S. government established a military fort, Fort Gaston, near Hupa territory. By 1864, the territory had been designated as a reservation to distinguish between white and Indian land. As other tribes experienced war and disconnection from the whites the Hupa were adapting to their clothing, guns, iron tools, currency, and horses. Much of the white culture began to influence the Hupa. For example, a boarding school was built near the reservation in a plan by whites to “civilize” the Hupa. The children began to speak English instead of using their native language. The school with its forcible white enculturation was one of the more effective eradicators of the Hupa life style. Around this time, known as the traditional reservation period, the term American Indian was coined by whites to not only identify the natives but also to identify themselves. “Indian” standing alone represents a native identity, but when whites began to call them American Indians they wanted to recognize their great influence and honor for civilizing the natives.

All this changed in the post-war years when the Hupa were influenced by a booming lumber industry. Suddenly they could receive a well paying job. New businesses arose and there was a shift to a wage economy. Farming subsistence on the reservation was replaced by a dependence on purchased foods. Hunting and gathering ceased as grocery stores popped up. Their growing prosperity allowed for a more materialistic culture. All the modifications meant the Hupa transitioned from dependent to independent legal status and were even given equal rights and duties. This is the period the Hupa became more American than Indian reversing the customary designation of American Indian to Indian American.

MATT HUMBRECHT Illinois State University (Robert Dirks).

Carter, William E. Secular Reinforcement in Aymara Death Ritual. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 No.2 :238-262.

The observation of rituals and practices is one method of gaining insights into a culture. Rituals, part of the sacred, can aid the researcher in understanding the secular aspects of a group. Perhaps the most influential of these practices are funerary rites. Death comes to everyone and death rituals help a society clarify the relationships between the living and the dead. In this article Carter attempts to show how rituals influence everyday life.

Rules and behaviors are reinforced by ritual. In the case of the Aymara negativistic fatalism is perhaps the most important. This belief, that one’s destiny is predetermined, shapes other behaviors. If one is helpless to change their own destiny than they cannot be held responsible for what happens. The feeling of guilt is non-existent or very minimal. In Aymara society deceit and vengeance are seen as positive values to an extent. Trust and hospitality in the private sphere, amongst close relatives and friends, is highly valued. Due to limited resources, when dealing with members in the larger public sphere deceit and a general aloofness are present. A comparison with the Zapotects of Mitla is used to illustrate the following characteristics of peasants: fatalistic views, the concept of limited good, and the value of giving.

Carter mentions some of the limitations and problems faced by researchers. In order to gain a better understanding of the processes that are taking place one must obtain enough data. Researchers must be aware that what is important to the researcher might not be important to the participant and it is not always possible to observe certain rituals. After mentioning these difficulties Carter goes into great detail describing the case study of one funerary practice. After the death of a respected man his body is prepared for burial. Prayers were said by a male relative followed by the knuckle ritual. The men then spent days taking turns tossing the knuckle in order to provide the deceased with a good journey.

Carter explains that variation in funeral practices and beliefs may be caused by accident, chance, or simply individual choice. Carter discovered through his interviews that individuals had a different understanding of the identity, nature, and destination of souls. The subjects identified three to five different souls. The ages of informants influenced their answers. Older members and religious specialists tended to give more detailed explanations while the younger generations, perhaps due to westernization, had different beliefs of the destination of souls. As Catholicism and native Aymara beliefs become intertwined, the concepts of heaven and hell are frequently mentioned. Carter uses examples to show the effects of certain practices. For instance elder men conduct the ceremonies because they are believed to know the prayers best. This leads to males increasing and holding onto their power in society.

ERICA BENJAMIN University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Carter, William E. Secular Reinforcement in Aymara Death Ritual. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70(2):238-262.

The study and interpretation of ritual can be used as a technique to elucidate secular life. Values and belief systems are often connected with secular aspects of daily life and fundamental cultural values. The examination of a single Aymara death ritual leads to extrapolations on the core values and beliefs of the society as a whole.

The observation of the ritual was limited due to the rarity of funerary ritual in small communities and the inherent privacy these rituals often demand. The event is described in great detail, followed by tables identifying twenty-nine symbol sets of the ritual and examining their reflection in daily life, their manifest function, social structure, ecology, expression in other ceremonies, and dogma. The rituals basic components are the preparation for burial, prayers, the knuckle ritual, burial, and an eighth-day ceremony.

The Aymara have a basic belief in negativistic fatalism, or the predetermination an individual’s destiny. This belief has manifestations in the actions and values of daily life. The Aymara have little or no feeling of guilt, as they do not control their destiny and are therefore not held responsible for their actions. They do not glorify the past, as their ancestors suffered the same conditions they are destined to suffer. They also act conservatively feeling helpless to alter the future or past in any significant manner. Trust is greatly valued among close friends and family and it is often earned through reciprocal sharing of the fruits of their labor. This trust is essential to maintain a society where individuals are not responsible for their actions.

AARON PETERSON Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

De Laguna, Fredrica. Presidential Address-1967. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 (4): 469-476

The retiring president of the American Anthropological Association offers association members, among others, observations on modern anthropology, in an effort to provide renewed focus for future work. Researchers should be ever conscious of the great whole that constitutes anthropology, and how his or her research fits in as a part of any of the sub-disciplines. It is through broad knowledge of the many sub-disciplines that anthropologists are able to relate their work to the whole.

Anthropology offers different frameworks for examination of data. Culture must be understood as being part of a continuum, wherein it is passed on from generation to generation, reaffirmed in actions between individuals, though it is often distorted as it is transferred. There should be less emphasis on acculturation studies. People, who take up the seemingly arbitrary framework that the western world is leveling all culture, miss a fundamental point about change among cultures. People adopt things into their culture depending upon their own wants and needs, as well as flexibility among beliefs within their own culture. Mistakes are likely to be made in both assessing the present, and recounting the past, but this is our task as anthropologists.

Do not be afraid of the advent of computer use for analytical purposes. Remain vigilant to the fact that computers may only provide analysis they cannot ask the questions for us. Work to understand the exceptions to the cultural rules that are devised, not just the ones that fit in neatly. There is much to be learned from those that would defy an otherwise tidy structural model

It is also important for anthropologist to remember that they need not try to be scientific at all costs. Adopting overly technical jargon for the sake of scientific appearance is a disservice to what makes anthropology great. It is a science unlike any other, which relates all of what the other natural sciences have to offer, to understanding the context of human activity.

ANDREW GRIFFIN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

De Laguna, Frederica. Presidential Address 1967. American Anthropologist June, 1968 Vol.70(3): 469-476.

All presidents, at the end of their service to the people, offer a bit of gained knowledge acquired over the time of their presidency. The point stressed by Frederica De Languna is her belief of what anthropology means today. The main concern of this article is the separation and specialization of the sub-fields of anthropology and how they need to be brought back together as one field of study. She points out that anthropologists are so concerned about information in their own field they may fail to find vital information in another field. The scientists forget that there might be other perspectives that they should consider, but do not know unless they study other sub-fields. The basic argument of this article is, that contrary to what anthropologists believe, scientists in anthropological sub-disciplines can grow to help each other solve the same great question that all of the anthropologists are asking “How can we know more about people?” We as anthropologists should be working together with other sub-disciplines of the anthropological world, comparing data so that we can then help forward the greater anthropological goal of knowing people more in depth. The author makes her point clear by clearly laying out real life scenarios that all anthropologists can relate to. For instance the coalition of archaeologists she put together for her excavations in South America enabled De Languna to gather better information of the site. Another problem De Laguna points out that anthropologists think that there are too many writings in their sub-fields that they can’t focus on any other field’s literature. In fact there is just enough writing, she says, but none of it is written clearly and understandable for people and scientists outside the field. “Anthropology is a way of life” De Languna wrote. Unlike other sciences and social sciences, anthropologists live their studies. Not only did she draw on her own experience, but she also uses other anthropological sources such as the findings of others published in journals.

PATRICK DIENER University of North Carolina At Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Dowling, John H. Individual Ownership and the Sharing of Game in Hunting Societies. American Anthropologist. Volume 70, no. 3: 1968:502-

Hunting and gathering societies have been around since the dawn of time. These societies have survived by dividing work between members of the group and then pulling together as a whole to share in the wealth. Dowling’s main points of focus are the concepts of sharing and owning between members of hunting and gathering societies. The individual society’s or tribe’s survival depends on the ownership or sharing of food acquired during the hunt.

Dowling wants to show how the sharing of food allows for the survival of a tribe and its members. Dowling points out that most hunting and gathering societies do share food with the other members within the tribe. For example, if there was a tribe composed of different family groups, and one family group was successful on the hunt, they would share their kill with the other family groups even if it meant they were left with too little. By doing this, the family group gains influence throughout the tribe, as well as the other family groups now owe this family group food. So a few days from now, when this family group was not successful on the hunt, they can still eat because another group will provide them with food.

However, some groups claim ownership of their kill and will not provide any other people within the tribe with food. The Central Eskimo will claim an animal as soon as the hunter sees it. The first hunter to see an animal stakes his claim then the group will kill it, but the hunter who saw it first gets all the food. The Copper Eskimo stakes his claim on an animal by inflicting the first wound, rather than killing the animal.

There are some groups that stake ownership of a kill, but will still share the food with the others. Staking their claim on the kill builds up their influence within the group. This eventually leads to wealth and power. Many observers of this sharing of food consider this dysfunctional to the family that is doing the sharing. However it actually aids their survival. Dowling points out that many of the hunting and gathering societies that do share food, tend to depend on food provisions from day to day. So sharing their food, even if they do not have enough, ensures that they will eat tomorrow.

The Plains Indians ascribe ownership a little differently than do other cultures. If there was a raiding party to steal another Indian group’s horses, the leader of a successful raid was the owner of all the horses. However, the leader of the raid was also supposed to distribute the horses among the people who followed him. This sort of ownership often led to struggle and disputes among Plains Indians.

Dowling presented this article in order to prove that many hunting and gathering societies depend on one another to make it to the next day. It is a collaborative effort on the part of all members of a tribe. However, this does not hold true within the societies of people who do not share their food or goods. Within certain Indian groups, such as the Copper Eskimo, the women will hide food when they cook in private. When they cook outside of the hut, people will constantly walk around the food to make sure the woman does not steal any.

LAWRENCE MEADE UNC Charlotte (Gregory Smith)

Dowling, John H. Individual Ownership and the Sharing of Game in Hunting Societies. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:502-507.

hunting societies there are two patterns of behavior that involve the sharing of game. The first of the two patterns ascribes ownership of an animal to one person when many help in acquiring it. Second, is the idea of community wide distribution. In a society where sharing game benefits the whole, does individual ownership become disruptive to the socioeconomic structure? Looking at patterns of reciprocity and property relations among hunting societies helps to answer this question. The tribes being focused on are the Central and Copper Eskimo, the Crow, and the Blackfoot.

In many instances, sharing food is crucial to hunting societies, and individuals must rely on other members of the society when unable to contribute. When an imbalance in food distribution occurs, a counterbalance is found in the striving of individual production. Distributive food sharing and the effects of ascribing food to an individual can be seen as equally important. In a hunting society, individual ownership is not socially disruptive, the absence of it is.

NOA PEDERSEN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Dupre, Whihelm. Obituaries: Paul Joachim Schebesta. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 No.3: 537-542.

Paul Joachim Schebesta was born in Gross-Peterwitz, Silesia, on March 20, 1887. He was a missionary, a linguist, and a physical anthropologist. He was turned on to cultural anthropology by learning the languages of different groups, such as Japan and doing missionary work in Mozambique and Portugal . He was a very independent and self-reliant man as a scientist and as an individual, which is why he developed such a unique style of fieldwork. When he worked in Bambuti he was involved with personal situations of the community and became “one” with that culture. He was accepted because he accepted them and tried to help the people of Bambuti in ways they chose.

In the field, he practiced functionalism by believing that culture is a phenomenon that relies on social situations or other factors to maintain its purpose. He never theorized in his essays about the cultures he had studied; he only gave the description of the event. He would analyze and re-analyze the same situation and the same scenario but only accepted the events for what the community saw them as. Therefore, criticism can never hurt his descriptions of his reports, but only make them more complete, because he never made general claims or overall conclusions about a situation. “Man is man wherever he emerges as a cultural being”(540). A man cannot be studied and evaluated without the complexities and conflicts that surround him.

Schebesta was a missionary as well as a scientific researcher and it is hard to believe that his ideology did not influence his research conclusions. He recorded once in his journal that he “encountered God” when he helped an old women while he was wandering around in deep thought. No one should make the assumption that his religious beliefs interfered with his scientific research, just as he would never have taken for granted the observations and situations he collected about a culture.

KRISTIN HISSONG University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Evans, Clifford. Obituary: James Alfred Ford, 1911-1968. American Anthropologist. December, 1968. Vol. 70 (6): 1161-1167

The author of this obituary, Clifford Evans, looks back on the life of the very influential archeologist, James Alfred Ford. One thing that made Ford unique is that he advanced in so many areas. Clifford adds that Ford was a innovator, pioneer, a creator of new techniques and methodologies, a synthesizer, and a builder of solid foundations of knowledge on which many scholars have build their research.

Ford was born on February 12, 1911 in Water Valley, Mississippi. His father, James Alfred Ford, died three years after he was born from injuries that were sustained from an accident on a moving train. His mother, Janie David Johnson Ford, supported James and his brother David, by her primary school teaching position. Before James finished high school, he and another young man got the opportunity to make surveys of the Indian sites in the counties around Jackson, Mississippi. Ford’s formal education was often interrupted by intervals of work. He came upon many unique opportunities for excavations, which took him to many places, from Mississippi and Georgia, to Alaska.

Despite all his travels, Ford’s passion stayed with the southeast. He made numerous contributions to archaeology in the area. He excavated sites such as Marksville, Poverty Point, Menard, and the Hopewell mounds of Helena. His site reports are well documented, and carefully presented, as can be said of most of his works, which are full of artifact descriptions, tables, charts, and diagrams.

Ford also worked in South America. His first Latin American work was done from May 1941 to May 1942. As a member of the Yale University Unit of the Institute of Andean Research program, he assisted in surveying sites in the Central Cordillera of Columbia. He then published a short chronology of the archaeology of the vicinity of Cali. Other contributions that Ford made to Latin American archaeology is that he dated 315 prehistoric buildings, pyramids, and other constructions located in the Viru Valley. He also classified the plain pottery into types and demonstrating their utility in the seriation of surface collections.

Evans mentioned some honors that were bestowed on Ford for his contributions to archeology, such as receiving the Spinden Medal in 1966 for outstanding accomplishments in theory, methodology, and chronology of the archaeology of the Western Hemisphere. He also was the president of the Society for American Archaeology from 1963-1964, and he served several times as the Chairman of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference.

NIKIA REAVES University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Freeman, Susan Tax. Religious Aspects of the Social Organization of a Castilian Village. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 (1): 34- 49.

In this article, Freeman outlines the social structure of Valdemora, a small Castilianvillage in the northern part of Spain. She analyzes the separatist attitude of the villagers towards their private lives and discusses how in contrast, they cooperate easily in all communal activities. Freeman attributes this to the religious aspects of village activities.The social structure of Valdemora is set up so that all properties than can be owned and exploited individually by the villagers are owned and exploited individually. All herds, houses, and labor are considered extremely private and are not made available to anyone outside of the family. There is strict avoidance of the extended family and cooperation in farm labor is limited to the nuclear family alone. However, social organization of the village also includes an overwhelmingly large number of communal properties and activities, which necessitate the cooperation of all villagers. The town council organizes these community functions. For example, the village shares a number of grazing lands for their herds. These lands are owned by an outside source and the council takes the responsibility of collecting payment for use from each of the families, which pay an amount that is proportional to size of their herd. All community debt is dealt out fairly and takes a great deal of cooperation in orchestrating. In addition to debt, community maintenance is also organized in a fair manner. “Public Works” days are set aside by the council for the purpose of community cleaning and repairing of the village roads, fountains, lavandero and corrals. Also, great care is taken in dividing up products from communal properties such as manure from the community corrals. Freeman states that all community events usually coincide with other known religious days and that large feasts and mass usually accompany them. For example, the “Public Works Day” is celebrated on Shrove Tuesday and is always followed by a group dinner for the men. The feast of San Roque is celebrated in the morning by mass and is followed by a giant village feast and the annual meeting of the town council.Freeman then goes on to state that in Valdemora the virtue of “being a good Christian” is highly prized. However, most villagers readily admit to not being one. Freeman makes the connection that “loving thy neighbor” is in essence being a good Christian and that the villager’s avoidance of their neighbors is so that they may cooperate with ease in the communal events. She states that this is a classic “good fences make good neighbors” argument. Freeman concludes that having community events take place on pre-established religious days, along with mass and the community feast, rinforces the concept of Christian virtue,which is so valued.

ROBERTSON, PENELOPE University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Gluckman, Max. The Utility of the Equilibrium Model in the Study of Social Change.American Anthropologist 1968 V. 70 (2):219-235

The author wrote this paper to help explain and to teach others to apply the Equilibrium Theory. There had previously been much criticism about this theory, and the author hopes to clear the misconception up about this theory. All social life exists in time, and all social processes involve change, but there needs to be an identification and measure of time and of change. It is arguable that every social institution, or cultural pattern, has a time scale in its structure. Gluckman proposes these be called Structural Durations. For example, a family system can only be analyzed in four generations, or sometimes up to six or seven, because by that time the first generation will be dead and no longer an integral part of that society. However, things like wars and plagues interfere with this analysis, because people in the family structure may die and the structure will have to be changed to accommodate these untimely deaths. In actual history a colonial raiding party may come and convert a normally polygamous society into a monogamous one. Therefore, in order to create a measuring scale for time, a model has to be formed where no internal or external events interfere with an institution’s structural duration. This model is the Equilibrium Model and its use is in the study of social change. According to Gluckman, the main mistake of most critics is to try to apply this to actual history where many changes take place, like repetitive or recurrent personal changes and limited and radical structural changes. For example, Leach said, “real societies exist in time and space”, but he also said that the model holds “real power”. The Equilibrium Model is used as a kind of compass to the normal direction and can be used, through collection of data and comparison, to see where and when a change took place. The most important thing about the Equilibrium Model is its flexibility; the more data that is collected, the stronger and more versatile the model becomes and can be used.

SEAN A. WHITTAKER University of North Carolina Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Gluckman, Max. The Utility of the Equilibrium Model in the Study of Social Change. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:219-238.

Misunderstandings of the equilibrium model have led critics to believe that the model does not address the many changes in a social system throughout actual historical time. Misconceptions, clarifications, and the advantages of the model need further exploration.

The model is criticized because of the practitioners’ obscure intentions. Critics believe the model implies that every social institution is in a state of equilibrium in which all social change can be studied in actual historical time. Misunderstandings arise because the exponents of the model do not clearly explain their intentions. The model contends that every social institution has it’s own “built-in time scale,” or structural duration. Therefore, social institutions with a structural duration that spans several generations, such as subsistence systems or legislatures, can be analyzed as if they move through their structural duration without being interfered by “internal contradictions and external intruding events.” Therefore, the model proves advantageous by creating a framework for observing change throughout structural duration.

The equilibrium model is merely a first step in making observations about structural duration. Further research can be introduced into the model when analyzing the more complex social relationships and “ranges of reality.”

KACEY BURTON Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Goldberg, Harvey. Elite Groups in Peasant Communities: A Comparison of Three Middle Eastern Villages. American Anthropologist August 1968 Vol. 70 (4): 718-731.

In this article, Harvey Goldberg explores the factors that influence the rigidity of stratification by examining three village communities in the Middle East. While prior studies of a Turkish village, Sakaltutan, and a Shiite Muslim community in Lebanon reveal eight factors that influence social stratification, Goldberg recruits a third Israeli village, Even Yosef, for comparison, and concludes that the degree of elite orientation to the outside world also affects social stratification.

Through the examination of distinct communities in the Middle East, Goldberg concludes that each of the three communities ranks people according to three different scales: prestige, power and wealth. Further analysis reveals eight specific factors that influence social rigidity/mobility. These eight factors work in a counteracting manner, and include symbol systems of elite unity, religious legitimation, norms of recruitment to elite status, education and literacy, elite endogamy, inheritance patterns, effects of prestige on participation in agricultural labor, and control of administrative positions. The first portion of Goldberg’s article provides in-depth analysis of each factor individually, and studies how each element influences the nature of the social structure. For example, in the Lebanese Shiite Muslim community, recruitment to the elite group is based on ascription, which contributes to a rigid system of social stratification. In the community of Sakaltutan, recruitment to the elite group is achievement based, which lends a greater mobility to the system of social stratification. After careful observation, Goldberg concludes that the Sakaltutan community has a highly mobile system of stratification, while the Lebanese Shiite Muslim community possesses an extremely rigid social system.

Goldberg also analyzes the social stratification of a third community, an Israeli village that he calls Even Yosef. By applying similar analytical procedures to this community, he concludes that Even Yosef has an intermediate level of mobility in its system of social stratification. While Even Yosef shares many of the factors contributing to social mobility with Sakaltutan, the system of social stratification more closely resembles that of the more rigid Lebanese Shiite Muslim community. To explain this discrepancy, Goldberg asserts that in addition to the eight factors listed above, the degree of elite orientation to the outside world should also be considered as a factor influencing social stratification. The community of Even Yosef is highly dependant on the external world, and the elite group dominates these connections, perpetuating a more rigidly defined system of social stratification.

MICHELE ROSNER University of North Carolina, Charlotte (Greg Starrett)

Goldberg, Harvey. Elite Groups in Peasant Communities: A Comparison of Three Middle Eastern Villages. American Anthropologist August, 1968 Vol. 70(4):718-731

The social stratification of three Middle Eastern communities has been influenced by several factors of differentiation. Elite groups existing in peasant communities are compared with one another in order to decipher the developmental system of rank. Those groups taken into consideration are a Lebanese community, a central Turkey community and an Israeli immigrant community. The primary concern is based upon the notion of how groups associate with one another in the presence of isolated stratification. When analyzing the different levels of stratification, a series of questions concerning the economic, political, and prestigious scales are regularly evaluated. The influential factors of social stratification in this case are based around a reference to “rigidity” (i.e. ranking pattern) or conversely the “mobility” in which these systems are organized. Ranking scales are divided into separate categories of high, low, and intermediate mobility.

The high rate of “intergenerational mobility” is associated with central Turkey, within which the three scales that determine rank are divided. The first major scale and most important is economic, based on landholding, occupation, and income. The second scale consists of political ranks such as age, household authority, and lineage or kinship factors. The third is a combination of piety, religion, and prestige. The idea of high rate mobility is associated with this group because “there is no sense of unity and solidarity on the part of the elite.” Furthermore, there is no unification through ideological decent, which may provide permanent elite status.

Low mobility is associated with elite members in a Lebanese community. In this village, the high elite status dominates prestigious factors such as “religious nobility of decent, literacy, and religious learning.” Elite members of this group are referred to as “learned families” and are much wealthier than the nonelite who are referred to as “peasants.” Within this community, there is a sense of alienation toward the nonelite. Those who rank with the nonelite are typically laborers of the land owned by the “learned families.” Those recruited into the higher ranking groups, generally follow principles of decent. Marriages between groups are finely balanced in accordance with the economic determinants of land rights. There is a strong tendency to keep the land within the status of the “learning families” and refrain from selling to members of the alienated group. Women will inherit land, who prefer to marry men of the elite status. Thus, maintaining a pattern of stratification through elite endogamy.

Intermediate mobility is associated with an immigrant village in Israel. These groups appear to have similar factors that determine rank with the Turkish community, and a stratification pattern that resembles the Lebanese community as well. The Israeli elite “monopolized the communities orientation to the outside world.” The villagers are grouped in what is thought to be a “cooperative community,” but there is a clear division of social and economic solidarity. Elite status is typically transmitted through children to maintain elite membership in the family.

Josh Agusti Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Greengo, Robert E. Alfred Vincent Kidder, Obituary. American Anthropologist April, 1968 Vol.70(2): 320-325

This article is designed to point out the influence of Alfred Vincent Kidder on the anthropology and archeology worlds during the extent of his life. Many people die every day, but not many of them are given the credit they are due. Alfred Kidder from an early age was awestruck by anthropology and he made it his life goal to spread this love and knowledge of anthropology to others. The author makes this point clear by giving examples of Kidder’s life work and devotion to the science he loved.

The main point of this article is Alfred Kidder did make a difference in both the anthropological and archaeological worlds. Kidder’s major role in the anthropological world was his contribution of his knowledge to those students studying under him. He also contributed to these influential realms by serving on the board of many anthropological and archeological societies.

Citing both information Kidder wrote, and contributions to the anthropological world brings out this point of his importance in the humanities. The author’s viewpoint is supported by excerpts from Kidder’s many books including; An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology, With a Preliminary Account of the Excavations at Pecos (1924), and other writings about southwest cultures and archaeological studies. These writings were re-enforced by the participation in the study of many different humanities. Kidder was involved in the founding and the early years of the following organizations: the Society of American Archaeology, the American Anthropological Association, the Division of Anthropology and Psychology. He was also a member of the faculty of the Peabody Museum. All of these representations of Alfred Kidder’s work showed in themselves that he made an irreversible mark on the Humanities community.

PATRICK DIENER University of North Carolina, Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Khuri, Fuad. The Etiquette of Bargaining in the Middle East. American Anthropologists. Aug, 1968. Vol. 70 (4): 698-706

The author starts by defining the word “bargaining” as “taking place in free markets, where the buyers and sellers meet with opposing economic interests. It brings order to the market by enabling the buyers and the sellers to develop a relationship between them, based on mutual terms.” Khuri then compares some of the bargaining methods of people in less developed countries. He says that bargaining is not socially dysfunctional, although in bargaining there is an element of suspicion, the bargainer must not engage in open conflict if he/she wants to conclude the sale.

The author describes the techniques that the bargainers in the Middle East use to conclude sales. The negotiating starts off with expressions of respect, and common interest and trust. The seller greets the buyer by kinship, as a sign of respect. He may refer to the buyer as brother to assert that the seller trusts and respects the buyer. Once the buyer opens up with a price for something, the seller uses the response that price does not matter, only that the buyer is pleased. This is an expression signifying common interest and trust. The seller, of course, does not take these words to heart. Then the seller would suggest a price, and began advertising his/her goods, especially the imported ones. The imported items gives the seller a better bargain because the prices, quantities and so on, are less known to the buyer. The seller can bargain better if he/she is knowledgeable about the buyer’s status, and knows his/her customs and values. The buyer would praise the seller for his reliability but then would insist on being treated like a customer, and then may mention that a friend recommended the shop. All the while, he is trying to establish a final price and quality of the item without offending the seller.

The seller has the utmost confidence in inquiries about the item’s quality. The seller then would ask the buyer to price the item. The buyer, however, would ask the seller to price the item so he would not bring on any chance of insult to himself. Once the seller names the price, the buyer would declare the price too expensive and pretend to leave the shop, which make the seller reduce his price until a final price is reached. Bargainers would sometimes use business tricks to manipulate a bargain such as offering credit. This establishes a long-term relationship between the buyer and seller, and it creates trust between the two. Bargaining also affects the social status of the seller or buyer. They try to equalize or improve their status by the rules of bargaining etiquette. If a seller or buyer is successful in his/her approach, this could increase their social recognition. Bargaining as a whole is essential to the opening of sustained economic relationships between buyers and sellers. Buyers can avoid unreliable sellers, and in turn, sellers can avoid distrustful buyers. Bargaining controls a marketing system that seems to be unmanageable without it.

NIKIA REAVES University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Kuri, Faud L. The Etiquette of Bargaining in the Middle East. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70(4):698-705

Bargaining is an integral part of market place economics in the Middle East. Though it involves various degrees of cunning guile and deception, it remains a functional method of price regulation and is therefore quite useful. Bargaining is viewed as a stark contrast to non market activities such as reciprocity and gift exchange, which are built on trust and friendliness, but one that is not without social function.

Structured reciprocity, as a non-market activity, precludes bargaining. Exchanges such as the Kula transactions are based on nonhierarchical acts of bonding, wherein exchanges and acts are expected to be equivalent in nature. Exchanges that are not equivalent in nature are seen as hierarchical, such as within the Potlatch practice among the Kwakiutl Indians of North America. Within reciprocity, lack of equivalence is regulated through loss or gain of prestige among both giver and receiver. Within the market place of the Middle East, this inequality is regulated through bargaining.

The rules of supply and demand have an effect on bargaining power afforded to a prospective buyer. Specialized producers of certain items may allocate them first to kinsmen or to people of high rank. Persons of lesser rank or less immediate kinship ties, may delay their attempts to purchase these items until such time as they become less in demand. There are also informal guidelines which dictate what is acceptable within the bargaining procedure. The seller often encourages the buyer to establish what he would pay for the commodity, with the understanding that he will likely make a counter offer. The experienced buyer would likely suggest that the seller price his own goods, in an effort to not limit his buying power. Often when the seller establishes a price the buyer would declare that it is too expensive and pretend to leave the store. Even when a price is established for the sale of an item, the transaction is not complete. It is common at this point for the buyer to use this established price to hunt for a similar product elsewhere, with the knowledge that he may come back if he does not get a better deal.

In places where members of a family sell goods as a team, a common technique is for one family member to pretend to undercut the other member’s price. The potential buyer feels like he is getting a deal on an item. This feeling is reinforced when the original family member expresses displeasure or even outrage over the newly negotiated price. This pretense is played out to the point of argument and abuse between the family members, so that the buyer begins to feel that he would be foolish to not accept a price that has created such commotion among the sellers.

Bargaining time is often dependent on many factors, such as type of item, initial price, and how often this item might be consumed or purchased. Items such as foodstuffs may have little or no bargaining associated with their purchase, whereas new clothing or a carpet may require some time to establish a price. High value items such as diamonds often require the greatest amount of negotiation between buyer and seller. Women are seen as taking longer to bargain, though not necessarily to negotiate better prices.

ANDREW GRIFFIN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Lal, B.B. A Deluge? Which Deluge? Yet Another Facet of the Problem of the Copper Hoard Culture. American Anthropologist October 1968 Vol. 70(5): 857-863

The various archaeological finds of “copper hoards” in the Ganges Valley remain a mystery for archaeologists, and have been attributed to a myriad of different peoples. The evidence available has implied that the various finds of these hoards are associated with the proposed “Ocher Color Ware” culture, also from the Ganges Valley, dating to a period before circa 1200 BC. This association, however, only introduces new questions. At almost all sites where “Ocher Color Ware” potsherds are found, they are infrequent and occur in yellowish to dark brown hard-textured soil deposits otherwise devoid of any other evidence for human habitation.

Two possible theories exist in the absence of any possibility for human action placing the potsherds in their found locations. On the one hand, they may have fallen into the deposits in question by way of natural fissures on the surface of the soil. The other theory, based on evidence suggesting that the deposits may have been laid by the actions of water, is that the area was subjected to severe and extended flooding. Several possible causes for such a flooding have been conjectured. One may have been heavy rain over a long period of time. Another possibility, tectonic shifting, may have stopped-up or clogged the Ganges system or even caused a tributary of the Indus river to spill over into the Ganges. Ancient Indian literature refers to large-scale flooding, but it would be premature at this point to correlate with the archaeological evidence. Overall, there is a paucity of clear information, and more investigation is needed.

BURTON SMITH Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Lancaster, Jane B. On the Evolution of Tool-Using Behavior American Anthropologist. Vol. 70 no. 1 Pgs. 56-65.

In this article Jane Lancaster re-explores the evolution of tool use and its relatively unimportant role in the evolution of modern humans. Science has often rested on the ideas that once our ancestors started using tools they became smarter, learned to make weapons for enhanced defense, and evolved at a much quicker rate than any other mammals or primates. Lancaster argues that tool use was not the driving force behind evolution. She will explain how new dating techniques show that the beginning of human evolution was a slow process and that our primate ancestors were around for a much longer period of time.

Lancaster begins by discussing primitive tools from the Pleistocene period (appx. 2 million years ago). She explains how these simple tools performed limited functions. Relatively accurate dating methods have proven that humans were in a primitive state much longer than originally thought. These two factors together lead her to argue that maybe our tool use is just a product of our genetics and not some great intellectual epiphany.

To support this argument Lancaster compares early human tool use with chimpanzee tool use, claiming they do not differ greatly. She discusses the many physical similarities between modern humans and chimpanzees to explain how this phenomenon is genetic and not just a product of parallel evolution. Ancient hominids then, like chimpanzees now, possessed the innate ability to use simple tools. This ability made them more favorable for selection ensuring their place in history, but it did not jump start their evolutionary pathway. Instead these ancient hominids remained in their primitive state for a very long time. So what is it that caused these hominids to evolve into more advanced form with larger brains? Lancaster argues that the mental ability to make more complex uses of a broader range of tools causes the major cultural and physiological changes we see in the evolutionary record. This gradual process of diversifying tool manufacturing and use eventually led to more abrupt changes in hominids.

So it is not the use of tools that make us human. If that were true then chimpanzees would be considered human, too. Instead it is our innovation and our mental expansion that have allowed us to evolve into a modern, skillful species.

BONNIE STROUP University of North Carolina-Charlotte (Greg Starrett)

Lancaster, B. Jane. On the Evolution of Tool-Using Behavior. American Anthropologist February 1968 Vol. 70(1):56-66.

Theories about the evolution of hominid and primate tool use are examined through the modern tool-using behaviors of chimpanzees. New observations and recent developments give new insight into how the fossil record might be interpreted. The frequency of tool use among ancient primates is related to how early hominids, particularly homo erectus, out-competed other primates for this environmental nitch. As the African hominids improved in their ability to make tools to exploit the various African environments, the number of tool-using techniques amongst primate species may have declined. It is possible that this process may have led to a common ancestor, of both primates and early hominids, that had similar tools to the ones used by modern chimpanzees today.

Immature chimps, watching their parents use twigs to fish for termites, can be seen attempting to reproduce the adults’ behavior. The infants have also been observed conducting this activity out of season in what may be regarded as a play activity. Baboons, who also enjoy eating termites, are seen watching the chimps but never attempt to copy the behavior. This is not attributed to a difference in overall intelligence but to very specific differences in aptitudes. The tool-using aptitudes of chimpanzees and modern humans have a number of striking similarities. Both species seem to conceive of objects as potential tools. Also, the genetic makeup of both humans and chimpanzees is very similar. These points suggest that the tool-using behaviors of early hominids may have closely resembled those of modern chimpanzees.

STEPHEN JUNEAU Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Leser, Paul. Obituary: Paul Honigsheim. American Anthropologist June, 1968 Vol. 70 (2):546-549.

This obituary for Dr. Paul Honigsheim, born March 28, 1885 in Düsseldorf, Germany, depicts a respected scholar, intrepid researcher, esteemed colleague, beloved educator, and dedicated pacifist and socialist. Born to a French mother and a German father, Honigsheim studied in Germany at Bonn, Berlin, and Heidelberg, where he received his Ph.D. in history. He spoke French and German as a child, later mastered Spanish while teaching at universities in Central and South America, and from 1938 lived in the United States becoming fluent in English.

Many luminous friends and associates, including sociologist Max Weber, became the subjects of Honigsheim’s intimate biographical accounts, which are now of historic significance. Writing until the end of his life, Honigsheim produced hundreds of articles on topics ranging anthropology, sociology, education, epistemology, philosophy, religion, the youth movement, and pacifism. He periodically revised his views on various topics and often added a disclaimer to references to his own earlier publications which stated, “the author no longer adheres to the views contained in this article.”

A true citizen of the world, Honigsheim died in East Lansing, Michigan, on January 22, 1963 at age seventy-seven.

In addition to references cited, the author has included an extensive selected bibliography.

DEA HOUSER University of North Carolina, Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Leshnik, Lawernce. The Harappan “Port” at Lothal: Another View. American anthropologist 1968 vol.70 (5): 911-921

This article evaluates the claim that “Lothal was a port settlement with direct trade relations with Mesopotamia”, made by the original excavator, S.R. Rao. The discovery of a ‘large basin’ was interpreted as a dock at which ships were berthed. Today Lothal sits some twelve miles from the sea, but in ancient times it may have been nearer to the coast. The site definitely displays the Harappan culture affiliation, based on the diagnostic items of steatite seals with distinctive script and designs, painted pottery, long chert blades, weights and some copper artifacts. Also, burnt brick architecture and an excellent drainage system are present at the site. Evidence for Lothal being a trade town is not overwhelming; one seal of the Persian Gulf type, a seal impression, some bun-shaped copper ingots and some sherds of a reserved-slip ware (which resembles the Mesopotamian style) are all that was found. The ‘dock’ was used in two stages, according to Rao. During Stage I, ships were received through a canal running east/west along the northern edge of the site. This route was later blocked (by an “unprecedented flood”), and Stage II involved another inlet channel built to the new course of water, which now lay in the east. Seven “anchor” stones were found, five from the basin area. These ‘ring stones’ are also found in Harappan and Mohenjo-daro, where their use was inconclusive. Thus, this has been the information recovered and the interpretations made by the excavator.

The author of this article critically evaluates Rao’s theories, and re-examines the information given. There was “conclusive proof” that ships were berthed at the ‘port’ of Lothal according to Rao; Leshnik states, “Such certainty is rare in archaeology…” which is a very astute remark. In fact, Rao had considered Lothal a port before he had even discovered the basin. The supposed imports from Mesopotamia also have their problems. The potsherds that resemble a Mesopotamian type are in fact found at several other sites, rebuking them as “evidence for unique Lothal contacts with the West”. The copper ingots were probably of local manufacture, as copper was abundant and mined in nearby Rajasthan. There are problems with the ‘dock’ itself, in addition to the questionable trade goods. In Sumer, docks were the actual centers of commercial activity, and shops were located adjacent to the quay. At Lothal, the port is located next to the main residential area, with no shops present. The construction of the port in Stage II serves no purpose, as ships would be stuck in mud during low tide. This does not correspond with the other feats of Harappan in the field of civil engineering. Leshnik offers another explanation for the basin as a water reservoir for irrigation. The ‘anchor’ stones may have been utilized as counterweights on a shaduf, a water-lifting device. The primary purpose of the basin would have been for irrigation, with a secondary function for drinking water. There is a granary at Lothal, and rice cultivation has a long antiquity at this site. The author contends that while the evidence of the ‘port’ is refuted, there is still much gained from the “first real insight into the Harappan agricultural system”. Thus the ‘port’ at Lothal has been verily disproved, and most likely an irrigation basin has replaced it.

G. THOMAS BENTON JR. UNC Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Leshnik, Lawrence S. The Harappan “Port” at Lothal: Another View. American Anthropologist May 1968 Vol. 70:911-922.

Early excavations at Harappan reveal what may be a budding trade port of ancient India. A basin excavated at the site is thought to be a major dock and port for seafaring ships. However, this theory has been questioned and further research may show that the basin is not the remnants of a dock, but rather an irrigation canal.

If indeed Harrappan was a port, it was poorly constructed when compared to similar sites in the area. Also, the “port” would have been situated in such a way that ships would have found difficulty docking. There are some questions about whether the water depth was even able to accommodate water faring vessels.

In addition to excavated sites, present day people have been observed using basin like structures, much like the one at Harappan, to dam up water from nearby lakes and rivers for agricultural purposes. Basins utilized for drinking water have also been discovered throughout the area. Although there is not a defining amount of evidence to support either of these theories, ethnographic and regional comparative archaeological evidence support the irrigation canal hypothesis.

KACEY BURTON Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Lloyd, C. Peter. Divorce among the Yoruba. American Anthropologist February 1968 Vol. 70 (4): 67-81.

In looking at the divorce rates among the Yoruba, a group of people in the southwest of Nigeria, a survey of 300 peoples’ divorce cases was collected from four Yoruba towns. Two of the towns had agnatic descent groups (Ibadan, Ilesha) and two had cognatic (Ode Ondo, Ijebu Ode) descent groups. The divorces were compared in the four towns by the length of the marriage and its fertility. One result showed that the rate of the divorce is correlated with the alienation of the woman from her own descent group by marriage but other factors also play a role in these divorce rates.

Some of the factors promoting divorce include conflicts and tension, structure of the society, and lastly the legal rules surrounding Yoruba marriage. Some things that can cause marital tension include the economic independence held by the man and woman. Usually the men work in the fields and the women are craft workers. Many times jealousy and ideas about witchcraft and sorcery come into play. Many times in a polygynous household older wives, especially after menopause, are overlooked and left to the side.

Due to the structure of Yoruba society the husband must pay bride wealth, which is shared between the bride’s parents. All of the children conceived during the marriage belong to the husband. The death of the wife terminates a marriage, but upon the death of a husband the rights his wives have pass to his junior siblings or children.

The woman takes all divorce actions. A man who is dissatisfied with his wife will ignore her. Bride wealth is expected to be paid back, but as time passes and they have children a smaller percentage of the bride wealth has to be repaid. Very few Yoruba, especially those in divorcing age groups adhere to traditional religious practices. Most of them are Muslim or Christian. Individual and family values play a larger part in decision-making than those held by the social groups outside the kinship.

Childlessness was a major reason for the woman to seek divorce. This seems to show that childbearing and not compassion are the main reason for remarriage. The lowest African divorce rates seem to occur among patrilineal people and the highest show up among the matrilineal. These are shown by the fact that in patrilineal societies women are alienated from their natal descent group. In the Ilesha and the Ode Ondo a relatively high divorce rate was shown and in the Ibadan and Liebu Ode the proportions were lower. This may have been because of the Christian Influence in these towns discouraging divorce. The Christian towns showed lower divorce rates than Muslim towns. All of these factors play a part in the divorce rates in the northern and southern Yoruba towns. Either a combination of factors or one prominent idea involving marriage can stipulate divorce.

JOHN SHEEHAN University of North Carolina Charlotte (Greg Starrett)

Lloyd, Peter C. Divorce Among the Yoruba. American Anthropology 1967 Vol. 70(1):67-81

Three hundred divorce cases among the Yoruba were evaluated in order to discover their unusually high divorce rate. Demographic information, amount of children conceived within marriage, length of marriage, and reasons for divorce were collected from the Ioadan, Ilesha, Ode Ondo, and Ijebu Ode societies.

Divorce is encouraged as an easy and low stress way to solve conflicts between spouses. The bride is required to pay back the dowry the husband had given her family previous to marriage, along with the money spent on the wife during the marriage, including food. When the government set a higher standard of payments to the husband, 30 to 40 percent less women divorced their husbands; the long-term effects of this decrease have not yet been evaluated.

Causes for marital tensions are seen in two features: equality in sex roles and economic freedom for women. Power in society is based on age, not gender, giving a feeling of equality among the sexes. Due to the independence of a woman’s personal income and ability to have status in society apart from their husbands, women often develop themselves as traders, taking time away from their husbands. Husbands resent their wives being away; wives resent their husbands for not letting them work and often turn to another lover in response. Predominantly Christian communities, such as the Ilesha and Ode Ondo, have lower divorce rates than the Ijebu Ode and Ibadan, two predominately Muslim communities.

Barren women or impotent men are often blamed as the main cause of divorce, although, women usually have about one living child at time of divorce. There is also no stigma to being a divorcee, so that is not a deterrent to divorce. Divorcees are often chosen to be married again and are not seen as sterile. The survey revealed that women simply do not feel a need to stay with their husband. Some were older women who do not want to live with their husbands because he has several younger or junior wives, or the women were betrothed to a man, but want to be with a chosen lover. More research is needed in order to have an accurate portrayal of the causes for the wide range of divorce rate among African people groups.

KATHRYN N. BAZIL Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Malouf,Carling. Obituary: Verne Dusenberry, 1906-1966. American Anthropologist April, 1968 Vol. 70(2):326-327.

Dusenberry was born in Corning, Iowa, April 7, 1906. He lived in Bozeman, Montana while still a very young child. He went on to college later to receive a B.S. degree from Montana State College. Dusenberry started his career teaching

English in high schools, but his frequent contacts and increasing interest in ethnology resulted in his obtaining higher degrees in anthropology.

Dusenberry spent much time in the Native American community and excelled in his professional career. He lived among the Flathead Indians on their Reservation in western Montana and he also worked with the Pend d’Oreille. In addition to his teaching he was the “Indian Specialist” for the extension division of the college. He showed very active participation in the Indian Institutes, and in doing research and practical work for the Association for American Indian Affairs.

This article will interest individuals who are familiar with great people like Vern Dusenberry that have made great contributions to our society. Maloufs’ article illustrates and expresses the need for more people like Dusenberry in today’s society, people who have an interest in anthropology and demostrate an interest in teaching others.

TELISA EDWARDS-STINSON University of N.C. at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

McFee, Malcolm. The 150% Man, a Product of Blackfeet Acculturation. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 7:1096-1103

Describing long-term processes of acculturation requires anthropologists to use a large number of different terms. These terms also aid in the understanding of acculturation on the individual level. The study of individuals on one particular reservation is seen as a good indicator of the overall cultural problems evident in the resulting dual society. Dual societies such as that present in one particular reservation present the idea that it is possible, and even necessary, for someone to be more than a full member of society (through constant efforts to appear both “Indian” and “White”).

Of all the currently enrolled members of the Blackfoot tribe, half live on the reservation studied. As a whole, these Blackfoot Indians are acculturated to the point that they are virtually indistinguishable from their other Montanan non-Blackfoot neighbors. A certain subset of the tribe, however, preferring to be “Indian” rather than “White,” try to disregard the acculturation they have endured and return to their heritage. “Indian” cultural characteristics are seen as unacceptable to the more “independence-driven” acculturated Blackfoot members, and make cross-social acceptance difficult.

Blackfoot Indians choosing to remain “true” to their heritage face a difficult challenge in their relations on the reservation. They must be well versed in the ways of their own culture, and must also be fluent in the ways of the “White” oriented individuals, as political and economic necessities require them to frequently cross over.

The individuals able to mediate and transfer between the two cultural types in the community are those who were raised in the “White” style, capable of being successful businessmen even in a non-reservation setting, and who also participate in “Indian” activities. These individuals must tread a careful line to avoid being seen as too “White” or too “Indian,” or run the risk of losing social standing in the opposite group.

DREW HUNT Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

McNett, Charles W., Jr. Drawing Random Samples in Cross-Cultural Studies: A Suggested Method. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 (1): 50 –55.

In modern anthropology there are many methods for obtaining a random sample for a culture being investigated. When investigating multiple cultures the chance of receiving a representative sample decreases rapidly. Many Anthropologists have devised methods to increase a sample’s representative factors, and each values his method more than the next. Charles McNett has developed his own method called the grid method, and the methodology seems logical and reasonable.

The Grid method enables an anthropologist to locate a sample that is free from the biases found in many other sampling techniques. The first step in allocating a grid is to locate a map of the world and to place a grid across it in a random manner. All the grid lines are numbered in succession from zero along the horizontal and vertical axes. Next a random number table is used to locate points on the map that will be used in the study. It is important to use twice as many points as the number of needed cultures to ensure randomness and due to the fact that many points will not be located on land. Any cultures that are located near a point need to be sorted to find the culture closest to the point. This culture will be used in the study. There are sources that can be used to find cultures located by their longitude and latitude such as Murdock (1957). The most important steps of this method are a randomly oriented map, and a random number chart used to locate points on this map.

The author defends his method by comparing it to other methods employed in the past. Method of others such as Tylor (1889), and Murdock (1949) are analyzed and the author defends his methods against them all. His main argument is that many random samples tend to use the cultures that are the best known. The grid method differs in this respect because it chooses the culture closest to a chosen point, regardless of information on that culture. The author also explains the disadvantages of his method in clear detail. The largest disadvantages are that the boundaries of many cultures are hard to define, and the diversity among groups can be rather extensive in a small area. In the instance of the latter the smaller cultures of a group have a tendency to be left out of a study. Although there are disadvantages to all random sampling methods, McNett has provided a method that has more advantages than disadvantages. The advantages are more random samples, equality among the cultures investigated, and an easy to use methodology.

WERNER, DAMIAN UNC Charlotte (Gregory Starrett).

McNett, Charles W. and Kirk, Roger E. Drawing Random Samples in Cross-Cultural Studies: A Suggested Method. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:50-55.

Random sampling provides descriptive and inferential statistics, thus allowing generalizations to be made about all known human cultures. Random samples are drawn from a population in such a way that give samples an equal opportunity of being selected, but the problem is no one has yet designed a sensible method for drawing random samples. In turn, generalizations previously made have been biased. The method proposed here is the grid method, which alleviates many of the biases inherent in other sampling techniques.

Looking at the practicality of other sampling techniques, this method certainly represents a more mindful approach to drawing random samples by minimizing the sources of bias. The first conventional method of sampling is a nonrandom, opportunistic sample. These samples select cultures based on the availability of published reports, which violates the assumption that the sample be random. A second method is simple random sampling in which samples are selected from a list. The problem is the list has finely subdivided cultures and cultures that are undivided; the result is that the subdivided cultures will over represent their culture and the undivided cultures will be under represented. Another method is stratified random sampling in which the cultural universe is divided into a number of sections, or strata, and representatives are chosen at random for each of the strata. There is a set number selected in each stratum without regard to the proportion of known cultures. Stratums with many cultures have less chance of being represented than stratums with fewer cultures. The “random sampling” methods listed represent well-known areas at the expense of less extensively studied cultures. The grid method however, is able to draw a truly random sample of points on the map that can provide an equal chance for cultures to be selected.

The grid is an entirely arbitrary set of lines oriented at random. Each location that intersects these lines creates a nonbiased set of points that are randomly numbered. The cultures closest to these random points will themselves be a random selection of the cultures located on the map. However, even as random as this method is there are a couple disadvantages to using this approach, but unlike the other methods the grid allows for equal opportunity.

One disadvantage is that random samples are taken from cultures listed in a reference source. If they are not adequately referenced the culture cannot be chosen. Another drawback that affects this method is the assumption that cultures exist in one point. Being that culture can extend over large and separate areas, they will have more opportunity to be selected. Even with the similar drawbacks of other random sampling methods the grid method has a more practical and advantageous method of minimizing the sources of bias.

MATT HUMBRECHT Illinois State University (Rob Dirks).

Metraux, Rhoda. Obituary: Jane Belo Tannenbaum, 1904-1968. American Anthropologist 1968. Vol.70 (6): 1168-1169.

Tannenbaum had an early interest in anthropology and played a part in the emergence of new field research methods. Born in Texas on November 3, 1904, Jane Belo was to later become an international traveler, student, painter, photographer, researcher, fieldworker, and overall a multi-faceted social scientist. Tannenbaum studied, traversed, recorded, analyzed, and delighted in the worlds around her. She traveled extensively despite the slow nature of travel in those days. The world she knew was very diverse, having spent time in places such as Africa, the Middle East, Paris, the Caribbean, New York, and most notably Bali. Tannenbaum’s particular research interests lay in experimental psychopathology, children’s art, ceremonial life, religious behavior, and French national culture. During the 1930’s she was based in Indonesia and then in 1940 began a new life, in which Columbia University was center. Home was no longer the village of Sayan, but a farm in the Adirondacks. Tannenbaum was committed to the beauty of otherness and surrounded herself with the talents of others. Author and friend Rhoda Metraux of the American Museum of Natural History writes, ” She belonged fully to the intellectual life of the twentieth century and her mind continually moved to the growing edge of knowledge.” Unfortunately illness prohibited her from completing her doctorate at Columbia and she herself made no claim to scholarship, yet the author gives us indeed an accomplished scholar of cultural studies.

MARSIA YENCSKO University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett).

Otterbein, Keith F. Internal War: A Cross-Cultural Study. American Anthropologist April, 1968 vol. 70(2): 277-289.

This study was conducted to determine the relationship between culturally similar political communities and the degree of internal war within the communities. Internal war may be influenced by three factors: social structure, political organization, and external relations that culturally similar political communities have with culturally different ones. These three factors are used to derive separate hypotheses, each of which is tested using a sample of fifty societies in a cross-cultural study of internal war. The variables of internal and external war were recorded onto three-point scales as continual, frequent, and infrequent or never, based on ethnographic data.

The samples were drawn from 628 societies. The number was narrowed down to fifty based on one of four reasons: if only foreign language references could be found, if source materials could not be found in the library of the University of Kansas, if the society was a peasant community or a modern nation, and if data on a military organization, tactics, and causes of war were not in the sources.

The first hypotheses, considering social structure variables, is societies with fraternal interest groups are more likely to have internal war than societies without fraternal interest groups. Since fraternal interest groups are localized groups of related males, they can resort to aggressive measures when the interest of their members is threatened. It seems reasonable that the existence of fraternal interest groups will also produce warfare between political communities. The data from the three-point scales indicates that internal war occurred more frequently in societies with fraternal interest groups, thus confirming the hypothesis.

The second hypothesis, which considers political variables, is that the higher the level of political complexity, the less likelihood of war being initiated by anyone in the political community. The initiation of war is characteristic of un-centralized political systems. It should be that the existence of unauthorized raiding parties is the cause of internal war, rather than the absence of a centralized political system. According to the data in the three-point scales, centralized political systems are able to prevent unauthorized raiding parties from engaging in war. The hypothesis is strongly confirmed.

The final hypothesis, based on inter-societal variables, is the groups under consideration are composed of culturally similar political communities; they will unite to fight political communities that are culturally different. It is common assumption that the more frequently a political community of a cultural unit is attacked, the more frequently they will unite to attack other societies. According to the data obtained, the hypothesis could not be confirmed. Several variations of the hypothesis were also tested, yielding the same result.

The end result of this study was that there are no correlations between internal war and fraternal interest groups and the degree of centralization of the political community. The evidence was based on the results of the data plotted on the three-point scales. Only one hypothesis was not confirmed. It is possible that more variables affected the relationship between internal war and the party who initiates war.

MIKE BROOKS University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Orans, Martin. Maximizing in Jajmaniland: A Model Of Caste Relations. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70 (5):875-895.

The purpose of this paper was primarily to show that, when viewed properly and understood, the economic theory could be applied to areas of culture outside of the market place. Orans chooses the Indian caste system not only because of his familiarity with the field, but also because scholars often use it as a basis of why economics doesn’t apply to non-market areas. He uses a model of caste or jajmani relations. There are three primary assumptions of the model regarding the stability of the caste system:

It requires a high concentration of political power.

It requires “prices” that do not change “freely” with supply and demand.

It requires consonance of political power, wealth, and ritual rank.

For example, in India, who profits the most from a transaction is directly related to who holds more political power or who is higher in rank in the caste system. This is delicate however. If the person with more power (a man obviously) sets what he is willing to pay much too low, it is very possible the manufacturer will turn to another patron or sell on the black market. Therefore, if a particular patron wants to get an unfair price, he will have to exercise his power and probably force. This applies to Beidelmans concept of “not getting bonked on the head”. Sometimes, if a patron is in a much stronger political position than the seller, not getting bonked on the head is all that is profited by the transaction. Orans also explains the intricacies of the Indian caste system, and then sets up various calculations and algorithms with which one can calculate the equality and inequality values between castes. This, more or less, allows calculation of trade inequalities between castes. Therefore, India’s economic system is directly related to their caste system, showing this particular economic model is applicable to things outside the market or at least in relation.

SEAN A. WHITTAKER University of North Carolina Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Orans, Martin. Maximizing in Jajmaniland: A Model of Caste Relations. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70 (5):875-895.

The economic theory can be applied to aspects of culture outside the market economy. The Indian caste system, contrary to arguments by other scholars, is one such example that is examined here. Three assumptions are used as a platform upon which the argument is built. (1) The jajmani (caste) system requires a high concentration of political power. (2) It requires “prices” that do not change “freely” with supply and demand. (3) It requires consonance of political power, wealth, and ritual rank.

In India, the profiteer from any given transaction holds more political power or higher rank in the caste system. This transaction of power is limited in abuse, however, as efforts to create too great an advantage through abuse of one’s caste rank can result in the transaction being aborted. The seller may then turn to another customer or the black market to gain a fair price. Through this power, and sometimes force, profits may be gained by an individual in a position of higher caste rank. The relationships between caste system, economic gain, and inequity are shown through various algorithms and calculations, including several tables and equations. This quantification of the inequality in the Indian jajmani system shows how economic theory can be applied to an aspect of culture lying outside the market system.

AARON PETERSON Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Orenstein, Henry. The Ethnological Theories of Henry Sumner Maine. American Anthropologist April 1968 Vol. 70(2):264-275.

The theories of Henry Maine are not uniformed into a system of thought similar to Spencer or Durkheim but they still provide modern anthropology with new insights on the predecessors and constructs of social change. A warlike condition of the “state of nature” provides the basis for the theoretical perspective to be based upon patriarchal authority. This authority guides and influences social change and the structures of societies by establishing a network where power is negotiated. The scheme of evolutionary progression begins with the family unit headed by the paternal line that later establishes interpersonal relationships beyond lineage boundaries.

Rationality was developed throughout time and was not an innate characteristic of ‘primitive man’. Rational choice was developed through the establishment of interpersonal relationships that extended over kinship lines. Social hierarchy was created through the integration of ‘outside’ members. Early group compositions were not based on contractual ties between members, but rather on relationships based upon paternal status and kin like forms of assistance. The system of feudalism and the relationship between the lord and vassal demonstrates how status and kin like qualities are equally expressed.

The end of Feudalism marks the breakdown of ‘kin’ based agreements and the start of interpersonal relations based upon contracts. The difference between status and contract is demonstrated in the “polar dichotomy” formula. In societies that are based upon kinship, status maintains the social structure whereas contracts maintain the organization of the societies based upon territory.

STEPHANIE CERQUA Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Orenstein, Henry. The Ethnological Theories of Henry Sumner Maine. American Anthropologist 1968 vol. 70 (2) 264-275.

Henry Sumner Maine wrote about a number of different topics, but they all were based on a similar set of ideas. From the beginning, the author admits that he stresses the positive contributions of Maine. Overall, Maine “emphasized the group as a primal unit and held ‘primitive’ man to be highly ‘irrational’”, which means that Maine underestimated early humans, as did most thinkers of his time. He believed that the individual was not even a concept in early society. The family was the basic unit of social construction, and an individual was born into a social position at birth and remained there until death. Maine connects the rise of the modern state to the social structure of family hierarchy. It proceeds from mobile family units to sedentary house communities. The next step is to villages, with more than one family group living in close proximity. Then feudalism takes hold, with one family dominating the rest until the rise of the nation-state. Maine said that long-established local groups subdued in-coming individuals, which is where the vassal/ lord relationship comes in. Maine also held that “ancient man was adamantly warlike” and that blood ties were the only pacifying force in the world. Peace is a modern invention, and judicial proceedings replace the fights and feuds of the past. The leader of the family, the patriarch, later became the chief of the village, and in turn the king of the state. Through their primary role in warfare, the chiefs gained authority over land to which individual families had no clear claim (usually wasteland). This is where the conquered masses of the “incoming” (soon to be vassals) were placed. Maine held that the aristocracy and the monarchs were in fact mirrors of the natural order of the world. This stemmed from the idea that man was naturally “irrational”, inventing deities and full of superstition. Rational law making by a patriarch (or chief/king/ president/etc…) replaced the irrational nature of man. Families create order through paternal power and regulate the family using “laws” with set punishments. This gradually evolved over time, and the families in charge set to recording these laws. Some examples include the Laws of Manu in India and the Stoic natural law in Rome. In setting these laws, the families have managed to control the rest of the population. Thus, the permanent bases of social power are traditional, and because of this, the “evolution of conscious, rational choice” is allowed to take place.

The remaining portion of the article covers the ideological context of the substantive theory. This theory appears to be a scientific interpretation of “an evolutionary process”, but is primarily a theory of culture change. A problem arises in examining Maine’s sources; his evidence rarely consisted of direct evidence from historical records. Maine used studies on (then) contemporary India to explain the roots of English real property law in Teutonic village communities. According to the Ornstein, Maine used too many assumptions, including that all “primitive” societies were alike. Also, his theories omitted contradictory information of which he was well aware. Democracy, in the form of the council of elders in the past, does not factor in as a possibility because Maine was a monarchist. Maine was also a moderate conservative, and this shows in his emphasis on tradition, the ‘elite’ being essential and “a distrust of rapid reform based on reason”.

G. THOMAS BENTON JR. UNC Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Reynolds, Peter Carlton. Evolution of Primate Vocal-Auditory Communication System. American Anthropologist. 1968 Vol.70, no. 2:300-

One of the most common ways of tracing the evolution of language is to reduce language to its structural components, discover what these components are present in nonhuman primate communication, and to attempt to establish the brain structures that aid in linguistics for man and to what extent are they common in nonhuman primates.

The interest in the origin of language in recent years is due to the increase of data from a number of fields related to language origin theory. Eric Lenneberg’s thesis states that the ability to use language is a genetic predisposition unique to man. To understand the evolution of language you must reduce language to its components and explain them.

The uniqueness of language cannot be explained by a capacity that man relates to other mammals. The rhesus monkey surpasses man in the ability in hearing high frequencies. The vocal aspect is much more interesting and more controversial. For example, the ability to produce sounds phonetically similar to human speech sounds has no importance for language. Studies show that the mynah birds almost exactly duplicate human sounds. Studying vocal anatomy tells us nothing about language.

Anatomical study of the cortex of the monkey and man shows that the area of the cortex is larger in man than in the monkey. There also has been an increase in motor control in the primate line. The stellate cells are linked to motor precision and there is an increase of these cells as we move from the ape to man. This accompanies an increase in motor refinement among primates.

The vocal-auditory communication of nonhuman primates becomes increasingly less related to linguistic evolution. Human speech is a sign system that has sequential relations between signs. Duality of patterning involves both meaningful and meaningless signs; nonhuman primates do not exhibit this patterning. The vocal communication of nonhuman primates therefore, has little relation to language.

Displacement is the ability to talk about things that may not be near you. Monkeys exhibit this when using the predator call after the predator has vanished. So, they do to a certain degree show some degree of displacement. Studies show that nonhuman primates also have a greater memory capacity than previously believed.

It has been suggested that the interactions of primates in situations that demand the monitoring of complex sequential stimuli is one of the preadaptions for language. This type of behavior capacity makes it possible to study combined behavioral and anatomical structures. You cannot study language by simply studying language.

It is common to consider language a prerequisite of culture. Instead, language is more of a product of culture and its necessary prerequisite. Through these techniques the language origin theory may prove useful to general anthropologists.

ADRIENNE CRAWFORD University of North Carolina Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Reynolds, Peter Carlton. Evolution of Primate Vocal-Auditory Communication Systems. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:300-307

Until recently, language was thought of as a human-exclusive evolution, as no other species seemed capable of the basic functions necessary to develop it. In order to produce this complex form of oral communication, organisms must possess several physiological aspects. The ability to vocalize in certain frequencies is a prerequisite, and humans share this ability with several species of primate, including the rhesus monkey and chimpanzee.

Primate oral communication falls generally into the idea of “expressive” communication, thusly an indicator more of the creature’s mood than the creature’s attempts to communicate using complex speech. Japanese macaques may have a more complex system, with repeated utterances having different meanings than solitary utterances, but this has not been proven.

There also exist key differences between humans and primates in regard to responses to stimuli. Primates cannot associate stimuli of differing types, including sight and sound, whereas humans do possess this ability. This basic difference is seen as indicative of the evolutionary advantage of humans’ speech potential, as human speech is capable of complex associations.

Primate communication is generally limited to “discussing” food, escape, reproduction, and group movements. While it seems possible for them to go into more detail in certain situations (depending on the urgency of the message to be communicated), it seems impossible for any comparisons to be made, thus further establishing the boundary between human language and primate communication.

DREW HUNT Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Ridington, Robin. The Medicine Fight: An Instrument of Political Process among the Beaver Indians. American Anthropologist March, 1968 Vol. 70 (1):1152-1160.

This paper examines the medicine fight of the Beaver Indians of northern British Columbia as a style of interaction that defines the roles individuals assume in competition for the validation of ma yine, literally “his song,” medicine, or supernatural power. These fights rarely become physical but are waged in dreams between the participants’ animal guardians. Believing that someone has made a surprise attack against him, an individual experiencing misfortune seeks his opponent’s identity through a dream, makes an allegation, and declares a medicine fight. The accused responds with either a counter indictment or his intention to fight back. Each contender dreams that he has bested his opponent and his claims to success in dream combat are validated only by substantial success in hunting, health, or marriage. The roles played are specific to each man’s immediate fortunes.

The medicine fight, an institutionalized contest between two people for the purpose of determining whose ma yine is greater, provides a system of explanation for changing fortunes. The Beavers see virtually every occurrence in terms of the exchanges of the medicine fight and supernatural power. All good fortune is believed to be evidence of the appropriate use of one’s own power, while the culturally accepted explanation for any type of misfortune is that someone else has used his ma yine against the individual suffering failure or loss. The medicine fight style of discourse typifies much of Beaver daily communication and many interactions have at least an overtone of medicine fight in them. Although occasionally a distant outsider is accused of using their ma yine to cause misfortune, accusations are generally made within the group along the lines of existing hostilities, and often mirror a pattern between individuals over long periods of time.

Beaver political structure is purely utilitarian, lacks a standardized authority system, and focuses on the individual and the activities of daily life that distribute social power, rather than on the formal goals of the aggregate. The medicine fight does not produce permanent hierarchical stations and assures only temporary superiority, so there is continual jockeying for social power and its associated supernatural token of good fortune. Success and failure are especially capricious in Beaver society and are gauged relative to the luck of others. As fortunes change, individuals shift from one role to the other – from accuser to accused. These patterns of behavior and belief have established the roles played in the medicine fight and reflect a style of complementary interaction that is a fundamental to the fabric of Beaver society.

DEA HOUSER University of North Carolina, Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Ridington, Robin. The Medicine Fight: An Instrument of Political Process among the Beaver Indians. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:1152-1160.

The Beaver Creek Indians are described as having no clans, lineages or corporate groups, yet this does not take away from the very political society. Their system of political power is based around the competition for the supernatural in this case it is the Ma Yine. Ma Yine, which means “his medicine,” is highly valued among these people.

Success is a sign of supernatural power, and having supernatural power is a means to gain social status. Just as success is capitalized on, failure is rationalized in an attempt to validate their Ma Yine, thus creating an institutionalized instrument in competition for supernatural power. Known as the medicine fight, this competition places two individuals against each other in a contest to see who has greater supernatural powers.

In an attempt to explain adversity or show their successfulness, the medicine fight usually consists of individual temporary issues. Dreams are an important source of information for finding one’s problems. After dreaming, the medicine fight will begin through an accusation that directly relates to the misfortune of the individual. Following an initial accusation, the medicine fight becomes a test of ones powers through the amount of success an individual receives. This is found to be more luck in the eyes of observers, but to the Beaver Creek Indians it is the supernatural that will decide the outcome of the medicine fight. It is seen that every event of fortune is due to ones powers, every misfortune being caused by someone else. The medicine fight ends when an individual is shown to have bested the other with Ma Yine.

It is found that the changing social status by an individual’s success is determined by the failure of others. Unpredictable success and failure causes constant change in the society and creates an endless competition for increased social status.

NOA PEDERSEN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Rosaldo, Jr., Renato. Metaphors of Hierarchy in a Mayan Ritual. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70(3): 524-536.

This article discusses the expressions of hierarchy in the weekly religious ceremonies performed by officials in the “religious cargo system in Zinacantan, a Tzotzil township of some 7000 in the highlands of Chiapas, Mexico.” Rosaldo documented these ritual ceremonies and the incessant ranking within them. There are four levels to their hierarchy, and holding a position is done by moving up the ranks one after the other in succession. Within these levels or positions the members are ranked in a single linear hierarchy. The ranking is absolute, yet groups are united. The participants differ in ranking order within all ritual activities, yet receive equally. Specifically, the ritual for Saint Esquipulas was used to illustrate the high level of order and steady tradition. Every weekend as in the past these rituals are performed by the farmers, and “the main subject of ritual performed by members of the religious hierarchy is hierarchy itself, expressed in the conventional code of Zinacantan.” As well as reinforcing daily life in the hamlet, these rituals allow for the culturally appropriate expression of social hierarchy, which is forbidden in every day life. The author documents these rituals in dramatic accounts of what he saw during the rituals, and formal scientific analysis. The formal analysis includes diagrams for explaining these metaphors of hierarchy. In terms of ranking, cargo ceremonies and the ritual actions within have a set grammar. This is not a trivial grammar because, “structure is revealed in the ritual, rank is ever present and obligatory in Zinacantan ritual life, and elaboration of metaphors for hierarchy corresponds to increased “sacredness” in ritual action.” All aspects from drinking order, joking, and walking in a certain formation are all “programmed and defined by a conflict in roles- a formal opposition with a formal solution.” These cargo rituals extend and accentuate daily actions during ceremonies, which allow for this suppressed hierarchy to reveal itself.

MARSIA YENCSKO University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Rosaldo, Renato Jr. Metaphors of Hierarchy in a Mayan Ritual. American Anthropologist June 1968 Vol. 70(3):524-537.

Cargo system rituals, as performed by the Mayans of Zincantan, have a hierarchical structure, which appears to reflect a number of values in the village as a whole. Not only do the rituals seem to express these hierarchical standards in a symbolic context at a number of different levels, they also serve to reinforce these values and ideals in everyday life.

By considering the relative positions of certain individuals within the cargo system and their positions in village life, it can be concluded that status within the system is determined, at least in part, by age and economic status in secular life. Two highly structured and closely related cargo rituals that revolve around the worship of a particular saint are examined for symbolic meanings, especially as related to one’s rank in society. The language used in these two rituals, both verbal and nonverbal, is also analyzed. In particular, the manner in which individuals address each other, as well as ritualized jokes, express ideals related to hierarchy.

The rituals reinforce ideals about rank and hierarchy, in particular, order and deference. There appears to be a strong emphasis on group solidarity, the idea that in spite of differences in rank they are all one group. The examination of ritual meaning gives some idea of its overall purpose and adds to the understanding of Mayan village life and ideals as a whole.

SARA CALDWELL Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Rosenfeld, Henry. Change, Barriers to Change, and Contradictions in the Arab Village Family. American Anthropologist August 1968 Vol. 70(4):732-752.

Throughout the past few decades, Arab village life in Israel has changed extensively in the political and economic spheres. A number of shifts in family structure appear to have resulted from people’s adaptations to these changes. At the same time, there are also counters to these changes, resulting in a slower shift in some areas of family life than one might initially expect with regards to other changes in village life.

Current trends in general family dynamics can be compared with the traditional structure of family life prior to economic and political shifts in order to gain valuable insight into this complex situation. These trends also vary across classes, and in relation to political and economic change. Specific relationships, too, such as father to son and husband to wife can be examined in relation to the needs of individuals as they are shaped by other societal changes.

Previous analyses of the situation are criticized because it can be argued that the traditional patriarchal structure of the extended family did not really exist in the past, due to external economic and political pressures. Research comparing the current state of the family with this past ideal is inaccurate. Instead, it appears that the breaking apart of the extended family seen today is not greatly different from what occurred before the current societal changes, what is different, though, is the rate at which this process occurs. Economic pressures and opportunities have increased the rate at which this diffusion of the extended family from the central household occurs in all but the wealthiest of families.

SARA CALDWELL Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Sahay, Keshari N. Impact of Christianity on the Uraon of the Chainpur Belt in Chotangpur: An analysis of its Cultural Processes. American Anthropologist October, 1968 vol. 70(5): 923-940.

This study considers the impact of Christianity on the Uraon, a major tribe of Chotangpur in the northeastern tribal belt of India. The tribe has been exposed to Christian missionaries since the middle of the 19th century. A proper understanding of the impact requires a careful analysis of five cultural processes: oscillation, scrutinization, combination, indigenization, and retroversion.

Prior to the arrival of Christian missionaries, a well-established hereditary kingdom ruled the people of Uraon. The rulers implemented laws requiring fixed tributes, rent and wage-less labor for all villages. The requirements steadily increased over hundreds of years and created turmoil and unrest among the people. Although they were heavily tied to Sarna beliefs, the aboriginals were dejected and tired of the existing state of affairs; thus, an atmosphere was created that was ripe for the introduction of Christianity. In 1844, Christian missionaries arrived in Chotangpur to preach the gospel to the people. Only four families were converted in the first six years of the missionaries’ arrival. However, it was observed by other members of the Uraon, that these families were more successful in court cases, often represented by the missionaries, than those represented by pagans. The impression, that to become Christian was the best means of shaking off the oppression of the rulers, rapidly gained ground. The result of the rapid infusion of Christianity created the five existing cultural processes.

Cultural oscillation is best observed among the first generation of converts. It is a process in which the converts have only a nominal affiliation with Christianity and a partial understanding of its practices. Furthermore, the converts simultaneously observe Christian and Sarna elements of belief. Scrutinization occurs among the second and later generations that have developed a better understanding of the new faith. As a result, they were obliged to eliminate elements, beliefs, and practices of the Sarna religion that were contradictory to the Christian faith; however, some indigenous elements were retained because they did not conflict with the new religion. The process of cultural combination, in which beliefs of Sarna religion were integrated into the new faith, was preceded by some amount of conflict between Sarna and Christian values. These beliefs proved to be so deeply rooted that they failed to be eliminated, leading to compromise of beliefs from both sides. Cultural indigenization is a rather specialized type of combination. The difference is that indigenization implies a partial replacement of Sarna beliefs or practices with similar Christian elements. The process of cultural retroversion may be found at work generally when the converts have acquired a considerable understanding of Christianity, and when they are in a position to make their own value judgments. This process involves the re-evaluation of previously eliminated Sarna elements an their re-adoption into the belief system.

Consideration of these processes helps toward a systematic understanding of the introduction, development, and functioning of Christianity in Uraon. On a broader level, the processes may be applicable to other tribal communities that were converted under similar conditions.

MIKE BROOKS University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Sahay, Keshari N. Impact of Christianity on the Uraon of the Chainpur Belt in Chotangpur: An analysis of its Cultural Processes. American Anthropologist October 1968 Vol. 70(5):923-940.

Among the Uraon of Chotangpur in northern India, the impact of missionaries results in a combination of Christianity and the traditional religion of Sarna which follows five stages: oscillation, scrutinization, combination, indigenization and retroversion. The first stage, oscillation, deals with the introduction of the new religion and the attempt to reconcile elements of it with Sarna. Second is scrutinization in which determinations about compatibility between the old and new religions are made. Third, combination incorporates the new values into the old system. Indigenization is fourth and involves putting Christian belief into the framework of old Sarna traditions. Finally, retroversion is reached when the understanding of the new religion is deep and the converts can re-evaluate both the old and new.

Oscillation mainly occurs in older generations who have experienced Christian influence later in life and who are more deeply involved in the old ways. Scrutinization, combination and indigenization can occur simultaneously in any generation and are ways to recontext ideas. In addition, crises that arise can cause lapses in faith. Retroversion can cause old, lost ways to reappear. Analyzing these stages shows how the current version of religion in Uraon has appeared.

While this analysis is based on one group in one area and explains their version of Christianity, the stages outlined may be helpful in analyzing Christian impact in other areas on other native peoples.

ANDREA MORRIS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Sanday, Peggy R. The “Psychological Reality” of American-English Kinship Terms: An Information-Processing Approach. American Anthropologist June, 1968 Vol. 70 (3):508-523.

This paper presents research on the cognitive storage and manipulation of kinship terminology using the information-processing approach to human problem solving developed by Newell and Simon. The research focuses on American English kinship terms, the cognitive structure or format in which the terms are stored in memory, and the cognitive processes by which the terms are interrelated and used. Two problem solving tasks were given to a sample of 16 American born subjects from Pittsburgh, grouped on the basis of subcultural affiliation: Japanese-American, Jewish, Mennonite, and African-American. A subcultural sample was chosen in an attempt to discover if affiliation may cause differences in cognitive structure and process.

Listing Task 1 investigated relationship terms for kin classes and asked the subjects to “list all the names for kinds of relatives and family members you can think of in English.” From the resulting data, inferences were drawn about how kinship terms are structured in memory. Three major structures were determined: Componential Structure, and its Reciprocal Structure and Ladder Structure variations, which use componential analysis to break words down into their semantic components; Cluster Structure which applies nonlinear-path rules of grouping; and Mixed Structure which exhibits characteristics of both the Cluster Structure and one of the Componential variants.

Listing Task 2 investigated terms of reference for kin types and instructed subjects to “list all of your own relatives using the name you would call each one if you were talking about him (or her) to me.” As with Task 1, three structures were found. Terms of address were not considered in this survey. The data is organized in a series of tables and graphic figures.

The author, whose 1966 doctoral dissertation provides the basis for this paper, states that “because of the smallness of the sample no definitive conclusions can be reached” and concludes that the results of this exploratory study suggest the need to use care in assuming that the members of any particular group share a single cognitive model.

DEA HOUSER University of North Carolina, Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Sanday, Peggy R. The “Psychological Reality” of American-English Kinship Terms: An Information-Processing Approach. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70(3):508-523.

The information-processing approach is a dynamic model of human thought that can be applied to the storage and manipulation of kin terms. This technique, when applied to American-English kinship terms, allows for a more-detailed analysis of individual similarities and differences within American culture. A study of 16 persons, chosen on the basis of sub-cultural affiliation (Japanese-American, Jewish, Mennonite, and African-American) serves to illustrate this claim.

The study consists of two tasks. Task one involves listing all the names for kinds of relatives and family members the participant can think of in English. In task two, the participant must list all of their own relatives, using the names of the relative, as they would appear in a conversation about the relative. Because these tasks act as a stimulus for a set of problem-solving behaviors a wide assortment of possible cognitive structures (ways in which kinship terms are stored in memory) arise. These include the Componential Structure (either the reciprocal or ladder variety), the Cluster Structure, and the Mixed Structure (combinations of Componential and Cluster structures).

From this set of data conclusions can be drawn which support the claim that the information-processing approach functions as a viable tool in understanding human cognitive structure. Furthermore, cultural generalizations may be interpreted from this data, such as the claim that Jewish and Mennonite groups maintain ties between relatives to a much greater extent than do African-American and Japanese-American groups. This is, however, open to debate, as a sample as small as this (16) only touches upon the amount of variability possible. The argument given serves primarily to advance the information-processing approach as a tool for anthropological research.

BRIAN GATZ Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Schegloff, Emanuel A. Sequencing in Conversational Openings. American Anthropologist. December 1968 Vol. 70(6) 1075-1095

In this article author Emanuel Schegloff seeks to show that the raw data of everyday conversation can be subjected to analysis. The article focuses on one such type of analysis, that of sequencing in two-party conversations. Special attention is given to the opening of such conversations. Schegloff believes that such analysis may interest anthropologists for several reasons. These include the possibility of direct interest in the materials being studied, a developing interest in the ethnography of communication and the prevailing interest of anthropologists in the possibility of direct analysis of the “stuff of everyday life” to discover its orderly and methodical character.

Schegloff uses the word conversation in an inclusive manner to include chats, service contracts, therapy sessions, simple exchanges, press conferences, ect. He points out that the sequencing of two-party conversations is alternating, following the unspoken rule of ‘one person at a time’. Theses conversations follow the abab rule where a and b are the parties involved. This study focuses on the initiation of conversations- the allocation of the roles of a and b.

Schegloff first considers telephone conversations. The first rule of telephone conversation is what he calls the ‘rule of distribution of first utterances’, which basically states that the person answering the phone is the first to speak. A variety of terms are used in opening such conversations. These terms are usually geared towards the identity, purpose, and relationship of either or both parties; thus an intercom might be answered with a “yeah”, whereas an incoming outside phone call might be answered more formally. Sometimes a caller may only respond with a “hello” rather than continuing the conversation to allow the callee to recognize who is calling. This is an attempt to establish the familiarity of the relationship.

The distribution rule can be violated if the callee doesn’t say anything upon answering the phone. This forces the caller to say hello first and reverses the roles of caller and callee. The above mentioned ‘intimacy ploy’ is only available to a genuine caller. If a callee uses it then it will seem to be only a delayed first hello. In saying hello with a continuation however, a would be violator would have to know to whom he’s speaking. Genuine callers usually have information to help with this. They generally know who they are trying to reach, they may add self-identification relevant to the person being called or they might initiate a conversational topic.

Schegloff found that the distribution rule is generally followed, holding true for 499 of 500 conversations studied. The data was reexamined and it was discovered that the deviant case was the result of another sequencing rule, the summons-answer rule. The caller said hello first as a second summons, the first being the ringing of the phone. The callee then responded to the summons after which proper sequence was restored.

ASHLEY CLARK University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Dr. Gregory Starret)

Schegloff, Emmanuel A. Sequencing in Conversational Openings. American Anthropologist May 1968 Vol. 70:1075-1095.

Analyzing conversational openings provides a new prospective on how they influence the structure of dialogue. The distribution rule and the summon-answer rule create the structural framework, which makes the investigation of conversational components possible. These rules do not explore, in depth, the foundation of this framework. The manner in which a conversation unfolds is dependent on the relationship, identity, and the purpose of communication between persons. A participant’s availability to talk also influences the structure and length of any conversation. Within a two-party conversation there is an alteration between the messenger and the receiver. This is represented in the a-b-a-b-a formula of conversational flow. The distribution rule and the summon-answer rule follow this alternating formula. This formula establishes the interdependent relationship between responses. Dialogues are not only created through the participants, but also the contexts in which they take place.

Telephone conversations create a special context since the traditional sequence of messenger and receiver is altered and the persons involved are not directly in contact with each other. This special context creates variability on who initiates the conversation. Tape-recorded phone calls provide evidence contrary to the distribution rule and also demonstrate the variability of conversational openings and its effect on the structural framework of dialogue.

STEPHANIE CERQUA Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Schwartz, Gary and Merten, Don. Social Identity and Expressive Symbols: The Meaning of an Initiation Ritual. American Anthropologist December 1968 Vol. 70(6):1117-1132.

Social initiation rituals utilize expressive symbols and identity transformations in an effort to propagate the local status system. Through a critique of old studies involving initiation rites and an in depth analysis of three Midwestern high school sorority initiation rites, one can see a clear relationship between the initiation rite and a previously existing social code. In a sense, the initiation rite promotes the social status norms.

The role commitment theories of Young, Cohen, and Whiting reflect the efforts of initiation rites on a community. Relevant to the argument is a discussion of Whiting’s psychodynamic approach, which focuses on how societies motivate individuals in the attainment of ordained positions within the society. The viewpoint prominent throughout this argument, however, focuses on the impact upon the participant. Specifically, sorority membership reflects the member’s social identity. The initiation rite serves to support such an identity through an intentional negation of said identity. That is, sorority membership, in itself a purveyor of social code, bestows itself upon an individual only after that individual believes themselves (through initiation) unworthy of the sorority. In turn, the individual is made to think that they do not belong there. By presenting the newly initiated member in such a light, the social norm necessarily perpetuates.

BRIAN GATZ Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Schwartz, Gary and Merten, Don. Social Identity and Expressive Symbols: The Meaning of an Initiation Ritual American Anthropologist June, 1968 Vol.70(3): 1117-.

The Adolescent period in any person’s life is a trying time. In many cultures there are ceremonies or rituals that he or she must pass through to become accepted into adult status in the culture, and western culture is no exception to this. Schwartz and Merten examine adolescent initiation rites in an urban context, looking specifically at the expressive symbols and identity transformations that take place because of these rituals. The main questions posed in this article are: 1) By what means do initiation rituals transform the initiate’s self-image and social identity, and 2) What impact does this change have upon the social system. In the conclusion of this article the reader comes to see that Initiation rituals change someone’s self-image and social identity by many peer led activities geared to take the initiate out of his or her social comfort zones, and by doing this opening the initiate up for self change. This means on a larger scale that society has a more integrated population.

In the article we see that these fraternities and sororities change the initiate’s self-image by making them do seemingly ridiculous or humiliating things such as: Wearing funny clothes through a public place, or changing the person’s image by cutting the hair, paint, or other means. To the outsider this seems meaningless, but Schwartz and Merten show us that this breaks the individual down, so they can be rebuilt with the group’s intentions. This changes the person in society as a whole. They are more willing to support the group instead of the individual, they will follow direction better, and they will submit to authority.

The information in this article was primarily derived from third party sources in fraternities and sororities who remain unnamed, but also supported by quotes from the authors, Young and Williams. The information in this argument was clear and well structured supplying ample examples for all of the points exemplified in the argument.

PATRICK DIENER University of North Carolina At Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Silverman, Sydel. Agricultural Organization, Social Structure, and Values in Italy: Amoral Familism Reconsidered. American Anthropologist. Jan. 1968. Vol. 70: 1-19

The author in this article argues against Edward Banfield’s work, which states that the ethos of amoral familism is an explanation of political behavior in a Southern Italian community. Silverman, however, argues that the ethos is a consequence rather than the basis of these social characteristics, which in turn have their foundation in the agricultural system. Banfield’s book called The Moral Basis of a Backward Society described a Southern Italian community whose emphasis was on political behavior, and it pictured a social system that was almost entirely lacking in moral sanctions outside those of the immediate family. He suggested that the people behaved all the time as if they were following a “rule” that he calls “amoral familism,” in his view the dominant ethos of the community.

Banfield was criticized for his work, and Silverman says the reason that Banfield failed was because of his analytic ordering of objective phenomena of this society. Most of the criticism has been for two reasons: the insufficiencies in his description and weakness in his analysis. Banfield either minimized or altogether omitted the existence of phenomena that were opposite his theory. It has been pointed out that extrafamilial ties are not lacking, but those that exist, such as friendships, and patronage relationships, are shifting, informal, and dyadic. Silverman compares Southern Italy to the area of Central Italy because despite some similarities between the two, amoral familism seems almost entirely alien to the Center. He attempts to show how the agricultural organization in each area is directly related to several features of social structure.

The agricultural organization and social structure in Central Italy are entirely inconsistent with a society of amoral familists. The family type is the extended family, a group that works very cooperatively, and incorporates the nuclear family. The neighborhoods are indiscreet and informally organized yet they cooperate as a unit. The class structure is based on discreet divisions each with fairly uniform economic interests. This class structure creates stable political alignments that are persistent over time and corresponds to regional and national parties and ideologies.

The agricultural organization and social structure in Southern Italy are consistent with amoral familism. It features isolation of the nuclear family, the absence of functioning groups beyond the family, the unstable political parties, the rarity of local formal groups, and the weakness of the community as a whole. These features are based on the agricultural organization of the Deep South.

Since Southern Italy has been regarded as the problem area by the Italian government, it has been decided that there is a need for change. But the strategy to create this change is still debated. Prominence is to the need for reforming the ethos of amoral familism, and the social-structural conditions they reflect. Banfield’s view states that the problem is centered around ethos itself, while the present view has emphasized the Southern Italians as “prisoners” of their agricultural system, not of their ethos. Therefore, a theory of change that gives priority to ethos can have harmful consequences. It can lead to programs that emphasizes values, instead of the treatment of the agricultural base.

NIKIA REAVES University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Silverman, F. Sydel. Agricultural Organization, Social Structure, and Values in Italy: Amoral Familism Reconsidered. American Anthropologist February 1968 Vol. 70(1):1-19

The Social organization in Italy may be regarded as “problematic” through the eyes of the observer. Within the Italian society, the ethos (i.e. character or attitude peculiar to a specific culture or group) is divided into separate communities of a Central and Southern region. This division shows that certain characteristics and behaviors in a society can be objective. Moral standards may often times contrast between those of the same culture. The ethos is thus “considered a consequence rather than the basis of these social characteristics.” In order for this type of behavior to be classified, a restatement of several factors are contended with. A concept called “amoral familism” aids in a general explanation for the Italian social organization. This concept suggests that certain guidelines or “rules” are absent in moral approval outside of the immediate family. Parts of the Italian social structure are extremely individualistic placing the nuclear family as the primary point of association. Most groups seem uncooperative and unwilling to involve themselves in any type of communal activities. This indicates that groups may be solitaire, which in turn, could cause a disruption in certain areas of social organization. Therefore, if “amoral familism” is considered to be a contributing consequence, then it is thought that there needs to be change.

A fairly broad evaluation of this principle is brought forth through an analysis of the agricultural organization in two seperate regions. The Central and Southern regions of Italy differ in the complexity of agricultural aspects. Divisions of productive land are typically organized according to personal relationships among individuals. The landowner of a surrounding farm has an integrated relationship with the cultivators of a peasant family who work the land. Within this complementary relationship there is a mutual concern for the productivity and profit of the specific farmland. The landowner may have several farms and the peasant family may only be responsible for the productivity of their own farm. On a community basis, these groups are then “actively identified and form the core of a leadership group.” The social structure in Central Italy reveals several conditions which prove to be inconsistent with the “amoral familistic” model. The relationships are cooperative and seem to provide stability among the nuclear family. The class structure is informally organized which creates very small divisions in economic interest. The Southern Italians, on the other hand, appear to show social characteristics of “amoral familism.” There is an instability of group activities associated with community organization Furthermore, “there is a prevalence and isolation of the nuclear family.” As a result, the “ethos” of Southern Italy may be considered as a social pattern which emerged from a individualistic agricultural enterprise.

JOSH AGUSTI Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Snow, Dean R. Wabanaki “Family Hunting Territories”. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 No.6: 1143-1151.

Snow argues that not all Algonquian-speaking Indians have the same system for designating “family hunting territories” but their reasons for setting up and maintaining the territories varies. Some set up tracts wherever there is a natural resource available for them, and these resources vary from location to individual groups. The European ideas of territories was not an influence in the Indians’ design, nor was the Indians’ social system as chaotic and unorganized as the Europeans‘ thought.

Indians were not influenced by European settlements, but had their own system of deciding property ownership. The Wabanaki set up their boundaries based on natural water sources, such as lakes and streams, as markers for the beginning and ending of ones’ land. Other Algonquian-speaking groups settled around the rivers and swamps, and invented man-made or other natural boundary markers. The main reason why the Wabanaki set up territories was due to the abundance of the beaver, which was used by them in fur trade. The “family hunting territories” were established before the Europeans, and for the Wabanaki it was because their economy rested on the abundance of the beaver. The Indian nations had an organized system of settlement that adapted to the changing ecology conditions, so when the beaver became scarce, which coincided with European settlement, they lessened their population size and lived further away from each other.

The Algonquian-speaking Indians had an organized land occupancy system externally as well as internally. The rules about trespassing were known, but were not a problem for them because everyone had enough. There was a designated water source for each tract, whether it was part of a boundary or inside the land tract. They also distinguished between who lives on and owns the land and who is allowed to live off of and hunt on a tract. They never actively used the whole piece of land, and set aside part of the land for breeding and insurance. The insurance was in case something bad happened to the crop they will have good land to fall back on so nobody starves to death.

They also had fur trade routes set up along the family hunting territories but it is unclear whether the routes started before or after European contact.

The Algonquian-speaking Indians were very organized in dividing land territories socially, even though the Europeans assumed they were not. They based their land hunting groups and territories on a balance between natural resources and what is needed. They were organized and knew what they needed to survive, unlike the Pre-Columbian view of the Indians as being savage.

KRISTIN HISSONG University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Snow, Dean R. Wabanaki “Family Hunting Territories.” American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:1143-1151.

Family hunting territories among the Algonquian-speaking Wabanaki groups are not equivalent to the other Algonquian-speaking Indians. Various authors interpret the existing field research about the formation of Algonquian family territories. Proposals of well defined and undefined territory boundaries result from patrilines, matrilines, or natural environmental boundaries. Some link family territories with the fur trade, suggesting that the bands gathered and dispersed according to the availability of animals. Well-defined boundaries are also marked by agriculture. A combination of these factors leads to the definition of the Wabanaki family territories.

The territorial divisions started to change with the introduction of maize, and then changed further with the introduction of the fur trade. The fur trade crystallized the larger and permanent settlements that were the result of an older riverine pattern. The older pattern consisted of family bands that evolved into formal kin groupings that then came together for part of the year to create a larger more permanent settlement.

Several different theories have been proposed as to how the Wabanaki formed their boundaries. The most accepted theory suggests that the crystallization of the boundaries resulted from the fur trade and the encroachment of the Europeans and Iroquois.

JILL BUCKMAN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Proskouraiakoff, Tatiana. Obituary: Suzanna Whitelaw Miles, 1922-1966. American Anthropologist August,1968 Vol.70(4): 753-754.

S.W. Miles, as she preferred to sign her work, was born June 7, 1922 at Mount Carroll, Illinois. During her childhood she suffered a serious accident and was confined for a long period of time. It was at this time that her grandfather told her to exercise her intellect, and his influence led her to pursue an academic career. From 1940 to 1942 she studied at Frances Shimer College and 1942 and 1943 she studied at Beloit. She entered the University of Chicago, and in 1948 she received her Master of Arts degree.

During this time in Chicago she served as a research assistant at the university and from 1945 until 1947 she was the Curator of Archaeology and Ethnology at the Wisconsin Historical Museum. Later, she became an instructor at the University of Wisconsin, and in 1950 she entered Radcliffe College were she received her PhD in anthropology in 1955. In that year, she went to Guatemala to continue her studies on the social and political organization of the highland Maya. At the same time, she served as assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology at Brandeis University, and when Paul Radin died, she took his place as consultant in anthropology and archeology to the Bollingen Foundation.

In 1961, she started a translation of Bartolome de las Casas’ Apologetica Historia de las Indias and spent a year in the study of archives in Spain. In 1963, she returned to Guatemala to teach at the University of San Carlos which named her in 1965 “Catedratica de Anthropologia”, a signal of honor in a country where no woman had been given such a distinction before. In the hope of helping Guatemalan students in archeological studies, she and Joya Hairs, started a service of tours called Safari. This tour conducted camping parties to little known areas of the Peten. In the spring of 1965 Suzanne Miles returned to the States incapacitated by her illness. She died in Boston on April 10, 1966. Her translation of de Las Casas’ work, and the studies on social organization and mythology of the highland Maya remained unfinished. It is very unlikely that anyone can continue her work, because she held a phenomenal memory, and her notes probably don’t reflect the knowledge she had acquired. This will be a serious loss to all Maya scholars.

JENNIFER LEDFORD University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett).

Tweedie, M. Jean. Notes On The History And Adaptation Of The Apache Tribes. American Anthropologist December, 1968 Vol. 70 (6) 1132-1141

Jean Tweedie’s article was an attempt to gather together widely scattered information about the prehistoric movements, economy, and the general style of adaptation to the Southwest by the group we know today as the Apaches.

There are seven Athapaskan-speaking tribes that were originally part of a larger group of Athapaskan peoples of northwestern North America before they migrated to the Southwest between A.D. 1100 and 1600. These tribes have been called various names at different times by different people. The earliest records available indicate that they were named according to bands with no names for the larger tribal groups.

Mythology of the Western Apache tells of a north to south migration. They seem to have lived in a legendary place called t aya kq with the Navaho, Hopi, and some others. There are three locations that that they could have occupied at some time: 1) north of the Little Colorado River 2)east of the White Mountains and 3) west in Yavapai country.

The economy of the Athapaskan groups was agriculture “more or less.” Agriculture did become important to the Western Apache, Navaho, and Jicarilla but not really an important way of life for the Mescalero, Chiricahua, Kiowa Apache, or Lipan. When these groups arrived in the Southwest they were living in smaller bands and their economy was hunting, gathering, and raiding. And in this sort of society division of labor is such that women are likely to be left in a group for gathering with perhaps only a few men for protection while the rest of the men are away from camp hunting and raiding. It seems safe to say that as some of the bands moved farther out in search for food, they became more and more isolated from the original group. The overall general adaptation to the Southwest by the different groups varied, because the pressures from outside groups has had considerable influence upon their social structure and distribution. There are many unanswered questions regarding these groups of people. As we do further research through applying anthropology and archeology there still seems to be more information that can be learned about the Athapaskan speaking people. Such as the Linguistic Characteristics, Glottochronology and Folklore Tales.

TELISHA STINSON University Of North Carolina At Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Wolf, Arthur P. Adopt a Daughter-in-law, Marry a Sister: A Chinese Solution to the Problem of Incest Taboo. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 (5): 864 -874.

The closest thing to a universal cultural taboo is the taboo on incest. Throughout the world and throughout time in has been unacceptable to marry a close relative. This is true in China as well, but they have found a creative solution to the incest taboo. To the Chinese the birth of a son and his subsequent family is vital to the well being of the parents. A system of filial piety requires a son to care for his parents when they are unable to do so for themselves.

A system has been developed to ensure that a son will marry, and raise a family. The parents of a son will adopt a daughter, a “t’ung-yang-hsi,” who is obligated to marry their son when the youth are of a proper age. This form of marriage is considered by the Chinese to be a minor marriage, while traditional marriage customs are considered major marriages. What are the benefits of this system? When a family is too poor to afford to pay the bride price required in a major marriage, they can chose to raise a daughter to be his future wife. When the two marry it requires no grand ceremony and no bride price be paid since the youth have been living together for so long.

This practice is not restricted to the poor; in fact almost fifty percent of marriages in the region Wolf investigated are in this fashion. So why would a rich family chose the lesser form of marriage? In Chinese society a young woman moves into her in-laws home after marriage. A power struggle quickly ensues between the mother and wife of a newly married man. Both strive to gather the most attention from this man, and often the relations between the mother and wife can be quite unhealthy. To guarantee that a wife will not convince her husband that his parents are wrong and that they should leave often involves a minor marriage. In this fashion a daughter-in-law is raised as a daughter and so she sees her husband’s parents as her own. This ensures a level of respect for their common mother and many of the tensions of major marriages can be alleviated.

Although the practice of minor marriages is common, Chinese society has distaste for it. Few western researchers have heard of it because most Chinese hide it from outsiders. The legal code of the last Chinese dynasty left the practice out entirely reflecting the attitude towards it. Although hidden from the outside, this practice is still common to this day.

WERNER, DAMIAN UNC Charlotte (Gregory Starrett).

Wolf, Arthur P. Adopt a Daughter-in-Law, Marry a Sister: A Chinese Solution to the Problem of the Incest Taboo. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70(1):864-874.

In China, sons are prized possessions. It does not matter how much land you possess, but how many loyal sons you have. The Chinese solution to incest taboo states to adopt a girl and raise her as a daughter-in-law. The most common method is for the parents to purchase a young girl and bring her up in their home to be a wife for their son.

Brides are categorized by ages into two different marriages. Minor marriages, seen as “socially despised,” are those marriages that bring the bride into her husband’s house as a young child. Major marriages bring the bride in the house as a young adult. Numerous families choose the minor form of marriage because it is much cheaper. This form of marriage also promotes “domestic harmony.” The daughter-in-law grows up and is socialized as part of the family. This socialization is important, to the mother-in-law and daughter-in-law relationship. It prevents them from having to compete for the loyalty and affection of the young man. Chinese culture dictates that a son’s loyalty is so important, he should never display affection for his wife outside the privacy of their bedroom, to avoid the mother’s jealousy.

The Chinese motivation for choosing the minor form of arranged marriages is not just to save money, but to preserve the family. This choice socializes daughter-in-laws with dependable affinal ties but still preserves domestic harmony. In perspective, the Chinese source of their difficulty is the incest taboo. The idea of families forcing, not adopting, daughter-in-laws poses that the taboo makes marriage a threat to the family. The only solution is to adopt a girl to be your son’s wife. The other problem is resistance can occur because brothers don’t like to marry their sisters. Overall, the Chinese practice of arranging marriages for the preservation of families suggest that accepted explanations of the incest taboo increase the dangers of incest and ignore the dangers of the taboo.

LAURA ELLIFF Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Wolff, Berthold B., and Sarah Langley. Cultural Factors and the Response to Pain: A Review. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 No.3: 494-501

Wolff and Langley’s article discusses the influence of cultural attitudes and behaviors to peoples’ reaction to pain. They use several controlled experiments involving individuals of diverse ethnic groups and religious background. They discuss different methods that have been used to study pain and reactions to pain, but concluded that there are not enough significant findings of diverse pain reactions to complete the study.

Several types of scientific pain experiments have been conduct between many ethnic groups, such as Eskimos, whites (which were sub-divided by European descent), and Negroes. There have been pain studies organized to study pain tolerance levels between specific religious groups, such as Jews and Christians. One study in 1954, which was conducted by Meehan, Stoll, and Hardy, concluded that there was no difference in the pain thresholds between Indians, Eskimos, and white people. However, the experiment is inconclusive because not all the subjects, especially the Eskimos, could understand the instructions. In controlled pain experiments, where the experimenter has set specific conditions for the test, it is hard to compare one controlled case study to another. This is mainly because each tester controls specific cultural factors that might be ignored in the next experiment, and this makes pain terminology very confusing.

However there have been conclusions that can be used to set up future pain experiments. A study was conducted on eighty Jews and eighty Protestants, in which each group was sub-divided and told that the opposite religious group could withstand pain better. When a subject is told a cultural statement in a scientifically controlled test, the outcome changes. The results stated the pain threshold level was higher after they were told about the cultural difference. Cultural factors, such as religious affiliation, can have a psychological effect on an individuals’ threshold of pain. In the same experiment a Protestant sub-group was told that they had a higher pain tolerance than the Jews. The results were that they maintained a steady pain tolerance and did not try and increase it after different tests. The conclusion was that cultural attitudes contribute to the persons’ ability to withstand pain. Another problem with pain studies is that often time the physical reaction to pain was recorded but not the emotional reaction. Anthropology needs to combine current medical approaches to the cultural study of pain.

Reactions to pain may seem the same between ethnic groups but the attitudes about pain are not and the different attitudes may have different meanings within each culture. The response to pain and cultural factors are directly and experimentally controlled, but different studies are controlled in different ways. Cultural anthropology needs to study the emotional reactions, as well as the medical reactions, of pain to fully understand the cultural influences with pain thresholds.

KRISTIN HISSONG University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett)

Wolff, Berthold and Langley, Sarah. Cultural Factors and the Response to Pain: A Review.American Anthropologist June 1968 Vol. 70(3):494-501

A review of seven experimental studies on the response to pain is compiled in order to stimulate interest among anthropologists, and to show the current status of this research area. Three pain-induced techniques were used, including Hardy, Wolf, and Goodell, Hollander, and Zborowski. Each technique measures pain in a different way, but they are all accredited methods.

In the first collection of studies, men and women of different ethnic groups were tested. Unfortunately, there were no experimental controls; therefore, all of the results are not accurate. The second collection of studies was performed on different religious groups. The researchers found that if they told the Jews that they took less pain than the Christians, then the Jews noticeably increased their mean pain tolerance. When the Christian groups were told the same thing (vise-versa), there were no changes in the outcome. The results of this testing show that if there are no ethnic differences among the testing group, then cultural factors are the issue in determining pain.

Zborowski’s research compares the affects of self-inflicted, other-inflicted, and spontaneous pain on “Old Americans,” Italians, and Jews. He came to two conclusions; different ethnic groups may have similar reactions to pain, but reflect different attitudes to pain, and “reactive patterns may have similar patterns in various cultures.”

The concept of pain is worthy of study because it is an important part of human behavior. More knowledge about the human response to pain is possible through the combined forces of cultural anthropologists and medical scientists.

STEPHANIE DALE Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Wolpoff, Milford H. “Telanthropus” and the Single Species Hypothesis. American Anthropologist October 1968 Vol. 70(5):477-491

The “Telanthropus” material, found possibly in conjunction with another australopithecine, is a fossil find challenging the single species hypothesis of human evolution. The chief tenement of this hypothesis rests on the idea that the early use of culture by hominids, in allowing them to exploit a wide variety of resources, allowed for enough competitive exclusion to prevent hominid species from coexisting in the same environment. The stratigraphic evidence from Swartkrans and the morphological evidence from “Telanthropus,” however, are at best ambiguous in establishing it as sympatric to another hominid species, and thus from debunking the hypothesis.

The stratigraphic evidence from Swartkrans cannot establish anything definite regarding the geologic relation between “Telanthropus” and “Paranthropus,” the other australopithecine found there. Although early analysis of the fossil findings from the site concluded that the two different specimens overlapped each other geologically, closer inspection shows that the stratigraphy of the deposits in Swartkrans cave demonstrate a general lack of temporal uniformity. This, in addition to the irregular manner in which the fossils and mineral layers may have been deposited, altogether makes the stratigraphic information unclear.

The morphological evidence from “Telanthropus” generally does not show it to be remarkably different from any other australopithecine specimen. The non-dental attributes of the specimens only suggest that they may be “reasonable extensions” of the estimated range in cranial variation for australopithecines. For the dental attributes, the comparative evidence between “Telanthropus” and other australopithecines is a statistical test on M1 molar size, which does not pick up any distinct enough differences among them. Moreover, M1 size cannot adequately identify taxonomic difference in hominids. Overall, the morphological features do not facilitate a separation of “Telanthropus” from “Paranthropus” or any other australopithecine species.

BURTON SMITH Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Wyllie, Robert W. Ritual and Social Change: A Ghanian Example. American Anthropologist February 1968 Vol. 70 (1): 21-33.

In this article, Robert W. Wyllie addresses the problem of ritual continuity and social change by examining a Ghanian tribal ceremony known as the Aboakyer (“the catching of an animal”). The first part of Wyllie’s article is devoted to providing the reader with background information on the Effutu tribe, and includes a synopsis of the tribe’s subsistence and residential patterns, as well as details concerning Effutu political and social structure. After this brief overview, Wyllie describes the Aboakyer in great detail, and then theorizes about how and why the ceremony has adapted to modern urban life.

The Effutu are traditionally small-scale subsistence farmers native to southern Ghana. Descent is bilateral, with an economic emphasis on the matrilineage, but a tendency towards patrilocal or neolocal residence. The patrilineage is important to the Aboakyer ceremony, because it the basis by which participating Asafo companies are established. The Effutu are divided into two Asafo companies, the Dentsifo (“main body”), and the Tuafo (“leading body”), who compete against each other in the Aboakyer ceremony.

Wyllie breaks the Aboakyer down into four distinct phases: preparation, the hunt, the festival, and ebisatsir (“seeing into the future”). Preparation includes designating a date for the ceremony, assigning colors and regalia to the competing companies, and consulting with the company gods. During the hunt, men of the two companies compete to capture the first deer, which will be given to the Effutu gods as a gift. In the festival portion of the Aboakyer, the companies come together for a parade, which is followed by a night of dancing. The next morning, in the ebisatsir, the deer is decapitated, dissected into 77 pieces, and cooked in a massive pot. Priests then perform a predictive ceremony that includes drawing lines in the dirt with different substances in order to determine the course of the coming year. Charcoal is used as a symbol for rain, chalk represents drought, famine and sickness, salt symbolizes an abundance of food, and red ochre signifies strife and bloodshed. After a period of dancing, a ball is dropped over the lines, and depending on where the ball lands, there is either rejoicing or concern for the upcoming year.

While in the past, the Aboakyer was a seasonal ceremony used as a tool for weather control and to manipulate tribal deities, Wyllie contends that the ceremony has survived into modern Effutu life because it is compatible with the modern sociocultural system. The Aboakyer acts to unify the tribe, and the ritual participation of the competing companies acts as an acceptable vehicle to express rivalry within the community. In its modern existence, the Aboakyer has become a commercialized event that stimulates both economic and political activities in the Effutu society. Finally, Wyllie evaluates the Aboakyer according to Geetz’ theoretical framework and concludes that the ceremony is compatible with modern Effutu life because there are three modes of congruity between the ritual and the sociocultural systems: cognitive-affective congruity, structural congruity, and functional congruity.

MICHELE ROSNER University of North Carolina, Charlotte (Greg Starrett)

Wyllie, Robert W. Ritual and Social Change: A Ghanaian Example. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:21-33.

The Aboakyer is regarded as the most important seasonal ceremony practiced by the Ghana Effutu tribe. Traditionally, the ceremony was performed in the tribal capital town, Winneba, at the end of the dry season to ensure the well being of the group. Even though the town and tribe have both experienced urbanization, Aboakyer is still currently celebrated and performed, although it is somewhat commercialized.

Aboakyer is celebrated by hunting deer that are later sacrificed for different gods. The males of the tribe are divided into two groups, called companies, which are usually decided by partrilineal inheritance. The Effutu tribe is a double descent society and the men join the company that their father is in. The two companies have a competition to catch the first deer for Aboakyer. The company that catches the first deer is awarded prizes from different businesses, but the losing group continues to hunt until they too catch a deer. Government officials, businesses, and the wives of the hunters give speeches or bring items to sell at the ceremony.

Even though Aboakyer is now commercialized, the people still believe in the traditions of the ceremony. Aboakyer brings all the people of the Effutu tribe together in an attempt to bring “peace and prosperity to the land” and attempts to “reconcile the conflicts that arise out of the dualism of double descent.”

JILL BUCKMAN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Yadava, J.S. Factionalism in a Haryana Village. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 no.5 :898-909.

Factionalism, a form of conflict, is a part of human socities. In conducting studies of factionalism one can focus research on the analysis of conflict that occurs between factions or, as in this article, the organization of factions. The article discusses the causes of increasing emergence and operation of factions as well as the nature, scope, and functions of them. Supporting evidence is obtained through the case study of a Haryana village in India. The village of Kultana is situated in a recently formed state divided by language. Agriculture is the focus of economic activities with land owned according to the caste system.

Divisions in the village fluctuate between being short-lived and lasting. The nature of these divisions has changed over the last twenty-five years. Until recently cleavages ran along kinship and caste lines. The dharha, commonly refered to as a party, has come to replace the traditional methods. Unlike in a caste group membership is not determined by birth, instead members come together united by a common interest or goal. This absence of permanent boundaries allows for flexibility within the group. In the past kin groups had important functions and responsibilities ranging from emotional to economic support. Politics did not come into play in these groups and conflicts were generally solved by the village council.

The growth of factionalism has been attributed to some by the influences of external stresses or stresses which accentuate the factions already present within the society. Yadava uses examples from the Haryana village to illustrate one of LeVine’s categories of social conflict. The economic and political. The uprisings of the lower castes paved the way for factionalism, for conflict is not as apparent in areas where inequality is accepted. Factionalism manifested itself in Kultana in economic and political struggles. Two land disputes, one in 1947 and in 1960, divided the community with each side trying to obtain the most members. In addition to the economic conflicts the political system underwent a change. In the 1940’s political power was not held solely by those in the higher castes. Political leaders gathered support from as many voters as possible which lessened the influence of kin and caste boundaries. Groups were now formed based on purposes and goals.

One explanation for this is that the authority of elders has diminished and the economic improvement of villagers has made them less dependent on each other. They become socially removed from kin and caste members which allows for the formation of groups based on non-traditional lines. Modernization is activated when people interact past the established boundaries. Quasi-groups are believed to operate on both the economic and social levels. Both villagers and the author believe that factionalism hinders groups. Factionalism is thus stimilated by change on the social and cultural levels.

ERICA BENJAMIN University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Gregory Starrett).