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American Anthropologist 1960

Baal, J. Van. Erring Acculturation. American Anthropologist February 1960 Vol. 62 (1): 108-122.

Baal begins his article with a definition of acculturation, which occurs when isolated cultures first come in contact with western civilization. When the process of acculturation is harmful to the culture then according to Baal it’s “erring acculturation.”

Baal goes on to describe two cases of erring acculturation in New Guinea. The first example is of the Cargo Cults whom prophesize the coming of the ancestors by boat or plane to New Guinea to spread fabulous riches among the faithful. Obviously these cults have resulted from contact with Europeans and further result in envy, greed and jealousy amongst their followers.

The second example is of the ever-increasing bride price, which has changed currencies from traditional goods to European money. In this transition the new couple ends up settled with debts, which take years to repay rather than a newfound independence.

Baal also spends some time discussing the Indonesian term “merdeka” and whether it translates literally into English as freedom or independence or whether it embodies both terms. This discussion examines how old terminology is adapted to new situations, such as democracy and independence from colonial rule in Indonesia.

Finally, Baal discusses how to have positive acculturation and what other anthropologists have said on the topic. Baal finishes by emphasizing the importance of education in the acculturation process.

MOLLY GUNN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Barnes, J.A. Marriage and Residential Continuity. American Anthropologist October, 1960 Vol. 62 (5):850-866

The title of this article is slightly misleading. It is a lengthy exposition of the significant issues involved in describing marital locality over time, within kinship structures, and within different disciplines of study.

Barnes begins by declaring that the standard terms “matrilocal” and “patrilocal” are insufficiently descriptive for the purposes of describing post-marital residential patterns. He suggests instead a replacement of these terms with the terms uxorilocal and virilocal (matrilocal and patrilocal, respectively) without making it entirely clear how this set of terms is superior to the former. Barnes further expounds upon the various other systems of nomenclature employed by other anthropologists (Fisher, Murdock, Adam, etc…) and concludes by declaring them all to be too general for the purpose. He does not, however, offer a solution to the problem of his own invention, but does seem to advocate the Murdock system, which he neither clearly defines nor adequately discusses, but instead presupposes an understanding of this system on the part of his reader.

Barnes goes on to discuss the problems associated with defining kinship residency terms and patterns by actual native “practice” rather than anthropological “rule.” This difficulty he does not adequately resolve, but does discuss at some length the ambiguity of Murdock’s position on this point.

Furthermore, Barnes dedicates some amount of space to the discussion of the significance of “place” to the definition of residential kinship patterns. He raises the issue of inter-cultural differences in the significance of proximity in living as a major concern in developing an adequate model for residential terminology. For example, he contends that in many cultures there may be only a small physical move of residence after marriage, but the subsistence duties of a new husband or wife may suddenly shift from the native to the new family.

The last issue Barnes raises is that of continuity over time in residential patterns within a culture and the subsequent issues associated with the attempt to develop a consistent model that can account for this change. The marital locality of a particular tribe may be different at the present time than it had been 50 or 100 years ago, and it is necessary to compile reliable genealogical information for as long a period as possible to attempt to assess the continuity over time of kinship patterns.

This article would be of particular value to those interested in the methodology (particularly the nomenclatural science) of anthropological study as well as those interested in studying kinship locality in depth, over many times, cultures, and places. While it does not offer a comprehensive answer to the many problems with such study, it does raise many issues that it would be valuable for anyone with the abovementioned interests to take heed of.

EDWARD CHATELAIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Befu, Harumi and Chard, Chester S. Preceramic Cultures in Japan. American Anthropologist October 1960 62(5):815-849.

In the introduction of this paper, the authors make the point that the study of preceramic Japanese archaeology is a more than worthwhile endeavor, despite the prevailing western attitudes, as the information divined from Japanese excavations can be applied to continental Russian and Chinese history since the amount of primary research being done in either place is severely lacking due to communist control. Indeed, even Japanese archaeology, due to the prevailing theory of the sterility of the lower strata are of little help in uncovering their buried past.

The authors then provide a brief history of the excavations carried out in Japan. Special attention is paid to the difficulties encountered in Japanese study either from political elements or from prevailing scientific ideology. The authors also provide a very helpful and seemingly comprehensive survey of the lithic typologies employed in Japanese archaeology, as well as probable locations for significant Neolithic sites.

The authors then move on to recount the various industries encountered in Japan. Some degree of attention is paid to the geographical distribution of the various industries as well.

The authors go on to attempt to provide a reliable chronology for the preceramic Japanese sites and industries previously described. This is extremely difficult because of the general lack of reliable stratigraphic data at most points on the Japanese islands. The central island does contain some reliable stratigraphy, mostly of volcanic origin, although the other islands do not, and it is difficult to accurately translate this stratigraphic information from one island to another. Nonetheless, they suggest a moderately reliable chronology for the material presented.

The authors conclude with brief discussions of the possibility to apply Japanese chronology and archaeological record to other world cultures and a very brief discussion on the nature of the switch from preceramic to Jomon culture in Japan. They conclude on this matter that little can be said until all further classification and typological activity is completed, and that large amounts of research still need to be completed before the preceramic Japanese world comes to life.

This article provides an excellent survey of the corpus of preceramic Japanese culture pre-1960. The material would be useful to anyone interested in Japanese archaeology or the possibility of applying foreign conclusions to native archeological soil.

EDWARD CHATELAIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Befu, Harumi and Chard, Chester S. Preceramic Cultures in Japan. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62: 815-847.

Befu and Chard’s article examines the origins of tools and industries in preceramic Japan in an attempt to improve upon what they believe is a dearth of information regarding this era. They attempt to draw conclusions about both the origin of initial preceramic Japanese (“pre-Jomon”) industries, and the relationship between such preceramic cultures and succeeding “Jomon” times. They describe the misleading nature of research before 1949, and cite overly facile conclusions since 1949. The article is useful in that the authors convince the reader of the need for future study and outline the direction for future research in the field. They argue that a renewed investigation of preceramic Japan will have relevance on both the study of Jomon times, as well as the New World.

Befu and Chard begin with an explanation of the formerly held belief that the Jomon culture began in a hitherto uninhabited archipelago at the beginning of the post-Pleistocene era. These assumptions were challenged after an excavation in 1949 found that the land was indeed inhabited in what they would subsequently call the pre-Jomon or preceramic era.

Befu and Chard begin their research by defining the major tool types in preceramic Japan. Using these tools as evidence, they attempt to group several industries in preceramic Japan, organized roughly into three regions: Central Japan, The Inland Sea and Hokkaido. While Befu and Chard seek correlations among the industries in preceramic Japan, they cite inadequate information to draw conclusive parallels.

Among the challenges to this field is the need for more stratified excavation of preceramic sites in Japan, noting that in most cases only two levels are available for study. From the limited stratigraphic information the authors cite possible chronologies within the three regions, admitting that any conclusions are tenuous at best. They claim that other archaeologists’ attempts to draw historical connections between the tools found in preceramic Japan and other areas of Asia have resulted in facile conclusions.

Finally, Befu and Chard discuss the question of the transition from the pre-Jomon (i.e., preceramic) era to the Jomon era. In each of the three regions, they cite insufficient evidence to draw direct links. Befu and Chard argue that the existing evidence does not conclude if Jomon culture was of external origin, from the preceding (preceramic) influence, or a combination of the two.

Befu and Chard do a commendable job of conveying to the reader the need for continued rigorous study of preceramic Japan. Using abundant examples of previous research, they show the lax “conclusions” made by previous scholars. By highlighting the incomplete nature of previous methodologies, they provide both a caveat against easy conclusions, and incite a call to action for future study by showing the far-reaching effects that a conclusive study of preceramic Japan will have on subsequent eras and surrounding regions.

AMY GIUFFI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Bennett, John W., and Leo A. Despres. Kinship and Instrumental Activities: A Theoretical Inquiry. American Anthropologist April 1960 Vol. 62(2): 254-268.

Bennett and Despres’s article is a theoretical inquiry into kinship and instrumental activity based on a systematic inquiry into four representative types of kinship systems. With a goal to provide a framework that will be adequate for explaining sociocultural changes and modernization phenomena in the non-Western societies, Bennett and Despres defines as their objective to see how cultural variables such as kinship and ideology, and behavioral variables of political and economic activities, can be integrated into a more systematic analysis that allow for theoretical implications.

After an initial observation, the authors distinguish two axes of ideology and activity, and examine kinship systems of Japanese oyabun-kobun, Hindu jajmani, Philippines, and southern Bosoga in East Africa, in relation to those two components they identified. in the Philippines bilateral kindred and Uindu jajmani system, they find that a reciprocal relationship between culture and instrumental action exist: Culture is used as a means to instigate instrumental action such as organizing political factions or economic activities, while instrumental action also is used to reinforce traditional culture. in the case of oyabun-kobun system and Bugosa in East Africa, they see that a non-reciprocal relationship exists: Culture is used to organize instrumental activities whereas activities are directed toward reinforcing economic and political power rather than culture itself The comparison of these four cases lays the ground by which an argument that all types of kinship systems around the world are suitable for organizing instrumental activities is made.

Bennett and Despres succeeds in arguing against static notions of structural properties and the unidirectional causality between compositional features, as the four cases reveal the dynamics between kinship ideologies and instrumental actions. However, the data and the analysis presented here falls short to provide an adequate future implication as to how non- Western societies use kinship relations as a result of, or in response to, sociocultural change and modernization, as the authors hoped to do in their concluding remarks. As to their data and findings, it is also questionable as to whether the variables of culture and social action can be neatly separated.

KYUNG-NAN KOH University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).

Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist November, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794.

Gerald Berreman’s article examines the concept of culture area and the process of cultural drift, revealing the ways in which distinct localized subgroups emerge among peoples who share generally similar cultural, linguistic, and historical traditions. The author makes an effort to reveal more explicitly the requirements, patterns, and consequences of the processes of these concepts, and to suggest the usefulness of their relationship to one another as a descriptive and analytical tool. Berreman acknowledges that cultural change comes about as a result of variation, selection, and transmission, but argues that the additional condition of isolation must be a present component in order for drift or divergent change to occur.

In order to demonstrate such processes and the resulting phenomena, Berreman carries out research in populations in and around the village of Sirkanda, located in the lower Himalayan mountains of North India. The author investigates the cultures and dynamics between the subgroups that collectively form the area’s larger population more broadly referred to as the Pahari. The cultural group of the Pahari is loosely compared to populations in the larger regional area, but more specifically, the subgroups of the Pahari are compared to each other. By looking at the similarities and differences in such features as dialect, ceremonial forms, deities worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, range of castes, and rules of marriage, a highly localized cultural variability is revealed. More importantly than the nature of the common or divergent practices that exist, Berreman seeks to demonstrate the dynamics and processes through which these variations are established. Through detailed comparative description of the customs of the cultural area and its subgroups, as well as of the extent and intensity of interaction among them, Berreman establishes that the degree of isolation correlates with the degree of cultural divergence or drift.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in various cultural practices of populations of the lower Himalayan mountains between western Kashmir and eastern Nepal in North India. More broadly, it clearly and competently demonstrates the concepts of cultural commonality and change, the components necessary to establish those processes, and the value in examining, understanding, and describing populations and their relationships to one another from these perspectives.

JEN KOLLAR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist October, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794.

Gerald Berreman’s article examines the cultural variability in the people who live in the Himalyan Hills in India. The Parhi, meaning “of the mountains”, share basic cultural patterns but Garreman looks to emphasize cultural differences including dialect, ceremonial forms, dieties worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, among others. Gerreman seeks to explain the cultural variations in this group, which in some instances are more evident than others.

Gerreman explains the culture of the people who live in the mountains and shows that those who live in these communities rarely leave those areas and therefore have little opportunity to interact with others outside of their own communities. This allows for little divergence of the culture. Seclusion can be a reason for culture changes in a community. There are few occasions where high- and low-caste people are treated differently in the Parhi culture. Because of their seclusion, these groups primarily interact within their own group.

He compares the communities of Parhis in the mountains to those people that live in the plains. In the mountains the terrain is rough and inhabitants are unable to travel far from their villages. The plains afford inhabitants greater opportunity to move about freely. Those who live there are able to associate more often with others from towns that are more easily accessible due to better terrain and methods of transportation. The plains culture also has more caste rules and is affected by greater change than the Parhi communities.

Gerreman shows that change within culture area is affected in numerous ways. The isolation of the Parhis prevents their culture from significant change. The Parhis are isolated from neighboring areas by geographical and linguistic barriers. Societies that provide more opportunity for interaction with outsiders tend to change more frequently.

The author used observation and others’ research in similar areas to evaluate the similarities and differences within the Parhi culture and established it as different than the culture of those that dwell in the plains. This article could be useful for individuals who are studying specific culture areas and how they change over time, as well as for those studying cultural areas with India.

JOEY MCCOOL University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Blalock, H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4): 624-631.

H. M. Blalock’s article seeks to illustrate the benefits and drawbacks of employing a mathematical model created by H. A. Simon in 1954 to make causal inferences based on limited intercorrelational items. Blalock uses Simon’s method in an analysis of data concerning North American Indian tribes presented by Driver and Massey (1957: 427-434) to highlight the method’s uses.

Blalock uses Simon’s method to illustrate that it is possible to infer which models are correct by examining the relative magnitudes of the correlation coefficients. Blalock applies this method to Driver and Massey’s North American Indian data which sought to establish the relative merits of evolutionary theories of culture, as contrasted with diffusionist theories, by analyzing various intercorrelations among culture traits for 280 North American Indian tribes. The author examined the study’s data concerning four variables: division of labor, postnuptual residence, land tenure, and descent. In this particular analysis, Blalock demonstrates that Simon’s method allows for better predictions based on the available data.

Despite the successful application of Simon’s method to the Native American Indian data, Blalock devotes ample text in highlighting the potential flaws in the mathematical model’s use. He indicates that by interpreting results of a causal analysis using Simon’s method, one can never actually prove the correctness of any given model since there will usually be several models which predict exactly the same empirical results. One must, therefore, rely on theoretical reasoning, knowledge of time sequences, and common sense when choosing between particular models. Blalock also indicates that in this particular application of Simon’s method another model might have been more appropriate had another variable been introduced. Other practical limitations of Simon’s method include its assumption of an interval-scale level of measurement involving equal units, and its inappropriateness for use with ranked data or classifications involving three or more categories. Additionally, the author points out that the method yields no practical solutions unless more than half of the possible causal arrows in the model can be ruled out, and since the method does not allow for a sampling error, the number of cases on which the analysis is based must be large.

Despite its flaws, Blalock encourages the use of Simon’s method to note the direction and magnitude of deviations from predicted values thereby suggesting how additional variables should be brought into the theoretical system.

JUSTIN MAZUR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Blalock Jr., H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4):624-631.

This paper deals with the issue of whether or not it is possible to predict correlations between variables in a social science study through making causal inferences. To do this, Blalock implements the mathematical solution proposed by Simon (1954) to determine the level of correlation between variables both directly and indirectly related by linear means. Depending on the causal links between variables, Blalock shows how to construct an algebraic formula to predict the correlation of the variables being studied. As an illustration, he applies Simon’s formula to Driver and Massey’s (1957) study of intercorrelations among 280 North American Indian tribes. According to Blalock, practical limitations of these mathematical models include: the necessity of working with an extremely large sample size (to reduce fluctuations and sampling error), using equal units of measurement among the variables, and ruling out at least half of the possible causal links between variables. In the face of these restrictions and a general hesitation he sees among social scientists to use quantitative analysis, Blalock offers this method as a way to both discover and extend models of causation. The article assumes a familiarity with statistical analysis and its drawback regarding anthropology and other social sciences. Therefore, it would probably be most helpful to an audience sharing the same familiarity with the subject matter.

CHARITY FOX University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chance, Norman A. Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist, December 1960 Vol. 62 (6): 1028-1044

Norman Chance’s article, through a detailed focus on the Eskimos of Kaktovik, Alaska, attempts to argue the long-held belief that the rapid encroachment of the modern world upon isolated civilizations leads to disastrous results. Furthermore, Chance intends to prove that, when given the right circumstances, culture and tradition can remain anchored, and a civilization actually prosper from the rapid change around it.
Chance’s trip to Kaktovik brings him to a village whose people once based economy, social structure, and to an extent, religion on the sometimes month-long hunt for seals, whales, and other animals of the region. In the 1940s, military personnel, surveyors, and later, workers and officials from the Distant Early Warning line (DEWline) arrived in the area, encouraging all those in distant hamlets and solitary family units to congregate into a village-Kaktovik.For nearly all of the regions Eskimos, this was the first introduction to white men.

The DEWline, a series of radar systems stretching 3,000, needed a workforce to both build and maintain the chain. Chance found that in the summer of 1958, 75 percent of the village men earned $600 per month, full-time. This drastically affected the ability to track and kill seals and teach the skill to younger males in the village. Cash replaced seal oil as the main commodity as timber-frame homes, traditional American clothing, and modern amenities all took their place in Eskimo culture. The small few who maintained the “hunter” lifestyle, were considered unemployed.
These drastic cultural changes would affect the Eskimos in the following order: economic system, family system, religion, education, and social control, or the ability to freely maintain cultural identity despite modernization.
Chance however, found that Eskimos of Kaktovik, accepted the change and smoothly adapted to the troubles their new surroundings brought them. Several traits inherent in this particular group, helped them through this change, namely the Eskimos’ adaptability, their participation as a group with a strong family support system, the ability to maintain social control over village life, and the fact that the goals of this change were positive.

It is important to note that the white men involved in Kaktovik’s change, found the Eskimos to be “friendly, good humored, and hard-working” and allowed the group to change at it’s own pace without deliberate interference, something rarely seen in the annals of history and exploration.

Chance’s study would be of great use to merely observe the habits and norms of older civilizations, considering nearly every corner of the earth has been affected by white men. To study how that group reacted to change, in the physical and mental capacity, Chance’s look at Kaktovik is a rarity and an important case study that examines a culture that, for the meantime, melded into the modern world without leaving behind all that had once made it separate.

JASON NARK University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chance, Norman A. Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6):1028-1044.

Norman A. Chance’s article concerns societies undergoing rapid change, and the assumption made in anthropological theory that such societies are prone to disruption and disorganization. An aim of this article is to better qualify this assumption through an examination of the Eskimo village of Kaktovik, Alaska. These Eskimos are experiencing rapid change through new employment and increased contact with whites at the DEWline radar station nearby.

The village of Kaktovik only became permanently settled in the 1940s; prior to this the Eskimos lived scattered and isolated along the coast, and had very little contact with whites. This picture changed with the DEWline radar station, completed in 1957. Chance expected that this social change would have resulted in an increased aspiration for material goods among the Eskimos, as other anthropologists have shown to happen in acculturation studies where a previously isolated group is introduced to western material values. However, he observed a situation where culture change was not be accompanied by the expected disruption.

Certain large cultural changes in everyday life did take place in work, housing, food, and medical care. However, the Eskimos also attained certain goals, such as a full-time native Eskimo teacher, and a post office. Social norms have remained fairly constant during these changes, indicating a positive adjustment. Possible reasons for this situation in Kaktovik include: small village size with close interpersonal relationships, maintenance of traditional kinship system, attainment of desired goals, effectiveness of traditional Eskimo leader has not been diminished, Eskimos maintained independence in the dependent economy of the DEWline, and the fact that men of all ages have opportunity for equally salaried employment.

Chance then examined the Kaktovik example in comparison to other societies undergoing change, such as Mead’s study of Manus. The societies in both cases had an inclination towards change. Chance set up a table for the analysis of two cultural change values, to determine which categories the institutional systems in the Kaktovik example fall under. Institutions analyzed include: economic, educational, and social control (extensive and rapid changes), and family and religion (not extensive and slow change). There were no examples of uneven change.

The article concludes that the assumption that rapid social change results in disorganization is not always true, noting once again the possible reasons for this listed above. Chance’s article will be useful to those interested in the process of acculturation, and in particular, the factors that make a changing society disorganized or not disorganized.

LARA ROMAN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chance, Norman A. Culture and Change: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62(6): 1028-1044.

Norman A. Chance’s article examines rapid culture change and integration within the Eskimo community of Kaktovik, Alaska. Based on his study of this community, Chance offers evidence of an alternative outcome to the widely held view among anthropologists and social scientists that the influence of large-scale civilization on small non-literate groups is often harmful and potentially destructive to these groups.

Chance lived in the Eskimo village of Kaktovik, Alaska during the summer of 1958. His purpose was to study the adjustments made by the Eskimo population to rapid changes brought on by their employment and contact with Whites at a nearby DEWline radar station.

Chance begins with an overview of the living conditions of the Eskimo population prior to the arrival of the military and the Coast and Geodetic Survey who began hiring the Eskimos for unskilled jobs in construction and surveying in the mid-1940s. Chance describes the population prior to the formation of the Kaktovik village as scattered. There was little interaction with the Whites except for the occasional missionary, trader or bush pilot. The Eskimo population largely subsisted on the hunting, fishing and trapping economy.

Chance determined that the Eskimos residing in the village had made a relatively smooth integration, and questions if Kaktovik was an isolated instance of non-disruptive rapid change citing that few examples of similar situations were documented. He found the most comparable example to be Mead’s restudy of the South Sea Island of Manus- in which prior to WWII the island’s inhabitants were centered in their own cultural traditions. Mead returned after WWII to find the people had rapidly integrated Western Civilization practices into their lives.

The central question in the study of Kaktovik is why have these Eskimos been able to adjust without disintegration where so many others have failed? Chance investigates this question further and concludes that six paramount reasons are important to their success, including a predisposition to change already built into their socio-cultural landscape. Chance concedes that continued study of the group is much needed, and should provide additional information on the long-term effects of rapid social and cultural change.

This article will interest people researching the impact of Western Civilization on diverse cultures. Chance’s article makes the case that one should never assume the worse case scenario as it involves cultural adaptation, that there may be key factors in a community that point to their ability to adapt to rapid culture change and integration positively.

CHERYL DURGANS University of Pennsylvania (Melvin Hammarberg)

Chandler, Tertius. Duplicate Inventions? American Anthropologist June 1960 62(3):495-499.

Chandler explores the observation by anthropologist A.L. Kroeber, which essentially posits that difficult and outstanding achievements have been made by two or more innovative individuals unaware of each other in history. He wonders if these innovations were made independently and outlines inventions and inventors while questioning their relationships to each other.
The best-known examples of a theory that was undeniably influential to many theorists, who in turn influenced each other include Darwin’s theory of evolution, which was inspired by numerous thinkers such as Empedocles, Malthus, Jahiz, Monboddo, Kant, and Cuiver among others, although Darwin usually takes the credit for it.

Other examples that have been proposed are related to quite minor matters. Examples include the telescope, which is credited to three Duchman separately in the same year, logarithms, the simultaneous and coincidental discoveries of nitrogen and oxygen, the theory of planetary disturbances (which is credited to two scientists but Chandler notes that credit really only belongs to one), anesthetics, the periodic table, the telephone, zero, and liquefied oxygen. An interesting example is the invention of (photography, which is one of the few genuine cases of simultaneous inventions according to Chandler. Niepce and Daguerre were inspired by lithography while their rival Talbot was inspired by Wollaston’s temporary-image star camera. Photo negatives were also separately invented. Kroeber notes also that when techniques reach a high level, further advances can be expected from others to build theory.

This article essentially explores a premise made by anthropologist A.L. Kroeber and outlines inventions that are mistakenly credited to many inventors as well as those that were genuinely discovered or created by multiple individuals simultaneously.

WHITNEY CUMMINGS University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archaeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62 (3): 363-393.

Coe presents evidence of a linkage between the cultures of Central and South America. He examines the commonalities of various pottery traits that are found in Guatemala, Ecuador, and Peru and discusses the tenuous proof in connecting these cultures with those in North America, referring to the Hopewell and Woodland. He elaborates on arguments put forth by earlier scholars who suggested there was a single source from which certain characteristics originated. Coe points out the complexities of cultural diffusion and that the assumptions made by previous research are invalid because not all traits in a given culture are adapted by another. Rather than focus on a single point of origin, Coe chooses to focus on the possibility that contact between Central and South America occurred via sea trade as a land-based route would have resulted in a filtering of traits.

He summarizes a number of his findings from La Victoria in Guatemala and compares these with information gathered from other sites found in Ecuador’s Guayas Basin and Peru’s northern coast. He asserts those similarities in pottery decorations such as iridescent painting, rocker-stamping, cord-marking, fingernail gouging, the general form and thickness of a particular type of bowl all point to a high degree of likeness too close to be anything other than contact between cultures. If these traits had passed overland, Coe suggests these traits would be more varied. He also provides evidence of several maize crops that are exotic to Guatemala originated in South America, yet only one of these types of maize are found in Columbia, an intermediate point between the two areas further supporting his theory of maritime trading. A number of diagrams and figures are included which outline the various cultural phases, their timeline, location to one another, and which depict the similarities between each culture’s pottery features.

BELINDA WILSON University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62(3): 363-393.

Michael Coe’s article focuses on broad-scale interrelationships between Middle and South America that came about as a result of archeological excavations at La Victoria in southwestern Guatemala. The author examines the means and route of the interdiffusion of ideas and perhaps products in the area by asking the question, “…how did these conditions arise, and in what direction did the diffusional impetus flow?’’

Coe begins his study by reviewing existing material by other authors and then offering new support for a reformulation of hypotheses. He writes of the cultural succession at La Victoria and compares pottery patterns of the varying phases along with estimates of age or carbon dating data of the ceramics, when applicable. Evidence from other South American countries, such as Ecuador and Peru, is taken into consideration as well.

The article opens with an explanation of the “brilliant and controversial Archaic hypothesis” by Spinden, which describes Nuclear America as a single diffusion sphere, with agriculture and the ceramic arts spreading from a single point of origin. This early period, during which it had been assumed migration was responsible for the spread, has come to be known as the Formulative stage. Coe uses more recent evidence to refute this theory by showing that sea trade may have played a large part in relations on the Pacific coast of Guatemala.
Coe concludes by convincing the reader that during the Formative era, sea trade must have played a part in the life of residents of the La Victoria region. He admits “there is no doubt that the high civilizations of Nuclear America rest on a single Formative base.” He closes the article by presenting a puzzling development to readers concerning Ocós pottery and the Early Woodland cultures of North America, perhaps in hope of sparking readers’ interest in another interrelated subject.

AMY WEINSTEIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archaeaological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vo1.62(3): 363-393.

Norman McQuown’s article discusses the use of linguistics to explore the correlations between language and characteristics such as geography, development, culture, etc. of a given group. Specific examples are given from research into American Indian peoples such as the Maya and the Aztec. Particular consideration is given to the scholarship of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt. The author provides a brief critical analysis of the progress and limitations of each work cited and the resources generally available to linguists.

McQuown begins with a general characterization of. Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt and their work in the field of linguistics. He credits both with stimulating research in American Indian languages and with furthering linguistic study in the Americas. McQuown proceeds to consider the various sources used by the brothers in their work, beginning with documentary sources. The restricted availability of original texts and the labor-intensive process of deciphering them are cited as an impediment to complete utilization of their cultural content. The work of Y.V. Knorozov in deciphering Mayan glyphs is acknowledged and evaluated.

The article continues with consideration of non-documentary, indirect techniques of reconstruction and inference. Various researchers, including the von Humboldts, are commended for tracking language through material culture and the location of present-day descendants. The works of Buschmann, Sapir, Whorf, and Trager are cited. McQuown gives numerous examples of the use of linguistic trends and the tracking of specific words in Mayan languages in understanding the cultural history of the Americas.

McQuown concludes with an argument on behalf of routinely incorporating linguistic analysis into the work of ethnographers and sociocultural anthropologists. He promotes the consideration of linguistic characteristics for their correspondence to societal elements such as kinship structure, marital rules, genetic makeup, trade patterns, etc. The value of such a linguistic perspective on studies of the Tzeltal and Tzotzil peoples is cited. The article closes with the promotion of the pursuit of linguistics in not only the Old, but in the New World as well.

This article illustrates various instances of linguistic research enriching cultural anthropology, as well as our understanding of history and geography. McQuown highlights anecdotal discoveries made by the von Humboldt brothers’ research in the Americas, but on a larger scale highlights the potential contributions by linguistics to a broad range of fields.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in languages of the American Indians, specifically the Mayan languages. This article should also be of interest to all anthropologists, and generally all social scientists, who stand to benefit from incorporating linguistic studies into their pool of resources.

NAOMI BERKOWITZ University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Dalton, George. A Note of Clairification on Economic Surplus. American Anthropologist June 1960 62(3):483-489.

George Dalton explains that there are two basic meanings of an economic surplus, which are in an empirical sense in which it refers to a specified portion of material output which exceeds the norm. The second meaning of surplus derives from non-empirical definitions and is employed analytically, as is illustrated by nonfood producers and the concept of labor as a good.

The importance of material surpluses depends on how it came into being. It is significant for a society to understand how the surplus arose, to make sure that the surplus is indeed an excess and measured by operationally sound standards, in monetary terms, and that deliberately contrived surpluses can be created by social policy and technological innovation. Social policy may create a surplus through taxation while technological innovation can expedite the speed with which the goods are produced.

The non-empirical definition of a surplus is more analytical and conceptual. Dalton includes an excerpt from Childe and Herskovits, which explains that surplus can be defined as material goods acquired by nonfood producers (such as farmers providing food to priests). Karl Marx is cited for his theory that a surplus is the difference between labor cost and product price, and further it is significant to note that social participants do not recognize this conceptually defined surplus as apart from non-surplus outputs (in this case income). Another analytical use of a surplus concept in a market economy is derived from Ricardo. He makes the distinction between variable factors of production and those which are inelastic, or fixed in quantity and unresponsive to price changes or change in supply (for there is little change in supply). A competitive demand for a painting is such because it is scarce and even if the price fell, the supply would remain unchanged.

Dalton specifically notes that a unique aspect of market-determined surpluses emerges from the fact that the existence of a surplus depends on institutional criteria, such as market prices, rather than on a physical increase in quantities of goods produced. Especially in market economies it is possible to have a surplus even if the quantity produced is less than previous times. A shrinkage in demand would cause this.

This article describes the material and analytical (inspired by market economies) aspects of generating surpluses in society.

WHITNEY CUMMINGS University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Dart, Raymond A. The Bone Tool-Manufacturing Ability of Australopithecus Prometheus. American Anthropologist. February, 1960. Vol. 62 (1): 134-138.

Raymond Dart’s article presents recently discovered evidence of culture within the group of pre-hominid beings, Australopithecus Prometheus. The article refutes other researchers claims that certain cut markings on antelope bones were not made by Australopithecines, and were rather made by porcupines or hyenas. Dart makes his argument using several illustrations of altered bones. Dart believes that this evidence of deliberate alteration of these antelope bones is evidence of culture among the Australopithicines and by implication evidence of their humanity.

Molly Gunn University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Dibble, Charles E. Elmer R. Smith: 1909-1960. American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6):1047-1049.

This is the obituary of Elmer R. Smith, who was on the staff of the University of Utah from 1937 until 1959, and also served at different times in various capacities at Zion National Park, Snow College in Ephraim, Utah, and the War Relocation Authority in Idaho. He was a visiting professor at Montana State University at the time of his death. Smith studied the cave cultures of northwestern Utah, and became increasingly interested in race relations, minority concerns, the American Negro, and applied anthropology. He was a popular lecturer and beloved teacher who will be remembered as a friendly and wonderful teacher by his students and friends. A bibliography of Smith’s work is included.

LARA ROMAN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Eggan, Fred. Stanley Stubbs: 1906-1959. American Anthropologist December, 1960 62(6):1045-1046.

This article is the obituary of Stanley Stubbs, who became Curator of Collections at the Laboratory and Museum of New Mexico in 1959, shortly before his death from a heart attack. He had been with the University of New Mexico since graduate school, and continued with the University in various field, research, and curator roles. Stubbs envisioned the Laboratory as a center for both ancient and modern Southwestern culture. His acquired knowledge over the years largely went unwritten, and he had few publications because he could never satisfy his own high standards. Some pieces he did pen are about the Pueblo and other Indian groups in the Southwest. Stubbs’ full bibliography can be found in El Palacio, December 1959, and also in American Antiquity, April 1960. His friends and colleagues at the Lab will miss him.

LARA ROMAN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Faron, Louis C. The Formation of Two Indigenous Communities in Coastal Peru. American Anthropologist June 1960 62(3):437-453.

Louis Faron’s article examines two indigenous coastal Indian (cholo) communities in Peru. Faron explains the formation, organization, and differences in characteristics and beliefs of the village community and the pastoral community under the economic and political development of the hacienda system in Peru. He also reveals the purpose of the structure of kinship and endogamous marriage within these two communities of the lower cholo caste.

Faron begins with a study of the history of the indigenous cholo community, which began as a single village in 1551. He investigates the division of this cholo village, whose members have always served as cheap labor in Peruvian society, into two distinct communities. Peruvian independence, geographic expansion, and other factors explain the formation of the pastoral and village communities in the 1900’s. Faron describes the reasons for and the importance of the formal registration of these communities, such as the right to land and ethnic integrity.

Faron describes the members of the two cholo communities, which are neither homogeneous nor mutually exclusive. The village community consists mainly of small freeholders who live off of their small parcels of land. He explains the distinctions of status and traditional beliefs within the village community between regantes and small freeholders. Faron then moves to the pastoral community and shows their view of traditional cholo beliefs and their way of life as sharecroppers. He discusses the organization of these sharecroppers into sindicatos, fighting for individual rights and economic well-being within this pastoral community. Faron describes the kinship system within both communities and its strong patrilineal emphasis. He also focuses on the prevalence of endogamy and the system of compadrazgo-padrinazgo through the entire cholo caste. Through the systems of kinship and marriage found in these indigenous communities, Faron reveals the way in which ethnic integrity is maintained despite changing economic and political conditions.

This article will interest individuals interested in the formation of indigenous communities in Peruvian society and the formation of indigenous communities in general. Faron’s study will also reach individuals interested in traditional beliefs and ethnic identity and how these are preserved in different communities of people.

SEAN MONTGOMERY University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Foster, George M. Edward Winslow Gifford 1887-1959. American Anthropologist April, 1960 62(2):327-329.

This obituary by George Foster recounts the career and character of Edward Winslow Gifford (b.1887, d.1959), and the lasting contributions of his work to the field of anthropology. Not only did many of Gifford’s studies result in significant findings in their respective areas of research, but additionally, his work remarkably advanced the overall field of anthropology.

Foster first provides a chronological account of Gifford’s major studies and their findings. In the course of his career Gifford traveled the world, working in most major anthropological fields- archaeology, physical anthropology, social organization, folklore, religion, and material culture. Gifford’s impressive domestic career is also explicated; he served as both Curator and Director of the Museum of Anthropology of the University of California, and was one of very few ever to achieve the distinction of full professorship without ever having attended college himself.

The article concludes with an offering of tangible examples of Gifford’s impact on anthropology, such as his landmark usage of the terms “acculturation” and “lineage,” essentially defining their present meanings. His innovation of weighing archaeological sherds rather than counting them is noted as well. Foster cites Gifford’s warmth and curiosity as major contributions to the field, along with his promotion of the idea that a complete anthropologist, whatever his specialty, should be broadly based in the data and theory of all the major areas of the discipline. He himself embodied this standard.

This article is of value to those seeking a broad overview of the career and contributions of Edward Winslow Gifford.

NAOMI BERKOWITZ University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Gallin, Bernard. Matrilateral and Affinal Relationships of a Taiwanese Village. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62(4): 632-642.

Most anthropological studies of Chinese villages have focused upon interfamily relationships within small clan groupings. This paper examines aspects of social organization that bring about functionally important matrilateral and affinal relationships beyond the family and village borders. The study is based on field work done in the small Hokkien village of Hsin Hsing on the central western costal plain of Taiwan.

Though ancillary to kin or clan relationships, these external connections, referred to as ch’in ch’i, are quite significant to the villagers. Village life is characterized by a hierarchical structure and the least powerful of the kin groups tend to be anxious and feel obligated to maintain good relations with the more powerful groups. Thus, relationships made through marriages outside the village, adoption or through contacts on the maternal side can take on added importance.

Gallin observed three types of relationship behaviors at work in Hsin Hsing: 1) economic, 2) social and religious, and 3) political and mediatorial. All three types are dependent upon geographical proximity – that is the ch’in ch’i must live close enough that contact is possible without hardship, but preferably not within the same village.

From an economic standpoint ch’in ch’i are of great value to the individual and group as they diversify and buttress their means of support. Through the mutual sharing of labor, resources and capital the Hokkien villagers are able to efficiently plant and harvest their crops, arrange for small loans and achieve a level of stability that would otherwise be impossible.

Social and religious activities in the village are often intertwined. The two most important occasions are religious festivals called pai pai and marriage festivals where chi’n ch’i are typically the principal guests. The network of extended linkages described above allows for travel and visitation by even the poorest of village residents.

The final social category that Gallin discusses is political and mediatorial relations. When conflicts escalate within the village a neutral mediator is often required to settle the dispute. While an official or local elder is frequently called upon, it is not uncommon for this person to be a respected ch’in ch’i male who is known to the disputants. In elections that extend beyond the village level the chi’n ch’i are of unquestionable importance. They frequently constitute the most important source of backers throughout the countryside and their loyalty bestows prestige to the candidate.

Though subordinate to kin and clan based relationships ch’in ch’i are an important additional source of security for villagers. Their major limitation is that they are, by nature, short-lived and rarely last beyond a few generations.

STEVE MINICOLA University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Gray, Robert F., Sonjo Bride-Price and the Question of African “Wife Purchase.” American Anthropologist February, 1960 Vol. 62(1): 34-57

Robert Gray’s article examines the transfer of wives in specific African societies, and whether it is similar to the transfer of other economic commodities in the same societies. Gray’s discussion is based on fieldwork among the Sonjo of northern Tanganyika, with comparisons to five other African societies.

Gray begins with a quick background of Sonjo marriage and the economic system of the patrilineal society. Sonjo girls are usually betrothed during childhood, with a large percentage of the bride-price paid to the girl’s family at that time. The main economic exchange in the society is goats. When this article was written, the average wife would fetch approximately 100 goats from her husband’s family.

Gray explains that wives and wife rights are transferred between men just as the men would transfer the rights of other commodities. When married to his wife, the husband obtains the rights to: (1) sexual access, (2) his wife’s labor in the home and the fields, and (3) his wife’s children. if the husband decides to divorce his wife or exchange her for another, he gives up all of his rights, including the right to her children. If a man dies, his brother may take the widow, or he may sell her to another man. Goats are paid during the initial transaction, but they are also paid for divorce, and in the case of an unequal exchange in wives.

Gray then moves on to compare the Sonjo society with five other African societies: the Thonga, the Gusii of Kenya, the Gusii of Uganda, the Tiv of Nigeria, and the Ganda. In his discussion, he points out that the rules governing the purchase and exchange of wives are strict, and that the Sonjo economic system would not be complete without the bride-price.

LINDSAY SHAFER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Herskovits, Melville. The Ahistorical Approach to Afroamerican Studies: A Critique.American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62(4): 559-568.

Herskovits’ article questions the ahistorical approach to anthropology which had become more and more popular at the time of the publication of this article. He uses the approach to Afroamerican Studies as an example to prove his point of view.

According to Herskovits, the rejection of the factor of time in anthropology and other social sciences is caused by a reference to natural sciences which use generalizations to propound scientific laws applicable without regard to place or time.

For Herskovits, Afroamerican Studies is an appropriate field to study the shift from a historical to an ahistorical point of view due to the recency of the field and the peculiarity that the Afroamerican field is extremely sensitive to ascriptions of relative values to the several cultures that have entered into shaping the ways of life of the peoples under study. Strong overtones of some (European) cultures led to the denial of any importance of Africa in the shaping of present Afroamerican cultures. Herskovits sees it to be an interesting point that this position was able to survive despite the ahistoricism in Afroamerican Studies.

As an example, Herskovits uses the symposium on Caribbean Studies of 1957 to prove the refusal to consider the African component in the formation of Afroamerican cultures on the American continent. He claims that the refusal to acknowledge the African component leads to a disturbance in the process of logical thought. If one attempted to study the function of an African component after all, an unreasonable burden of proof would be placed on the scholar’s shoulders.

This pattern of scientism has manifested itself in Afroamerican Studies according to Herskovits. He thinks it to be essential to have a comparative approach for arriving at valid generalizations in the study of man and not to rely on the assumptions made by earlier scientists and schools. In these earlier findings of the structural approach, the time factor is relegated to a minor place, if considered at all. This means that components from Europe, Africa, and aboriginal America are neglected. Ahistoricism can therefore lead to the neglect of relevant earlier materials and an insensitivity in employing the terminology of one’s own science since the terms of reference might be subjective and therefore useless.

Herskovits comes to the conclusion that ahistoricism can at best only give limited insight and low-level generalizations. This becomes especially clear in the case of Afroamerican Studies when the question of the significance or even presence of African retentions is concerned.

This article is of interest to scholars of the Afroamerican field or individuals interested in the history of social sciences.

NINA REINECKE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Hickerson, Harold. The Feast of the Dead Among the Seventeenth Century Algonkians of the Upper Great Lakes. American Anthropologist February 1960 Vol. 62(1): 81-107.

Hickerson opens with a bit of background history the upper great lakes and the inhabitants, Algonkins, Chippewa and later on the French. The origin of the Feast of the Dead is with another Native American group, the Huron.

There are four description of the feast which Hickerson uses to paint a picture of this ritual. Two traders and two Jesuits observed this feast and wrote separate descriptions, which vary slightly in the details, but for the most part corroborate each other.

It was an annual feast held by rotating hosts and guests from different villages in the area. Gifts were changed followed by dancing, singing and the preparation of the dead for burial. The atmosphere is festive even through the ritualized expressions of grief

Hickerson then describes why the Feast of the Dead was important to the Algonkian in so far that it helped create alliances between different groups and created a sense of community which carried over not only in times of conflict, but also during famine and in trade.

Finally, Hickerson discusses the decline of the Feast of the Dead. The factors which contributed to the decline include the spread of the French fur-trade which had several effects on the Algonkian and other Native American tribes in the area. Political fragmentation among the tribes as well and migration are the major contributing factors to the decline.

MOLLY GUNN University of Pennsylvania. (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Hitchcock, John T. and Patricia J. Hitchcock. Some Considerations for the Prospective Ethnographic Cinematographer. American Anthropologist. August 1960 62(4):656-674.

John and Patricia Hitchcock’s article provides a guide to anthropologists who plan to use cinematography in ethnographic studies. The article provides detailed information about many pieces of equipment that would be valuable to an ethnographic cinematographer in addition to analyses of the value of many techniques and processes used in cinematography. Additionally, the authors point out many of the problems ethnographic cinematographers encounter during their attempt to make a film: cost and time. The article attempts to outline the costs and the length of producing a film in order to assist ethnographers in successfully producing a decent film that has been put together well and in a timely manner. Because the authors produced their own film, the article often calls upon first-hand knowledge and experience and specific instances to guide the reader.

The article initially outlines how it should be used as a suggestive guide although it admits that it is merely designed as a supplement to a more comprehensive work and that most of the information presented in it is out-of-date.

The specific information provided is extremely detailed and specific attributes of different films, cameras, lenses, light meters, tripods, and tape recorders are discussed. Often times, specific products are referred to and their uses and attributes are discussed. A major example is the discussion of Ektachrome Commercial and Kodachrome films and their comparable attributes.

For film, the availability and quality of the film become major components of discussion. The general procedure for using and deciding how to purchase film is described in addition to the value of color and black-and-white films. Additionally, extra equipment is evaluated by the suggesting possible uses in ethnographic filming such as using a telephoto lens to get a distant shot of a scene that would not be possible if the anthropologist filming the scene was closer. This type of discussion continues for cameras, of which four specific products are discussed. Often times, the durability of the equipment is discussed and evaluated for specific products thus giving the reader experiential knowledge of good equipment to use in environments harsher than a film studio. In addition, the prices of the products are always taken into account to help cinematographers evaluate the relative pricing of their project.

Additionally, the article takes a step-by-step look at the process of editing with suggestions made as to the time and effort needed to edit a film well. Finally, the distribution process is described in order to help the cinematographer successfully get his film out to inform others.

Also include in the article is a glossary of many of the technical terms and a sample script for the narration of a film.

The value of this article is limited for the modern reader because most of the specific information that composes of the article is outdated. Fortunately the general techniques and values could probably be translated into modern-day equivalents and some of the value of the article would still be maintained.

CARL PFENDNER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Hoebel, E Adamson. William Robertson: An 18th Century Anthropologist-Historian.American Anthropologist. August 1960 62(4):648-655.

Hoebel’s article examines the importance of the work of William Robertson in the mid-to late Eighteenth century. Although many others have been given recognition for their important work in the foundation of modern anthropological thought, the authors maintain that Robertson played an important role in this development and was never recognized as such.

Beginning with a short history of Robertson’s life previous to his rise to importance, the article quickly moves to his specific contributions to the field of history and anthropology. One of his most famous and important works is the History of America, of which many selections are given in the article and analyzed as proof of Robertson’s true anthropological perspective on the cultures he wrote about. By taking specific sections of this, and others of Robertson’s works, the author shows that Robertson’s mode of thought crossed from the realm of strict historical thinking into the area of true anthropology and cultural analysis.

Among the many ideas that the author attributes to Robertson is the idea of a sequence of cultural development, such as from “savagery” to “barbarism” to “civilization.” Additionally, the author continues to show that Robertson based such conclusions on evidence more solid than “speculative philosophy” and used archeological evidence to support such assertions. Additionally, the author uses Robertson’s writings to show that he acknowledges the idea of cultural variation and that it is not caused by race or strictly physical attributes of the peoples in question.

The author continues to praise Robertson for his use of a scientific view in analyzing source material and the bias thereof and the author gives such examples taken from Robertson’s writings. Furthermore, he acknowledges the idea of parallelism, and the concept of migration of people of low culture, as opposed to relapsed members of “civilized” peoples. Additionally, the author shows that Robertson scientifically attempts to trace the origins of humans in North America. By examining native animals and other evidence, Robertson showed that human beings in North America derived from a group of “Tartars” migrated across a series of islands crossing the Pacific at a narrow gap between the two continents as is now accepted as approximately true. By analyzing racial physical features, Robertson rejected an alternate proposition that the natives of the Americas were descended from peoples in Scandinavia.

The author admits that Robertson was not completely original in his development of the theory, building heavily off Voltaire. In addition, Hoebel mildly criticizes Robertson for his lack of carrying through on the implications of his theories about culture and society. Furthermore, Robertson consistently makes judgmental remarks about the cultures he discusses as opposed to a strictly cultural relativist perspective, an effect of his moralist stance.

This article would interest those who study the history and development of anthropology. Additionally, the article will appeal to those who want to analyze their own works in relation to others, as this particular article provides excellent guidelines to creating good anthropological analysis.

CARL PFENDNER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Hurt, Jr., Wesley. The Cultural Complexes from the Lagoa Santa Region, Brazil. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62(4): 569-585.

Hurt’s report describes the excavations initiated in 1956 by the University of South Dakota and the Museu Nacional of Brazil in six caves and rock shelters of the Cerca Grande area and in caves in the region of Lagoa Santa, Minas Gerais, Brazil, to gather information relative to the reported contemporaneity of man and the extinct Pleistocene animals. In addition, the published finds in the region by Peter Wilhelm Lund and members of the Academy of Science of Minas Gerais, Brazil, are reviewed.

The Lagoa Santa caves and rock shelters are a small part of a large number of caves in prominent limestone masses with many running streams and lakes. In the early Pleistocene age, the region might have been covered with extensive lakes which cut into the limestone, creating caves and rock shelters. The caves then were filled with gravels and silts, burying bones of fossil animals. Water cemented the fills and further rise of the lakes scoured out much of the deposits. Once more, the caves filled with natural deposits and some stalactite formation occurred. The earliest human occupation of the caves took place before the stalactite formation.

Danish naturalist Peter Wilhelm Lund who explored over 200 caves in the area in the 19th century claims equal age of the found human and animal bones only in the cave of Lagoa de Sumidouro although there is no unquestionable evidence for this. The later findings of the Academy of Science cannot prove contemporaneity either. According to Hurt, it is most important to determine whether the associated bones of man and extinct animals are in primary or secondary deposits to solve the problem of contemporaneity. The excavations of 1956 did not produce any evidence whatsoever that man was contemporaneous to Pleistocene animals. However, this does not mean that other caves might not have been occupied by Pleistocene man. Hurt also mentions that there is a possibility that the artefacts and skeletons found in the region of the Cerca Grande Complex might be as old as a few thousand years but there is no particular reason for dating them back to the Pleistocene.

This article will interest individuals with knowledge of the findings made by Peter Wilhelm Lund or with a general knowledge of the Pleistocene. Hurt’s report gives a broad overview of the region of Lagoa Santa, Brazil, and is very detailed in the descriptions of the caves and rock shelters excavated.

NINA REINECKE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Ingram, G. I. C. Displacement Activity in Human Behavior. American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6).994-1003.

G. I. C. Ingram discusses the displacement activity in humans. He cites specific examples of everyday life to discuss how it corresponds to displacement activity. Ingram uses these examples that the reader can relate to, to explain that displacement activity is currently implanted in human activity.

Despite the opinion of some scholars, Ingram argues that displacement activity is still around. One argument is that one’s actions are dependent on the surroundings of where one grew up, and that no action is a displacement activity. However, Ingram argues the interaction of acquaintances in passing on the street is a displacement activity. He says the actions of the two people were not learned in childhood, instead they are displaced inside them.

Ingram explains how hobbies tie into displace work, and how the concept of work has evolved with the evolution of humans, and their ways of supporting their family. He makes the distinction between a hobby and work as a hobby is something you enjoy doing, and are not doing it for any usefulness. This lack of usefulness survives because it is a human displacement activity. Whereas hobbies in the past may have had some usefulness, many no longer do, yet they still survive in our society.

The discussion and examples of Ingram’s work on displacement activity would be interesting to someone studying human activity. He takes a deeper look into activities performed by humans, which many would not give a second thought to. This article would carry more value to those who have knowledge of human behavior.

DENNIS WATSON University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Keesing, Felix M. The International Organization of Anthropology. American Anthropologist April 1960 Vol. 62 (2): 191-201.

Felix Keesing’s objective was to review the state of the international organizations of anthropology and how it relates to the United States. Much of his information for his review was gathered from talking with anthropologist throughout the globe and using resources they recommended to him.

Keesing’s first issue he had with the state of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was the representation or lack there of in the case of many countries. Some countries had several representatives from various backgrounds while other countries had isolated representatives, and a couple countries such as Australia, Canada, and New Zealand among others had no one despite active anthropological programs. His issue with the United States was only local institutions had applied for membership and not enough of the national societies.

Keesing asks important questions in his review and then provides answers that are backed up by opinions of anthropologist around the world. The overall feeling is that studying in or about a different country is readily available. However, the smaller countries with few professionals need help in organizing so that they have a voice in the international organizations. Keesing states that both the international organizations and the American ones need to make advancements in publicizing the organization, purposes, programs, and publications.

The Keesing perspective is an intriguing one for anyone looking at the international organizations of anthropology. He provides thought provoking ideas and improvements on the international level. Anyone looking to learn how the system works would also want to read this article.

DENNIS WATSON University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Lantis, Margaret. Vernacular Culture. American Anthropologist April 1960 Vol. 62 (2): 202-216.

Margaret Lantis’ article takes a look at vernacular culture. Through definition and other scholars’ work on culture, Lantis defines vernacular culture and analyzes what has been studied and what should be studied. She is able to provide a direction for future studies on American culture with the help of studies from vernacular culture.

Lantis begins her look at vernacular culture by defining what she means when she calls someone’s culture vernacular. She makes it clear that there is a distinct difference between what one does because it is the norm and what one does because of one’s vernacular culture. Some confuse a subculture with a vernacular culture, however, Lantis explains that they can be two different things.

Lantis then examined the research that has been done concerning vernacular cultures. She notes that too often the wrong questions are asked to study a particular vernacular culture. The areas to examine in a person’s life are one’s values and goals, common knowledge, etc. American culture is one of many complex cultures that anthropologist struggle to understand claims Lantis. Their willingness to interact with strangers on a vernacular basis is a base for Lantis’ argument that vernacular culture needs to be studied to understand a broader culture. Lantis believes that we need to know more.

This article is an excellent article for anyone looking to grasp American culture. Lantis goes inside a culture to uncover the vernacular culture. This article does not just correspond to American culture but can be related to other cultures around the globe.

DENNIS WATSON University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Layrisse, Miguel, Layrisse, Zulay, and Wilbert, Johannes. Blood Group Antigen Tests of the Yupa Indians of Venezuela. American Anthropologist June 1960 62(3):418-436.

Layrisse, Layrisse, and Wilbert’s article investigates the different sub-tribes of the Yupa Indians located around the Sierra de Perija in Venezuela. Their study consisted of taking numerous blood group antigen tests of the sub-tribes in an attempt to differentiate them and to uncover their origins. With the results of these tests, the authors are able to make hypotheses about how these differences had come to pass.

The article first provides descriptions of the homeland of the Yupa Indian tribes on the northern section of the Sierra de Perija and the exploration of this land by Spaniards and Whites. The authors describe the hostile relationship between the Yupa Indians and the new settlers beginning from their first contact in 1550 with Alonso Perez de Tolosa. Foreign settlers classified the Yupa by separating them into two broad groups; these classifications gradually progressed to the numerous sub-tribes which are the subjects of the blood tests of this study. The authors also focus on cultural and physical descriptions of the Yupa, such as the uniform language spoken by all the sub-tribes and the two distinct physical appearances seen among them.

Layrisse, Layrisse, and Wilbert conducted the blood group antigen tests on four Yupa sub-tribes. The results of these tests presented information that could be used to explain much of the past of these people. The presence or absence of certain genes reveals the similarities and differences of the individual Yupa sub-tribes with other South American Indians, as well as the avoidance of or mixture with White and Negro populations. This information from the blood tests also uncovered significant genetic differences in the Irapa, one specific Yupa sub-tribe, to the rest of the Yupa people. Although they all speak the same language, not all the Yupa tribes hold the same origins. These differences in the blood tests allowed the authors to construct hypotheses on how the Yupa Indians expanded as a group through the years.

This article by Layrisse, Layrisse, and Wilbert portrays the definite genetic variation among the Yupa Indians of Venezuela. Their study demonstrates the great deal of support that science provides in the research of different cultures and societies. The article shows how a few samples of blood can reveal important parts of the history of an entire people.

SEAN MONTGOMERY University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Lopatin, Ivan A. Origin of the Native American Steam Bath. American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6):977-993.

Ivan Lopatin’s article was aimed at looking at the origins of the Native American steam bath. Lopatin laid out the kinds of baths that exists in different cultures and then proceeded to explain the four common types. To trace the origins of the steam bath in the Americas, he examined the steam bath used by his ancestors in his homeland, Russia. He also used historical accounts to examine how the steam bath was introduced into other cultures to see if that is how it could have been brought to the Americas.

Lopatin began his article declaring that there are differences in the different types of baths which is often over looked. These differences do not just exist in how the bath is taken, but also the function of the bath. He goes on to explain the pool or plunge bath, the direct fire sweat bath, the water vapor bath, and the mixed type bath. After outlining these four types, he concentrates on the water vapor bath for the rest of the paper.

The examination of the water vapor bath leads him to two possible conclusions for the origins of the Native American steam bath. His first theory is that the creation of the bath in the Americas paralleled the creation in the Europe. However, he believes that bath was introduced to the Americas by northwest Europeans way before the arrival of Columbus or even the Vikings. He does not know how or when the people came over, but he believes it must be from northwest Europe because that is the only other place that this type of bath, creating steam off the rocks, was practiced.

This article will interest those who want to learn about European bathing techniques, but little is said about those used in the Americas. Lopatin jumps around with his discussion of the types of baths and geographically as well. He does not clearly outline the origins of the Native American steam bath, instead he seems to outline the origins of the European steam bath.

DENNIS WATSON University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Lystad, Mary H. Traditional Values of Ghanaian Children. American Anthropologist June 1960 62(3):454-464.

Lystad’s article examines the effectiveness of the attempt to instill secular social values and eliminate traditional values in the Ghanaian population. This recent development in Ghana has been supported by its political leaders. Lystad’s study involves ninety-four students with mixed social and economic backgrounds from the oldest secondary school in Ghana. The analysis of the students to see what values they held to be important involved two stories; the favorite stories of their childhoods and a story created by each student on their own.

Lystad begins the study by asking the favorite stories of the students’ childhoods. The article provides tables categorizing certain aspects of each individual story. Lystad analyzes in each story the characteristics of the nature of the actors, such as individuals involved and psychological needs, as well as the characteristics of the relationships between actors, such as the cognitive aspect and the stratification aspect. Through this analysis, Lystad shows how traditional values are still most prevalent among Ghanaian children; both rural and urban, male and female.

Lystad moves on to the study of the children’s stories and uses the same categories as before to analyze them. She shows through these created stories that the mindset of the children is different from that of their parents. However, Lystad’s discussion of the children’s own stories also shows that traditional values, as in generations in the past, are important to the Ghanaian children. Lystad’s study supports her hypothesis of the preference of traditional values over secular values among Ghanaian children despite the attempts to secularize the nation.

This article will appeal to individuals interested in the study of the social development to secularize and urbanize traditional populations in Ghana and elsewhere. Although not complete, Lystad’s work shows promise in a theoretical method which can be used to effectively analyze the values of a people.

SEAN MONTGOMERY University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

MacNeish, June Helm. Kin Terms of Arctic Drainage Déné: Hare, Slavey, Chipewyan. American Anthropologist April 1960 62(2):279-296.

MacNeish’s article is a reexamination of the kinship terminologies of Hare, Lynx Point Slave, and Chipewyan formerly studied by Morgan, Petitot, Honigmann, to name a few. The findings presented here not only add new terminologies to studies conducted by these scholars, but they also suggest corrections to them. Mainly, MacNeish tries to show a possibility for how “Iroquoian cousin terminology, bifurcate-merging pattern of nomenclature, and preferential cross-cousin marriage may have been common and basic strands in the social organization of the Arctic Drainage Déné” (pp. 290).

To begin with, MacNeish carefully provides the data on how each member of the kin is addressed relative to the ego in these three groups. Here, additions of new kin terms to Morgan and several different studies are made. Then, with the structuralist assumption that a logical coherence will underlie kin terms and that kin usages would have gone through a “continual ‘process of internal readjustment” throughout time, the author locates the general characteristics of bifurcate merging emphasis and preferential cross-cousin marriage via comparison of the data presented (pp. 287). During this process, suggestive comments as to the theories Murdock proposed are made: Through thorough examination, MacNeish refines Murdock’s preconditions for bifurcate merging terminology while also utilizing his theories on preferential cross-cousin marriage. Meanwhile, MacNeish is very cautious and notes that any informant’ reports or historical record can indicate contradictory or minimal evidence to the study of kinship terminology in these three groups.

The data that MacNeish provides systematically coheres to the arguments and are claimed against previous studies related to these three groups. It not only suggests the incompleteness or inadequacies of methodologies used in various studies, but also provide implications as to how data may be construed theoretically. In this sense, this is a good article for those who would like to see how studies of kinship terminologies have evolved and been refined.

KYUNG-NAN KOH University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).

Maher, Robert F. Social Structure and Cultural Change in Papua. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4): 593-602.

Robert Maher frames his article about the Koriki and I’ai tribes in Papua around the idea of a growing interest in the dynamic aspect of social structure in the social sciences. It is his claim that by looking at the social structure of the two aforementioned tribes one can begin to make conclusions on how their acculturation experience evolved.

The first of the two major assertions about social structure that Maher makes is that the members of the Koriki tribe, while being relegated to an acquiescent role, uniformly comply to the Tommy Kabu movement (a movement that attempted to reject traditional systems and move towards objectives modeled on European institutions) because their hierarchical social structure encourages everyone to follow a singular chief. As a result, when the chief decides to go along with the movement everyone in the tribe has to as well. Conversely, the second major assertion follows that when faced with the decision whether or not to follow the Tommy Kabu movement, the I’ai tribe is split because their social structure allows for several chiefs of equal power. Not all the chiefs agree that the movement should be pursued and thus not all follow the movement. Consequently, the social structure of the two tribes explains why the powerful I’ai tribe can be divided and the Koriki tribe is unvarying in its acceptance of the movement.

Maher introduces a second problem with the split of the I’ai tribe by asking why parts of the tribe decide not to follow their compatriots. Maher uses specific data gathered from the field to shed light on this problem. He works with three different hypotheses; men influenced by European labor would be more likely to support the Tommy Kabu movement, younger men would be more likely to support the movement, and men who had less of a stake in traditional systems would be more likely to support the movement. Based on the surveys taken, Maher concludes that, while the data doesn’t support the first hypotheses, there does seem to be a correlation between both age and, more strikingly, having less of an involvement in traditional life with support of the Tommy Kabu movement. Through this research Maher concretely shows that social structure, both in power relations and in aspects of age and traditional systems, can be used to determine how a culture experiences change. While Maher doesn’t see these conclusions as exhaustive or representative of a whole, he does contend that this study illustrates how the analysis of social structure can be essential to the understanding of cultural dynamics.

This article will be of interest to people who are familiar with Papua tribes or, more broadly, Southeast Asian tribal relations. The article should also appeal to those who have a general interest in social structure and how it is studied and related to specific incidents.

MICHAEL FITZPATRICK University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Maher, Robert F. Social Structure and Cultural Change in Papua. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62(4): 593-602.

Maher examines the influence of social structure on the differing reactions of two Papuan tribes, the Koriki and I’ai, to the Tommy Kabu Movement in 1947. This movement, of which Maher has previously written, encouraged the tribes to reject traditional culture by relocating their villages from inaccessible swampland in the Purari River delta to drier locations better suited for participation in European markets. Although the I’ai provided the leadership and philosophy of the movement, a small minority of that tribe refused to move, while the entire Koriki tribe relocated willingly.

Maher’s study first involves a search for why these two tribes, which possess a similar culture, language and kinship system, reacted differently to the relocation. He provides a brief history of the tribes, including previous exposure to European culture, and a description of their traditional social structure. Aside from the explanation that the I’ai were organized in a horizontal structure that spread authority equally to the chiefs, and the Koriki used a strict authoritative, hierarchy where decision-making authority was concentrated at the top, Maher presents little evidence to support his claim that a fundamental difference in the structure of authority between the two tribes was a primary influence on the desire to relocate.

Maher then investigates possible sources of the division among the I’ai using a more detailed, statistically based examination of the behavior of 121 men of the Aikavaravi-Kairiravi village who were old enough in 1947 to make their own decision to relocate. Maher failed to support his hypothesis that those who had previously worked outside of their tribal territory on labor lines for Europeans would be more likely to relocate. And although he expected to find younger men more willing to move, the data showed age to be only a minor factor. Maher did however successfully support his belief that higher status in the traditional social structure (as measured by possession of formal authority, wives, shell ornaments and pigs) was a significant factor in the decision to reject relocation, thereby concluding the division within the I’ai was a result of varying status within the tribe’s social structure. While Maher acknowledges other influences need to be considered, he is able to demonstrate that the analysis of social structure can play an essential role in understanding the dynamics of cultural change.

JILL SAWICKI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Mahony, Frank J. The Innovation of a Savings System in Trunk. American Anthropologist June 1960 62(3):465-481.

Frank J. Mahony documents the growth and technical aspects of the savings system in Truck, an island in the pacific Caroline Islands. He notes that the system first started on Moen Island by the highly respected chief Petrus. Petrus wanted to build up savings funds because he felt that people were using their money in a wasteful manner in addition to wanting the people to purchase shares of stock in Truk Trading Company, which was the largest export and import firm in the Truk district. Petrus especially wanted to avoid taxation as a means of raising money, so he conceived the idea of soliciting voluntary contributions to accumulate savings funds.

Meetings (the first one was in 1951) would be held that were inspired by the aboriginal practice of soliciting food and goods from relatives and close friends. Petrus wanted to experiment with the same concept and held the first meeting where speeches were made, songs were sang and individuals voluntarily placed a few pennies at a time in a central coffer. These “district meetings” began to flourish and other islands adopted the practice as well. The meetings became a fun social event and within the structure of donation, individuals contributed money to their respective lineages. Competition became central to the meetings, for the singers and speech-givers became more serious, complex and entertaining. The savings system became a great financial success and other islands began an identical system. Money accumulated in the systems was used to establish funds from which loans were made, sometimes at high interest rates. The funds also provided capital to help start trading companies, to enable people to buy expensive capital goods they might not be able to obtain otherwise and for districts to buy building materials, cars, sewing machines and other goods that are expensive, hard to obtain, and essential in the construction of new homes.

This savings system declined after people’s attention was diverted to other matters, such as political and governmental affairs. The novelty of it also wore off and people began to lose interest. Sporadic meetings have been held since, but the system has for the most part died out and will not be revived.

WHITNEY CUMMINGS University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

McQuown, Norman A. American Indian and General Linguistics. American Anthropologist April 1960 62(2):318-326.

Norman McQuown’s article discusses the use of linguistics to explore the correlations between language and characteristics such as geography, development, culture, etc. of a given group. Specific examples are given from research into American Indian peoples such as the Maya and the Aztec. Particular consideration is given to the scholarship of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt. The author provides a brief critical analysis of the progress and limitations of each work cited and the resources generally available to linguists.

McQuown begins with a general characterization of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt and theft work in the field of linguistics. He credits both with stimulating research in American Indian languages and with furthering linguistic study in the Americas. MeQuown proceeds to consider the various sources used by the brothers in their work, beginning with documentary sources. The small availability of original texts and the labor-intensive process of deciphering them are cited as an impediment to complete utilization of their cultural content. The work of Y.V. Knorozov to decipher Mayan glyphs is acknowledged and evaluated.

The article continues with consideration of non-documentary, indirect techniques of reconstruction and inference. Various researchers, including the von Humholdts, are commended for tracking language through material culture and the location of present-day descendants [works of Buschmann, Sapir, Whorf, and Trager are cited. McQuown gives numerous examples of the use of linguistic trends and the tracking of specific words in Mayan languages in understanding the cultural history of the Americas.

McQuown concludes with an argument on behalf of routinely incorporating linguistic analysis into the work of ethnographers and sociocultural anthropologists. He promotes the consideration of linguistic characteristics for their correspondence to societal elements such as kinship structure, marital rules, genetic makeup, trade patterns, etc. The value of such a linguistic perspective on studies of the Tzeltal and Fzotzil peoples is cited. The article closes with the promotion the pursuit of linguistics in not only the Old, but in the New World as well

This article illustrates various instances of linguistic research enriching cultural anthropology, as well as our understanding of history and geography. McQuown highlights anecdotal discoveries made by the von Humboldt brothers’ research in the Americas, but on a larger scale highlights the potential contributions by linguistics to a broad range of fields.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in language of the American Indians, specifically the Mayan languages. The article should also be of interest to all anthropologists, and generally all social scientists, who stand to benefit from incorporating linguistic studies into their pool of resources.

NAOMI BERKOWITZ University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Messenger, John C., Jr. Reinterpretations of Christian and Indigenous Belief in a Nigerian Nativist Church. American Anthropologist April, 1960 Vol. 62 (2): 268-278.

John C. Messenger, Jr.’s article discusses the religious acculturation of the Anang of Ikot Ekpene County in southeastern Nigeria in the early twentieth century, with a focus on the Christ Church denomination.

In his introduction, Messenger briefly describes the Anang social and political structure. He discusses the Anang’s first contact with the British in 1902 and the subsequent pacification and acculturation that took place over the next fifty years, during which time eight Christian denominations were established among the Anang. He goes on to explain the role of gender and age in the various reactions of the Anang to proselytizing.

Messenger describes the Anang indigenous religion as a monotheistic belief system based on worship of a sky deity, the belief in two human souls and the interplay of fate and free-will. Diviners, workers of magic and oathgivers are important religious specialists in the Anang belief system. Despite an initial resistance to Christian denominations, many Anang were led to incorporate elements of Christianity into their traditional religions because of an interest in the spiritualist movement of the 1940’s and its focus on the healing power of the Holy Spirit. By advocating spiritualism, reinterpreting Christian and indigenous rituals, and supporting native customs, the Christ Army Church successfully converted Anang men and women.

Messenger compares and contrasts elements of the indigenous faith and the Christ Army Church, providing examples of retentions of indigenous belief and reinterpretations of Christianity by the Anang. According to Messenger, divination, faith healing, and possession are elements of the Church that paralleled the indigenous belief system. Other aspects of belief were syncretized, particularly those related to Satan: the traditional deity was syncretized with Satan so that the Christian God could serve as ruler; suffering was attributed to Satan rather than punishment; and Hell was syncretized with the traditional belief in a “village of souls” beneath the earth. The Holy Spirit that attracted many Anang to the Christ Army Church remained an important element of the belief system, with varying effects. According to Messenger, the concept of forgiveness through the Holy Spirit indirectly fostered the spread of immoral behavior.

The article closes with Messenger’s assertion that traditional retentions and reinterpretations are universal among Christian Anangs and are not limited to the Christ Army Church.

LYNDA MULES University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Messenger, John C., Jr. Reinterpretations of Christian and Indigenous Belief in a Nigerian Nativist Church. American Anthropologist April, 1960 Vol. 62(2): 268-278.

John Messenger’s article examines the religious belief systems of the native Anang people located in Ikot Ekpene and Abak Counties of Calabar Province in Southeastern Nigeria on the African continent. Messenger seeks to demonstrate the continuing mutual influence that indigenous belief systems have on native Christian denominations and vice versa. By examining worship practices, rituals, nonreligious customs, and various societal behaviors, Messenger is able to challenge preconceptions of both Christian and indigenous religious identities and behaviors.

Messenger begins by examining the history of European and American contact in the region – trade, military, and missionary activities. He then investigates the current religious acculturation of the Anang according to sex and age groups. He attributes definite trends of belief to gender and age groupings. The author then explores the specifics of the indigenous religion of the Anang, which is monotheistic and emphasizes reincarnation, ancestor worship, the human possession of two souls, free will, and punishment for misdeeds. This is contrasted with various Christian denominations, especially the Christ Army Church, which advocates “spiritualism” and reinterprets Christian and Anang doctrines and rituals. The Christ Army Church supports indigenous customs; yet it is able to attract many women to Christianity by allowing greater participation for females than the indigenous religion. Messenger attempts to demonstrate that the evangelistic success of the Christ Army Church missionaries is related to the this type of adaptation of Christian doctrine to exploit certain indigenous practices, such as patriarchy, and certain indigenous beliefs, such as witches and evil spirits. Consequently, many Anang Christians have preserved indigenous beliefs and adopted a singular “Christian” faith that is at odds with mainstream Christian doctrine and behavior.

Individuals interested in the influence of religion upon other religion will find this article intriguing. Messenger’s work also addresses a larger audience seeking to examine the relationship of religion upon society and public life.

JEFFREY J. TONER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Needham, Rodney. Chawte Social Structure. American Anthropologist April, 1960 Vol. 62(2): 236-252.

Rodney Needham’s article about the Chawte social structure looked to clear up the confusing and contradicting information already compiled on the society. He examined the notes of mainly Shakespear, Hodson, Bose, Roy and Das to try to make sense of the differences in their notes. Shakespear did his study in 1912, Hodson in 1922, and the others all performed their study in the 1930’s.

Needham first takes a look at what it is that is contradicting in their notes. He mentions the differences in their recordings of location, history and ethnic affiliations, their government, descent system, relationship terms, and marriage and affinal alliances. One of the questions at hand in the second part of Needham’s article is cross-cousin marriages. Shakespear’s account claims that cross-cousin marriages were how people in the clan were married, where as the others said the clan married outside the family and clan with neighboring clans. Also in question was what decent group Shakespear was referring to in his notes. Much of his information did not line up with that of the others. Needham draws the conclusion that Shakespear’ s account may relate to the Purum and not the Chawte. Needham concludes that the ethnography that exists on Chawte is “too confusing and contradictory to be of any secure use in comparative studies or theoretical analysis.”

Needham’ s article is confusing and does not clear up the contradicting studies of the others. It is a good article to read if interested on what has been studied about the Chawte culture, but as Needham stated, it is too contradicting to do any comparative studies or theoretical analysis.

DENNIS WATSON University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Needham, Rodney. Structure and Change in Asymmetric Alliance: Comments on Livingstone’s Further Analysis of Purum Society. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62(3):499-503.

Rodney Needham’s article is a commentary on Livingstone’s critique of Needham’s earlier 1958 analysis of Purum Society. Needham claims that Livingstone’s analysis is not a further analysis of his own analysis since Livingstone’s argument supposedly rests on methodologically invalid procedures, uses data from only one single source and completely ignores more recent information, and was written without knowledge of the theoretical and ethnographic literature on the subject of asymmetric alliance.

Needham bases his commentary on a list of twelve points that he criticizes about Livingstone’s article. He says that it is inadmissible of Livingstone to cite features of a situation as determinants of the situation’s result. Later Needham accuses Livingstone of using wrong data, too old data sets, and drawing wrong conclusions out of the data he uses. The evidence employed by Livingstone is also not sufficient in Needham’s eyes since it is not clear enough to support Livingstone’s argument. Needham feels that Livingstone misrepresents Needham’s findings in at least two incidents when referring to marriages within the clan or within the lineage. Again, Needham does not agree with Livingstone’s interpretation of marriages where women marry men of other clans than their own.

Needham bases his argument on the “well-known” fact that the definition of alliance groups can be changed and that alliances can be reversed in such systems as the one of the Purum. According to Needham, there are several reasons for these changes in alliances. Needham implies that Livingstone denies that alliance groups can change where Needham is of the belief that systems of asymmetric alliance can indeed change relations between their structural groups and still preserve the principal of matrilateral connubium.

In Needham’s opinion, Livingstone neglects Needham’s most important lesson in his analysis, e.g. the remarkable concordance between social and symbolic structure in societies based on prescriptive alliances. The social system that Livingstone proposes is completely inadequate and misleading according to Needham.

This article will be of use to individuals who either know Needham’s 1958 analysis of Purum society or Livingstone’s analysis that was published one year later. Without this knowledge, references made by Needham will hardly be understood.

NINA REINECKE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Paine, Robert. Emergence of the Village as a Social Unit in a Coast Lappish Fjord.American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6):1004-1017.

Robert Paine wrote about the social structure in a fjord. Using the Coast Lappish fjord for his study, he looked at their relationship with neighboring fjords, including the Mountain Lappish people. However, his main focus was on the Coast Lappish social unit and how it had changed through out the years, particularly before the war to how it was after the war with the introduction of technology.

Technology greatly increases the boundaries for those living in the Coast Lappish fjord. It expanded their markets for which they traded, as they were now able to trade with other communities. More importantly, it changed where people were living following marriage. Before the war, married couples were expected to farm a certain distance from one’s fathers house. However, with the invention of the motor boat and telephone, making traveling and communication easier, couples began moving farther away. No longer was a community able to survive by staying in isolation. Paine argued that a community had to stay with the times or it would not exist very long.

Paine explains that although certain technological advances made staying in touch easier from a greater distance, family life suffered. Only up to one’s cousins was considered part of the family. Even in town, the personal relationship between storeowners and customers dwindled. Traditional family and community lifestyles did not survive the advancements. Also with the coming of technology, the Mountain Lappish and Coastal Lappish did not need to rely on each other as much.

Robert Paine’s article is a good article for those interested and knowledgeable about either the growth of societies or the people in Scandinavia. It is evident from his studies that things were not the same after war and technological advances.

DENNIS WATSON University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Parker, Seymour. The Wiitiko Psychosis in the Context of Ojibwa Personality and Culture.American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4) 603-623.

Seymour Parker’s article examines factors which may lead to wiitiko psychosis in some members of the Ojibwa tribe of Canada. The author argues that this disease, which does not affect most of the neighboring tribes, is a function of the social and cultural structure of the Ojibwa tribe in addition to the etiological factors that had previously been proposed by Ruth Landes and John M.Cooper. Parker gives a very plausible argument that these social environmental factors could play a significant role in the outbreak of this disease.

The article begins with a discussion of the pathology of wiitiko psychosis. The victims of this disease go through a stage of depression followed by paranoia which can then progress to a stage of homicidal cannibalism.

The author then argues his point through a discussion of the child rearing, adult life, and mythology of the Ojibwa people. The reader is presented in child rearing section with details of the customs associated with raising the child through the various stages of childhood leading up to adulthood. Prominent in the discussion of mythology are the concepts of failure at hunting being a function of being hexed by a neighbor or family member and that people can be possessed by the cannibalistic wiitiko monster. The adult life sections discuss the isolation, independence, poor communication, and lack of social cohesion experienced in adult life. As the discussion progresses, Parker is able to piece together socially grounded psychological stresses on the individual tribe members that are unique to the Ojibwa culture and consistent with many of the known symptoms of this disorder.

This article will be of interest to people hoping to further understand wiitiko psychosis. It may also interest people wanting insight into connections between mental disorders and social environmental factors. Parker’s article presents a convincing argument that social and cultural factors can have an impact in the case of wiitiko psychosis.

Brad Nitzberg University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Polgar, Steven. Biculturation of Mesquakie Teenage Boys. American Anthropologist April, 1960 Vol. 62(2): 217-235.

Steven Polgar’s article examines the way that teenage boys in a Mesquakie settlement in Iowa, interact with the White culture to which they are exposed. He wants to see how a group of boys socialize with both their Indian heritage and the White culture in what he calls biculturation. He goes about his study by closely noting the behavior and actions of a group of boys between the ages often and twenty for five months. He does this by both interacting with them and observing them from the outside.

Polgar begins his study by looking at the group of boys as a whole. He notes the type of family, nuclear or non-nuclear, they grew up in. Polgar uses this to make overall generalizations about the socializing of the Indians and forming a base for the rest of his study. Before entering kindergarten, few of the Indians had much contact with the Whites. They remembered little from their trips to town. However, once they began kindergarten, things changed and their contact with Whites became much more frequent.

Following the section about the boys as a whole, Polgar breaks down the boys into “gangs” which he calls the group of boys they hang out with. He focuses on three gangs in particular. The first is a trouble-making group of boys who are still close with their indian roots. The second gang was easy going around white, while having a conservative make up. The third gang was the most accepting of White culture that Polgar explains probably came from their father. Polgar then briefly draws conclusions about the other gangs and those boys who were not in a gang.

This article will interest those interested in present day Indian and White socialization. Polgar does an excellent job in explaining biculturation and showing how it relates to the Mesquakie settlement, in particular to the group of boys studied.

DENNIS WATSON University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Romano V., Octavio Ignacio. Donship in a Mexican-American Community in Texas. American Anthropologist December, 1960 Vol. 62(6): 966-976.

Octavio Romano V’s article on the title don in a Mexican-American community reveals two issues. The first was how does a male in a Mexican-American community come to be called a don. Secondly, what responsibility is placed on the owner of a don title. Romano chose a community called Frontera, because he felt this town in south Texas would provide him with a traditional Mexican-American culture, since it was a recently established town made up of mostly Mexican immigrants.

Romano uses the first half of the article to look at each way a person can become a don. He not only lists who can become a don; a patron, a Mexican consul, a wealthy business man, a politician, a curandero, or over the age of eighty; he provides examples from the town of Frontera who fit this criteria and have the moral upstanding to be called don. He also explains how one can achieve the label don.

The second half of the article describes in detail the qualities that a man must have to earn the title. If a man does not behave in an educated manner or avoid the suspicions of his neighbors, he cannot become a don. Romano further explains that the criteria to become a don actually doubles as the morals of the Mexican-American community. It is this criteria that keeps the town together and keeps the traditions in a small Mexican-American community alive.

This article is a good article for anyone looking to learn about who can become a don and what it takes. It is important to take into account however that this study was performed in a small town and the situation concerning dons may vary depending on the surroundings.

DENNIS WATSON JR. University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Rubel, Arthur J. Concepts of Disease in Mexican-American Culture. American Anthropologist Vol. 62 (5): 795 – 814.

Arthur Rubel’s article overall concern is to discuss traditional concepts of health and disease found among the Spanish-speaking people of Texas-Mexican border, and the manner in which these concepts contribute to the maintenance of the social system of that group.

The article makes use of the fact that there are some diseases that can only be found among Mexican-Americans to prove that these diseases and its healing processes reveal much more than a simple pathological issue, they symbolize the struggle of the Mexican-Americans against the adoption of the widespread Anglo-American culture and is in fact a way of protecting their own traditional way of life.

Arthur Rubel makes his point by narrating his firsthand exposure with the Mexican-American habitants of a small city named Mecca in which Anglo-Americans and Mexican-Americans coexist in a policy of separatism. The latter still keeps traditions and believes that are based on their ancestors. The author describes through statements given by locals as well as through his own observations, four diseases that are common among the Mexican-American people of Mecca: “caída de la molera”, “empacho”, “mal ojo” and “susto”. His description includes details not only of the symptoms brought by these diseases as well as their causes and the healing processes. In a further chapter, the author analyses some of the Mexican-American’s cultural values such as the maintenance of the solidarity of a small, bilateral family unit; and others which prescribe the appropriate role behavior of males and females, of older and younger individuals. At this point, he makes an attempt to relate the diseases mentioned in the former chapters to the dominant values of the Mexican-American culture. He concludes his article by inferring that these diseases and its healing procedures mirrors the Mexican-American society structure and its values and that the maintenance of these believes is crucial to the survival of this traditional social system.

ROBERTA LANDMANN University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Service, Elman R. Kinship Terminology and Evolution. American Anthropologist October, 1960 62(5):747-763.

Elman R. Service’s article attempts to show the relationship between kinds of kinship terminological patterns and stages of cultural evolution. He proposes a solution that is relatively simple, but admits that there is difficulty inherent in the ambiguous meaning of terms like kinship and of evolution. By outlining different subdivisions of status and kinship terms, Service suggests that anthropologists employ a new method of classification which would allow for a reasonable comparison between different groups’ kinship terminologies, and their subsequent relationship to different stages of evolution.

Service begins his argument by presenting the arguments of anthropologists like G.P. Murdock and Leslie A. White, who claim that there are no valid theories concerning the evolution of kinship systems. Service attempts to disprove these claims by suggesting an alternative approach. First he presents the premises of what is meant by evolution and kinship terminologies in the context of his paper. Service takes two perspectives on evolution; specific evolution and general evolution. Specific evolution means that advance or progress is always relative to the particular environment and problems created within it. General evolution is a perspective entailing total evolution, or the emergence of higher forms rather than adaptation to a certain environment. Service chooses to develop his argument in terms of general cultural evolution.

Service also explains two points of view concerning kinship terms. He presents his view that kinship terms are a subdivision of status terms, which are either “familistic” or “nonfamilistic.” These two subdivisions are then grouped together with another subdivision of status terms, egocentric and sociocentric, which describe relative social positions as opposed to familial relations.

Finally, Service groups these subdivisions to create four categories of status terms: Egocentric-familistic, sociocentric-familistic, egocentric-nonfamilistic, and sociocentric-nonfamilistic. Egocentric terms are associated with small, personal groups, and are prevalent in the most primitive societies, while sociocentric terms multiply as societies grow and become more complex. Thus, stage I in the general evolutionary perspective comprises small societies with isolated kindred and is associated with egocentric-familistic terminology. Stages II-IV follow, with the society in stage IV represented by modern industrial and sociocentric nonfamilistic terminologies. Service concludes that egocentric and nonfamilistic terms are less prominent as society becomes depersonalized.

He theorizes that in order to accurately compare different kinship groups, each subdivision of terminology must be applied. In the past, certain terms have been excluded in different groups, leading to the conclusion that there is no relationship between kinship terminology and cultural evolution, when indeed there is. Service’s conclusion that both sociocentric and egocentric, as well as nonfamilistic and familistic terminology must play a part in the description of kinship systems, will interest those studying kinship classification systems all over the world.

JENNY HOGE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Siegel, Bernard J. and Beals, Alan R. Pervasive Factionalism. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62 (3): 394-417.

Bernard Siegel and Alan Beals’ article examines pervasive factionalism and how it develops within a society. They attempt to explain this type of factionalism through strains within the society and through external pressures, which they show to be the two major causes of this phenomenon. The field data obtained from the Indian village of Namhalli by Beals in 1954 and from Taos Pueblo in New Mexico by Siegel in 1955 are used to portray the development of pervasive factionalism.

The study begins with observations of pervasive factionalism in Namhalli and then in Taos Pueblo. Specific incidents and disputes, even seemingly trivial ones, display the dissent from the traditional authority of family, caste, religion, and single leadership over the societies. In both cases, disagreements among individuals led to the formation of unorganized and constantly shifting opposing factions, which then caused the destruction of traditionally strong relationships and of cooperative activities. Through these observations, Siegel and Beals form their definition of pervasive factionalism.

The analysis next demonstrates how strains in the society and external pressures cause the disputes which lead to pervasive factionalism. Internal strains in Namhalli, such as the confusion of appropriate conduct between leader and follower and among different castes, are shown to lead to the result of disputes and opposing factions. The inability of men lacking proper religious training to hold any influence in the community is one strain, among others, that leads to pervasive factionalism in Taos Pueblo. Siegel and Beals show how these internal strains disturb the unwavering loyalty to the basic familial leaders within the societies and consequently instigate conflict. Siegel and Beals also discuss evidence of external pressures on both Namhalli and Taos Pueblo causing pervasive factionalism. Increasing contact with outsiders and involvement of outside governments attempting to change the design of authority and behavior within these two societies after WWII led to situations of incompatible values among different factions within the communities.

Siegel and Beals recognize that continued research is needed to make conclusions about the development of pervasive factionalism. Their studies and the work of others cannot provide a clear and complete definition of the concept. But the theory provided by Siegel and Beals is one that can be applied across a broad range of cultures.

SEAN MONTGOMERY University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Simmons, Ozzie G. Ambivalence and the Learning of Drinking Behavior in a Peruvian Community. American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6):1018-1027.

Ozzie G. Simmons explores the role of drinking behavior in the Peruvian community of Lunahuana, a mostly mestizo, small village and outlying barrios in the Andean foothills. There is a high frequency of drinking and drunkenness, but a low occurrence of alcoholism. This can likely be explained by the acceptance of drinking, and the fact that all drinking is limited to social contexts. Simmons’ discussion is framed by the work of Ullman (1958), who proposed that groups of societies with well established drinking customs will have a low rate of alcoholism. The drinking behavior in Lunahuana is such a society.

Drinking and drunkenness are virtually universal among adult males in Lunahuana; females occasionally take a few drinks at fiestas, but largely do not participate in the male pattern. The adult male Lunahuano is typically timid, evasive, shy, and at a loss for words in the social setting, but he becomes “another person” when drunk. This change in behavior is generally not a cause for shame, unless the some very inappropriate behavior occurred while drunk. Drinking is seen as good in itself, but the acts that come from drinking may result in guilt. That is, there is ambivalence about the act of drinking itself.

Alcohol consumption is believed to be a source of joy in Lunahuana, and liquor is considered healthful for a variety of physical ailments. Once offered alcohol, refusing is not an option. Friends often attempt to get one another drunk, especially around the grape harvesting and pruning seasons. Children begin drinking at an early age, and learn by example of the adults around them. However, drinking and drunkenness among adolescents is not approved. This is justified by the supposition that they are too susceptible to the effects of excess alcohol, and that they are more likely to participate in inappropriate behavior because of this susceptibility. After the age of 18 or 20, once adolescents reach maximum physical strength, and achieve reason, then drinking is acceptable. Heavy drinking by those younger than this age is a grave disrespect for the social rules and for the parents. Adolescents are supposed to wait until maturity before engaging in this behavior. Around the company of adults, adolescent boys usually withheld from drinking heavily; when away from adults, the boys often did drink at or near the adult level. Simmons examines the causes for adolescent conformity around adults with regards to interpersonal fear and internalization of the drinking cultural pattern.

This article discusses the relationship between attitudes towards drinking and learned drinking behavior, by examining the attitudes developed during adolescence. A direct relationship is assumed between standards against adolescent drinking and ambivalence towards adult drinking. This relationship has been supported by previous researchers, but needs further empirical research and evidence. The article will interest those interested in drinking and drunkenness behavior, general behavioral norms established during adolescence, and the effects of ambivalence towards drinking in society.

LARA ROMAN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Slobodin, Richard. Some Social Functions of Kutchin Anxiety. American Anthropologist. February, 1960. Vol. 62 (1): 122-133.

Slobodin’s article deals with how the American Indian comminute of Kutchin deal with anxiety as a group using different tactics which either act as centrifugal or centripetal forces within the group.

Slobodin discusses anxiety and the Kutchin’s reactions to it through four stories he collected from informants. Each story tells of a different cause of anxiety, the community’s reaction and how this reflects Kutchin culture in general. The stories chronicle these events: the death of four young men in a boating accident and the identification of their bodies, the losing and rediscovery of an adolescent on a hunting expedition, one man’s recovery from an illness on a two man hunting trip and the sighting of a slave who escaped from a passing river boat. According to Slobodin, these four events illustrate the Kutchin’s cohesive and dispersive reactions, which deal with the anxiety these events produced.

Slobodin also briefly discusses the folklore of the Kutchin community and the mixed reaction of the community is reflected in their folklore as well. For example, some stories tell of hunting parties divided up and separated. Upon reunion, in some versions, if one group only finds a soul survivor from the other group, they slaughter him on sight. In other version their reunion is a happy one.

Slobodin explains this phenomenon through the difficulties exerted by the environment on the community. As a result of being continually faced with starvation, the Kutchin have developed cultural values which conflict: highly valuing self sufficiency as well as being very suspicious of the individual.

MOLLY GUNN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Smith, Alfred G. and John P. Kennedy. The Extension of Incest Taboos in the Woleai, Micronesia. American Anthropologist August, 1960 62(4):643-647.

Alfred Smith’s and John Kennedy’s article analyzes the variability and extent of incest taboos among the Woleai of Micronesia. From direct analysis of marriages among the groups, the authors come to several conclusions about the culture and external influences on several tribes in Micronesia.

Beginning with a quick summary of the idea of an incest taboo, the authors describe how various circumstances affect the extent of incest taboos and who they include including habitat, technology, labor divisions, etc. Additionally, the authors attempt to refute Murdock’s claim that incest taboos develop completely independently of external influences.

Quickly though, they move into their specific case study of Micronesia. By collecting data on four different tribes on four different islands in Micronesia, the authors reconstruct a system of incest on the islands. They try to find any sanguineous relation between husband and wife. They also trace the differences between matrilateral and patrilateral, and matrilineal and patrilineal relations in the extensions of the incest taboo. In addition they trace the degree of separation between the marriage partners (tertiary, fourth-degree, fifth-degree) By tracing the lineages of the marriage partners, the authors reconstructed many of the officially unstated rules about how can and cannot be married within the cultures of the different groups. Although all of the groups seem to extend incest taboos to matrilineal relatives (Clans are also matrilineal, thus one cannot marry a clan-mate.), the incest rules seem not to apply uniformly to non-clan marriage. The inhabitants of one island (Eauripik) seem to allow certain consanguineal marriages while the inhabitants of other islands do not.

In addition, the authors postulate and support causes for these variations. Initial possibilities include the existence of a true nonunilinear kin group on the other islands but not on Eauripik but this is not supported thus the authors reject it as a definite answer. An alternative solution is that since almost half of the population of Eauripik belongs to the Woleai clan, a special case arises to allow the members of that clan to marry within their own clan. Also by examining the power structure of the society of Eauripik, the authors postulate reasons for the near-moiety marriage system on that island as well where, for the most part, one of the marriage partners belongs to the Woleai clan.

An additional explanation for the difference on Eauripik is the geographic distance between that island and the others in the Woleai atoll. The authors explain that due to the larger distance between Eauripik and the other islands, it developed a more self-contained marriage system.

This article is of interest to those anthropologists studying the Woleai atoll and its inhabitants. It also appeals to those interested in incest taboos in general as it expands a theory of the development of incest taboos in general.

CARL PFENDNER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).

Sofue, Takao. Japanese Studies by American Anthropologists: Review and Evaluation.American Anthropologist April, 1960 62(2):306-317.

Takao Sofue’s article critically examines the history of American anthropological scholarship of Japan. Specifically, Sofue’s focus is on studies of Japan by American anthropologists during the period 1939-1960. In his chronological account and his appraisal that follows, Sofue highlights the significant impact of international politics and prevailing psychological theories on the nature of anthropological investigation. After analyzing the virtues and deficiency of scholarship from foreign and native perspectives, respectively, he concludes that research findings will improve greatly if Japanese scholars cooperate with foreign scholars so that each can compensate for the inadequacies of the other.

Sofue begins his evaluation by dividing the history of American anthropological scholarship of Japan into three chronological periods: 1939-1946, 1947-1949, and 1950-present (i.e. 1960). Sofue characterizes the anthropological work of the period as focused on national character, and conducted at a distance, through psychological tests and interviews with immigrants and refugees, along with analysis of movies and literature of the region. He attributes these factors to the enemy status of the Japanese and the inaccessibility of the region, noting that the major anthropological work of the period was conducted under the auspices of the Office of Wartime Information. Sofue argues that the popularity of the psychoanalytic approach in the United States accounts for the special emphasis placed on strict child-rearing techniques as the source of Japanese national character.

The decline in American scholarship in Japan during the period 1947-1949 is argued to be the result of a shift in international political concern away from Japan, towards Eastern Europe and Soviet Russia. Sofue asserts that the return to field studies of Japan during this period, however limited, is significant to the discipline of anthropology for two reasons. One, the comprehensive approach these studies took, coordinating anthropology, psychology, and sociology strongly influenced subsequent American research. Two, the presence of American scholars aided the reconstruction of anthropology in Japan.

Sofue recounts the scholarship of 1950-1960 as a new era in research; with the post-war prevalence of army-trained Japanese speakers, Japanese studies became intensive, focusing on more detailed problems. Emerging works by native Japanese anthropologists and the declining popularity of psychoanalysis in the United States incited a backlash against earlier studies of Japan.

In his concluding analysis, Sofue commends Americans for their monographic, holistic approach to a culture and cites the tendency of Japanese scholars to overlook the significance of what they consider mundane as their greatest weakness. Sofue argues that linguistic barriers and an incomplete understanding of Japanese politics and society undermine American research. He calls for cooperation between American and Japanese scholars in order to greatly improve the research findings of both.

This article will interest individuals who are seeking an overview of the trends in the work by American anthropologists in Japan during the years 1939-1960. It is also of use to those studying the influence of prevailing psychological theory or international politics on anthropological scholarship. The merits and shortcomings of research from foreign and native perspectives, respectively, are touched upon as well.

NAOMI BERKOWITZ University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Spoehr, Alexander. Port Town and Hinterland in the Pacific Islands. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62(4): 586-592.

Spoehr’s article describes the relations between port towns and their hinterland in the Pacific islands. The purpose of his analysis is to comment on port and hinterland since, in his eyes, the relation between the two is crucial for the understanding of the changes taking place in the Pacific at the time of the publication of the article.

According to Spoehr, the scene in the Pacific islands is the product of the contact of island peoples with Europeans, Asians, and Americans which resulted in migration and settlement of non-indigenous peoples. These alien influences led to the creation of a series of port towns which are surrounded by a hinterland, usually an assemblage of islands.

The port towns continue to serve as commercial, administrative, and missionary centers as set up by the European colonizers with the added functions of communication and transportation centers. They organize the trade between the hinterland and the forelands which usually are the metropolitan countries to which a limited variety of exports is shipped. Port towns nearly totally depend on the import of manufactured goods from the forelands since they either have no industry or only modest development. Pacific port towns are primarily maritime shipping points especially with the post-War development of commercial aviation and the growth of tourism.

Spoehr believes that the port towns serve as magnets for islanders from the hinterland which leads to a change in racial and ethnic composition in the town. The focal point for further research should be the change in relations among different racial groups inhabiting the islands whereby the social position of resident Europeans as a minority group will become increasingly complex.

In Spoehr’s opinion, the study of Pacific port towns is relevant for anthropologists because it reflects the significance of port towns in culture history as transmission points in the transfer of ideas as well as goods and as breeding grounds and point of origin of cultural change. Port towns also give anthropologists the opportunity to observe early stages of urbanization since these towns are not cities and probably never will be. Spoehr also thinks it is of importance that the forces of the modern world are channelled through the port towns to the hinterland where they produce a similar type of hinterland society.

This article will interest individuals with a concern for developments in the region of the Pacific. Since Spoehr creates a link between port towns and the early stages of urbanization, the article might also be of value to individuals studying urbanization processes around the world.

NINA REINECKE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg

Stocking, George W. Jr. Franz Boas and the Fouiiding of the American Anthropological Association. American Anthropologist February, 1960 Vol. 62(1): 1-17.

George Stocking’s article examines the founding of the American Anthropological Association (A.A.A.) and the controversy it created between two key anthropologists of the time: Franz Boas and W. J. McGee. Using official meeting minutes and personal letters from the two anthropologists, Stocking gives the reader some insight to the mounting tension surrounding the creation of yet another anthropological organization.

In 1896 Franz Boas founded the Anthropological Club in New York in his pursuit to professionalize American anthropology. During this time, several regional organizations devoted to anthropology existed in Washington D.C. and New York, with memberships including both professional and amateur anthropologists. W. J. McGee took a different approach when he suggested the founding of a new, national organization, which he called the American Anthropological Association. The A.A.A. would include both professional and amateur members, with the amateur anthropologists providing most of the financial support.

In January 1901, McGee approached Boas with the idea of forming a new organization, and was met with opposition. Boas urged McGee to wait one to two years before forming the organization, while stressing the idea that only professional anthropologists should be given membership to the A.A.A. What follows is an account of the ill feelings created between the two anthropologists when McGee created the A.A.A. without the knowledge and consent of Boas.

Stocking gives the reader a clear view of the founding of the American Anthropological Association and the feelings toward amateur anthropologists in the United States at that time.

LINDSAY SHAFER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Suggs, Robert C. Historical Traditions and Archeology in Polynesia. American Anthropologist October 1960 62(5):764-773.

Traditionally, legendary information was not difficult to obtain in Polynesia, and the area was rich in oral literature. This fact, combined with native Polynesian’s negative view of archaeology caused Polynesian prehistory to be constructed almost entirely of local legends. Robert Suggs’ article attempts to examine and re-evaluate prehistoric Polynesian legends in terms of recent archaeological excavations in Polynesia, as well as in New Zealand.

Suggs begins by examining the collection of archaeological data and traditional texts in New Zealand. He uses the example of the arrival of the Moa Hunter, which has been dated genealogically to 950 A.D. by anthropologist Duff. More recently, however, archaeological evidence has suggested through radiocarbon dates that the arrival of the Moa Hunter was not until 1125 A.D. It had also been theorized that the Moa culture did not give rise to the historic Maori culture, when in fact more recently realized stratigraphic evidence indicates that the Maori culture evolved gradually from the Moa Hunter phase.

Next, Suggs examines a similar situation in Hawaii. Prior to Dr. K. P. Emory’s excavations, Hawaiian prehistory was based mainly on legendary substantiation. There are problems with evidence provided by legends, however, including the traditional date of occupation, the origin of Hawaiian occupation, and the legendary Menehune, or black dwarfs. Archaeological field work has been able to clarify these matters, either by supporting or disproving them. In the case of the origin of occupation, interpretation of archaeological materials was aided by the use of legends and reinforces previously held views that Polynesians were able to voyage with accuracy and planned expeditions and migrations to new lands.

Suggs concludes his article with the point that both legendary and archaeological evidence must be analyzed carefully. Polynesian oral literature no longer forms the only basis for prehistoric constructions, but may still contribute valuable information to this area of study. This article brings to light problems created by the interplay of traditional sources and archaeological evidence. Suggs presents a clear argument that the two sources will continue to play off one another and that both sources are important, but each must be critically analyzed with the other in mind to reach a valid historical reconstruction.

JENNY HOGE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Suttles, Wayne. Affinal Ties, Subsistence, and Prestige among the Coast Salish. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62(2):296-305.

Wayne Suttles’ article, as the title purports, examines the relationship between affinal ties, subsistence and prestige among the Coast Salish. He begins by stating that previous attempts to link the social stratification and the potlatch among these peoples have not been satisfactory. He challenges previous suppositions that the “subsistence economy” and the “prestige economy” are two separate systems.

Suttles frames his challenge when he states, “I believe, however, that it is more reasonable to assume that, for a population to have survived in a given environment for any length of time, its subsistence activities and prestige-gaining activities are likely to form a single integrated system by which that population has adapted to its environment.” He shows how these systems are related in these areas by the affinal exchanges. These exchanges occur between what he terms “co-parents-in-law,” and begin with the exchanges of wealth at the wedding of their respective children to each other. These exchanges may continue as long as the marriage lasts, and sometimes the exchanges widen to other affinal relationships, e.g. between father-in-law and son-in-law or between brothers-in-law. There are reported instances where these exchanges have become competitive. But it must be understood that this sort of exchange is not simply a repayment of the bride price or a balancing out of exchanges made at the time of the wedding, even though it may have begun at that time. It must also be made clear that these should not be confused with the potlatch. These affinal exchanges show that high status comes from sharing food and from food production. These are direct relationships. Food and wealth are indirectly related, since in the process of the exchange, food may be converted into wealth. Thus the relationship of food, wealth, and high status form a single system.

Suttles develops his argument by considering the environmental setting of native culture in regard to food—variety, local variation, seasonal variation, and yearly fluctuation, and then comparing that to the exchanges of food that take place at the potlatch. But “the potlatch is a part of a larger socio-economic system that enable the whole social network, consisting of a number of communities, to maintain a high level of food production and to equalize its food consumption both within and among communities.” This data comes from work done with informants of the Straits tribes and of the Katzie and Musqueam. He does not indicate whether this work was done by him or if he is using data collected by other.

This article presents the data in a way such that each new set of information builds on the previous data offered. The argument is logical and specific. This article will be of interest to those who study American Indian tribes [Native Americans in the U.S. or First Nations in Canada] of the Northern Pacific group. Some of the conclusions could be used when studying any culture, since food, wealth and prestige are part of most all cultures found throughout the world.

Peggy Billian University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Suttles, Wayne. Affinal Ties, Subsistence, and Prestige among the Coast Salish. American Anthropologist GNI A5 1960 Vol. 62.2: 296-305.

Wayne Suttles’ article states the significance of “ties established through inter-community marriage” and the exchange of gifts among families. These are important factors “in the socio-economic system” of Northwest Coast tribes in Coast Salish. Suttles supports this theory by giving several examples about the selection of participants in marriages, their roles in society, and their relationships among all members involved. The emphasis is on how influential marriage is on families’ status within their communities. Suttles also defines the process that includes the selection of the bride, contribution of food, and converting food to wealth. The result of this well established process ultimately leads to high status.

Although member of villages are connected by a common language, belief system, and shared customs; marriage and kinship are most crucial in Northwest Coast Tribes. Marriage is not only the joint of two persons, but of two families in a community. Suttles initiates with an explanation of individual “social classes.” However, his examples and concentration are of the “high class,” who are the majority. The “low class” is persons who are not recognized in claiming valuable resources of the region and have no hereditary rights.

Families of similar social/economic levels (i.e. upper class) arrange the marriages of their children. The groom’s family initiates negotiations that include the exchange of properties of the two families. The new couples normally live with the groom’s family, but the two families continue to exchange gifts for the continuation of the marriage. The relationships of the children stretch to the extended family, such as cousins. As a result, various levels are established among family members based upon age and relationships. They are distinguished as junior and senior levels among descendants.

Other factors that influence a high status are food and wealth. It is clearly stated that high status comes from sharing food and from directing food production. However, it is necessary to emphasize the power that wealth carries among many social structures. All contribute to the exchange of resources between families, which can be a very competitive process. The exchange of food and wealth is not restricted to co-parent-in-law either; it could be between father-in-law and son-in-law or between brothers-in-law or even cousins.

This is an interesting article for people who are exploring the culture of the Northwest Coast tribes, particularly the social-economic aspects of this region. In this article, Suttles provides specific details about marriages and kinship and their connections. It carefully defines relationships, statuses, roles, and expectations of individuals, and the effects of food and wealth on high status. It also specifies that this is only a general interpretation of the culture as a whole, and its details may not even apply to the Coast Salish. More research is needed to have more clarity and particulars about a specific region within the Northwest Coast.

RICARDINA IWANYSHYN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Voegelin, C.F. Pregnancy Couvade Attested by Term and Text in Hopi. American Anthropologist June 1960 62(3):491-494.

C.F. Voegelin’s article explores the meaning of a Hopi term used to describe the suffering of babies and husbands during the pregnancy of a woman, specifically their mother and wife respectively. While interviewing a Hopi woman, Voegelin discovered the term, with which he was unfamiliar and encouraged the woman to put the word into Hopi sentences so he could understand the context and meaning of the word. The word translates into English as “child in couvade” or “husband in couvade”.

The context into which the word was put was that of a girl looking for her parents, and in doing so she asked her grandparents where they were. Her maternal uncle responds, saying that her father is “in couvades”, which is a favorite joke in the Hopi culture for adults because typically children do not understand it. The informant told Voegelin that the word can be used as a noun (as it was in the pun told to the girl) but also as a verb. For the verb, a suffix is employed, so that it would be used as “suffering couvade sickness”.

Voegelin notes that going into couvade is not a cultural phenomenon in White culture but for the Hopi, it is a cultural and physiological fact. He notes more specific conditions for the term: a pregnant mother’s child suffers when he/she sees her in a certain stage of pregnancy and her husband will go into couvade before her pregnancy physically shows. Voegelin also notes that that in Hopi it is not the pregnant mother that causes her last-born child to go into couvade but that this child actually causes her to become pregnant. The Hopi mother does not will the suffering of her last-born baby during her pregnancy, for she merely observes the fact that her pregnancy causes couvade sickness in the two individuals responsible for her pregnancy, her husband and her last-born child.

WHITNEY CUMMINGS University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Vogt, Evon Z., On the Concepts of Structure and Process in Cultural Anthropology. American Anthropologist. February, 1960 Vol. 62(1): 18-33.

Evon Vogt examines the way American anthropologists approach cultural anthropology, which he argues is a Marxist type of approach and interpretation. He argues that American anthropologists seek economic and/or ecological determinants, and as a result, they are unable to satisfactorily observe changing social and cultural systems.

Vogt suggests two reasons for the inability to clearly conceptualize process. American anthropologists assume social and cultural systems either: (1) maintain equilibrium unless strained by an outside force, or (2) tend to change, rather than rest at equilibrium. Vogt argues that one must differentiate between short-term and long-term processes in social and cultural systems. He calls these “recurrent processes” and “directional processes,” respectively.

Vogt goes on to describe in detail directional processes and the five stages of socio-economic growth as stated by Rostow: traditional society, pre-take-off, take-off, maturity, and durable goods and services. The author illustrates these concepts by applying them to Navaho ceremonialism from the time of their Apachean ancestors to the present.

Vogt concludes the article by suggesting ways in which American anthropologists can alter their fieldwork so as to use these new concepts to obtain better results in their cultural research.

LINDSAY SHAFER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Voget, Fred W. Man and Culture: An Essay in Changing Anthropological Interpretation. American Anthropologist October 1960 62(6):943-965.

In this article, Fred Voget undertakes to summarize the four major schools of Anthropological thought which have dominated the field over the last one and a half centuries. These schools are; psychogenic evolutionism, historical interactionism, culiuralism-functionalism-holism, and synthetic interactionism. Voget offers little in the way of critique or analysis of each philosophy, although he does do an adequate job of connecting them to the greater concept of the study of man in culture, or man as culture.

He describes the psychogenic evolutionists as the first humanistic scientists who could truly be deemed anthropologists. He associated this school with “uniformitarianism.. . whatever governed man’s cultural development in the past governs this development equally today.” He suggests that the reason why psychogenic evolutionism faded away to the next school of thought is that is did not leave adequate room for historical events, but focused to exclusively on the changes in man’s consciousness over time.

The next school is that of historical interactionism. This arose as a reaction to the history-less uniformitarianism of the previous decades. This school contended that culture was a result of “accidental historic events and interactive adjustments” and thus did not allow for any kind of determinism at all. Thus, interactionism too passed on as a result of its all-too narrow exclusive focus on historical events with complete blindness to the human element.

Following interactionism came culturalism-functionalism-holism. This was precipitated by a desire to return anthropology to the study of people rather than history as its immediate intellectual ancestor had. This school was the first to offer a more comprehensive look at culture as a complex series of influences dictated by both the human and environmental/historical elements. However, this approach was still largely dictated by the theory of “needs” as posited by Malinowski.

The final school of Anthropological thought is that of synthetic interactionism and complexity. This approach most fully blended the three before it, and argues that “man is a complex of rational-irrational processes.” This is the school which existed to the time of publishing (1960).

Voget concludes by saying that the only way for anthropology or any of the humanistic sciences to stay viable and effective meters of culture, they must all cooperate and mix the separate theories and approaches to the study of man in order to get at all the possible information.

This article was extremely well-written and would be valuable to anyone interested in the evolution of the study of anthropology or anyone looking for a very quick overview of the history of the discipline.

EDWARD CHATELAIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Voget, Fred W. Man and Culture: An Essay in Changing Anthropological Interpretation. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62(6): 943-965.

Fred W. Voget’s essay examines the concepts of man and culture and four interpretations held by anthropologists from 1860 through the mid 1960’s. These anthropological interpretations include: 1.) psychogenic evolutionism; 2.) historical interactionism; 3.) culturalism-functionalism-holism; and 4.) synthetic interactionism. Voget seeks to demonstrate that these interpretations have changed rather than explore the rationale for said changes. He draws relationships between them and identifies problems within each concept. Additionally, Voget attempts to illustrate that the shifts between these four concepts and their interpretations illustrate anthropology’s interconnectedness with psychology, biology, and sociology.

Voget begins his examination with psychogenic evolutionism, the 19th century interpretation that made assumptions rooted in philosophical rationalism and theories of the earlier philosophes such as Rousseau, Locke and Condorcet. The philosophers asserted that man coupled with “historicity was able to evolve beyond the cultural experience, or primitive survival, to achieve a more sophisticated level of knowledge. Voget seeks to point out that the early evolutionists’ embraced the notion of man transcending from unconscious to conscious through discoveries in the human mind.

The historical “interactionism” interpretation suggests that the man and culture relationship evolves from a scientific perspective expanding the psychogenic realm to include biological and ecological factors. While this interpretation presents a more complex view of man and culture, Voget makes the point that historical interactionism falls short inasmuch as it proffers that man and culture were the result of an “accidental” process rather than a culturally determined society.

With the culturalism, functionalism and holism interpretation, Voget examines the theories of Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown and others that would break off into new directions focusing on the function of authority, education and the family relationships by which this education is garnered. Culturalism-functionalism-holism delves into social needs, roles and the respective action of each person’s role within a culture such as that which occurs in the process of getting food for the family. With the onset of acculturation applied anthropology and Freudian theories on personalities the more recent interpretation of synthetic interactionism and complexity introduces a more innovative focus (of the time) on that of the individual.

While all four interpretations may be viewed as scientific, Vogel points out the problems in each and argues in favor of providing clarification through a more unified approach, citing “reality” for instance, as this unifying element. The interpretations fall short of this cohesiveness failing to focus on a larger, more encompassing view of man in relationship to culture.

Vogel’s essay will be of interest to students of anthropology and other social sciences especially with respect to the ongoing discussion on humanity and its relationship to culture. The article provides a broad overview and perhaps an initial glimpse into the early beginnings of the field of anthropology and its development.

LAUREL GRADY University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvin Hammarberg)

Voget, Fred. Man and Culture: An Essay in Changing Anthropological Interpretation. American Anthropologist December, 1960 Vol. 62(6) 943-965.

In “Man and Culture: An Essay in Changing Anthropological Interpretation” Fred Voget describes shifts in Anthropological concepts of man and culture from the 19th century to the time of his article in 1960. Voget discusses how changes in frameworks for culture, man, and the interaction of the two, have necessitated reciprocal adjustments over time. He is concerned that the concept of human nature’s influence on human behavior has often been oversimplified, or not addressed due to the theoretical focus of the day, while the questions suggested by this vital interaction continue to arise. Ultimately, Voget feels that recent changes make developing “an integrated science of man” possible. This combination of social sciences, humanities and psychology would be better equipped to thoroughly explore human reality than the individual disciplines are due to constraints of theory and identity.

Voget presents four key understandings of man and reality, each associated with a specific period of anthropology: psychogenic evolutionism (1860-1900), historical interactionism (1900-1925), Culturalism-functionalism-holism (1925-1940) and synthetic interactionism (1940-1960). As the third category’s title demonstrates, Voget’s conceptualizations are not necessarily specific to individual schools of anthropological thought but instead focus on what Voget takes to be their understanding of the “man-in-culture reality”.

In his discussion of each approach, Voget highlights the assumptions about humans and culture, and commitments to ideas implicit in these models and points out ways each has enriched the study of humanity but also theoretically limited the possibility for a more comprehensive understanding. He does this by describing how various anthropologists over time have approached their work and how their approach was invariably related their understanding of both their subjects and their field.

While Voget’s call for a unified approach to human studies does not seem so urgent, perhaps because of the amount of time since the publication of this article, perhaps because the fields in question have become more cooperative, his presentation of different anthropological understandings of the basic nature of humans and culture are very interesting. Voget discusses the assertions various anthropological theories make on these themes, which are intimately related to anthropology, but are not frequently discussed or addressed directly, likely because they are such large questions with problematic implications.

Christine Beardsley University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Vucinich, Alexander. Soviet Ethnographic Studies of Cultural Change. American Anthropologist October, 1960 Vol. 62(5):867-877

In this article, Vucinich attempts to outline the ethnographic information gathered about two processes in Soviet Russia. These are the processes of diffusion of urban traits into rural communities, particularly in the case of the collective farms, or kolkhozy, and the extension of socialist urban life into the lives of the various native Russian ethnic groupings and tribal societies. Employing a number of step-wise descriptions of cultural change, Vucinich achieves a high degree of clarity and success in describing ethnographic findings in Russia.

In the way of describing the first process, Vucinich describes a number of multi-step processes which affect the diffusion of urban society into rural communities. First, he endeavors to explain the reasons for the higher status of the worker over the peasant and subsequent emulation of the worker by the peasant, which he describes as “the crux of the cultural transformation of the rural community.” He identifies an ideological, historical, economic, psychological, and social element to the explanation of lower peasant status. He employs these particulate explanations to show how various aspects of soviet culture can be diffused to the rural communities by taking advantage of these five areas of difference between the worker and the peasant.

Vucinich also goes to great length to describe the process by which power is diverted away from the natural kinship-oriented community organization in favor of a more politically-aligned organization. He outlines the process by which, through the power of law (and with varying degrees of success), the Soviet government has attempted to change farming from a way of life for the peasants into a strictly economic activity.

Vucinich also describes how the native ethnic groups of Russia have been affected by this forced cultural change. He identifies five social correlates of the introduction of the kolkhoz system. These are; “the industrialization of traditional production processes…transform[ation] of the hinterland Chukchi into a sedentary people…oblitera[tion] of the old lines of authority…replace[ment] of the vague tribal unity with no political overtones, by a Chukchi “national unity” with distinct political overtones.”

Overall, this is a very effective exposition of the various theories and processes relating to the acculturation of ethnic soviet groups and rural farming communities. Those interested in Soviet history, people’s history, or ethnographic study as a discipline should find this article extremely useful.

EDWARD CHATELAIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Wallace, Anthony F.C. and Atkins, John. The Meaning of Kinship Terms. American Anthropologist February 1960 Vol. 62(1): 58-80.

Wallace and Atkins examine semantic analysis in anthropology by focusing on kinship terms in foreign languages. The authors discuss two methods of semantic analysis: traditional kin-type designations and componential analysis.

Traditional kin-type designations are simple and direct, with each foreign term matched to one primitive English term (the authors give the example of “mother”), or a group of two or more English terms (e.g. “mother’s sister”). Wallace and Atkins point out that this method can be rather tedious, and can often lead to confusing results.

The authors’ discussion of the second method, componential analysis, is much more involved. They use source material from six papers (authors include Goodenough, Lounsbury, and Romney) to explain the method of analysis. Wallace and Atkins stress the five steps of componential analysis and describe each in detail. They then explain the five methodological problem areas of componential analysis: homonyms and metaphors; definition, connotation, and synonymy; paradigms and semantic spaces; relational logic; and indeterminacy, psychological reality, and social-structural reality.

The authors stress that they are not concerned with presenting a study on semantic theory; they are interested in analyzing and evaluating componential analysis for the practical study of kinship terms.

LINDSAY SHAFER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Weiant, C.W. Bruno Oetteking: 1871-1960. American Anthropologist. August, 1960 62(4):675-680.

C.W. Weiant’s article honors the memory of an influential member of the anthropology community. This obituary examines the life of Bruno Oetteking and more specifically his connection with physical anthropology and the contributions he made in that field. The article concentrates more on doctor Oetteking’ s value as an instructor and as an influence on others and less as a researcher in his own right.

Beginning with his birth, this article describes many of the events in Oetteking’s life including his birth, and bit about his early life in Germany. As evidence for his importance, the author uses many references to Oetteking’s various positions over the course of his life. Unfortunately we do not obtain a great understanding of what he specifically accomplished in the field of anthropology in each of these positions. The author does describe that Oetteking did do research in specific fields which established him as an expert in morphology and physical anthropology.

What the author does describe more fully is Oetteking’ s interactions with others, particularly in the classroom. Being a former student of Oetteking, Weiant intimately describes the sort of atmosphere that Oetteking created in the classroom and his austere demeanor as a teacher but coolly contrasts it with Oetteking’ s personality outside the classroom as a personable friendly human being who was always joking, telling stories, and willing to help out a student. Several of the classes Oetteking taught are listed as evidence for his interests and his influence on others.

As for the later period in Oetteking’s life, the author describes Oetteking troubles as he loses his position but also his rebound and continuing contributions to anthropology. The author frequently places Oetteking’s life in perspective of historical events such as the Great Depression and the development of the field of chiropractic education and non-profit organizations as opposed to universities.

This article will appeal to those studying the life of this man and to those who knew him. in addition, though it reaches out to a larger group of people who would find his life story inspirational and view his determination in the face of constant challenges as uplifting.

There is also an extensive bibliography of what appear to be Oetteking’s works. This would be a useful resource for finding more of his research for those interested in his contributions to physical anthropology.

CARL PFENDNER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).