American Anthropologist 1945

Ackerknecht, Erwin H. On the Collecting Of Data Concerning Primitive Medicine. American Anthropologist. July-September, 1945 Vol. 47 (3): 427-432.

Ackerknecht examines how ethnographic techniques can be used to collect useful information about primitive medicine. He also feels that anthropology can benefit from these studies, as they will contribute to our understanding of other facets of primitive society. Ackernecht notes that previous Western researchers who studied “savages” were interested in medicine as one of the traits of primitive cultures. However, as Western medicine made advances in the use of scientific elements, chemicals, and synthetic materials, interest in primitive medicine decreased. Ackerknecht attributes this to the “professional preparation” of the men who were mostly responsible for scientific ethnography in the late nineteenth century, as it prejudiced them to the medical customs of primitive societies.

Medicine remains one of the least studied phenomena of primitive society, and Acknerknecht writes that modern ethnographers are hesitant to explore primitive medicine because our own system is so complex. The modern ethnographer is not aware of the sociological and psychological factors involved in primitive medicine and, therefore, feels he is incapable of recording and analyzing it. The way disease and sick persons are handled in a society gives an insight into the philosophy of a society. Disease can be studied in a variety of ways, such as its economic impact on the society. Also, the reaction of a sick person to his condition can illustrate the collective ideology of the society concerning illness. Ackerknecht believes that anthropologists can provide information about the social and psychological aspects of disease in primitive society, which will allow us to better understand how primitive society functions.

Virchow’s statement that “medicine is a social science” was overshadowed by all of the biological discoveries in the late nineteenth century. Now, as we enter the stage of psychosomatic medicine, we are now beginning to appreciate the social aspects of illness and disease. Ackerknecht feels that by examining primitive medicine, we can better understand primitive society. At the end of the article, he provides a list of suggested topics for field workers to better examine the sociological and psychological aspects of disease in primitive society.

JONATHAN VAN BALEN Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Ackerknecht, Erwin H. On the Collecting of Data Concerning Primitive Medicine. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47:427-432.

Erwin Ackerknecht believes that collecting data on “primitive” systems of medicine is very important for the field of anthropology. Early studies of nonwestern medicine primarily involved observers who sought to acquire ideas from their subjects that they could use in their own medicinal system. With the rise of Western biomedicine, however, interest in systems of traditional healing has declined, much to Ackerknecht’s disappointment.

Though the amount of ethnographic data on these systems of medicine is limited, the quality of such work has improved in recent years. Specifically, anthropologists have recently made important contributions to the field of psychopathology. It is unfortunate that we are so desperately lacking information about traditional medical systems because such information reveals a wealth of knowledge about a society’s general philosophy, organization, psychology, and economics. Ackerknecht believes that information that we are lacking about “primitive” systems of medicine can be easily obtained by a relatively small group of anthropologists. Such information would be a valuable contribution to biomedicine and compatible with its most recent trends. Medicine is a social science and it is essential that in treating disease we undersand all aspects of a society, including our own. The concluding point is that we can only understand the institution of medicine by understanding the whole of the society and vice versa.

An appendix lists thirty-five possible questions that may be asked by a field worker who is researching a system of medicine. The questions address topics such as how those around a sick person view their illness, how a sick person views their own illness, and what the social and economic consequences of a person falling ill are.

MEREDITH W. JONES The University Of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Davenport, C. B. The Dietaries of Primitive Peoples. American Anthropologist. January-March 1945 Vol. 47 (2)60-82.

Davenport seeks to discover whether there is any universal food among all people, or on the contrary, whether taste preferences and food habits among different groups are determined by morphological and physiological differences between populations. He argues that the mammalian body can be sustained by a variety of diets, but in particular groups, it is sustained by only one kind. Building his argument on natural history, travel books, and other research on food, Davenport attempts to classify different groups of people around the world into categories of herbivore, carnivore, omnivore, and lactivore.

The author organizes the article by continent, and within each section, he describes what he has determined to be the main, or most research ethnic or tribal groups, and their primary foods and methods of acquiring food. He also includes maps which illustrate agricultural zones of each continent, and the location of the mentioned tribes. In his discussion of this evidence, Davenport surmises that there is no single type of food utilized by all primitive peoples, and that there is a relation between the type of food a group of people consume and the climatic conditions of their environment. In his analysis of this, Davenport takes a biological position, arguing that there is a genetic basis to the way people acquire their food, identify their food, specifically as a “sex-linked recessive mono-hybrid trait.” He asserts – without supporting evidence – that, “Since nomadism vs. sedentariness determines to a certain degree the nature of the dietary, and since nomadism and its opposite have a genetic basis, it follows that, within broad limits, the dietary has a genetic basis” (81). He describes people’s methods of acquiring food, whether they be agricultural or nomadic, as instinctive and genetically innate. He concludes that among the human species, the dietary range of preference extends from complete herbivorousness to complete carnivorousness, and varied degrees of either type. He is certain of a genetic link to the mode of production, and with this, he associates the possibility that races of differing diets are morphologically, physiologicall, and genetically distinct.

LEAH SMITH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Davenport, C. B. The Dietaries of Primitive Peoples. American Anthropologist March, 1945 Vol. 47(1):60-82.

The article is a literature based study of the dietary habits of human groups that had not yet been effected by the import and trade in food goods from ‘more civilized’ peoples. The author aims to categorize human diet by the same classifications that have been applied to mammalian food habits – carnivorous, herbivorous, omnivorous etc. His objective is two-fold: to discern whether there is a category under which the entire human species falls, and also to determine whether different ‘races of mankind’ exhibit morphological adaptations to the use of particular food types. He places importance on this investigation in the light of the USA proposing to feed invaded countries in two or three continents, and therefore the need for this food aid to be suitable for the recipients. The article was edited and published posthumously, the author having died in 1944.

The main body of the paper discusses 90 ‘racial’ groups in Africa, Asia, the Americas, Australasia and Oceania, based largely on sources written between 1870 and 1920. The author details their diet and food acquisition, as well as any relevant ethnographic oddities that he came across in his reading. He relates these findings to categories of climate and vegetation that he plots on maps of the areas. By the fact of his sources being second hand and various, the ethnographic focus on each group falls differently, depending on the original author’s interest. As a result many of the detailed observations are inevitably particularistic.

The author draws the following conclusions from his findings: 1. There is no universal food type utilized by primitive peoples. 2. The food consumed by different groups is relative to the environmental conditions in which they live. He goes on, however, to elaborate on generalized statements regarding the instinctive natures of the various tribal groups. For example he claims that nomadism is a ‘sex-linked recessive mono-hybrid trait’, and from this logic he lays claim to a certain genetic determinism in the dietary practice of a people and thus whether they are by nature hunters or sessile agriculturalists etc.

He concludes that mankind is as a species omnivorous, although its various composing groups exhibit a great range of dietary habits, related to their instincts and environment. Although the degree of physiological adaptation to the different diets was unknown at the time of writing, the author suggests the possibility of a genetic factor worthy of consideration.

CHRISTOPHER DAGG University of Georgia (Pete Brosius)

Ewers, John C. The Case for Blackfoot Pottery. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47:289-299

John C. Ewers sets out to investigate whether or not the Blackfoot Indians made pottery. He attempts to answer this perplexing problem through examination of informant’s accounts of Blackfoot and related tribes methods of pottery manufacture. Wissler is cited by Ewer to have cautiously stated that some individuals claimed local tribes, not necessarily the Blackfoot, did make pottery that was sand tempered, molded in a rawhide bag, and greased all over to further prevent cracking from occurring during the rudimentary firing process. However, Lieutenant Bradley, a scholarly man who was stationed for five years in Blackfoot country, indeed gave accounts of Blackfoot pottery manufacture, but sadly he failed to cite his information.

Ewers finds Bradley’s evidence significant in spite of its uncertain provenance. Lieutenant Bradley’s accounts are strikingly similar to many other neighboring tribes accounts as well of documentation of alleged Blackfoot pottery manufacture. While accounts alone prove very little, the lack of physical evidence can be attributed to the fragile nature of the pottery in question, and the introduction of tin, brass, copper, and iron vessels obtained through trade that would not require the special attention, usually transportation in a rawhide bags according to informants, that the thin clay vessels did.

The similarity of testimonies regarding manufacture and uses of pottery lead Ewers to speculate that the Blackfoot may have for many generations practiced pottery manufacture, but that culinarily they ceased to make pottery somewhere around 1825 in favor of culinary utensils more suitable for traveling. However, Ewers believes the Blackfoot still produced some earthenware vessels for ceremonial use, as many informant’s accounts state.

WILLIAM PARKER University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Garth, Thomas R. Emphasis on Industriousness Among the Atsugewi. American Anthropologist Oct-Dec, 1945 Vol.47 (4): 554-567.

Garth’s ethnographic study of the Atsugewi people, completed during the summers of 1938 and 1939, supports his claim that the Atsugewi’s exceptional importance on the value of industriousness was not just due to environmental constraints, but connected to ideological factors as well. He demonstrates that this unique cultural ideal is connected to almost all areas of Atsugewi life; ideology surrounding work guided and shaped their culture and way of life. The ideal individual, according to the Atsugewi, was one who was both industrious as well as wealthy. The status system was based on who was most wealthy and industrious, and because wealth was a result of hard work, it was one of many factors that were interconnected with industriousness.

Almost every facet of Atsugewi life can be connected to these work-ideals. However, there are two examples given of contradictions to the emphasis on working hard. Men were said to occasionally gamble during the days while their wives were at work, and the chief called occasional rest days. Both of these examples provided the Atsugewi with a release from the hard work that consumed most of their days. These two examples of deviations from ideals devoted to industriousness, speak to the claim that the Atsugewi were not only a highly productive society, but also had a sophisticated and well-organized work program, according to Garth.

Industriousness was also the most valuable asset in acquiring political power, and it was the most important value in choosing a mate for marriage. It was what was most frequently sought through spirits and other supernatural aid. It was closely associated with puberty rituals for both males and females. It was said to ease pregnancy as well as birth. During his final discussion, Garth points out that to his knowledge, when compared with surrounding cultures, the Atsugewi had a much higher concentration of elements that pertained to industriousness. This provides a contradiction to the argument that culture is primarily a result of the environment. If this were so, other cultures would have been much like the Atsugewi; however, they were not. Garth suggests that the emphasis on industriousness for the Atsugewi was most likely a result of the adoption of Northern wealth ideals that were thus shaped and changed due to a more unfavorable environment.

EMILY RAINE Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Gayton, A. H. Yokuts and Western Mono Social Organization. American Anthropologist. July-September, 1945 Vol.47(3):409-425.

Gayton’s article examines the social organization of the Yokut Indians. Because of the lack of evidence for this group, a link between the dual divisions of the Miwok and Shoshonean tribes has been established. Gayton shows that, although this link is found,

not many of the tribes show evidence of the system and the effect of the system is minimal. Gayton discusses the area which these tribes inhabited and patterns of their culture, including marriage and the social structure, putting emphasis on the patrilineal system. Through the patrilineal line also comes the value of the totemic symbol. These symbols, such as the bear and the eagle, were used in rituals and also showed the inheritance of political offices and professions. In his conclusion, Gayton shows that the relationship of the patrilineal system and reciprocalism in ceremonial activities work together to define the social forms of the Miwok, Yokuts and Mono cultures.

KELVIN LOVELACE Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Gayton, A. H. Yokuts and Western Mono Social Organization. American Anthropologist January-March, 1945 Vol.47(1):409-426.

A. H. Gayton, in his article Yokuts and Western Mono Social Organization, addresses the long held assumption that the Yokuts and Western Mono social structure were but a link between the moietized system of the Miwok to their north and that of the Shoshonean tribes to their south. Gayton also attacks the overemphasized importance of the moiety in native society in Central California by anthropologists attempting to establish historical links between these cultures and those of the Southwest. Gayton argues throughout the article that it is a patriarchal system that is the base of social organization in Yokuts and Western Mono culture and not the moiety system previously proposed. However, Gayton does acknowledge the importance of reciprocity within and between tribes in daily and ceremonial life, of which moiety serves an important function.

Gayton displays his knowledge of the area and its people from his own ethnographic work by describing in detail the geographical environment and its uses followed by an in-depth description of social practices, with their subtle yet significant differences, among the tribes that occupied the region. In describing their social practices Gayton demonstrates that the driving force of Yokuts and Western Mono social structure in every aspect was the paternal line. It is through the paternal line that one inherits tribal affiliation, residence, personal names, administrative powers and responsibilities, and totemic symbol with its veneration and social functions. Gayton stresses that although these patrilineal patterns existed, very little of Yokuts and Western Mono life was firmly bound by rule.

Gayton contends that the moiety functioned mostly in ceremonial situations and did not affect ordinary daily life. Gayton describes in detail several of these ceremonies in which the halving of society came into play. The function is found in the strong sense of reciprocalism held by these tribes. Gifts of equivalent value were exchanged at births, marriages, deaths, and on every ceremonial occasion. On all occasions of jubilance or sorrow there was always a reciprocal group who supplied services or gifts.

PAUL WILSON University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Goldfrank, Esther S. Irrigation Agriculture and Navaho Community Leadership: Case Material on Environment and Culture. April-June, 1945 Vol.47 (3):262-275.

In this article, Goldfrank develops a history of the Navaho agricultural tradition and the background for the development of contemporary herding practices. She presents an analysis of the relationship between agriculture and community leadership and their effects upon other social instituitions. Throughout history, the Navaho have relied on farming and herding combined. There is not only archaeological and historical evidence for the use of agriculture, but Navaho myth and ritual also indicate the importance of agriculture.

Goldfrank frames a large portion of her examination of irrigation agriculture. The Navaho rely heavily on the groundwater stored from the winter and floodwaters, but if there is not enough rain in July or sufficient irrigation to support the crops, every second to fourth crop could be lost. Goldfrank states that not only now, but for much of historic time, irrigation, especially floodwater irrigation, has been important. She then continues on to discuss the cooperation and leadership necessary for food rearing practices. Much cooperation is needed when farming; the people must share the water in order to increase the amount of usable water and land. There is evidence to suggest that the leadership operates in herding and ceremonial rituals had developed out of the process of farming in a semi-arid region.

Community leadership was generally vested in one or more individuals to take care of community and warfare. With agriculture came cooperation and a specific type of leadership, while with herding, the herders could divide into smaller groups, with fewer people to take care of or to lead. As natural geography determines the political unit, Navaho communities have access to different resources. Where pastoralism was accentuated, weaker leadership developed due to the individuality of the people. It seems as if the leadership of today is restrained by these leadership practices, even if they have had many agricultural advances. As the land is being turned back to agriculture, the leadership is changing. It is Goldfrank’s opinion that the Navaho leadership varied in relation to the topography, water availability, time, and place.

MELISSA CAVANAGH Denison Univerisity (Bahram Tavakolian)

Goldfrank, Esther S. Irrigation Agriculture and Navaho Community Leadership: Case Material on Environment and Culture. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47:262-274

In her article, Esther Goldfrank analyzes the relationship between agriculture and irrigation and the organization of community leadership within the history of the Navaho people. There is a discrepancy on whether or not the Navaho are nomadic with little agriculture or are sedentary agriculturalists. Because of this, Goldfrank notes the importance of exploring all aspects of this culture’s history, and not just the aspects that are popular in ethnographic documentation. Throughout the article, Goldfrank presents evidence of the prominent existence of agriculture in Navaho culture through the work of W. W. Hill. She argues that agriculture is the main factor determining the organization of leadership for the Navaho people. Goldfrank eventually directs her argument to the Navaho Mountain residents and encourages government agencies to consider the knowledge of these headmen when attempting to organize leadership in this particular society.

Goldfrank begins by offering evidence, such as archeological findings and legends, to prove that agriculture existed in Navaho culture. Also, the Pueblo, or Kisani, were most influential in establishing agricultural practices by giving them seeds and introducing the concept of irrigation. Following this explanation, Goldfrank describes the climate of Navaho country and the irrigation process. The climate is arid due to uneven seasonal rainfall levels. Therefore, the Navaho make use of floodwater in order to ensure the survival of crops during dry months.

Towards the end of the article, Goldfrank describes the influence of irrigation on leadership for the Navaho. Cooperation and communal planting, for instance, are necessary to build and maintain the complex irrigation systems. Furthermore, a local headman was elected to direct the agricultural procedures. Goldfrank successfully argues that cooperative labor that still exists among the Navaho began with intense agriculture in a semi-arid environment.

SARAH CLOWER University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Goldfrank, Esther S. Socialization, Personality, and the Structure of Pueblo Society (with Particular Reference to Hopi and Zuni) American Anthropologist Oct-Dec, 1945 Vol.47 (4):516-539.

Esther Goldfrank examines the effect that beliefs in the supernatural have on the Hopi and Zuni. Both groups live in what is considered an arid wasteland. Thus, cooperation is a crucial element of life within this society. The Hopi and Zuni must condition their children to be cooperative in order to preserve the well-being of the Pueblo community. The author additionally chose these two groups because of her interest in the relation of permissiveness during infancy and the weight of discipline later in life. For them, discipline is not the parent’s responsibility, but rather that of supernatural beings, who are, in actuality, temporary impersonators.

During infancy, the child receives all of the attention (s)he wants and demands. The author gives examples of this with stories regarding weaning, toilet training, abundant nurturing, and naptime practices. Whipping is rarely used but its purpose is to prevent any behavior that is regarded as non-sociable. The child is not forced into this pattern of life but “gradually fitted to it under the most subtle stress of social sanction” (523). Education among the Pueblos relies heavily on standards set out through example and imitation. When a child does not meet the standards of their parents, they are commonly told the story of the Giant Kachina gods as a means of socialization. The children fear these “monstrous creatures” because they are told that they come to eat those who are deemed by the parents as “out of control.” The Hopi and Zuni hold festivities to play out this tale. The fear that consumes these children after the ceremony creates a longing to be “like big people.” When all is said and done the Pueblo children do not fear their elders but instead “the unknown and supernatural” inspired by the elders.

Before a child can be a successful part of his/her society (s)he must go through two painful and terrifying initiation ceremonies. In the end these children are explained as, “appear(ing) deeply disciplined, to an extent which is truly astonishing.” The children tend to carry with them recognition that those who once brought them the greatest pain also brought the greatest benefits.

LISA BAER Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Goldfrank, Esther S. Socialization, Personality, and the Structure of Pueblo Society (With Particular Reference to Hopi and Zuni). American Anthropologist. October-December, 1945 Vol. 47 (4):516-539.

The purpose for Esther Goldfrank in writing this article is to investigate and draw conclusions on societies where infant discipline is weak but where later discipline is severe. Using the Pueblo, particularly the Hopi and the Zuni, Goldfrank intends to show how the demanding cooperation of the structure of Pueblo life is reflected in the methods of socialization of children, thereby producing an adult personality that allows for the continuation of Pueblo life in the long run.

Goldfrank starts by portraying the demanding needs for cooperation in a Pueblo life that depends on irrigation for survival in an otherwise inhospitable region. With the goal being to produce personalities that are conducive to continued Pueblo existence, the socialization of infants to adults is marked by particular stages of increasing severity with regard to discipline. Though parents are very permissive of the actions of early infants, at around the age of two years or thereabout, discipline starts to take a tangible form. At this early age, the child is taught that reward only comes in adherence to ritual and custom. The child learns of the existence of witchcraft in potentially all including himself; and, through impersonators the child learns the dual nature of gods as givers and punishers. Through stories and ceremonies where the gods are acted out by impersonators (unknown to the child, of course), fear is instilled at an early age to coerce children into proper adult members of Pueblo society. In a final ceremony, the child’s relatives strip their masks and costumes to reveal the true nature of the gods, an act that often produces deep-seated resentment among children towards their parents which can last indefinitely.

Goldfrank concludes this study by comparing emotional tests of the Pueblo to non-Pueblo in America to reveal the degree to which the anxiety is greater among the Pueblo. In all, the article is well written and easy to follow. Goldfrank does well to explain the reasons behind many Pueblo cultural practices involving socialization to a specific Pueblo structure of life.

JOEL KEPPLE University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Greenman, Emerson F. Material Culture and the Organism. American Anthropologist April, 1945 47 (2):211-231.

Greenman investigates the relationship between organic evolution and the development of material culture. The author’s main contentions are to prove that material culture developed from a serious of “accidents,” and these innovations enabled the human brain to improve. The human hand has the unique ability to manipulate objects in a way that is far superior to other creatures. The genetic mutations, or results of organic evolution, that allowed the development of the human hand allowed for the development of a superior mind and intellect. The brain directs the actions and manipulations of the hand. This reciprocal relationship is the mechanism that allowed both material culture and the brain to progress.

The origins of material culture were accidental. Greenman uses the term “juxtaposition” to describe the way in which things are “invented.” When items are accidentally juxtapositioned, the brain can comprehend the potential value of these items through their combination. The author uses an example from an experiment with an ape. The ape manipulates sticks to create a long pole, and then realizes the pole can be used to acquire food. Thus, the juxtaposition of the sticks symbolizes an innovation. This experiment proves that the mechanism of juxtaposition is at the level of simian intelligence and that innovations are often accidental. Our ancestors probably created material culture in a manner similar to apes, without knowing the outcomes.

Greenman examines several other examples, from cranes to stringed instruments to languages. Above all, though, context is necessary in order to understand the development of material culture. And to understand the connections between material culture and the brain, the author turns to neuroscience. The improvements of material culture and of neural developments worked reciprocally to reach a “higher stage.” If other creatures, such as insects, had the proper organs (i.e., the human hand), they could also evolve as “radically” as humans could. It is through the genetic mutations of organic evolution that allowed for the proper organs to manipulate juxtapositioned objects and develop material culture.

KATIE JOHNSON Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Greenman, Emerson. Material Culture and the Organism. American Anthropologist August, 1945 Vol. 47 (3): 211-231

How did humans begin to use material culture to their advantage? Emerson theorizes that it may have been an accident in most cases. He searches for meaning in technical innovation that could have possibly led to an increase in intelligence. He uses the term “juxtaposition” to refer to relationships between natural and artificial objects. Examples of tools such as hand axes, spearheads, and a shooting bow (in relation to musical stringed instruments) utilizing objects by way of accidental juxtaposition. The reciprocal nature of manipulative control of objects to increased powers of the brain in turn make it more possible to create more implements. He theorizes that technical progress was not a function of the brain by itself.

He cites the human hand as the most adapted trait of any organism and makes possible the creation of technology and with the increase in brain capacity be able to perform more complex operations. He also compares implementery organs of many other types of organisms for the purpose of sustenance and comfort. His list includes jaws, beaks, teeth, and the pincers of the crayfish for perforating and tearing; paws, wings, feet, and toes for gripping and balance.

He gives the evidence and examples that the principle of juxtaposition exists. He gives the example of awls and teeth, the injection of venom in some snakes as similar to that of human syringes; boat paddles are similar to fins, and pincers work in the same way pliers do.

The hands again immerge toward the end of the paper to reemphasize the relationship between the brain and a bodily organ and its reciprocal nature. He views the hand as the evolutionary advantage of the human organism to explain why we have a highly complex material culture as opposed to lower organisms. It is his motive to logically explain the reciprocal relationships of the brain, appendages, and material culture to gain a greater knowledge of how human culture operates and develops.

LINTON BECKUM University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Hallowell, Irving. The Rorschach Technique In The Study of Personality and Culture.American Anthropologist April-June, 1945 Vol.47 (2):195-210.

The overall concern addressed by the article is the difference between anthropological and psychological ideas of personality. The larger issue is that anthropologists and psychologists do not always see the connection between personality and culture, but rather, they were only seeing one side of the story. Hallowell states that within anthropological research, ideas of personality were considered “culture traits”, whereas in psychology, it was either considered a “pattern” or a “personality trait” (196). Thus, the author is out to prove that the Rorschach technique of analyzing a person or group of people is a way of connecting personality to the overall culture of a society. The author defines the Rorschach technique to the reader, explaining that a person is given a series of ink-blot pictures, one by one, and the interpretation of the ink-blot is used to help infer certain aspects of the person’s intellectual characteristics (199). Different questions are asked throughout the article, and as a way of answering these questions, the author uses the statistical data and case studies to further emphasize the ability of the Rorschach technique to integrate personality and culture. The author also hopes to find that by using these Rorschach tests, different degrees of cultural “normality” can be found in societies, instead of just having a “normal” and “abnormal” behavior in a particular culture or society.

This study shows that although the departments of psychology and anthropology are often engaged in different types of analysis, they can also benefit from one another. Towards the end of the article the author shows how anthropology can benefit from the Rorschach techniques. He shows that before this method, there was a range of “normality” used in anthropological studies, but that they ranged from “normal” equaling “civilized” to “abnormal” equaling “savage-like”. With the help of this new technique, the author shows that no longer can the distinction of normal and abnormal be made so distinctly, but rather, the lines become blurred and a new range by which to judge people is created.

JESSICA SAVAGE Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Hallowell, Irving. The Rorschach Technique in the Study of Personality and Culture.American Anthropologist 1945 Vol.47: 195-209

Hallowell’s article describes his research into using the Rorschach test as a way of gathering information of personality and culture in primitive societies. He describes the new interest in the differences between individual traits and the general cultural pattern. The problem of gathering enough information and the problems of illiterate societies is addressed. Hallowell then goes on to describe the results he has found using the technique and the impact of these results.

Hallowell begins by describing the trend towards study of the individual as a person rather than a physical object. The link between anthropology and psychology is addressed in the search for a general structure for human personality. Hallowell goes on to describe the application of Freud towards genesis of personality organization in the individual, stating that differences in learning were the variants of society.

Hallowell goes on to describe the problem of gathering enough information on the processes of child rearing and behavior. Though observations were made it was difficult to get adequate samples to obtain an accurate image. It was also difficult to ensure that the subjects observed were typical. Hallowell then describes the requirements that were needed by the new observational tool, these include that it be adaptable to non-literate societies and it be able to obtain data under controlled conditions.

The test itself is then described the process and with which it is administered, the display of inkblots and the recording of the subjects responses. It is shown that the test can be applied to non-literate groups by the number of responses given and lists the groups that the test has been administered to. He then goes on to describe how these results match tests given to European subjects, the only major differences occurring in individuals with altered mental states. Especially telling is the similarity in “Popular” answers, similar responses made to the same areas of various blots. Hallowell notes that common diversion of results within a society, such as the Alorese, points to some culture wide problem in social development.

In closing, Halowell finds that the test is a valuable tool and is a good supplement to traditional methods of observation. The article provides a good overview of a research technique. It also helps to show the crossover between anthropology and Psychology in the observation of subjects.

Clarity ranking: 3
MICHAEL STALEY University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Honigsheim, Paul. Voltaire As Anthropologist. American Anthropologist Jan-March, 1945 Vol.47 (1):104-118.

This article examines large volumes of Voltaire’s work, in addition to his pamphlets, articles, novels, dramas, and letters, in order to assess the impact that Voltaire had on eighteenth century anthropology. Honigsheim provides descriptions of various anthropological theories and how they align with, or diverge from, Voltaire’s work or influence. The overall assertion of this article is that “being interested in knowing the eighteenth century anthropology, we will do best by considering Voltaire” (104).

Honigsheim presents numerous examples, including many social thinkers and theologians who, in some significant way, were in influenced by Voltaire. The author asserts that we can more accurately understand the anthropological work of that time by analyzing the “intellectual context” in which Voltaire was located.

Honigsheim also utilizes various historical events to further his analysis of Voltaire’s academic thought. The historical events that help illuminate Voltaire’s intellectual theories include his reaction to, and involvement with political situations, such his correspondence with the Czarina Katherine of Russia. He also addresses the influence, action, and relationships to the wider society of various religious groups, including Jansenists, Calvinists, Jews, Catholics, and Benedictine monks, to name a few. Representative of the type of questions that Honigsheim seeks to answers is his question, “Did he [Voltaire] accept the anthropological ideas of these groups?” The historical situations provided here are merely representative of the types of historical issues that Honigsheim addresses in this article.

This article is helpful in that it provides a description of the type of methodology Voltaire utilized, the origin of Voltaire’s thought, a description of his main theories and areas of study, and ultimately how they relate to anthropological thought. Many of the facets of Voltaire’s work are presented in outline form, which contributes to the clarity of Honigsheim’s presentation of the basic tenets and areas of study of Voltaire. Although the outline is clear in the presentation of some information, there is a lack of overall clarity of this article. Further, it seems that one must have some previous understanding of many of the historical situations to which Honigsheim refers in order to understand the importance and relevance of such issues.

KRISTEN SHELL Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Honigsheim, Paul. Voltaire as Anthropologist. American Anthropologist. December 1945 Vol. 47: 104-118.

Paul Honigsheim opens his article by exclaiming that anthropologists must remember the essence of the enlightenment. Honigsheim states that Cordorcet was the most influential Enlightener to anthropology, yet his ideas were largely based on Voltaire. Thus, Honigsheim says that in trying to study the anthropology of the Enlightenment, we will do best to study Voltaire.

After this opening, the article takes a step back to consider the background context to further understand Voltaire and his role as anthropologist in the Enlightenment. The primary struggle was between the Jesuits and the Catholics. This conflict was a biblical controversy, and Voltaire was a pupil of the Jesuits. Though Voltaire was primarily concerned with spiritual life and the annihilation of intolerance, he was far more skeptical of the contemporary ideas of prehistoric life propounded by Hume, Montesquieu, and Diderot. Voltaire stated to be only aware that prehistoric epochs were “dark ages” and they lasted a long time.

Many of the contemporary races of his time were being examined by these Enlightenment thinkers, and degraded. Voltaire, on the other hand, on two separate occasions, makes an Indian the hero of his fiction, who is portrayed as innocent and saint like in the midst of foolish French aristocracy. Although Voltaire believed in the moral incorrigibility of Negroes, he nevertheless hailed the abolitionist’s work. Voltaire admired the Chinese and the Japanese for their success of order, morality, and diligence. In another drama, Voltaire gave the leading role to a Moslem who played a noble part.

Honigsheim presents a picture of Voltaire that casts him in the forefront of anthropologists who stand against cultural relativism. Repeatedly, Voltaire is the figure who favors the subjected peoples and acts as their ambassador. Voltaire is a leading voice against ethnocentricity and his ideas stand at the beginning of such notions. This paper is a fascinating asset to the study of historical and cultural anthropology. Anyone interested in gaining an understanding of the development of anthropology from the beginning of the Enlightenment would benefit from this article.

DANIEL COLLINS University of Georgia (Pete Brosius)

Hsu, Francis L. K. Observations on Cross-Cousin Marriage in China. American Anthropologist Jan-Mar, 1945 Vol.47 (1):83-103.

In this article, Hsu looks at the phenomenon of cross-cousin marriage, specifically addressing the general preference for marriage between the father’s sister’s son and the mother’s brother’s daughter (FSS-MBD). Other cross-cousin marriage practices exist, but are not as common and accepted as FSS-MBD. In this study, Hsu looks for conditions in different social systems that correlate with this marriage preference. Four communities, other than the focus of West Town in Western Yunnan Province, China, are used to highlight possible social conditions that support a preference for FSS-MBD marriage practices. Hsu bases his study on his own ethnographic work in China and other published research papers on Tikopian society, South Africa, the Kutenai Indians and Northern Tungus.

The theory of family harmony is commonly used as an explanation for FSS-MBD marriage, however Hsu seeks to go beyond the tenants of this theory by providing criticism and examples from other social systems as evidence of ways in which the family harmony theory can be challenged. Family harmony theory states that traditional practices, such as ancestral worship, necessitate FSS-MBD marriage. In attempts to clarify the relationships, hostilities and acceptances among in-laws, Hsu provides two diagrams, one of family harmony theory, the other of his alternative theoretical approach. In Hsu’s research of West Town, it is found that the frictions that family harmony theory posits will not exist without FSS-MBD practices, and can be reduced in other ways. Specifically, Hsu believes that in historically patrilineal societies, such as West Town, there are other ways to reduce frictions between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law relationships. Through Hsu’s ethnographic research in China, it is illustrated that patrilineal constraints on kinship systems can be alleviated through means other than FSS-MBD marriages. Hsu suggests that the practices of bringing up a girl in her fiancé’s family can help to reduce tensions between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law that might exist within the context of marriage practices outside of FSS-MBD.

MICAH TRAPP Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Hsu, Francis L. K. Observations On Cross-Cousin Marriage in China. American Anthropologist January-March, 1945 Vol.47(1):83-103.

In this article, Francis L.K. Hsu discusses his attempt to discover an underlying cause, or set of conditions, that can be found to operate in different societies that practice cross-cousin marriage and can be correlated with the social preference of the FSS-MBD (Father’s Sister’s Son – Mother’s Brother’s Daughter) type of cross-cousin marriage found everywhere in China. Hsu begins by stating some observations on cross-cousin marriage by several prominent anthropologist and demonstrating how these observations do not hold up as universal when correlated with other societies. In inquiring a reason for this preferred marriage type in China, discovered the most common reason giving was that this arrangement promotes family harmony while the FSD-MBS type was said to create friction between the mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, thus disrupting the harmony of the family unit. Hsu tests this family harmony theory by examining four different societies from different parts of the world that have the need for harmony among the women of the family unit. Hsu demonstrates that these societies place the same importance on the relationship between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, yet none of the societies show preference to the FSS-MBD type of cross-cousin marriage. As a fifth case, Hsu examines a town in West Yunnan, which is referred to as West Town. The rules regarding cross-cousin marriage in West Town are as they are elsewhere in China, that is the preferred type being the FSS-MBD type. Yet unlike the rest of China, there is no evidence of the same extent of friction between female in-laws in West Town.

Hsu finds two customs in West Town that are important factors to this inquiry. First, the future wife is slowly introduced to the boy’s family. The young girl develops a relationship with the women of the house before they are thrown together and forced to get along. Secondly, once married, each individual family enjoys their own separate wing of the house as well as an income form a share of the joint property and are able to manage their own expenditure. The key factors are that everything is divided equally, and that the families maintain daily interaction by sharing a single courtyard and shrine for rituals and worship.

Hsu concludes that although cross-cousin marriages of different types have important functions in some societies, the favoring of FSS-MBD marriage and the disfavoring of FSD-MBS marriage plays no role in creating family harmony. Hsu also concludes that no particular condition has been revealed to be the underlying cause of the custom of cross-cousin marriage across the globe.

PAUL WILSON University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Kidder, A. V. George Clapp Vaillant: 1901-1945. American Anthropologist. 1945 Vol. 47: 589-599.

George Clapp Vaillant, an archaeologist, was born on April 5, 1901 in Boston, Massachusetts, and died at his home in Pennsylvania on May 13, 1945. Attending Harvard University for his undergraduate degree, Vaillant worked with Guernsey at the Harvard Peabody Museum, and went on excavations with Kidder in Pecos, New Mexico. He received his B.A. in 1922. Continuing at Harvard for graduate school, Vaillant studied the chronological significance of Maya ceramics, which Kidder describes as “pioneer work.” After receiving his PhD in 1927, Vaillant became the assistant curator at the American Museum focusing on the Mexican archaeology. Continuing at the American Museum, he served as an Associate Curator from 1930 to 1941, and was the Honorary Curator from 1941 to 1945 while also teaching at several area universities. From 1943 to 1944, Vaillant was the Senior Cultural Relations Officer for the United States Embassy in Lima, Peru.

ELIZABETH HANSEN University of Georgia (J. Peter Brosius)

Krieger, Alex. An Inquiry into Supposed Mexican Influence on a Prehistoric “Cult” in the Southern United States. October-December, 1945 American Anthropologist. Vol. 47 (4):483-515.

Krieger’s article is written to illustrate the representative nature of archaeological artifacts and to create notes on the distribution of such artifacts of a prehistoric “cult” group in the southern United States. There is a rich assemblage of artifacts in the Southern United States that has long impressed archaeologists, especially as they are ceremonial in nature. The issue of influence on these items is also explored, as it is thought that these particular objects may have had a sort of Mexican influence. The comparison of the Southeastern objects and those from the Maya area of Mexico is viewed by Krieger as particularly significant. Another main question explored is whether or not the specimens represent one cult or whether they represent a series of cults, each with a local emphasis. The author specifically states that some of these questions are unanswerable and that the main purpose of this paper is not to draw conclusions, but rather, to provide information. Krieger, in his comparison of the Southeastern United States and the Mexican/Maya cults, concludes that the differences between these artifact types, far outweigh their similarities. He does, however, insist that the influence did come from somewhere, but it is still a matter of where the influence came from in the first place.

Within this article, Krieger also emphasizes some of the important aspects of archaeology itself. Objects are not merely specimens to be classified, but rather, expressions of a culture’s or individual’s social or mental world. The depictions on them, and even their creation alone, are important in discovering a culture that is no longer in existence.

MELISSA CAVANAGH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Krieger, Alex D. An Inquiry Into Supposed Mexican Influence on a Prehistoric “Cult” in the Southern United States. American Anthropologist October-December, 1945 Vol. 47 (4):483-515.

In this article, Alex Krieger examines the evidence from roughly the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries that some scholars have used to link a highly ceremonial religiosity found in multiple areas of the Southern United States to Mexican-originated, or more generally, “middle-American influence. Krieger aims to critically examine this “De Luna Thesis” in light of the evidence by discussing areal differentiation of themes, stylistic treatment of artifacts, by proposing the consideration of indigenous origins instead of adopted themes, and by historically examining the popularity of these themes. Early on, Krieger states that this work intends merely to portray the complexity of questions of influence and it does not mean to draw any definite conclusions; instead, Krieger hopes merely to spark the interest of other fields that perhaps can shed more light on the problems of this query.

Krieger starts by dissenting with a popular argument by Waring and Holder that ceremonial objects represent a “core complex” idea that had been spread, modified, and augmented by local interpretation and development. While admitting that similarities of themes such as god-animal representations are irrefutable, Krieger cannot ignore either the regional emphasis on certain themes and the outright neglect of certain themes in certain regions. Stylistically, Krieger contends that the design and technique involved in the making of artifacts resemble more of Mayan influence from the Yucatan than of the Mexican influence, thereby adding to the complexity of searching for an origin.

Next, by looking at the previous Hopewellian era, Krieger concludes that many of the techniques and themes could be ascribed to indigenous practices already in place, thereby negating the necessity of outside influence. Historically as well, Krieger notes that the height of this religiosity falls roughly a century before what the “De Luna Thesis” used as a basis for its argument, thereby exposing an obvious flaw in the proposed way of thinking.

Overall, this article is written in a very organized manner that clearly defines some problems with a thesis linking a Southern “cult” with origins from middle-America. Krieger by no means refutes the outside influence of themes that could have come from that area, but he does call for a more in-depth investigation of that facts so as to shed light on the many inconsistencies.

JOEL KEPPLE University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Lothrop, S. K. Richard E. Latcham: 1869-1943. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47: 603-605.

Richard E. Latcham was a self-trained anthropologist. He received his prestige in anthropology on his own accord, through circumstance and perseverance. Born in Bristol, England, on March 5, 1869, he passed away in Santiago de Chile on October 16, 1943. Within these years he held a number of positions and wrote numerous anthropological publications.

After graduation from the Polytechnic Institute of London in 1888 with a degree in civil engineering, he got a job to survey and build roads in Chile, where he lived among the Mapuche Indians. He learned their language, and through established rapport and friendship, obtained knowledge of their culture and manner of living. At his advantage in the anthropological sphere, he had many opportunities for observation along with his devoted intellect and passion for information, which assisted in his subsequent anthropological publications.

Following this experience he taught English in Santiago and then in La Serena, where he worked as a mining engineer. One year later, in 1903, his first technical anthropological publication was released. Years later he obtained various positions and received recognition from various locals. In 1927, he was named Professor of Indigenous Art. A year later, he became Director of the National Museum of Natural History. In 1929, he became Dean of the Faculty of Fine Arts at the University of Chile, then in 1935, was appointed the Professor of American Prehistory. Four years later he was given the degree of Doctor Honoris Causa at the University of San Marcos, and the Chilean Government decorated him with the Orden of Merit.

Since, his publications and honor has lived on. With a degree in civil engineering, his accomplishments have outnumbered those in the fields of Art and Anthropology. A number of detailed studies of the Atacama region and a similar study on the Diaguitas were published before his death. Other publications include: La Organizacion Social y las Creencias Religiosas de los Antiguos Aracanos, Prehistoria Chilena, and Alfareria Indigena Chilena. Publications such as this keep the memory of him alive today.

LIANE DALLAL Santa Clara University (George Westermark)

Mangelsdorf, P. C. and R. G. Reeves. The Origin of Maize: Present Status of the Problem. American Anthropologist. April-June 1945 Vol. 47(2):235-243.

Mangelsdorf and Reeves critically analyze an earlier article published in the American Anthropologist by Alfred Whiting, entitled “The Origin of Corn: An Evaluation of Fact and theory.” The authors also offer new evidence of alternative hypotheses about the continental origins and biological ancestry of the maize plant. Generally, the authors seek to understand the evolution of maize through botanical methods, including genetics, cytology, physiology, and morphology. They argue that Whiting’s research misconceived the real nature of the problem and misinterpreted and omitted some of the pertinent facts and literature. Therefore, they seek to challenge his conclusions with additional facts and evidence.

Whiting stated that the theory that corn is a domesticated form of teosite, hybridized with Tripsacum, has been long since disproved. In contrast, Mangelsdorf and Reeves argue that there is new genetic evidence in support of the teosite theory, including similar chromosomes and morphology. The authors believe that the conclusion of the teosite hyupothesis is worth pursuing because its confirmation or refutation will clear the way for a critical evaluation of the remaining evidence. They offer examples of tests and new data that support their hypothesis, including collections of varieties of maize with primitive characteristics from South America and analyses of pod corn. Mangelsdorf and Reeves propose that because Tripsacum is so maize like, it should no longer be classified as Euchlaena, but as a separate species of Zea. They believe that the present evidence now strongly points to western South America as the region in the Americas where maize agriculture began, and the cultures based on maize had their beginnings.

LEAH SMITH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Mangelsdorf, P. C. and Reeves, R. G. The Origin of Maize: Present Status of the Problem.American Anthropologist April-June, 1945 Vol.47(2):235-243.

origins of maize by Alfred Whiting. More specifically, in their defense they restate the plausibility of maize being a domesticated form of teosinte as well as having its origin in South America. They also cite several discrepancies in which they challenge Whiting’s findings regarding their work. The authors state that the problem of discovering the origins of maize is indeed a difficult and complex process, possibly one that never reaches a complete and final solution.

The central disagreement between Whiting, and Mangelsdorf and Reeves lies in their differing opinions concerning the nature of the solution to the problem. Whiting believes that the solution can be found by means of generalizations and abstractions, whereas Mangelsdorf and Reeves believes a solution can be obtained by botanical methods and The article written by Mangelsdorf and Reeves refutes the critique of their work on the analyses. Mangelsdorf and Reeves points out that Whiting never clearly states how a solution is to be obtained though these generalizations and abstractions, thus allowing Mangelsdorf and Reeves to strengthen their argument.

Mangelsdorf and Reeves present their rebuttal to Whiting’s article by acknowledging and contesting the inconsistencies that Whiting states are problematic to their work. They cite numerous studies and tests that have been conducted to support their findings. Mangelsdorf and Reeves attempt to discredit Whiting’s claims that their hypothesis concerning the origins of maize is not only inconsistent, but also too “elaborate.” They state that many of the more recent findings regarding this problem have supported their work, but Whiting simply neglected to include them in his critique. Their hypothesis, they state, is also flexible and adjustable to new evidence that is discovered regarding the origins of maize. Mangelsdorf and Reeves successfully defend their position and hypothesis pertaining to the origin of maize and provide a thought provoking discussion and article.

JULIE ORDELT University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Mirov, N. T. Notes on the Domestication of Reindeer. American Anthropologist. September, 1945 Vol 47 (3) :393-408.

Mirov is very interested in the ways in which reindeer have been domesticated and identifies some aspects of domestication that have not been pointed out by previous investigators. Within this article, he shows many ways in which reindeer were utilized and raised by many people in a variety of climates. Uses range from that of milking for food, pulling sledges, or use as pack or saddle animals. Herds vary in size according to the use that the particular society has for reindeer.

This work was not intended to be a full account of the history of reindeer domestication; rather, its purpose is to educate on the aspects of domestication that have not been addressed fully in the past. The author even uses aspects of archaeology in order to illustrate ways that reindeer domestication has never really been analyzed before. Practically the entire article is dedicated to people of different, colder regions, like those of Siberia and Koryak, and the ways in which they utilize the reindeer.

It appears that the majority of this article is aimed at describing reindeer uses in the domestic environment. There seems to be lacking an analysis of cultural implications, a conclusion, or any other type of analysis that would provoke the reader to learn more, to read further. The article does exactly what it says; it is looking at domestication that others have overlooked, but by doing so, the article must focus on the geography and function of the deer. The article does describe in some detail the cultures where the deer exist, which has the potential to be useful for anyone who is looking for information on the utilization of animals in frigid climates.

MELISSA CAVANAGH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Montagu, M. F. Ashley. Some Anthropological Terms. A Study in the Systematics of Confusion. American Anthropologist January-March, 1945 Vol 47 (1):119-133

Throughout this article, Montagu examines the use of, and associated meanings of, many terms commonly used in sociological and anthropological work. These terms include “primitive,” “early,” “advanced,” “inferior,” and “superior,” which are often used to describe societies, civilizations, and even categories of races. Montagu states “language constitutes the process of communication of meanings in order to produce some form of action upon those capable of understanding the meanings employed.” Thus, he investigates the meanings associated with these terms, and the conceptions assumed to correspond with these constructed meanings. For example, historians and anthropologists often use the term “primitive” or “advanced” to describe civilizations or societies; the former used to describe those first or early in history, the latter used to depict those which followed. The term “advanced” is understood as the “accomplishment of progress or development upon an earlier stage, the going forward or upward from an earlier or lower stage.” This also implies an earlier, less developed stage, which is referred to as “primitive.” Therefore, the use of the term “primitive” implies occurring earlier in time and existing as a less complex or developed stage. “Primitive” man is depicted in history by the Neanderthal man, while the Cro-Magnon man represents “advanced man”; Neanderthal man is described as very bestial, with bow legs, ape-like lips, and claw-like hands, “mentally representing a low-grade moron,” while the “advanced” Cro-Magnon man is portrayed with a high intellect, the spirit of nobility, and with “humanity radiat[ing] from every reconstructed idealized line in the face.”

Montagu draws upon sources and texts throughout history, citing examples from Darwin, Karl Pearson, Ruth Benedict, and even examples from his own work, all which support his argument of this use of language, many of the former works providing evidence of this language and constructed meanings. He challenges the common, “natural” use of terms and language often used to describe and depict many civilizations or societies within history. Montagu argues that these terms are heavily loaded with an active qualitative interest which guides and determines the mode of conduct or thought towards the respective object, and this interest has been constructed or fabricated incorrectly according to the true nature and course of history.

DANIELLE KUSKOWSKI Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Opler, Marvin K. A “Sumo” Tournament at Tule Lake Center. American Anthropologist Jan-Mar, 1945 Vol.47 (1):134-139.

Opler forms an explanatory model of Sumo tournaments and the culture surrounding them in this article. His research is based at the Tule Lake Center, a segregation center of the War Relocation Authority, and is mirrored with the account of an assistant in a later section. Opler observes a Sumo tournament in the center and forms his writing around the field notes he creates.

Opler goes into much detail about the traditions and taboos that have been honored by those participating in and viewing the competitions. He states that these traditions have not changed in centuries even though this particular tournament is a continent away from Japan and being held in a relocation camp. On June 10, 1944, the tournament began and this is where the author begins his description.

As part of the audience, Opler must uphold the taboos sacred to the other Sumo enthusiasts. Some of the taboos that are talked about in detail are the many ways to avoid injury during the tournament. Sitting higher than the participants will inevitable cause nosebleeds and hand injuries, while walking between the wrestlers and the ring will lead to other injuries. Ample use of salt deters these injuries and Opler observed its use and its effects on the day of the tournament. Salt is considered a preserver of flesh and when sprinkled on the floor of the ring will ward off the bad luck brought on by the uninformed audience members.

To say that the majority of the audience is uninformed, though, would not be correct. Opler writes about the dedicated fans of the sport both in Japan and in the Tule Lake Center. Famous Sumo ozekis, or champions, are everyday names in Japanese households as they are in the homes of the Tule Lake residents. Following this sport is equivalent to following American basketball tournaments with the many celebrity players and sold out games.

Opler describes this particular tournament in a way that allows the emergence of the importance of the sport to the people. However, more than simply being a popular sport, sumo is a time honored tradition, surrounded by a rich culture of taboos and customs.

MAGDALENE THOMAS Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Opler, Marvin K. A “Sumo” Tournament at Tule Lake Center American Anthropologist 1945, vol. 47: 134-139

Marvin K. Opler’s article is both an introduction to the sport of sumo and an account of a tournament at the Tule Lake Center in Newell California, a Japanese segregation center. Opler describes the rituals he has observed and their traditional meaning. He goes on to describe the layout of the arena and the positions of the officials. Opler also describes the different rankings of the wrestlers and makes some comments on the difference between the American sumo and that of the Japanese.

Opler first states how sumo is considered the cleanest of the contact sports, noting the irregularity of series injury. He goes on to describe how salt is used as a ceremonial prevention for injuries and how it can counteract the transgressions of the audience such as passing in front of the wrestlers or viewing the match from an elevated point. These transgressions are believed to bring injuries to the wrestlers, specifically nosebleeds and hand injuries.

Opler then describes the layout of the arena and the preparation of the ring, including the spreading of the sand in the arena by the first pair of wrestlers. The role of the referee is described in detail. Special attention is placed on the experience and attire of the officials. Opler describes how the officials rank can be seen in the color of the ropes on his ceremonial fan.

Opler then tells of the steps the wrestlers go through before the match. He goes on to tell about the ceremonial dance done by the wrestlers after the preliminary matches. Opler describes the attire of the wrestlers and what ranks go with the different colors. Some remarks are made about the difference between the American sumo and the traditional. One wrestler who was trained in Japan refers to the combatants as children, noting that most of them lack the traditional size and girth of the sumo.

This article serves as a good basic outline of the sport of sumo wrestling and does give some insight into the traditions and customs. It also gives a hint of the cultural differences between old and New World Japanese

MICHAEL STALEY University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Osborne, Lilly de Jongh & J. Alden Mason. Robert James Burkitt, 1869-1945. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47: 605-610.

Lilly de Jongh and J. Alden Mason write a biographical account about Robert James Burkitt, who engaged in ethnological, linguistic, folkloric and archeological discoveries in Guatemala from about 1894 to his death in 1945. Burkitt a.k.a Mister Brown (nickname in Guatemala) was both enthusiastic and meticulous towards his work, and was always careful to be understanding towards the native Indians and their practices. Burkitt prided himself on having an insider relationship with the native Indians, which most likely allowed him to gather authentic accounts not available to outsiders looking in onto Guatemalan culture.

Burkitt got an A.B in mining at Harvard in 1891, and became acquainted with George Byron Gordon who introduced him to Central America. Gordon invited Burkitt to accompany him on the Fourth Copan Expedition of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University in 1894, and he became passionate about both learning and understanding (from a Native’s perspective) the changing culture sequence in the area.

Burkitt did field work during the early to middle 20th century, which is known as the historic period in the archaeological discovery timeline. Although the biography does not explicitly say that Burkitt took a systematic approach in studying the changing culture sequence in Guatemala, because of the time period that he did fieldwork, he most likely viewed his work from a scientific standpoint. Mason & de Jongh do not mention any of Burkitt’s specific discoveries, but they do emphasize how his reports are both careful and detailed, but at the same time so simplistic and idiosyncratic as to take away from their overall effects. Therefore, the only problem that I can detect that the authors’ have with Burkitt is that he thought that the general public was not smart enough to handle complex reports about Guatemala, which shows some intellectual arrogance.

The article is easy to follow and read, but it is hard to detect any certain problems or criticisms that both de Jongh and Mason have with Burkitt.

ERIN SKOURTES Santa Clara University (George Westermark).

Siegel, Bernard J. Some Methodological Considerations for a Comparative Study of Slavery. American Anthropologist September, 1945 Vol. 47 (3):357-92.

Siegel argues that slavery will exist when it is compatible with the general framework of a society, including its economy, values, and political organization. He rejects analyses based only on economic or cultural factors as failing to account for the existence of slavery in some societies but not others and calls for an examination of slavery from a functionalist perspective in light of the values and structures of different societies.

Siegel examines the presence or absence of slavery in different societies. He looks at slavery among the Native Americans of the Northwest Coast in light of their systems of inherited social rank and their means of generating prestige through potlatches to give away or destroy property, including slaves, that was often originally obtained through war. On the other hand, slavery did not exist within the Creek Confederation, because the very few prisoners taken in battle either were sacrificed or became part of the tribe, and also because their social system was based on prestige from warfare, not economic stratification. The Dahomeans practiced harsh chattel slavery of people obtained from raids on neighboring groups served to enhance the prestige and power of the king and used debtor-pawns, children given by debtors unable to repay, as household servants. The Ashanti had fewer slaves, which were usually relatively integrated into their masters’ households, and the children of slaves were free. The Azande exemplified a caste-like system, with a few slaves and the domination of conquered peoples by a ruling class.

Siegel concludes that slavery tends to be present in systems with patriarchal families or an autocratic social hierarchy and a strong relationship between wealth and social prestige. In societies that mostly meet these conditions but do not have a highly organized, autocratic political system, non-chattel slavery tends to occur and contribute to the prestige of households. Siegel points to the presence or absence of a prestige system based on wealth as the determining factor for whether a society will have institutionalized slavery if other factors exist that make slavery possible.

KARA BURT Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Siegel, Bernard J. Some Methodological Considerations for a Comparative Study of Slavery American Anthropologist July – September, 1945 Vol. 47(3):357-392.

Siegel’s article begins with an attempt to answer the question of why the Creek did not practice slavery while at the same time it flourished among the Northwest Coast Indians. The larger goal of the article is however, to propose a methodological approach to the study of slavery as an institution and to test this approach out through comparative studies of slavery in North America and Africa. This is accomplished by reviewing several prior theories of slavery, beginning with Nieboer’s assertion that, “Slavery can only exist when subsistence is easy to procure without the aid of capital.” McLeod however, contests the view that slavery is due to such economic determinism and proposes rather that more often than not there are psychological factors at play. Thurnwald argued that slavery can be expected to occur if there exists an economic system that is geared towards the, “shouldering of more difficult labor unto others” and the existence of strong ethnic differences combined with a sense of superiority. Siegel asserts that for slavery to exist, it has to be a functional consequence of the existence of social stratification and status seeking through the accumulation of wealth. He notes that the Creek maintained a society of relative equality without a great deal of distinction between the rich and the poor. Rather, the Creek acquired prestige and rank through warfare. The Northwest Coast tribes, on the other hand, were famed for their practice of the potlatch, a ceremony of conspicuous consumption where goods, including slaves were either given out or destroyed. This was a society that was extremely class conscious and, according to Siegel, obsessed with the accumulation of wealth as a means to obtain status in society. Siegel concludes the article with a lengthy comparative discussion of slavery in Africa among the Dahomeans, Ashanti and Azande to demonstrate the validity of the aforementioned methodology.

EIAL DUJOVNY University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Simmons, Leo W. A Prospectus For Field-Research In The Position And Treatment Of The Aged in Primitive And Other Societies. American Anthropologist July-September, 1945 Vol.47 (3):433-438.

Simmons’ overall concern in this article is field research on the position and treatment of the aged in primitive and other societies. He claims that all studies of old age can be classified into three broad inquiries: What do old people want for themselves? How may their interests be safeguarded? What are the implications of the old-age problems for society in general? The main argument is that in order for one to develop proper programs for the study of old age, it is necessary to know what has happened in other societies and cultures that are very different from ones own. Therefore, this article deals primarily with field-research on the difficulty of the ageing process in primitive societies, although the author claims much of it might apply to similar studies in other cultural groups. Simmons lists many important reasons for the study of the aged in primitive societies, but he finds disappointment in most of the literature that currently exists on old age in primitive societies.

In the second half of this article Simmons outlines a guide containing suggestions and recommendations on how to conduct such field studies in primitive and other societies, including: Conducting a census of the aged. Outlining the general physical and cultural traits of the aged. Attempting to collect and to study any unusual cases. Paying equal attention to both the past and present activities of the aged. Detailing the position of the aged in family life. Other important fields of inquiry relate to the popular conceptualizations of old age. He also gives a further set of inquiries that relate to the treatment society accords to its aged members. The author concludes by suggesting that social and cultural studies of the aged are related to the biological time-clock of development and decline which call for a certain schedule in both socialization and what might be called de-socialization.

Simmons’ views are logical and on a macro level with very little empirical basis. This article is easy to read and gives the reader the opportunity to develop new ways of thinking about this information. This article may serve as an overall outline of reasons for studying primitive cultures and societies.

SIMON BUSTOW Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Simmons, Leo W. A Prospectus for Field Research in the Position and Treatment of the Aged in Primitive and Other Societies. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47:433-438.

Leo Simmons believes that understanding the role of elderly citizens in society is very important. The systematic study of the elderly around the world is an area that needs increased focus in anthropology. Older people throughout the world appear to have similar interests, which are adjusted relative to their physical condition and the culture in which they live. The role of elderly citizens differs greatly between our own society and “primitive” ones. The most significant of these contrasts is that in nonwestern societies the adjustment to old age is automatic, while in Western societies this adjustments is planned and legislated.

Ethnographic information about the elderly is severly lacking and such information is needed to create a complete picture of the life cycle in societies other than our own. Critical baseline information must be gathered when beginning to conduct such research. This information includes what criteria a society uses to define old age and the age at which a person is considered useless and a burden. It is also crucial to note any cases of extreme longevity, the popular impressions of old age, and the specific activities of the elderly. Detailed information about the role of the elderly is important in all societies and it is critical not to overlook any such details when studying a society.

Some data about the status of the elderly in various “primitive” societies can be deduced from studies of youth in these societies. This is so because the role of older members of a society is frequently a reverse of the role of the society’s youth. However, the life-history method is the best for learning about the roles of different individuals in a society and there is no reliable short cut that can replace concrete and detailed field work.

MEREDITH W. JONES The University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Simpson, George Eaton. The Belief System of Haitian Vodun. American Anthropologist Jan-March, 1945 Vol.47 (1):35-59.

Simpson examines the history and evolution of the Haitian vodun religion, the basic tenets of this belief system, and the meanings it conveys to its participants, in

particular peasant informants in Haiti. Although the evidence for the origins of Haitian vodun is unclear, information about its existence extends to at least 1750, with a more definite and formal structure emerging by 1790. African slaves developed vodun through secret religious ceremonies, which served to unite the slave groups. Simpson also found significant inconsistencies and contradictions in the religion, thus making it difficult to come to a definite understanding of its basic tenets and practices. The combination of Islamic, African, and Catholic elements in Haitian vodun contributes to the complexity of the religion.

A major component of Haitian vodun is the presence of hundreds of laos, or deities. Some participants in this religion understand laos to be associated with Catholic Saints, while others do not. Others understand laos as a sort of intermediary between God and humans. Still others believe that, after a human dies, they could become a laos, which is to be avoided. One of the most interesting aspects of people who practice vodun is their additional commitment to Catholicism. Some feel that vodunism merely complements Catholicism and is important when Catholicism cannot be practiced, while other believe that the pull of the laos on individuals to practice vodun is simply too strong to deny.

Simpson also provides a helpful discussion on the social implications of vodunism. He suggests that the vodun cult serves to perpetuate society by providing supernatural sanction for such mores as the taboos on murder, incest, theft, and the showing of disrespect to the elderly. Therefore, their understanding of the power and authority of the laos serves as a means of social control.

Simpson addresses several major issues in relation to vodunism, including the nature of death, the possibility of life after death, the social implications of vodun, and the future of Haitian vodun as a practiced religion. His discussion of these topics is clear and will be of interest to any individual seeking to understand various tenets of belief systems, how the beliefs translate into action, and the evolution of religions over time.

KRISTEN SHELL Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Simpson, George Eaton. The Belief System of the Haitian Vodun. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47: 35-59.

George Eaton Simpson outlines the development and basic elements of Vodun belief in the area of northern Haiti in The Belief System of the Haitian Vodun. He begins by describing the inception of vodun (also known as “voodoo”), during which various leaders of slave rebellions utilized several different religious practices carried from Africa by slaves to further the causes of their revolts. As the rebel leaders used these practices to unite slaves, they gradually became more standardized and mixed with the Catholic beliefs imposed by white masters.

The author analyzes various beliefs in the vodun system, beginning with the loa. Loa, he describes, are originally African gods whose identites multiplied and mixed with those of Catholic saints, who are sometimes seen as their counterparts, and function as intermediaries with God and as spirits to be respected in their own right. Two tables of information are provided listing the names of loa identified by peasants of the northern Plaisance region of Haiti and the characteristics of specific loa and/or saints. The relationships of vodun followers is described: as loa can affect lives for both good and ill, ceremonies must be held to respect the loa. Loa may also possess certain persons (serviteurs) and the soul of such a person may become a loa itself after death. The author also addresses the roles of the spirits of the ordinary dead, who may affect the lives of the living in many forms depending on the nature of their death (zombies, spectres, revenants, etc.), and must be respected in a similar fashion to the loa.

Lastly, the article examines the possible functions of vodun to Haitian society, which include social cohesion, explanations for morals as well as misfortunes accompanying agricultural life, an aggression release from an impoverished status, a general worldview, and pleasing aesthetic aspects (dance, ceremony, altars, etc.). Simpson closes with an overview of the Haitian government’s changing stances on vodun practice over the past three centuries.

LAUREN CARPENTER University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Strong, Wm. Duncan. The Occurrence and Wider Implications of a “Ghost Cult” on the Columbia River Suggested by Carvings in Wood, Bone and Stone. American Anthropologist April-June, 1945 Vol. 47 ( 2):244-261.

Strong examines representatives of a nearly vanished form of art from the lower Columbia River through the use of historical tales and references to some artifacts that have been neglected by the scientific community. The art is historically rooted; however, archaeological evidence is inadequate to positively identify a link between the history and prehistoric manifestations of the region. Nevertheless, correlation of ethnological studies and historical records is possible.

A large part of this article is devoted to thoroughly describing the type of art and where it has been found. The art is mostly anthropomorphic, with clearly delineated ribs, and sites for petroglyphs. The rib portion of the art is what is mentioned in the title as the “ghost cult”. The ribs represent death or ghosts, and persisted down into earlier historical times, which is a main argument in the paper. One main goal of the article appears to be to root the art in history, to portray it as existing before it was found and existent before it was studied thoroughly. The ethnological analysis suggests that the roots of the ghost dances represented by the art and viewed in the 1870s and 1890s can be traced back more than a century earlier, and the archaeological record as it becomes available will find it to be even older.

Strong indicates that it was this art, in its own time, that had been described so tantalizingly by explorers. Therefore, a portion of this article is geared towards the representation of narratives by explorers heading west and the works of archaeologists and ethnographers in the regions where the art existed. Additionally, the article addresses how the works of ethnographers and archaeologists show that there was a rapid cultural and tribal breakdown that was not confined to the West. The Mississippian cultures were also dispersing even before the arrival of French and English settlers. Within this argument, the author also offers some comparison between the Northwest and Southeast cultures, possible contact of alien cultures, and the importance of correlating archaeological and ethnographic evidence. Strong also encourages the study of the historical and biological reasons for the dissipation of native populations before the

arrival of the French and the English.

MELISSA CAVANAGH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Strong, William Duncan. The Occurrence and Wider Implications of a “Ghost Cult” on the Columbia River Suggested by Carvings in Wood, Bone, and Stone. American Anthropologist. January, 1945 Vol.47:244-260.

Duncan’s article deals with the many discoveries of bone, wood, and stone artifacts that have been found along the Columbia River. Within the article, he discusses the many different findings that he and other colleagues have made that may indicate the belief in the idea of an afterlife for the tribes of Indians that resided in that area. The focal point of the study is not so much the objects, but rather certain markings that are ambiguous to all the items found.

As a means of establishing evidence of the existence of a “ghost cult” Duncan uses the discoveries of many explorers and a few anthropologist. Duncan begins his article with the finding of a burial site by Lewis and Clark, at this particular site they discover carvings of figures that have been painted. Later, Alexander Henry finds similar figurines at a Chinookan village. These findings also occurr at Beacon Rock, part of the Columbia River effigy, and also Canada. Duncan also mentions the findings of Julian Steward as evidence of the “ghost” phemomenon, at Miller’s Island. The key element of interest and unifying aspect is the apparent markings that resemble either a rib or a rib cage.

According to Duncan, the markings are indicative of the belief in the afterworld because they stray from the ordinary carvings of humans. The carvings of humans are usually round, but the carvings found at the other sites were straight and had an emphasis on the skeletal features, mainly the ribs. This deviation of carving style suggests that the tribal Indians believed in a realm of exitense after death. The actual discovery of these items brings into focus the issue of colonization.

Duncan not only discusses the discovery of these items and their significance, but he also ventures into the discussion of the colonization of Indian land and the Indian themselves. Within the article he reviews some of the reasons for the ever-increasing shrinkage of the Indian population. One of the main reasons discussed is disease, he ties disease to the discovery of the carvings, by mentioning the discovery of some of the remains by settlers’ children and then later anthropologist in areas that previously had no record of existing.

This article will be of interest to individuals who have an interest in the field of archaeology. It will also appeal to a population of individuals who are interested in reading about the discovery of ancient artifacts that may be indicative of a prehistoric belief system. Not only is Duncan’s article very articulate and informative, but it also leaves room for an individual to explore the idea of a “ghost cult” in an era not too well known.

ADRIANA CUBEROS University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Thompson, Laura. Logico-Aesthetic Integration in Hopi Culture. American Anthropologist October-December 1945 Vol.47 (4):540-553.

In this article Laura Thompson discusses the nature of Hopi society, a tribe that lives in the northern Arizona deserts and has less than four thousand members. Thompson ultimately asserts that the Hopi society is one of the most integrated and unified societies ever studied. She asserts that the structure of this community is complex and interdependent, functioning in a way that provides a harmonious and cooperative atmosphere. Furthermore, it is the responsibility of each Hopi member to act in a way that is most beneficial to the whole society. She states “the purpose of this paper is to describe this logico-aesthetic integration as it is manifest, especially in the key unverbalized premises and the explicit concepts which form the covert core of Hopi traditional culture.”

A large portion of her discussion is contingent on her assertion that the Hopi people understand themselves as agents that can choose whether or not they will fulfill their role in the community. Given this fact, it follows that the harmonious and interdependent nature of the society, including the human and non-human aspects, the sun, moon, ancestral spirits, and cosmos, is contingent on whether man chooses to act responsibly and fulfill his designated role in the society. The Hopi understand their community as based on the Law and Principle- two forces that create the interdependent and dynamic society. When this interdependent and integrated society is successfully established, the Hopi people experience freedom, which is characterized by peace, prosperity, and happiness.

Thompson’s argument is clearly argued and organized. Some of the aspects of Hopi culture that she addresses include rituals, organization of society and family, the value of life, their world view, and their understanding of the ideal individual and the ideal community. Thompson subdivides her discussion into ten different topics, which contribute to the clarity of her discussion.

KRISTEN SHELL Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Thompson, Laura. Logico-Aesthetic Integration in Hopi Culture. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol.47:540-553.

Laura Thompson’s essay considers Hopi culture as a unified organic integration of distinct but interconnected structures ordered by Hopi cosmological Law. Specifically, she examines the manner in which Hopi aesthetics simultaneously reflects and participates in the logic of this organic totality.

Thompson expresses the essence of this unifying principle as the Hopi belief that the cosmos is intrinsically harmonious and cooperative, with each individual having its proper position in relation to the whole. While the principle of reciprocity maintains this order in the non-human realm, the fact of human agency inserts an element of volition into this otherwise perfectly harmonious system. Thompson points out that the Hopi word for “to pray” also means “to will” and illustrates the cosmic human role as the willing fulfillment of Law through time. This fulfillment of Law is achieved through the cultivation of psychic and physiological excellence, both individually and collectively, and through ritual and art.

Interpreting Hopi ritual as more than performance mechanisms designed to bring about desired ends, Thompson stresses that in addition to these pragmatic ends, Hopi ritual symbolizes the logical unfolding of the Law, life, and the cosmos, and describes the annual ritual cycle as a serialized aesthetic expression of Hopi Law. Similarly, Hopi art abstractly reveals the Hopi cosmology while simultaneously participating in its willful fulfillment. Through this willful fulfillment of Law the Hopi achieve the ideal of freedom, a concept Thompson compares to the Greek eudaemonia.

While this kind of symbolic cultural analysis has been rendered problematic by post-structural semiotics, Thompson’s essay will interest students of Hopi ritual and art, and of Hopi society in general. In addition, the sophistication of her examination of Hopi philosophy offers fascinating perspectives on ethics, metaphysics, and aesthetics.

MITCH CHAPURA University of Georgia (Pete Brosius)

Useem, Lt. John. The Changing Structure of Micronesian Society. American Anthropologist. October, 1945 Vol. 47 (4): 567-588

This article takes an in-depth look at the social and cultural structure of the people living on the Pala island chain. The author first gives the reader an extremely detailed, but succinct, history of the people from their legendary first family to the settlement of the rest of the island chain. The author then begins to discuss the structure of the family and its function within the society. Useem takes great care in explaining the different types of rituals that take place in the culture and the reasons behind them. Useem then launches into an explanation of exactly how the different types of colonial occupation affected the people of the Pala islands. The main question being asked by Useem is exactly how the people of the Pala islands were affected by the different “more modern” cultures that attempted to modernize them. The people of the Pala Islands were under the control of the Germans, the Japanese, and eventually the Americans. The paper seems to take a more sympathetic view towards the Americans, as Useem (at the time of this paper) is an officer in the United States Armed Forces.

Useem takes an extremely structural look at how their society is structured and how the changes forced upon them by the colonial powers affected not only themselves, but also their understanding of how to interact with each other.

Towards the end of the article, Useem begins to reflect upon how the people of the Pala islands had evolved over the years, but had managed to retain their own unique view and understanding of exactly what culture is. Although the people of the islands admit that they have changed in ways that are a direct reflection of those cultures that ruled over them, they were able to maintain their own view of culture so that in the end, the people of the islands were able to come away from multiple occupations with a culture that is a synthesis of outside capitalist cultures with their own.

DEVIN GINGRICH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Voegelin, C. F. Relative Chronology of North American Linguistic Types. American Anthropologist. April-June, 1945. Vol. 47 (2):232-234.

Voegelin attempts to map the arrival of languages and linguistic families in North America. He identifies six types of languages and families by Roman numerals, and also identifies their period of arrival: Type I = Eskimo-Aleut, Type II = Algonquian-Wakashan, Type III = Na-dene, Type IV = Uto-Aztecan-Tanoan, Type V = Penutian, and Type VI = Hokan=Siouan. Their relative chronology of arrival in the New World, from the oldest to the most recent, is VI, V, II, III, IV, I. Voegelin also discusses the geographic spread of these languages, and their use throughout the territories. Types such as V and IV cover a limited area on the North American map, but their usage extends into parts of Latin America, which are not represented by this map. Types II, III, and VI are nearly equal in size, each covering an extensive amount of territory. A slow and intermittent process is assumed to have occurred in regards to the spreading of the languages, due to the intrusion of diverse strangers onto the land, or by migrations of peoples from a core area to an outlying area. Internal diversity is also a factor which is analyzed concerning the arrival and spread of these languages. This is related to the relatively large differences in morphology within a family. Voegelin identifies type I as being the most recent arrival in terms of internal diversity and geographic continuity or discontinuity, and type VI is the most ancient, meaning it was the earliest to develop in North America.

DANIELLE KUSKOWSKI Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Voegelin, C. F. Relative Chronology of North American Linguistic Types. American Anthropologist April-June, 1945 Vol.47(2):232-235.

Determining the chronology of linguistic types in North America is problematic. Equally valid, but disagreeing, chronologies have been developed. The challenge lies in the terms by which one classifies or considers the six linguistic types. According to Voegelin, linguistic types include languages, families, and impressionistic type – a concept elucidated by Sapir. It seems decided that the most ancient arrival and the most recent arrival are certain, and the dispute between chronologies lies only within the two endpoints. It remains, then, that each of the two primary considerations, internal diversity/impressionistic types and geographic distribution, and possibly a third set, ethnological data, has its own limitations and difficulties. Regardless, roughly comparable results can be obtained.

Voegelin illustrates Sapir’s idea that “linguistic diversity and distribution could be converted into chronology,” however, Voegelin admits the difficulties and challenges of such an endeavor. He then converts into chronology a chart of internal diversity, and follows with a similar treatment arranging the six types according to their “geographical spread,” that is, discontinuity. Voegelin’s synthesis highlights the similarities and the differences between the two models and stresses the importance of arranging materials so that, despite differences, “one data set corroborates another.”

Charts and examples explain and illustrate Voegelin’s research, and he summarizes with a brief synthesis of the information. In addition, he draws upon the research of Boas, Sapir and others and employs Sapir’s classification system of impressionistic types. Voegelin indicates that his research is related to the work of Sapir and Boas, but that even their research is based on an assumption supported with evidence. Where, for example, Voegelin notes that continuity is indicative of chronology is an assumption. Finally he states that the nature of inferential history is esthetic, or, in other words, whimsical.

CHRISTOPHER M. ECKENROTH University of Georgia (J. Peter Brosius)

Waring, A. J., Jr. and Preston Holder. A Prehistoric Ceremonial Complex in the Southeastern United States. American Anthropologist Jan-March, 1945 Vol. 47 (1):1-34.

The authors examine the motifs and objects found in association with ceremonial complexes in the southeastern United States. Drawing data primarily from the three sites of Etowah (Georgia), Moundville (Alabama) and Spiro (Oklahoma), the authors seek to find the similarities of the ceremonial objects and interpret them in a chronological framework. Through descriptive and pictorial representations of the motifs and ceremonial objects, the authors argue that “cult objects” are remarkably similar, with some local variation. Therefore, the objects and their designs must have been brought by mobile groups and diffused rapidly. Some earlier archaeological interpretations are criticized for their lack of integration with a chronological framework. The authors note that the complexes occur suddenly and chronologically late, yet are fully developed. The complex is also specialized because it appears among otherwise unrelated groups, at great distances, and is mostly intact.

While refuting earlier theories that “waves” of Mexican influence affected these areas, the authors contend that Mexican influence mainly dealt with agricultural developments, although some cultural elements would have diffused as well. A main objection to the theory of “waves” of Mexican influence is that there is no artifactual evidence to support this. Another objection states that such widely separated and differentiated sites would not select the same cultural elements from the “waves” of influence. Instead, the authors propose that there was a single site in the Southeast where there was a highly developed cult complex. It was integrated within a horticultural framework, as reflected in the ceremonial motifs and objects. Using some elements initially introduced from Middle America, this cult synthesized and integrated with surrounding communities. This most likely took place in the Middle Mississippi Basin and spread quickly to other sites, where some local variations were then made.

By examining the archaeological evidence from three main sites (and several other supplementary sites), the authors build a framework to interpret and analyze the complexes and corresponding artifacts. Not only do the authors fully detail the motifs and objects themselves, but they also conjecture as to the distribution of items across a large geographic area. The sites, then, are interpreted not only by themselves, but also in the context of the regional cultural framework.

KATIE JOHNSON Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Waring Jr., A. J. and Holder, Preston. A Prehistoric Ceremonial Complex in the Southeastern United States. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47: 1-31.

Waring and Holder, in A Prehistoric Ceremonial Complex in the Southeastern United States, address the existence of a set of similar motifs and symbols on ceremonial objects found at archaeological sites across the southeastern United States which date to sometime after the period of the Hopewell Culture. The authors believe that these artifacts may indicate the spread of a cult throughout the cultures of the Mississippi Basin that had its origins in Middle America, due to the resemble of the motifs to those in Mexico.

The artifacts in question were primarily discovered at the Spiro (Oklahoma), Etowah (Georgia), and Moundville (Alabama) sites, in addition to a few others from sites in Arkansas, Tennessee, and Florida. Waring and Holder first describe the four elements of the artifacts that they will examine (motifs, god-animal representations, types of ceremonial objects, and costume) and the variations that exist within these categories. These descriptions are accompanied by several helpful sets of figures which present certain artifacts cited throughout the article.

The article then analyzes the chronologies and contexts of the specific sites at which the artifacts were uncovered. The authors demonstrate with this information that the relatively brief period of use of these ceremonial objects and their tendency to possess stylistic qualities unique to the groups in the areas of their discovery indicate the rise of a “cult complex” originating in Middle America, rather than a simple “wave” of artistic influence. The article concludes with the promise of a follow-up study concerning the nature of the original Middle American cult.

LAUREN CARPENTER University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

White, Leslie A. “Diffusion vs. Evolution”: An Anti-Evolutionist Fallacy. American Anthropologist September, 1945 Vol.47 (3):339-356.

In this article, White seeks to disprove the assertion that cultural evolutionists are unaware of, or have contempt for, processes of diffusion. Further, according to White, those of the Boasian school who assert this are themselves guilty of harboring contempt for evolutionists. White even questions whether or not the critics of cultural evolution have read the works in question. To disprove the assertion of the Boasians, White examines the work of Edward Burnett Tylor and Lewis Henry Morgan.

Both Tylor and Morgan were classical evolutionists, but both appreciated the role of diffusion in the development of cultures. By providing numerous excerpts from both authors, White illustrates that Tylor and Morgan saw cultural evolution and diffusion in a harmonious relationship, working together to create the development of culture. Cultural evolution “originates” ideas and diffusion “spreads” the superior aspects of a culture.

The main problem with the Boasian school, White contends, is they confuse the “evolution of culture” with the “culture history of people.” Cultural evolution operates at a broad level and outlines the overall stages of culture. For example, the Stone Age precedes the Bronze Age, which precedes the Iron Age. However, at the level of an individual culture, the Iron Age immediately succeeds the Stone Age, skipping the Bronze Age. This does not disprove cultural evolution, though. This “missing” stage is merely the result of diffusion. Not every culture has to go through all of the stages. However, the stages are followed at a macro level.

The author also seeks to distinguish evolution from history. History emphasizes a “single event, unique in time and space.” Evolution, though, examines the broader patterns and processes. Thus, evolution does not have to fall in line with, or answer to, history. Historical events are on a local level, and not at the same macro level as cultural evolution.

White concludes by discussing the “anti-evolutionist” stance of those from the Boas school. Criticizing their arguments, the author lists the shortcomings and misunderstandings embodied by the anti-evolutionists. The theory of cultural evolution is not disproved by facts of diffusion, but is strengthened by it. The errors of the “anti-evolutionists” are in danger of being “perpetuated indefinitely.”

KATIE JOHNSON Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

White, Leslie. “Diffusion Vs. Evolution”: An Anti-Evolutionist Fallacy” American Anthropologist July – September, 1945 Vol. 47(3):339-356.

This article is an attempt by Leslie White to refute what he perceives as the extreme anti-evolutionist tendencies among the members of the Boas school of ethnography. White focuses on the controversy surrounding the role of diffusion in the development of human societies in order to demonstrate how this has been used by Boasians to contest evolutionist attempts to construct an “universal law of sequence”. By bringing examples from the writing of Lowie, Goldenwasser, Sapir, Herskovits, Stern, Willey, Linton and Hallowell he presents the diffusionist argument that a “theory of history” is impossible so long as it is possible for cultures to jump stages of evolution through contact with their neighbors or outsiders. White argues that this fact was not lost to members of the evolutionist school and in particular quotes from the writings of E.B. Tylor and Lewis Henry Morgan to show that they were well aware of the process of diffusion. More importantly, he points out that neither Tylor nor Morgan felt that this fact was inimical to an evolutionary theory of development. Rather they argued that evolution and diffusion were “two processes that worked harmoniously together, the one originating cultural traits, the other spreading them far and wide.” White attributes this misunderstanding among the Boasians to be, in part, a result of confusion between the evolution of culture and the culture history of a people. While not every people will go through all of the evolutionary stages, this does not negate the fact that there is an evolutionary process of development or a series of stages in which culture complexes developed. Thus, he contends that it is incorrect to see evolutionist theories as pseudo-history since evolution is not history at all. Rather, evolution deals with cultural traits in general, without reference to time and place, i.e. with, “classes of phenomena, not with single and unique events.” Finally, White takes it upon himself to explore how it was possible that Boasians could have fallen into such an error. In less than flattering language, he ascribes this to an extreme anti-evolutionism similar to that of William Jennings Bryan. Yet, he also believes that this confusion can be traced back to the conflation of the notions of culture and people. White argues that as such there is no such cultural category as Seneca culture in the same way that there is no such thing as Kansan horses. All horses in the United States are members of Equus caballus, though some of them are to be found within the boundaries of the state of Kansas. In other words, he contends that the Boasian school have talked about Seneca culture as if it were a cultural category rather than an ethnic or geographic reference point. In short, this realization obviates the need for members of tribes to go through all evolutionary phases, but does not free their cultural characteristics from the evolutionary process.

EIAL DUJOVNY University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)

Wyman, Leland C. & Thorne, Betty. Notes on Navaho Suicide. American Anthropologist. April, 1945 Vol. 47 (2): 278-288

This article examines the rates, reasons and consequences of suicide amongst the Navaho. The researchers used Chaco Canyon, in New Mexico, as the setting for their research. The main question in their research was motivated by an apparent lack of information on the consequences, if any at all, faced by a Navaho that commits suicide in the afterlife. They begin their research by compiling a list of known suicides from 1900 thru 1944. This list is compiled through informants, government officials, and former reservation representatives.

The researchers then launch into a discussion of the different techniques of suicide. The techniques are examined to see if any one type is more common than another. They find that there is no common type of suicide technique for either men or women. Next, the researchers delve into the meaning and representation of suicide in the Navaho language. After some research, no noun equivalent can be found in the Navaho language, but there are several verbs that are used. The researchers hypothesize that this is due to the need to attach an action to the people committing the suicide.

Finally, the researchers begin their look into the consequences of suicide in the belief structure of the Navaho. Several of the informants elude to the idea that the victims, as they are seen by the general populous, will be able to enter into the country of the dead, but will be separated from the others in the country of the dead. The victims will also be required to carry the instrument they used to kill themselves for the rest of eternity.

DEVIN GINGRICH: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Wyman, Leland C. and Betty Thorne. Notes on Navaho Suicide. American Anthropologist 1945 Vol. 47: 278-287.

Wyman and Moore, in Notes on Navaho Suicide, examine the attitudes of Navahos concerning suicide. The authors’ purpose was to determine where suicide lies within a cultural context and whether or not there were collective opinions of the causes and consequences of the act, namely in the determination of an afterlife. The conclusions presented trends among suicide cases and the beliefs of those interviewed.

The basis for investigation relied on information gathered in Chaco County, New Mexico during a 1942 field session. Eight Navaho informants were employed, providing descriptions of eleven suicides attempts from memory or hearsay. They were also asked to respond to specific questions. This information was supplemented with the previous work of others: a group of doctors contributed knowledge of an additional eight suicides, eight resulted from a 1934 questionnaire, two came from published reports and one from a late anthropologist.

A table was constructed to give a cross-comparison of pertinent information. Due to the variety of sources, the clarity, depth and accuracy of each individual case is questionable. Conclusions derived from the table include the following: the majority of victims were male, ages range greatly in adulthood, most cases occurred close to home, most were shootings, and the motives can be generalized into either a love motive (caused by loss of loved one or domestic issues) or the avoidance of punishment/incurable illness.

The author then includes several pages of analysis concerning the informants’ responses to specific questions. It is here that we begin to catch a glimpse of accepted Navaho belief. Suicide is infrequent and mildly disapproved of, being viewed as an escape of life’s responsibilities, in which you are expected to care for your family.

Although the information provided by the table was distracting and inconsistent, valuable points were raised in the authors’ later comparisons to other cultures. Most notably, the reader learns that Iroquis belief clearly states that those who commit suicide will not convene with others in an afterlife but will find themselves earth-bound. This contrasts with the Navaho informants who generally agreed that suicide victims do go to the same place but are pushed aside due to distrust among the remaining population. This is one of the few times when the author presents a broader context of cross-cultural understanding, providing the reader with a valuable relative perception of Navaho belief.

KIRSTEN LUCE University of Georgia (Peter Brosius)