Skip to main content

American Anthropologist 1943

Adjei, Ako. Mortuary Usages of the Ga People of the Gold Coast. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1): 84-98

This article reflects the many details that pertain to death in the Ga society in Africa. There are two beliefs related to cause of death. Depending on the circumstances, death is considered to be a blessing or it is referred to as a human catastrophe. When natural death occurs, the body enters gbohiiadsen or peaceful rest. Accidental death, alomo le, is considered an unforeseen incident that must be attributed to something. Spirits play a significant role in the cause of death, afflicting death just for fun in the case of natural death.

When a member of the Ga society dies, a selected group of old women “clean” the body with a razor (removing hair and nails) before washing it with water and a sponge. The sponge is saved and later placed in the coffin for burial. A person is embalmed for two reasons: in case the individual died away from home and needed to be transported, or in case the family had to travel far to see the face of the deceased before the burial.

If a married man dies, his widow holds his feet during bathing. She must also mourn the death of her husband, kuafemo, for at least two months by always wearing black.

After the body is dressed in best apparel and placed in a coffin, referred to as “laid in state”, the traditional custom of bewailment may occur. Public weeping and payment of last respects to the deceased are carried out. There is usually a presentation of gifts to the deceased by the widow, the parents, and other relatives because the deceased will need certain things in the afterlife.

Upon completion of these acts, inhumation takes place in the public cemetery on the outskirts of the village. Kings have their own sacred burial ground. Women who lost their lives in the process of birth also have their own burial ground in the evil forest. Such a death has a special ceremony distinctly different from the burial that is discussed in the majority of the article. Home burials took place at one time but had ceased at the time the article was written because of European influence. The morning after burial, two things occur. A group of old men and women seek permission from the gods to enter the cemetery to see how the recently dead is faring in the afterlife. At the same time women in the clan perform a morning thanksgiving, expressing gratitude to those who attended the burial by visiting noble homes and publicly thanking everyone else. Three weeks later, there is a celebration otsiietefemo, which can be compared to the memorial service in a Christian church, with dancing and feasting. Kings have their own special memorial known as the Great Lamentation or yarafemo which is a nation-wide celebration that occurs one to two years after death. This celebration lasts an entire week, and public looting is allowed in order to lament the death of the late king.

Characteristics of the burial ceremonies on the Gold Coast can still be seen in Ga society. However, European influence has changed many of the customs, particularly the ones that seemed extreme and peculiar to the Europeans, such as home burial.

ANDREA M. TEHAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Adeji, Ako Mortuary Usages of the Ga People of the Gold Coast American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1)84-98

The author’s mission is to explain the complex system of rules and beliefs that the Ga people exercise when dealing with a death that has occurred in their community. By explaining these customs of dealing with the dead in detail, it provides evidence that other tribes of West Africa may share the same ancestry due to the striking similarities in their practices. Unlike many primitive peoples, the Ga believed that death was not only a misfortune that happened to people, but could also be a blessing from the gods. This belief led to a distinction between natural and accidental death, and what should be done after the death has occurred.

The idea that the soul of the recently deceased continues to live in the spiritual world is emphasized as an important factor in the Ga’s practices when handling the deceased, as well in their spirituality and religion. For example, it is custom to present the recently departed with gifts so they may live a comfortable life in the world of the dead, just as they had in the world of the living. The author lists several other practices, including bathing and embalming the body, public mourning, and memorial celebrations held the third week after the burial. All of these were to keep the spirits of these people from getting angry and lashing out at those who were still living. Not only were spirits thought to be the result of death and misfortune, but often they were also thought of as the cause. These practices and beliefs can be seen in tribes throughout West Africa.

The article provides extensive information about the various and intricate customs of the Ga and dealing with dead. The author provides detailed descriptions of how their beliefs mold these practices as well as how they are performed. With the extensive and distinct processes that are explained it is also easily seen how other tribes with comparable practices may have a common historical and ethnological past.

Jeffree T. Bostelaar Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Beals, Ralph, Robert Redfield, and Sol Tax. Anthropological Research Problems with Reference to the Contemporary Peoples of Mexico and Guatemala. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1):1-21

This article is an attempt to document the anthropological research problems concerning the inhabitants of what is now Mexico and Guatemala. The authors begin with a general description of the problems anthropologists may find when attempting to do actual fieldwork in this area. These problems mostly stem from the fact that very few native cultures exist that have not been changed by European contacts, which makes “pure” ethnological research very difficult. This means that most of the work done in these areas is focused on “rescue work”, trying to salvage as much information about these cultures as possible. The remnants of many cultures are also often hidden in that they have not been identified yet, since the distribution of tribes is incompletely known. The authors suggest that the major opportunities available to cultural anthropologists “lie in the fields of community studies with reference to problems as to the nature of society, aspects of cultural change such as acculturation, and in applied anthropology.” (1) Many other possible avenues of research are offered such as child training and development, economic life, class differences, governmental influence, linguistic studies of use and change, physical anthropology, race mixture, diet, disease, and others.

The remainder of the article is devoted to the dissection of needed anthropological work in specific regions of the area. The authors discuss twenty-one separate geographic regions spanning from Lower California to the Yucatan Peninsula and the individual needs of study for each.

This easy to read and clearly written article is an excellent catalogue of anthropological work needed in the Mexico and Guatemala area during the 1940s. The author’s painstaking research of needed work was an important and useful tool for any anthropologist looking to further the understanding of these cultures.

PATRICK HICKEY Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Beals, Ralph, Robert Redfield, and Sol Tax. Anthropological Research Problems with Reference to the Contemporary Peoples of Mexico and Guatemala. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol. 45(1):1-17

This article discusses the feasibility of various anthropological research projects involving the indigenous and colonizing peoples of Mexico and Guatemala. The authors state that “in these countries there exist today a few native peoples whose culture has not been much changed by European contacts”. Upon reviewing previous research performed in the area, they conclude that future cultural anthropology studies might include problems such as the “nature of society,” aspects of culture change and acculturation, and topics in applied anthropology. The authors equate this research to “rescue work”, trying to document and save dying cultures. Because of the scarcity of “untouched” native peoples, “little pure ethnological field work can be done”.

Fieldwork performed on linguistic groups in the area has been largely inadequate: little has been done to study isolated cultural groups that exist within larger groups, nor has much of the research pursued some “specialized objective”. The authors also suggest that research to be performed should include: child training and development; economic life; status and class differences; the role of ceremonial and the relation between commerce and the division of labor to secularization.

The authors spend considerable effort examining the feasibility of the above study topics in regard to various areas in Mexico and Guatemala. They include feasibility profiles of Lower California, Sanora (including the Papago, Opata, Pima Bajo, Seri, Yaqui, Mayo, and Quarijio peoples), Sinaloa, Nayarit, Chihuahua, Durango, North Central Plateau, San Luis Potosi, South Central Plateau, Vera Cruz, Jalisco, Michoacan, Guerrero, Oaxaca, Chiapas and Guatemala, Chiapas and The Guatemalan Far West, The Midwest Highlands of Guatemala, Northern Guatemala, The Eastern Highlands of Guatemala, The Yucatan Peninsula, and the non-Mayan peoples of Chiapas and Guatemala.

The authors do a poor job identifying and summarizing all of the previous research performed on the area of interest. Their general objective is clear, but they don’t provide suggestions for any specific studies.

Andrew Spitz Union College (Linda Cool)

Benedict, Ruth Two Patterns of Indian Acculturation American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol.45(2):207-212

This article by Ruth Benedict discusses the two patterns of Indian integration or lack thereof into dominant white society. Benedict finds that in regions of high culture Indian populations constitute the majority of the labor force, while in all of the rest of the New World Indians do not play a significant role in the national economy. Benedict discusses two theories behind Indian success in white society. One theory asserts that Indians of high cultures are successful in white society because of technological advances. The other theory discussed in the article asserts that Indian cultures are successful because of political structures established by successful groups were more compatible with the political structure of the white colonialists.

Benedict finds that the theory that connects Indian success in white society is the more valid argument. Benedict argues that the argument that correlates technology with success is not strong because there are several notable societies who developed irrigation systems calendar systems, and settled agriculture who were wiped out as a result of colonization. Benedict raises another point against technology causing survival by discussing study findings that Spanish conquistadors had no use for the technological advancements of the aboriginal people and were more mindful of mining possibilities, thereby ignoring technological advancements. Using these examples as evidence Benedict finds that the technology theory is not consistent enough to be valid.

Benedict asserts that the “real factor” (208) for Indian success in white society lie in political compatibility. Benedict finds that regions of high cultures were most often with political structures of labor, monuments for public good. Suggesting that class systems to one degree or another allowed for divided interests, which allowed for domination of Indian groups. While those aboriginal people who stood together were often exterminated in conflict with the whites. Conquistadors needed a society that had laborers and a class system. Those Indian groups that already had such systems established were able to integrate into the new white order. However, those who did not have such systems and were unwilling to change were eliminated.

Benedict mainly uses examples to draw logical conclusions about which theory is more likely correct. I found that this is a good way to convince the reader of Benedict’s opinion by providing concrete supporting evidence. I found that the article was for the most part clear. I liked the organization style that Benedict used. She examined each theory on its own and at the end of the article made connecting conclusions. Nevertheless the article was somewhat difficult to understand because the two theories were not clearly presented at the beginning of the work, and some of the language seemed unnecessary.

ANGELA TAYLOR Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Benedict, Ruth. Two Patterns of Indian Acculturation. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol. 45 (2): 207-212.

This article examines two patterns seen when looking at Indian acculturation in the New World. The article begins by stating the numbers of Indians in different cultures still around today. Benedict then examines three explanations for why some Indians accommodated well while others vanished. The first she looks at is that Indians of high cultures accommodated because they utilized inventions and technology. The second is that this increased technology affects culture and develops a higher concentration of people allowing for survival. The third explanation she proposes is that where agriculture led to permanent villages, the acculturation was greater. These first three reasons she then explains why she does not believe them to be true and what makes them skeptical. She discussed cases where the explanations were not true and therefore did not agree with those three theories.

Benedict believes that a political contrast among the Indian cultures allowed some to accommodate and others to be taken over. She argues that political systems among some tribes had an internal division about interests and responsibility. This internal conflict left them open for conquest. Benedict then examines examples of political turmoil and take-overs among Indian nations. Those cultures that had political inventions such as tribute did not join the resistance to the conquerors. The essay gives detailed historical background on Indian cultures and conquest. The difference between the America’s was examined as well as specific Indian cultures like the Inca’s and Aztecs. Some cultures were submissive to take over based on their political situation while others survived because of their strong independence.

This paper tries to show that the two patterns of Indian acculturation in the New World did not correlate with technological differences but with political situations. The author clearly describes the reasons that she believes technology did not affect acculturation but less clearly shows how political differences affect acculturation.

KATIE SMITH Union College (Linda Cool)

Eggan, Dorothy The General Problem of Hopi Adjustment American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):357-373

Eggan’s essay emphasizes that western psychology cannot be applied to Hopi Indians’ inter-cultural anxiety and hostility because they are not part of western culture. Specifically determining their inter-cultural conflicts cannot be measured or explained under the psychoanalytic theory of western psychology.

According to the Freudian theory, inter-cultural conflict could come from oral frustration in early childhood of strictly conceived and enforced taboos on early sexual experimentation and gratification. Hostility and anxiety, according to Freudian theory, could also be the results of the Oedipus complex flourishing. Regulations would seem to be the stimulus to fuel the Hopi cultural maladjustments, but not under the full scope of western psychology.

Eggan’s argument is simplistic but conceivable when analyzing the Hopi in their original existence. From the beginning of a Hopi childhood children were cared for by their parents and extended family. Because of their “infancy uninhibited” the Hopi original existence was in contrast with the one imposed on them by the western society.

There was no suppression or restrictions with inter personal relationships or sexuality among the Hopi, according to Eggan. Like many cultures certain sexual relationships were taboo, but sexuality was not repressed for males and only slightly monitored for females. They were always born into warm loving family environment in contrast to Freud’s ideas.

The Hopi inter-cultural conflicts came about after the regulations imposed by western culture. Hostility and anxiety developed from their fear to exist naturally as their ancestors. Regulations such as the laws restricting Hopi reservation boundaries brought extremely hostile emotions. Their anxieties were constantly reinforced with worries about their children being taken away to boarding school. Going to the western boarding school would change the way a Hopi existed cultural and emotionally. Their inability to release such toxic repressions and hostility eventually progressed into inter-cultural conflict among the Hopi themselves.

The major impact the regulations had on the Hopi was that they caused divisions between their past and present therefore creating hostility and anxiety. Unlike Freud’s argument about man’s inevitable controversy of inhabitation with the environment, the Hopi were one with the hostile environment they lived in and with each other.

After reading the article several times most concepts became clear. It was difficult to compare and contrast the ideas of the author and Freud’s. For example, the concept of Oedipus and sexuality among the Hopi was difficult for me to correlate.

TANEE ELSTON Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Eggan, Dorothy. A General Problem of Hopi Adjustment. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):357-373.

The nature of this article about the Hopi people of Arizona is remarkable from the perspective of a reader in 2001 examining a piece from 1943. Eggan comes across, in some ways, as having been far ahead of her time, both in her acknowledgment of the legitimacy of Hopi society and in her progressive (by the standards of 1943) respect for this culture that had, and has been, cast aside by many Americans. The paradox is that at the same time she generalizes that the better part of the Hopi people are “maladjusted,” which leads Eggan to describe a host of apparently semi-rational behaviors. Interestingly, she employs Freudian psychological concepts to explain some of the disorientations of these people. In short, the writer cites numerous elements of Hopi psyche combined with white intrusion as the sources of cultural instability.
In Eggan’s estimation, there exists a long tradition of fear amongst the Hopi. Witchcraft is a constant threat: children are taught of a mystical being that takes them away and eats them for their misbehavior. Nightmares dominate the dreams of the Hopi people and death is greeted with fear. Typically, entire families sleep together, largely for comfort from whatever lurks in the night. In a well-formulated observation, Eggan explains the significance of white intrusion for the Hopi. When the Hopi people were initially forced to live by white laws and customs, police rounded them up, put them on reservations, and sent their children to boarding schools. Eggan draws her conclusions in this article from interactions with the same individuals who, as children, were dragged from their homes and sent to boarding schools. Naturally, these people did not act in the traditional Hopi manner of quiet dignity and generosity. Thus, the Hopi fears of the world appeared justified and began to include fears of the white man, who did indeed take the children away.

On a specifically psychological level, the writer notes that, in the Hopi tradition, children were raised with few restrictions on their sexual behavior, and with basically a full view of any sexual interaction or intercourse that occurred in their living quarters. Furthermore, sexual interaction between boys and their paternal aunts, as well as between girls and their maternal uncles, was far from uncommon, thereby providing an outlet for the Oedipal complex. Rather than suppress sexual desires for older family members such as their mothers and fathers, Hopi children traditionally could turn to openness and to sexual interactions with their aunts and uncles. Thus, the traditional Hopi psyche was far different from that of the white man. Therefore, indiscriminately mixing the two cultures left the Hopi population very poorly adjusted.
This article points out some interesting concepts at work in the minds of the Hopi. Though it came out of research conducted in the 1940’s, it remains quite useful today, taking into account not only the Hopi customs that would make a European descendent feel awkward, such as sexual education, but also the white customs that have caused the Hopi people a tremendous amount of social friction, such as the ethnocentric and domineering presence of the Americans.

JAKE REKEDAL Union College (Linda Cool)

Ewers, John C. Were the Blackfoot Rich in Horses? American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol.45(4):602-610

In this article Ewers refutes European scientist/explorer Prince Maximillian’s statement that the Blackfoot Native American tribes were rich in horses in the early to mid 19th century. He seeks to do this because Maximillian’s statement was being used in other ethnographic accounts at the time as a factual reference/index. It is important to note that horses would be comparable to our dollar as a signifier of wealth; also the number reported by Maximillian would seem to be outrageously astronomical, given historical accounts of what a well-off individual’s herd would have been.

Maximillian apparently based his claim upon a statement made by an unspecified source, that a Blackfoot chief named Sachkomapoh possessed around 4,000 to 5,000 horses, around 1833. There is no evidence of this occurrence, according to Ewers. He refutes this by referring to two secondary sources, as well as elderly informants of the Blackfoot tribe who were alive during that time period. The secondary sources state that the richest of the Blackfoot possessed around 40 to50 horses, and that on average each lodge had about 5. The informants affirm that these numbers are correct. They also claim that there were less than a dozen men who could count their horses in the hundreds, and that these men would be comparable to our present day multi-millionaires. Ewers goes on to lay out how herds could have been increased through raids on enemies, breeding, barter, and gift. On the other hand, herds were simultaneously decimated by winters, disease, sacrifice, raids, old age, and battle wounds.

Ewers’ informants stated that the average household needed ten to twenty horses to survive. According to the numbers at the time, each lodge had only five on average and, “to be rich in horses a man had to own a considerable number of animals over and above those required for subsistence” (607). Ewers concludes that in fact, relative to the time period, the Blackfoot Native American tribes were poor in horses.

This article was well constructed, with good evidence to support/refute claims made. It is brief, concise, and clearly written. Ewers gets his point across in good fashion.

AGUSTIN PINA Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Ewers, John C. Were the Blackfoot Rich in Horses? American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4): 602-610.

In this article, Ewers discusses the Blackfoot Indians of the Northern Plains of the United States and the Plains region of Canada. It has been assumed that the Blackfoot had a plethora of horses. Prince Maximilian, an explorer from Europe, had been told in 1833 that there was one Blackfoot chief, named Sachkomapoh, who owned between 4,000 and 5,000 horses. Ewers argues that it is inaccurate for people to assume that the Blackfoot had a plethora of horses based solely on what Maximilian had been told.

In fact, Ewers alludes to other accounts that state that it is the exception, rather than the norm, for Blackfoot to have thousands of horses. The issue is not whether or not the Blackfoot had horses; the issue is how many horses the Blackfoot had. In 1808, a trader reported coming into contact with Blackfoot people that each owned a herd of 40 to 50 horses. By the 1830’s, there were accounts of Blackfoot who individually owned herds of 100 horses. Horses were actually a symbol of wealth amongst the Blackfoot. Power and prestige were both measured by the number of wives that one had, the number on lodges one had, and how large one’s herd of horses was.

Some Blackfoot tribes had larger herds of horses than other Blackfoot tribes. Horses were thus also used to measure the status of a particular tribe. All tribes knew of a man named Many Horses, who received his name because he was believed to own more horses than any other Blackfoot. Several generations of Blackfoot recalled Many Horses as a mythical figure, a legend, because he owned anywhere from 500 to 1,000 horses.

Because of this evidence, it is hard to support that statement that one Blackfoot owned 5,000 horses. Most Blackfoot people had never heard of Sachkomapoh, but they had heard of Many Horses. No other accounts supported the belief that there were Blackfoot people who each owned thousands of horses. There is quite a bit of evidence supporting the belief that there were Blackfoot people who owned hundreds, or up to 1,000 horses.

CHRISTOPHER M. FINK Union College (Linda Cool)

Foster, George The Geographical, Linguistic, and Cultural Position of the Popoluca of Veracruz American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol.44(4):531-546

This article focuses on the linguistic relationships between the four divisions of the Veracruz Popoluca. Foster asserts that all anthropological information about these groups are deficient in their examination of the Popoluca of Veracruz’s linguistic system. Based upon ethnographic field work done in 1940 and 1941, Foster attempts to define the geographic location of the Veracruz Popoluca, critiques earlier evaluations of the culture done by other scholars, discusses linguistic relationships between the four groups, and briefly describes the Sierra culture of the Veracruz Popoluca.

The first record of the Veracruz Popoluca is in 1580, and various studies of the culture continue throughout the anthropological record. Foster criticizes these earlier accounts, stating that in researching language issues early ethnographies are either lacking in clarity and detail or ignore the question of linguistic relationships between groups. Thus Foster is left with the task of determining the linguistic relationships of the four Popoluca groups, with little previous information to lean on. Foster uses his own research to attempt to draw conclusions about the Veracruz culture.

The Veracruz Popoluca are found along the river basin and the coastal mountain range of the Coatzacoalcos river basin. There are four divisions of the Veracruz Popoluca settled in this area. The four divisions include the Sierra, Oluta, Sayula, and the Texistepec, the Sierra being the most populous. The Sierra group lives in the mountain region and comprises a total population of about ten thousand. The Sierra occupy approximately 25 villages containing anywhere from fifty to one thousand persons. The three other groups reside along the river basin and each have populations of about three thousand.

According to Foster each division speaks a different language with no two languages being mutually intelligible. The four languages have similar sound patterns but distinctive characteristics. Foster gives a detailed comparative description of the phonemic characteristics of each group, which leads him to the conclusion that the Texistepec and the Sierra languages resemble Zoque language, while the Oluta and Sierra patterns resemble Mixe language. He creates charts comparing the common words and phoneme patterns, but admits that his method is not scientifically strong. He advises that his conclusions rely heavily on informants’ information. Despite limited evidence regarding the exact relationships between the four languages, they are different enough for him to conclude that these groups have led separate existences going “far back into pre-Conquest times.” (537) Foster notes that the differences between these languages and the separate existence of the Veracruz population is rather remarkable considering that the Sayula, Oluta and Texistepec divisions live within a five mile radius of each other, which is only a few hours walk from the Sierra group.

Foster supports his claim mainly through his own ethnographic research and by invalidating other scholars’ claims or lack thereof. This article was not organized in a clear fashion. Foster tackles too many outside issues when his main focus is surrounding linguistic relationships. Many times the article jumps from one topic to another without a clear transition.

ANGELA TAYLOR Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Foster, M. George. The Geographical, Linguistic, and Cultural Position of the Popoluca of Veracruz. American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol.45(4):531-546

This article relies on fieldwork conducted among the Veracruz Popoluca to establish their geographical location, discuss apparent linguistic similarities, and also provide an ethnological summary of the Sierra Popoluca (the most highly populated of the four divisions of the Popoluca). The Texistepec, Oluta, and Sayula constitute the remaining three divisions.

There exist many geographical and cultural similarities between the Texistepec, Oluta, and Sayula because they occupy similar lowland unforested country unlike the Sierra Popoluca. The former three divisions are all within an hour and a half of each other by horse. In fact, Texistepec and Oluta are near main means of transportation: a railroad and highway respectively. All three towns have a functioning civil government, schools and mail capabilities; the people generally understand Spanish. In contrast, the Sierra division inhabits poor and inaccessible terrain. For this reason, European civilization has had very little influence on them.

Earlier studies did not connect Popoluca speech with the Veracruz Popoluca. Although Mexican is the predominant language in the country, attention is called to the existence of the Popoluca language, but no attempt was made to locate where it was spoken. Later, studies around the early 20th century listed Popoluca as being related to Mixe-Zoque, but casually assumed the dialectic differences among the four languages were not worth separate consideration. As far as linguistic relationships among the four divisions is concerned, phonetic patterns are similar, but each has its distinctive features. By comparing words with common roots for the four divisions as well as Mixe and Zoque, it was found (in an unscientific manner) that the Sierra and Texistepec are the most closely related of any of the six languages. The linguistic diversity is quite astonishing considering that relative close proximity of the divisions.

Lastly, the author gives a cultural summary of the Sierra. The economic basis of life for them is agriculture. However, inadequate pastures do not allow for cows. Hunting provides only a fraction of the meat supply. Fishing is almost non-existent due to the lack of streams. The tortilla comprises most all food. Trade is left to the professionals who travel the villages going door to door. Their system of barter eventually gave way to cash¾a European influence manifesting itself alas! Social organization is straightforward; no groups or clans or associations exist. Polygyny is practiced so that a husband with his wife or wives and children comprise the social unit. The power of the central state government in the Popoluca is very slight. Consequently, political practice strays from political theory. This can be best evidenced by the lack of schools in some towns. Surviving indigenous beliefs from aboriginal times are prevalent as indicated by the powerful presence of a nawal or witch-doctor. Recently, the Christian God has been incorporated into their divine hierarchy, which also consists of other numerous spirits of various powers.

GEORGE MARATHAKIS Union College (Linda Cool)

Goldfrank, Esther S. Historic Change and Social Character: A Study of the Teton Dakota. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1): 67-83

In this article, Goldfrank focuses on how external forces shaped the social character of the Teton in the Dakota Territory from 1800-1885 A.D. At this time, the Teton were transformed from a life of hunting and gathering to cultivation by the U.S. Government. Prior to 1850, violence plagued the Teton (evidence provided in a table on page 70.) In-group violence (shown as I in the table) was prominent because of jealousy over newfound wealth (due to the introduction of and unequal distribution of horses) and the introduction of alcohol use. Violence related to the ownership of horses is seen as II in the table. The table is divided according to kind of violence was recorded depending on how serious the offense was, and each offense is divided according to the year in which it occurred (which has no meaning other than to serve an organizational purpose); there are five categories with I being the least serious and V being the most. Section I and II in the table indicate the highest level of violence among the Teton that was observed. As whites pushed farther into the Dakota Territory, inter-tribal warfare continued, as well as in-group violence, but most hostility was aimed at the white population.

The period of time around 1850 showed massive incursions of white people in the Dakota Territory. Goldfrank at first proposes that this new white population resulted in a change of Teton society structure. However, later in this article she indicates that this was not the case. Rather, aggression was directed outward at the white people while in-group responsibility and respect increased. Social equality was stressed as important, and the favorite child was no longer treated differently within a family. The aggressor could pay off victims of crimes in an effort to cease unnecessary violence related to revenge. Changes in leadership led to positions of power such as Chief, and other groups developed this leadership structure as well. Bravery and generosity were encouraged, increasing tribal solidarity and cooperation, all of this stemming from political necessity.

Once the whites defeated the Teton and the external threat of the former had diminished, the Teton peoples reverted to their violent mannerisms as seen prior to 1850. In this time, Christianity was well received by the Teton. Christianity apparently offered familiar beliefs and practices to the Teton, carrying many patterns of generosity and reciprocity that were familiar to them. Only when the Teton were completely controlled by the government, did peace ensue for the first time.

ANDREA M. TEHAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Goldfrank, Esther S. Historic Change and Social Character: A Study of the Teton DakotaAmerican Anthropologist. JanuaryBMarch, 1943 Vol.45(1):67-83

This article focuses on the changes in the Teton society over the last century and a quarter. To understand the changes, Goldfrank, the author, believes it is necessary to investigate the historical events that caused transformations in the social character of the Teton tribe. Goldfrank divides the Teton=s history into two periods. The first significant period is Aafter 1800Cbefore their defeat in 1877,@ and the second period is the time after their defeat (82). Within these two periods, Goldfrank investigates changes in social character by looking at aggression, competition and solidarity.

Goldfrank uses in-group violence to measure the changes in aggression in the Teton society and its social character. In-group violence was a common occurrence before 1850. During this time the horse was introduced. The horse became the most valuable object in Teton culture, and placed new emphasis on wealth. This created an increase in competition and resulted in a rise of in-group violence.

The westward expansion threatened the Teton way of life and brought about another change in social character. In-group violence, which existed, had almost disappeared. Teton society began to demonstrate competition. This competition was seen in the buffalo ceremony. The buffalo ceremony, Acelebrated a girl=s arrival at puberty and offered an occasion for display to families of wealth, for only their daughters could be so honored@ (76). The purpose of the ceremony was no longer focusing on the daughter, but the wealth of the family.

As whites continued to threaten Indian society, the Tetons concentrated on solidarity. Much attention was focused on loyalty to the tribe. Bravery, generosity, chivalry, morality and fraternity were attributes that were continually emphasized in the tribe. The tribe seemed to be reaffirming their beliefs that defined who they were. In order to strengthen their group against the whiteman the Teton extended their kinship, blood relative or not. They opened their group up to members of different tribes. This decision increased their chance for survival and their need for support. It should be understood that even though warfare increased solidarity it also threatened society.

After their defeat the Teton were left with almost nothing except for their lives. Reasons for pride disappeared. The external factors holding them together were gone. Emphasis was no longer placed on tribal cooperation and solidarity. In-group violence again became a common occurrence in Teton society.

After their defeat the Teton continued to face difficult times. The introduction of the Christian church created another transformation in social character. The Christian church is now of great importance to them. They feel the church gives them personal distinction, and offers comfort to the tribe. The church creates solidarity within the tribe.

This article is very dense. There is information that clouds the main idea of the article. The reader loses his or her train of thought while trying to make sense of the article. Without prior knowledge of the subject, a more general overview would be helpful in the understanding of the author=s purpose.

KARA S. SEATON Michigan State University, Susan Applegate Krouse

Hart, C. W. M. A Reconsideration of the Natchez Social Structure. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol. 45(3):374-386.

In his article, Hart questions the traditional interpretation of the social organization of the Natchez, a North American tribe first observed by the French in the 17th century. The Natchez divided their society into two divisions, the aristocracy, sub-divided (from highest to lowest) into the Suns, Nobles, and Honoured, and the commoners, or Stinkards. Societal rules required aristocrats to marry commoners, while the commoners could marry freely into any class. According to French texts, the children of aristocratic women gained their mother’s status, while children of aristocratic men belonged to the social division below their father; therefore, a Sun father’s children were Nobles. Hart points out the problematic nature of this arrangement in that eventually, the Stinkard population would shrink to extinction since the marriage of Stinkards to aristocrats would slowly drain the Stinkard population beyond repair. Hart includes tables with this portion of his argument demonstrating the mathematics behind his claim. Based on this discovery, Hart suggests that the French must have missed details of the system. French texts all indicate that the Stinkard population formed the largest class in Natchez society, and always would be in the majority.

To tackle the problem, Hart suggests two solutions. First, he proposes comparing the information known about Natchez society with that of other similarly segmented societies; however, no currently functioning ones had been observed by anthropologists for comparison. He also suggests and conducts a review of the texts left behind by French travelers about the Natchez in search of ambiguities and then attempts to rework the system of status inheritance into a functional form. Based on his review of the work of Du Pratz, who wrote, “The nobility is maintained from mother to daughter and they (i.e., the females), are Suns in perpetuity without suffering from an alteration in dignity”(383), Hart suggests that Du Pratz may be referring to the fact that all women maintain their rank perpetually, whether aristocrats or commoners. By remaining permanently in a given social division, women would insure the continuity of that social division indefinitely, solving the problem of the extinction of the Stinkards since only male children could change ranks within the system. Dumont suggests the same, “[rank] perpetuates itself through females and degenerates through males” (384). In discussing the weaknesses of his claim, Hart mentions the work of Penicault who claimed that rank was passed equally to children of both sexes. However, Penicault’s work is fraught with incorrect statements, making him an unreliable source.

Although Hart’s approach and insights into the traditional view of Natchez societal structure are interesting, his article remains confusing due to the number of social relations he attempts to describe concisely, assuming that the reader is already familiar with the Natchez organization. However, considering the complexity of the Natchez, Hart’s article serves his hypothesis well and his construction of his argument in support of his claim about the inheritance of rank is easy to understand.

ALYSSA BROWN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Hart, C. W. M. A Reconsideration of the Natchez Social Structure. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol. 43 (3):374-386.

The author disproves a notion of social structure amongst the Natchez people of Northern Mexico that had been accepted by anthropologists of the time. J. R. Swanton, an armchair theorist, noted that Natchez aristocracy was composed of stratified status groups. The highest of the aristocratic strata was the Suns including “the great Sun, probably the most aristocratic individual north of Mexico”, followed by the Nobles and finally the Honored people. The social structure was organized according to an exogamous principle, requiring all aristocrats to marry commoners, known as the Stinkard. However this original descent theory proposed that the children born of an aristocratic mother would inherit her class but those born of an aristocratic father would drop to the class below. The author uses the Miwok tribe as an example to establish that a society must contain symmetry and balance in its lines of descent to ensure that it adequately replenishes the potential mothers in one class or band in order for it to survive. Calculating Natchez descent according to Swanton’s theory results in the noticeable diminishment and eventual extinction of the Stinkard class as his theory entailed Stinkard women not producing Stinkard children as a result of only marrying aristocratic men. Stinkard children would only be produced if the father were from the Honored status group. Thus, only roughly half of those children would be Stinkard females needed to produce a new generation for the whole tribe. However, there is no documentation of a dwindling Stinkard population or even a trend toward it recorded by the 17th century French observers.

The author ‘recasts’ the theory given the “…impossibility of any further fieldwork among the Natchez, [so that] any modifications which are now suggested in order to make the system more plausible…. are to be in the nature of improvable speculation.” Hart claims that Natchez women’s class was fixed, so Stinkard women would have been “Stinkards in perpetuity”. Therefore only males would have experienced the social mobility described in Swanton’s theory. Hart’s theory of class being fixed for Natchez females would result in a fully replenished Stinkard female generation, which would also replenish male aristocrats to marry them. This theory is even supported by another interpretation of the observations made by the French amongst the Natchez society. The article provides an example of theory being used to rectify a supposed past mistake in interpretation in a situation where fieldwork could not be carried out.

BETHAN WHITEHEAD Union College (Linda Cool)

Hawley, Florence, Michael Pijoan, and C.A. Elkin. An Inquiry Into Food Economy and Body Economy in Zia Pueblo. American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4):547-556.

The authors’ main objective is to examine the “food culture” of the Zia; a Pueblo Indian group located northwest of Albuquerque New Mexico. In addition, the authors set out to determine if a deculturation process exists based on their consumption of food. In particular they are setting out to prove that the consumption of certain foods, whether considered luxuries or necessities, vary depending on where a family falls in the economy. For the most part Pueblo Indian families are very poor, but there still exist status distinctions. To further corroborate their findings, specialized physical examinations of Pueblo children were incorporated to demonstrate the effects of inadequate food intake. For instance very few families have chickens, therefore few have the ability to incorporate eggs into their diet and few are fortunate enough to be able to prepare certain foods using this source of protein. Other foods are important in relation to body economy. Lard is more a luxury than wheat “so that its consumption varies more according to economic status.” In Zia families all but two or three are poor to some degree. A family owning the most sheep or cattle was found to consume more lard and flour than those do without livestock. This supports the notion that there is a distinction between the quantity of consumption in relation to income. Not surprising, meat is the most difficult to obtain as well as the most desired. Few families can afford sheep or goats, even the well off families have a difficult time obtaining it. The dietary overview of the Zia is undeniably inadequate. By looking at vitamin intake alone this becomes apparent.

The authors propose certain ideas to bring about change in the Zia’s life that they view as problematic. First and foremost a basic education program should be implemented gradually. This would ensure the knowledge of general nutrition and hygiene among most or all children. The article acknowledges that malnutrition and infection will be the biggest obstacles in implementing change as well as the existing low income and limited time. A proactive approach may be what’s necessary for the reduction of malnutrition but must be dealt with sensitively. Respect for their functioning culture should be of primary importance and this includes not disrupting its existing balance.

MELANIE THORNTON Union College (Linda Cool)

Heizer, Robert F. A Pacific Eskimo Invention in Whale Hunting in Historic Times American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1):120-122

The traditional hunting technique of the Aleutian Eskimos was forever changed due to a strategic transfer patterned after hunting sea otter. Historically, Aleutian Eskimos hunted whales in small groups of the privileged class of hunters. These hunters held an elite status within their communities because they kept their traditional secrets from the rest of the community. The primary hunting secret that they used was throwing a lance that was tipped with aconite poison. This strategy enabled the hunters to throw one successful spear, row back to shore, and wait for the poisoned whale to wash ashore. However, this tradition came to an abrupt end when the Aleut Eskimos came in contact with Russians travelling towards the California coast. The Russians forcefully recruited the best Aleut hunters and took them to California. Once in California, the Aleuts were forced to hunt sea otters instead of whales.

Hunting sea otters involves a large group of hunters surrounding the otter and throwing spears attached to buoy’s at the animal. After a few successful throws, the otter no longer has the energy to dive underwater with the weight of the buoy’s holding it towards the surface. Once the otter is at the surface, it is killed with a larger spear. This technique of otter hunting has since transferred to whale hunting among the Aleut Eskimos. Most notably different are not so much the technique, but the lack of tradition and ritual that formerly accompanied the hunt. This can at least partially be attributed to the large disruption of traditional Aleutian Eskimo culture caused by contact with the Russians and other Western people.

This article is descriptive, informative, easy to comprehend and concise.

DOMINIC YANNITELLI Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Heizer, Robert. A Pacific Eskimo Invention in Whale Hunting in Historic Times. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol. 45(1): 120-122.

The author’s main purpose is to demonstrate that the Aleutian Eskimos (of the California coast) invented a different method of whale hunting. The Russians in the first half of the nineteenth century brought large numbers of Aleutian and Koniag hunters to the California coast. These hunters were skilled in their technique for catching sea otter. The procedure involved a group of hunters surrounding the otter then all shooting darts. The Aleutian whale hunt was conducted much differently. Usually one man in a kayak would go out in an open bay and silently approached the whale. A lance was used and poison penetrated the blubber. The whale would then thrash, the lance would come out, and the hunter would wait on shore where the wale would eventually wash up. Only the select whaling group knew the necessary preparations for this type of hunt, including the lance poison from the roots of plants.

Heizer argues that the whale hunting was patterned after their technique of hunting sea otter. The article’s point deals with the transfer of techniques from one kind of hunting to another (otter hunting to whale hunting.) He uses the term “adaptive diffusion” and states that once a group learns a certain process of hunting they can reapply it in terms of hunting other animals. He uses noise as an example of an element used in hunting where both land and sea hunters can maximize the efficiency of a hunt. On land, it is used to drive game, and in the water to confuse a whale.

Heizer lays out his argument by showing that the Eskimos who hunt do so in a closed circle with necessary ritual preparation and secret knowledge. Heizer’s historical basis for the breakdown of “native cultural forms” starts with the Russians entering the New World through Alaska. This occurrence allowed for innovations in native hunting practices to emerge. Heizer questions: If it were not for the Russians would the Aleutians have instituted a new type of hunting? Harpoons for example were made to hunt the whale as well as to hunt the sea otter. “Technological reapplication” is a fancy term Heizer uses for invention. He proves that it is one of the key elements to the shift from former processes and techniques of hunting. A helpful detailed diagram is provided for visual representation.

Melanie Thornton Union College (Linda Cool)

Herskovits, Melville. The Southernmost Outposts Of New World Africanisms. American Anthropologist October-December 1943 Vol.45(4):495-510.

In this article the author points out the richness of the ethnographic materials available in Southern Brazil in conjunction with historical facts concerning the Negro in Uruguay and the Argentine. He gathers his information from Porto Alegre, Brazil in July of 1942. This city includes more than 50,000 persons of African ancestry.

The author separates the article into six parts, the first part being the introduction. In the second part he discusses the different groups, tribes, and sub-tribal groups in the North and South parts of Brazil. He tells what section the different tribes live in and from where they descended. There were three principal “nations” in Porto Alegre according to one cult-head, Oba, Gege and Jesha. He compares the North tribes to the South tribes. One example is the comment that a certain “cabodo” cult of the north was absent in the South. Herskovits believes that African survivals in Porto Alegre are particularly of interest because they lived there isolated from Afro-Brazilian communities for many years.

In the third part the author describes the cult-life in Porto Alegre, suggesting that it centers around the residence of the priest or priestess who heads the group. He discusses the sizes of different cult-houses, what they are used for, how they decorate different rooms for different reasons, and what is done in certain rooms. He says the “smallness of the cult-house is probably due to economic reasons, its form must be considered as an adaptation to the climatic conditions of the temperate zone.” (498) In this section he compares the North and the South also. He discusses the duties of priest and priestess, functions of cult-heads and different rituals.

The forth part is devoted to names of the deities worshiped. Herskovits gives a list obtained from a priest of the Oyo “nation”. He tells what the names meant and what the deities were used for. He gives examples of what the function of the deity was in both the North and the South.

In the fifth part the author explores the religious and non-religious aspects of life in Northern Brazil. Religion is an important part to the Afro-Brazilians’ daily lives, particularly in orienting family relationships. The author gives many examples in this section of the different ways religious customs are kept here. One example is how the people here must mate only within the blessing of the church.

In the last section the author discusses the data collected, including its accuracy and what other researchers have found. He believes that “the data from Porto Alegre teach how tenacious African customs can be under contact.” (510)

This article gives a lot of information about the Negroes of Porto Alegre, Brazil. It is easy to read with the exception of the tribal names.

NAHALA BUYCKS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Herskovits, Melville J. The Southernmost Outposts of New World Africanisms. American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4):495-510.

The author of this article has produced a detailed comparison of Negro (by which he means “a person of African descent whose physical traits indicate little or no European mixture”) cultural life among the well-documented Northern Brazilian Negroes and the less well known Southern ones. Herskovits weaves information about the Northern areas in and out of his own fieldwork in the Southern Brazilian city of Porto Alegre. His work in Porto Alegre produced evidence that “Africanisms” existed much further south than was previously believed. The article offers an interesting look into the ways in which West African culture has survived, reproduced and prospered in the New World. As the author notes on page 506 at the beginning of section five, he was unable to explore fully the integration of religious and non-religious aspects of life in Porto Alegre. Thus, he stuck primarily to religious life, its similarities, its differences and its connections.

The “working hypothesis” that Herskovits develops throughout the article is that “similarities between South and North are the result of an independent, but parallel working out of identical aboriginal African cultural impulses.” He is by no means offering this as a definitive solution to the slight incongruities between the two areas, but feels that it is a viable hypothesis that can be tested with historical records of migration between the two areas. From this hypothesis one can extrapolate that any similarities found between the two areas are the result of independent developments springing from the same cultural impulses. For example, attributes such as possession as supreme worship and the common knowledge of West African deities are nearly identical in the two areas. It would follow from Herskovits’ hypothesis that these similarities are the result of these practices being fundamental to each group’s African past. On the other hand, visible differences between North and South should appear in instances that were further removed from the basic African cultural traits. Indeed, Herskovits has identified differences in the overall grandeur of each area’s religious rituals and celebrations. The North is much more extravagant and colorful in their celebrations, while the South is quieter and more subdued. He attributes this difference to the considerable climate change that occurs between the tropical North and the temperate South. This climate change in turn affects the economic systems and relative prosperity of each area. All in all, the author of this article proposes an interesting and testable hypothesis to explain both the differences and similarities between two distinct parts of Brazil.

CHRIS DINGMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Johnson, Jean Bassett. A Clear Case of Linguistic Acculturation American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):427-434

Linguistic acculturation has not been clearly defined or illustrated by the social anthropologist. Two sets of phenomena, diffusion and acculturation, have been distinguished. Long-term continuous contact is necessary for diffusion to occur. Jargon is the end product of linguistic acculturation. Jargon frequently is the result of a mixture of more than two languages.

Herskovits states that linguistic contacts affect “the three aspects of language”- phonetics, vocabulary, and grammar- with grammar being most resistant to contact. Categories of language such as phonology, morphology and syntax with lexicon do not exist as demonstrable entities in language. Boas stated that elements of phonology, morphology and lexicon diffuse independently, although this is difficult to demonstrate with any degree of universality. However, there do exist cases where this apparently has occurred but cannot be accepted as universal without further study. Johnson states that she will present evidence that has important bearing on these problems.

The Yaqui, a Sonoran utaztecan group, have been in close, continuous contact with Spaniards and their Nahuatl-speaking vassals. The Spanish viewed the Yaqui as “good Indians” during the colonial period. Wars became chronic condition in the Yaqui valley beginning in 1735, with voluntarily and forced migrations of the Indians from the valley.

Intensive and close foreign contacts on the Yaqui are seen to affect their language. A majority speaks both Yaqui and Spanish, and most Yaqui use many Spanish words. Foreign words in the lexicon are the most perceptible evidence of linguistic contact because their origin is easily seen. Lexical evidence has received much attention and used by those without the necessary materials or time to find more substantial evidence. Morphology and syntax, however, are more resistant to change. Therefore it takes more expertise to see foreign influence.

Johnson gives examples of the patterning process of Spanish phonemes and lexemes that can be seen in Yaqui. She also shows the Spanish influence on Yaqui morphology and structure by various types of patterning in lexemes. She states that “in the above series of morphological and constructional complexes there is good evidence of the influence of Spanish indirect-object construction…”(433). Although the Spanish did influence the language, they did not inhibit the Yaqui’s natural and inherent developmental tendencies. Johnson shows that contacts of language affects every part of language and that it is not possible to treat one aspect of linguistic acculturations without considering all aspects of language.

This article was easy to read and follow. Johnson presented her evidence in a clear manner and proves her case that Yaqui language has been affected by the Spanish. He diagrams, however, can be distracting and confusing to the reader.

KELLY MARCIKIC Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Johnson, Jean Bassett. A Clear Case of Linguistic Acculturation. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol. 45(3):427-434.

This essay attempts to define and clarify linguistic acculturation as the phenomenon of multiple cultural languages merging together. Johnson argues that for linguistic acculturation to take place, groups must have “…long-term continuous contact and [it] is generally the result of [a] mixture of more than two languages.” Using the Yaqui of South America as an example, this article exemplifies how this culture has come to integrate Spanish into its own lexicon. The Yaqui have been in close contact with various groups of immigrants since the late sixteenth century and their grammar has been recorded since the missionary work of Jesuits during the seventeenth century. When compared to these records (the beginning of the acculturation process), their current language clearly shows an integration of Spanish vocabulary, evidence for what Johnson argues is acculturation. The two best examples of acculturation are that while few members of this group spoke no Yaqui, the majority spoke both languages interchangeably, and that a large percentage of Yaqui lexicon is composed of indispensable Spanish words. The reason Spanish words were able to diffuse into Yaqui vocabulary were the similarities within the consonant and vowel phonemes of the two groups. The Yaqui built their lexicon with elements of both languages, though the phonemic patterning of lexemes is a matter of individual preference or experience. However, one cannot “treat linguistic acculturation in one aspect of language without considering all aspects of the language.” To explain this, Johnson utilizes several examples of Yaqui and Spanish lexemes, showing similar spellings and terminology. Johnson then concludes this essay by summarizing linguistic acculturation, as seen through the Yaqui and Spanish languages:

The Spanish language has profoundly affected Yaqui language and culture to its very core, but has not destroyed its fundamental integration, nor radically changed its essential core. Yaqui has absorbed a tremendous amount of Spanish, but has not as yet shown signs of reaching that saturation point which means disintegration and breakdown in function.

This article provided many interesting points, clearly illustrating how Spanish did in fact diffuse into Yaqui language. This article was presented in a very organized matter, making the argument difficult to refute.

ROBERT MACGREGOR Union College (Linda Cool)

Kennedy, Raymond Acculturation and Administration in Indonesia American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol.45(2):185-192

This article describes the Dutch colonization of Indonesia and its effects. The author describes Dutch policies and their effectiveness, but also criticizes the policies and offers suggestions for what should be done for the future. The people of the East Indies have been under Hindu and Islamic rule in the past, but as is the case under Dutch rule, have kept their culture and civilization intact.

Dutch acculturation has not affected Indonesian culture much for three main reasons. “First, most of the interior regions have only recently been opened up to outside access, and many large districts still remain virtually untouched by European influence” (185-186). Second, the tribes are made up of millions of people. It is difficult to force new practices on a population this large. Finally, the Dutch have worked with the people to help them preserve their old ways. Most adat, customary laws, have been preserved, as well as the traditional systems of chieftainship. The Dutch have also respected the native religion, and “have not allowed any alteration in the communalistic system of landholding which is so firmly grounded in the Indonesian adat” (187).

The Dutch program does have faults though. It has created an Indonesia that is so far behind the times that it cannot survive without the protection of a strong, modern outside power. Kennedy criticizes the Dutch for having anthropologists as administrators. He says they want to protect native cultures so much that they fail in helping them adjust to modern times. This isolation can do more harm than good in the long run.

Kennedy also criticizes the financial motivation of the Dutch. He says that the Dutch allowed the Indonesians to retain their culture so they would not have to pay the natives high wages, or deal with nationalistic agitation for independence. The Dutch also did not educate the natives so they could set up a subservient group.

The Dutch have realized their mistakes though, and under their program Indonesia would be worthless in international relations. The Dutch should help turn Indonesia into an independent, self-sufficient national state, through democracy. “Their weak point has been overcaution in extending education and political participation to the natives” (190). A tentative plan has been prepared to develop an equal partnership in a dual state emphasizing education and local self-government. This policy should develop a strong and self-reliant Indonesia.

A discussion by A.J. Widjojoatmodjo follows the article and clarifies a few points, but fully agrees with Kennedy’s conclusions.

Kennedy does a good job of describing and analyzing the Dutch policy in a clear, well-written article.

JUSTIN ZAMBO Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Kennedy, Raymond. Acculturation and Administration in Indonesia. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol. 45(2):185-192.

The author of this article is concerned with the state of affairs in the modern West Indies. For thousands of years outside influences have helped to shape the culture of the area without changing it. “Both Hinduism and Mohammedanism in the East Indies can be properly understood only as mere overlays on the fundamental culture of the islands: the ancient, truly Indonesian culture”. The same can be said for the Dutch influence when it came on the scene. Instead of trying to force their political, legal, and religious systems on the native people, the Dutch were very tolerant and worked with the native systems to set up institutions that preserved “as many of the local customary rules as possible”. The Dutch trained administrators from the very beginning in native affairs, “the only case of a colonial civil service composed almost entirely of trained anthropologists”. Yet, as good as this is for the preservation of exotic culture, the author feels that it is detrimental to the people of the West Indies in modern times. They have limited education, no democratic experience, and no way to defend themselves. The outside world will eventually close in on them, and they will not be prepared to deal with it.

Kennedy discusses these points in his paper by first talking about the different outside influences on the West Indies and what these influences have done to affect the original culture. He then spends adequate time relating the ways in which the Dutch have maintained the culture with only slight changes. He then goes on to talk about the problem of keeping the culture “primitive” while the world around it continues to change and progress. How will these native peoples be able to handle the outside world when it comes crashing down upon them with no real warning and without their understanding the processes of how other countries interact on an international level.

LISSA THURSTON Union College (Linda Cool)

Kluckhohn, Clyde. Covert Culture and Administrative Problems. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol.45(2):213-229.

In this article, Clyde Kluckhohn addresses the issue of Indian acculturation and how to go about improving this process. Problems have occurred as a result of cultural differences and misunderstandings on the part of the administrators and those who work with Native Americans. Kluckhohn describes an incident where a Navaho high school boy refuses to ask an attractive girl to dance. The American teacher remarks that the boy must be stupid to miss such an opportunity. However, she fails to realize that the two young people might be from the same tribe, a fact that would prohibit such social interactions on the basis of incest taboos. Kluckhohn argues that in order for Indian Administrators to better understand and administer the Indian population they must not only take into account the aspects of Indian culture that lie on the surface, but also examine and understand the “covert” or underlying tenets of Indian culture. He believes that administrators must view the Indians and their actions not through the lenses of their own culture, but through the eyes of the Indians themselves.

Kluckhohn stresses that administrators must understand the principles or “cultural configurations” that influence the Indians’ “sanctioned or behavioral patterns” if they are to help them to adapt. He believes that administrators have attempted to use and, to some degree, have succeeded in employing anthropological findings to better design programs. Kluckhohn argues that anthropologists also tend to take into account only “overt” culture, that which is observable and recordable. He suggests that overt culture could well provide insights that will enable an anthropologist to dig below the surface and expose the covert. Kluckhohn argues that if anthropology is to be taken forward as a science, those who practice it must begin to explore the covert side of culture.

To support his assertion Kluckhohn uses examples of cultural misunderstandings that occur with policies that do not take into account Indian culture. In one example he articulates differences between the Navaho and American conceptions of marriage. In Navaho tradition, a marriage is not only a joining of two individuals but also of two families. Americans tend to view marriage as a pact between two individuals. By considering our marriage tradition as well as other aspects of our culture as “part of human nature” administrators design policy that runs counter to Indian beliefs.

MATT ARENTSEN Union College (Linda Cool)

Lee, D. D. The Linguistic Aspect Of Wintu’ Acculturation American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):435-440

The author’s objective in writing this article was to describe the influence of the introduction of English language on the Wintu language. The author acquired information through working exclusively with an Indian woman, Sadie Marsh, who was fluent in both the Wintu and English language. Lee’s purpose was to not only validate that it is “easy to detect foreign words entering a culture, but also to demonstrate that terms and grammar previously part of a language can cease to exist.” The author reports, “this aspect of acculturation has rarely been made the subject of specific and systematic investigation in the field” (435).

Through the ethnographic research and conversations with Sadie Marsh, the author discovered that “when a new trait (was) introduced to the Wintu, the language responded in one of three ways: it gave it a new name; or gave it a name that applied to a similar trait; or accepted the English name along with the trait” (435). The first two processes were the older Wintu method of introducing a new trait.

The author identifies numerous examples of words added or changed in the Wintu language because of acculturation with the white race. Words added also included vocabulary for race differentiation. There had been no need for differentiation in race before the coming of white people. Lee reports that the translation of the word for whites was “Supernatural Beings,” which differs from a more descriptive type word the Wintu gave Black people and the Chinese. The translated words for a Black person was “black-person or curly-haired-one; the Chinese was he-whose-hair-is-braided” (436).

Lee’s purpose in discussing the changes in the Wintu language was to point out the influence of the acculturation with the white race, allowing the reader to see this influence through the many examples and translations the author provides. This article is straightforward and conveys many interesting points to reflect on.

DEBORAH ROELS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Lee, D. D. The Linguistic Aspect of Wintu Acculturation. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol. 45(3):435-440.

The author of this article is analyzing how the Wintu language has adapted due to contact with Westerners. Some vocabulary has changed or fallen into disuse while other terms have been adopted. When new traits were introduced to the Wintu ‘ culture, the language either gave it a new name, gave it the name of some other similar trait or simply incorporated the English name into their lexicon. The whites not only brought with them new objects, but new ideas. “The coming of the whites brought with it race differentiation. Till then, the word wintu ‘ meant person or Wintu ‘; now it was extended to mean Indian” (1943:436). The adaptation of white traits and the words for them has progressed even further. Now it seems that “Wintu-ized versions of English words” are used even when there is already a Wintu word for the trait. They even carry this tendency “over to names for Wintu traits” (1943:436). It seems that there has been a change in attitude since contact with whites. This is displayed through studying grammatical terms and words that are becoming obsolete in the original language. “…white culture has effected two types of change on the Wintu language; it has caused the introduction of new words which have been formed according to established habits; and it is causing the loss of old words, in a manner which suggests that these same habits are being lost” (1943:440).

Evidence for these claims is presented by the author throughout the article. He shows the shift in words with tables of Wintu words and what they represented and how they have been modified to take on new meanings. He also shows how words and phrases themselves have adapted to take on new meanings.

LISSA THURSTON Union College (Linda Cool)

Levi-Strauss, Claude The Social Use of Kinship Terms Among Brazilian Indians. American Anthropologist. July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):398-409

The main issue addressed in this article is the specific relationship of brother-in-law among South American Indian tribes’ kinship systems, and the implications of this role. Levi-Strauss attempts to prove, that the brother-in-law relationship (as defined in this kinship system), could be regarded as an actual institution which shapes the organization of social relations. He uses the Nambikuara Indians of Brazil as a model, and illustrates how their social organization is similar to the Tupi tribe, which existed four centuries earlier–and was the first documented example of this phenomena.

The role of brother-in-law is defined in relation to one’s cross-cousins, or all of the male children from the father’s sisters, and mother’s brothers. This role holds a special position in Nambikuara culture (as well as other South American Indian tribes), and entails unique behavior between those who are brothers-in-law. An example observed by Levi-Strauss was that, although siblings (including parallel cousins) are often together, they do not communicate a great deal; and when this does occur it is usually in a reserved manner. However, in the case of brothers-in-law (during adolescent years), it is common for homosexual relations to take place. This is a result of the chief of the tribe, being solely entitled to a polygamous union, which often “withdraws several of the youngest and prettiest women from the regular cycle of marriages” (400)–therefore reducing the number of available spouses.

Another example of the importance accorded this relationship, is that it can be used to establish new kinship links between unrelated groups. Regarding the Nambikuara, after several epidemics decimated their populations, they were forced to join with groups from other regions in order to have a functioning tribe. They consolidated through the male relationship; all the males from one group became the brothers-in-law of the other group’s males. This restored the kinship system as it was before the epidemics. Because the children of this amalgamation become each others’ potential spouses, Levi-Strauss claimed that they would become a single consanguineous unit within two generations.

Some consequences arise from this method of social organization, including increasing male dominance. Here Levi-Strauss compares the Nambikuara to the ancient Tupi. Among the Tupi, brothers held authority over sisters; often a relationship of reciprocity existed between brothers-in-law, whereby sexual services of sisters were traded.

Levi-Strauss presents an interesting article, and the phenomena observed is different from anything which takes place in our culture (American), which makes it all the more interesting. However, some of his sentence structure is confusing at times (being a bit wordy, without separating ideas). He includes information which could have been left out, leaving a more concise article. Overall I liked his topic.

AGUSTIN PINA Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Social Use of Kinship Terms among Brazilian Indians. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):398-409.

The author believes that the kinship system of the Nambikuara Indians of the Western Matto Grosso is the most simple in Brazil, comprising the cross-cousin marriage pattern common in South America. Comparing the Nambikuara kinship system to others such as the ancient Tupi, the author argues the kinship tie of the “brother-in-law relationship” once possessed an important meaning among many South American tribes. The author explores the significance of the brother-in-law relationship amongst the tribes, claiming that it was at that point “…still observable in Nambikuara culture, [and] is both sexual and politico-social; and owing to its complexity, the brother-in-law relationship may perhaps be regarded as an actual institution.”

Amongst the Nambikuara, father’s brothers are called “father” and mother’s sisters are called “mother.” Because an individual will marry a cross-cousin, males call all female cross-cousins “wife” and visa versa, so all male cross-cousins are therefore “brothers-in-law” while all female cross-cousins are “sisters-in-law”. Social contact is usually only commonplace between sisters-in-law and, more especially between brothers- in-law. As a result of “partial polygyny” where only the chief takes many young wives, it is ordinarily difficult for adolescent men to marry. Therefore it is typical and socially accepted in public, perhaps even more than heterosexual flirtation, for men to seek companionship with their “brothers-in-law,” displaying affection of a homosexual nature deemed normal although slightly immature. Very strong bonds are formed between many “brothers-in-law” that bind groups together. One example is given where the groups do not speak the same dialect, but the belief that the male members of each group are “brothers-in-law” such that inter-marriage and eventual unity between the groups occurs. Through the popularity of cross-cousin and “avuncular” (marriage of the uncle) marriage in South America, the brother-in-law tie even between strangers emerged as the predominant tie through which individuals could agree to exchange female relatives for marriage, thereby continually ensuring intermarriage between these groups.

The author concludes his article by suggesting this brother-in-law relationship has probably been misunderstood by Europeans and even “…may formerly have had a much wider distribution on the continent.”

BETHAN WHITEHED Union College (Linda Cool)

Linton, Ralph. Nativistic Movements. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol. 45(2): 230-240

The author of this article attempts to provide a systematic analysis of nativistic movements and phenomena as a basis that may be “modified and expanded by further research.” He begins by clearly laying out a definition for nativistic movements: “Any conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society’s members to revive or perpetuate selected aspects of its culture.”

Linton distinguishes between two kinds of nativism: Revivalistic Nativism, “which involve an attempt to revive extinct or moribund elements of a culture,” and Perpetuative Nativism, “which merely seek to perpetuate current (elements of a culture).” He further divides each into Magical Nativism and Rational Nativism. Magical Nativism generally originates with an individual who takes the role of a prophet, and leans toward the supernatural, with apocalyptic and millennial aspects. Rational Nativism, Linton states, is quite different, mainly in motivation – “the usage is psychological, not magical” and is aimed at bringing back a happier, easier time during a period of frustration in society.

All of the causes of nativistic movements seem to have the common denominator of inequality between societies in contact. Linton gives examples of the kinds of movements most often seen for each kind of inequality. For dominant-superior groups, Linton asserts that they “tend to initiate perpetuative-rational forms of nativism,” and uses as an example the nomadic response to conquering China. They issued repressive measures not only against the Chinese, but against any of their own culture who had begun to adopt Chinese culture.

Linton does mention that the generalizations he makes are based on “the hypothesis that societies are homogenous and react as a whole,” and admits that this is frequently not the case. His arguments, however, are clear and follow a logical pattern.

THERESA ROURK Union College (Linda Cool)

Marcson, Simon. Some Methodological Consequences of Corelational Analysis in Anthropology. American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4): 588-601

Marcson attempts to dispute Lowie’s claim of the existence of an irrefutable law concerning house ownership and the origin of matrilineal descent. The author utilizes the research of Parsons and Strong, who wish to uncover the causal relations in the development of the matrilineal clan, to describe some of the methodological consequences of correctional analysis in anthropology. Parsons and Strong have formulated hypotheses about the Pueblo subculture, namely the Hopi, Zuni, and Western Keres, and their development of the matrilineal clan. Parsons has formulated the hypothesis that house ownership by women was a prime factor in the development of the matrilineal clan. Parsons describes what he calls the “House-Clan complex” as “consisting of house ownership by women, importance of women in ceremonial life, a matrilineal organization and matrilocal residence.” Strong asserts that the fetishes associated with every house and clan are the property of the women who feed it daily. It seems logical then that if a woman is custodian of the fetish and owner of the house that matrilineal descent will follow. The author concludes that social factors, such as house ownership and custodianship of sacred objects, follow a coherent pattern. For the gender that controls the sacred objects in a culture, there is a corresponding emphasis on recognizing that gender’s descent as either patrilineal or matrilineal. Therefore, the analysis by the author did not support the claim originally purported by Lowie.

CHRISTINA RIZZITANO Union College (Linda Cool)

Mead, Margaret. The Role of Small South Sea Cultures in the Post War World. American Anthropologist April-June 1943 Vol.45(2): 193-197.

In this brief essay, Margaret Mead gives a quick overview of the values, which anthropologists are to approach when facing the whole problem of culture contact. At the time Mead wrote this article, different cultures had been studied and judged with an ethnocentric theory in mind that failed to dignify these natives.

Mead lays out her evidence beginning with the negative, stereotypical beliefs, which were wrongfully concluded about primitive cultures. She then goes on to explain how these understandings of cultures have lead to destructive behavior towards them, which has caused permanent damage. To support her explanations she provides examples such as, “the attitude of early settlers of Tasmania who placed a bonus upon the natives’ heads and hunted them down like animals” (Mead 195). Mead accomplishes two things with her examples: presenting the overall attitude of modern civilization, and also the acts, which come along with this particular attitude.

Following Mead’s presentation of the specific problems with ill-informed judgement of native cultures, she goes on to open up the topic of solutions. First of all, Mead explains the goal of anthropologists, which is to help value cultures for what they are without stripping them their own way of life and giving them another. She then links this goal to possible solutions and how anthropologists can apply their knowledge to help. Secondly, Mead explains what an ending product of a possible solution would entail. She describes what the benefits could be and how everyone can enjoy these benefits.

In her concluding paragraphs, Mead briefly reinstates the positive outcomes, which can be obtained from anthropologists examining cultures.

John Whiting provides a discussion at the end of the essay. He commends Mead on her active role in finding a solution to an important problem. Whiting also points out a few criticisms of Mead’s work, mostly revolving around her proposal and view that educating these natives would lead to conflict.

This article is short and contains clear and simple examples. Mead’s statements are written with basic vocabulary and are easy to comprehend. This summary is a wonderful analysis of past mistakes and the future job of anthropologists to realize and implement an applied science of social anthropology.

SUSIE CAIN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Mead, Margaret. The Role of Small South Sea Cultures in the Post War World. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol. 45(2):193-197.

In this paper, Mead talks about the rights of all cultures to be considered equals “in an increasingly interconnected and constricted world”. She believes that no one culture is better then another, and that this concept should “take its place beside the other great democratic beliefs in the equal potentiality of all races of men, and the inherent dignity and right to opportunity of each human being”. The problem that arises is what to do with the small cultures of the Pacific. In the post war era, they are “unthreatening and no longer profitable objects of exploitation”. They could become “’wards’ of civilization” and educated to imitate our culture or they could be preserved as “invaluable…laboratory experiments…to provide experimental material for the social sciences”. Yet there are inadequacies with these options in Mead’s opinion. If these cultures are subjected to “such a process of rapid education” to become like us, it would either take many generations to integrate the two cultures or it would lead to “the total destruction of native culture and its replacement by a thin, meaningless version of our own”. Both of these suggestions are forgetting that cultures are worthy of respect in their own right. Mead’s solution to the problem is to use these cultures as “training schools for the future international civil servants, the men whose professional competency must depend upon their understanding of cultures”, then these islands would be protected, slowly adjusted, and the breeding ground for a professional group that would have training that “could be obtained in no other way”. The cultures themselves would be left alone, but not sheltered.

Mead goes through the problems mentioned above and why some solutions won’t work in more detail. Then she discusses the solution that she feels would benefit both the native cultures and the rest of the world simultaneously. She then goes on to close by stating what the tasks of the “student administrators” living and studying among the native people are, and the knowledge that these students should come away with.

LISSA THURSTON Union College (Linda Cool).

Murdock, George Peter. Bronislaw Malinwoski. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45 (3): 441-451.

Murdock’s objective is to give an overview of the life and influence of the deceased anthropologist, Bronislaw Malinowski. He begins his article with the life history of Malinowski, mentioning his birth in the year 1884 in Cracow, Poland. The author mentions several universities Malinowski attended, including the University of Cracow and the London School of Economics. Murdock also mentions several locations where Malinowski did fieldwork. These include New Guinea, Northwestern Melanesia and Africa. The author gives special mention of how Malinowski’s first ethnological report, “The Natives of Malibu” (1915), was not as influential as the later fieldwork he did in the Trobriand Islands. He also points out Malinowski’s extensive fieldwork with other peoples such as Mota of New Guinea, and Chagga of East Africa.

The author also mentions the character of Malinowski, describing him as having an “acutely sensitive nature” (p.442). He also describes him as being unable to “brook unfriendly criticism,”(p.442) which would sometimes lead Malinowski into controversies. On Malinowski’s methods of ethnographic study, the author states, “he could never rest content with depersonalized descriptions of human activities” (p.444). Murdock also touches on the significance of some of Malinowski’s influential theories. The author believes Malinowski had a profound influence upon anthropological thought, ranking him among those such as ” Morgan, Tylor and Boas” (p.443). The author accredits some anthropological terminology such as “institution” to Malinowski, also mentioning the six “interrelated elements” that Malinowski’s institutions revolve around. These include personnel, material apparatus, norms, activities, charter and function.

The author has a very high opinion of Malinowski, shown by statements such as ” the average quality of anthropological fieldwork and ethnological reporting has risen appreciably as a consequence of Malinowski’s influence” (p.444).

Overall, the obituary of Malinowski was clear and concise. The author was efficient in providing ample evidence of the effect Malinowski had on the anthropological world, providing information on his theories and the anthropologists influenced by him.

ALLISON BOISVENU Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Murdock, George Peter. Bronislaw Malinowski. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol. 45(3):441-451.

In this obituary, George Peter Murdock provides a detailed account of the life of one of the “foremost social scientists of our generation,” Bronislaw Malinowski.

Malinowski was born to an aristocratic Polish family in 1884. The son of a college professor and philologist, Malinowski was naturally prepared for academia. He studied at many universities and, in 1916, received his degree of D.Sc. in anthropology from the University of London.

Malinowski performed extensive field work in New Guinea and northwestern Melanesia and spent several months among the Hopi of Arizona, the Bemba and Chagga of East Africa, and the modern Zapotec of Mexico. Much of his reputation is based on his classic works of anthropological description and interpretation, all of which were compiled from his intensive field work in the Trobriand Islands. Malinowski’s experience of living among natives as well as residing in many different countries, including Germany, the United States, and the Canary Islands, provided him with “a first-hand acquaintance with different systems of living and a broadly comparative outlook toward cultural phenomena” that is reflected in his theoretical paradigm.

Malinowski ranks as one of the “…great innovators in the history of the behavioral sciences of man.” His influence has been felt not only in the discipline of anthropology, but also in sociology, law, and linguistics. Anthropological theories regarding the concepts of society and social group are largely credited to the work of Malinowski. Malinowski likened social groups to institutions, stating the it is these organized systems of behavior that encompass the collective life of all societies, and therefore, provide the greatest units of observation in fieldwork. In his analysis, Malinowski notes that all institutions contain six interrelated elements: personal, material apparatus, norms, activities, charter, and function.

Another major achievement of Malinowski, as a key proponent of the functionalist perspective, was his integration of cultural theory and psychology. He stated that culture existed to satisfy “basic drives” or basic human needs. Moreover, the heart of Malinowski’s functionalism employs a scientific approach to the study of the effects of institutions upon the satisfaction of these needs.

At the time of his death on May 16, 1942, Malinowski was a Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Yale University. Malinowski will always be remembered for his insistence on the development of a science of human behavior.

MELISSA CISTOLDI Union College (Linda Cool)

Oberg, Kalervo. A Comparison of Three Systems of Primitive Economic Organizations. American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4):572-587.

In this article, Oberg compares three different economies. The three cultures studied were the agricultural Bairu, the pastoral Bahima, and the fishing and hunting Tlingit Indians. The author examines how group cooperation is key to the functioning capabilities of each culture as well as the reason for each culture’s type of economy. The Bairu of Ankole were the first to be discussed. In this culture, the tool system was simple due to the agricultural nature of the area: the hoe, knife and grinding stone. The weapons for hunting were limited because most of the subsistence came from agriculture and not hunting. Essentially, the point made about this culture is the small scale of everything including housing, which consisted simply of small huts. Magical processes are said to be prominent in the planting and harvesting of millet for these could be affected by fire, disease and birds. In the discussion of this culture, Oberg is making a statement about the effect of the simple living conditions on the nature of the economic interdependence and cooperation of the social structure. This involved the fact that the simple construction of the family and the family’s role in society helped define the manner by which the separate families interacted with one another to successfully survive in that condition. Essentially, this is summarized by saying that cooperation was focused mainly on the immediate household due to the small scale of the social structure.

The second culture discussed is the Bahima people of Uganda. These people survive on the milk, blood and meat of their cattle as they are a pastoral, or herding, people. These people live in the same area as the Bairu and with an identical climate, however, they utilized different resources. The population of this culture is even smaller than the Bairu who outnumber the Bahima almost ten to one. However, complex cooperation is seen in this culture, which is evident in the construction of the cattle kraals. The people live in groups which range in number from a dozen to one hundred and fifty and who herd somewhere between twenty and five hundred cattle. The presence, as well as the size, of the kraals today depends on lions, which present a threat to the subsistence of the people.

The final group of people discussed is the Tlingit Indians of Alaska. The Tlingit rely upon fishing, focusing mainly on the salmon which appear each year. The Tlingit use an oil extracted from a fish called the Olachen as a preservative allowing them to have food for the winter months when everything is scarce. In this culture, houses were very large due to the cold weather and the heat provided by living in large groups. The cooperation in this type of culture was different than the previous two due to the increased presence of specialization in responsibilities both within the home as well as within the social structure. The living conditions revolved around something called the house group, comprised of somewhere between five to ten men and their families.

In conclusion, the Bahima tended to need collective action more than the Bairu due to the fact that the consumption patterns among the Bairu were contained within the simple family. When looking at the comparison between the Bahima and the Tlingit, it is obvious that the size of the extended family or collective unit was smaller among the Tlingit than it was among the Bahima. However, the range of collective activities was much more extensive than the Bahima including the group participation in the primary food getting activities as well as the consumption of subsitence measures.

ELI RABINOWITZ Union College (Linda Cool)

O’Neale, Lila M. and Juan Dolores. Notes on Papago color Designations. American Anthropologist July-September,1943 Vol.45 (3):387-397.

The authors explore color designation amongst the Papago people who have a “limited need for color terminology in their everyday life.” The article contains a chart that maps the shades of colors referred to by name and offers a translation and a description as well as the degree and intensity of the shades. A list also elaborates the descriptions and gives various examples of how words would be used in conjunction with the terms to indicate intensity and texture. Fashion observations are made concerning the Papago women’s attire and use of color as these changed for the first time under Western influence. As more colors became available to the women, how they applied color to their garments is documented at a point in time when wearing, enjoying and appreciating color was a totally new experience to the Papago: bright, vibrant colors were still unknown to the Papago at the time the fieldwork documented in this article was carried out. After analysing color terminology in relation to various hues or shades, the authors conclude the comparatively late development of a “color consciousness” among the Papago. The authors suggest that this ideological development is the result of education and an increase in the availability of colored objects and materials to the tribe. Specific words for the whole blue and purple range of color did not yet exist in Papago language, perhaps because these colors rarely occur in nature especially in the desert habitat of the Papago.

The article provides a unique insight into a relatively untouched cultural and literal view of color, describing how the Papago thought about color. Being previously uninfluenced by a decorative use of color, the Papago simply did not have the words, associations, or descriptions that commonly accompany color in a western world and mind. Rather, they had their very own way of expressing color.

BETHAN WHITEHEAD Union College (Linda Cool)

O’Neale, Lila M. and Juan Dolores Notes on Papago Color Designations American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):387-397

The Papago are Native American people inhabiting desert regions of southern Arizona and northern Sonora, a state of northwest Mexico. The color designations of the Papago people are conservative. The authors describe the reason for this limited color range because the Papago are, Apeople who have had no incentives to decorate their houses, to attract attention through advertising, or to exercise personal choice in assembling garments for a variety of social demands@ (387).

Another reason for the Papago=s simple color designations is because natural resources for pigments are limited. Bright colors are unknown to the Papago. However, the Papago people have a few color designations that differ from that of a standard crayon box. For example, Asmoky@ is a color that describes those objects and utensils that are discolored by smoke. Also, Asmoky@ can describe the color of pottery that has been subjected to uneven heat in the process of firing.

The authors explain the use of prefixes in Papago language. The prefix, Acah-A describes light colors, which means like or almost. On the other hand the prefix, Asih-A indicates dark or blackish colors, which means pure. The use of these prefixes specifies the majority of Papago color designations.

In summary, Papago color designations indicate a limited need for color terminology because of the simplicity of everyday life. However, Papago people do have specific color designations such as, Asmoky,@ that aid the description of natural phenomenon. Words like Asmoky@ are significant in Papago color designations; however, the majority of the Papago color designations emphasize the light to dark variations, which are indicated by prefixes.

The authors achieve the overarching goal of describing Papago color designations quite well. However, their essay was short and lacked a sufficient introduction to the Papago people.

Chris Girdwood Michigan State University, (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Parsons, Talcott The Kinship of Contemporary United States American Anthologist January, 1943 Vol. 45(1):22-38

Paarsons’ paper on kinship systems gives commonsense synapses on the structure of kinship units in America. Understanding the American family is accomplished by giving due consideration to the fact that ” a major structural aspect of a large-scale society cannot be observed in a single program of field research”. Parsons places great significance on the value of understanding the dynamics of a society via knowledge of its family structures. The value in his strict common sense approach is in how it helps the reader in being circumspect of the limitations within anthropological methodology.

Beginning with the conjugal family unit a basic starting point emerges in Parsons’ analysis. He outlines distinctions that are typical of the American family structure. A system of interlocking family structures in America is illustrated. According to Parsons, the primary family unit is actually composed of two families; the family of “Orientation” into which a child is born, and the family of “Procreation” which is founded by marriage.

Parsons explains that the individual is the only common member of these two families. These two families are treated as the ” inner circle” of the kinship structure. Each member of this inner core becomes the connecting link with members of the “outer circle.” These are some of the more specific aspects involving the inter-weavings of American kinship.

We find that Parsons notes the importance of marriage in western culture in his analysis. In his view there is no specific terminological distinction between the maternal and paternal families except for the patrilineal inheritance of the family name. He finds that there is no reason to divide the lines of descent within the family unit; it is structurally “multi-lineal”. Parsons notes that the descriptive terminology, “reflects the actual institutional structure of kinship in a broad sense”.

Throughout the paper Parsons gives specific examples placing each member of the family: cousins to aunts, nieces to mothers, brothers and sisters within this structure. His approach provides a system in which we can begin to understand the social consequences of the American family structure.

Parsons’ commonsense approach makes a very clear and concise paper. He mentions many areas of interest in the American kinship structure. It is interesting to note the societal changes that have occurred since the 1940s when he wrote about this topic, especially in relationship to women.

TANEE ELSTON Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Parsons, Talcott. The Kinship System of the Contemorary United States. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol. 45(1):22-38.

The author of this article explains that no significant sociological or social anthropological attempt has be made to “describe and analyze the kinship system of the United States in the structural terms current in the literature of anthropological field studies”. Past studies have concentrated on individual adjustments rather than comparative structural perspective and they have lacked the resources to mobilize a broad enough program to study the structural aspects of a large-scale society.

This study was performed on the theory that understanding the kinship system on a structural level is “of the greatest importance” for understanding the American family. The author does not mention his research methods or detail the data that he has collected, but rather concentrates solely on the analysis. He states that the American family is characterized as an “open, multilineal, conjugal system”. The system is “conjugal” as a whole because it is several interlocking conjugal (nuclear) families. Marriage is the most significant factor in the larger kinship system. When one marries, he or she leaves the family of orientation and begins a family of procreation. The newly created family is financially independent of the original family.

The author adds that extremely non-specific kinship terms are used to identify members of a family. The most specific terms are reserved for the immediate family of orientation: mother; father; brother; sister; son; and daughter. Extending out from here, both the parents’ siblings are referred to as aunts and uncles and their children as cousins. Grandparents on both the mother’s and father’s sides are separated only by gender. Due to this very broad terminology system, the American family is said to be open.

The author takes an extremely functional approach to the American kinship system. He provides little account for divorce, death (widowhood), or abstinence from marriage. He sets up his argument from an economic point of view, discussing how a newly married couple gains financial independence from their parents. He does not allow for conflict, change, or deviation from the norm in the family structure. All that being said, the article was well written and flowed nicely.

Andrew Spitz Union College (Linda Cool)

Roberts, Frank H. Jr. Edgar Billings Howard American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):452-454

The following is a brief obituary of the life of Dr. Edgar Billings Howard. Dr. Howard was born in New Orleans in 1887. Dr. Howard received his Ph.B. from Yale University in 1909. With the exception of serving his country in World War I, Howard worked in business until 1928. After retirement, Howard returned to school and received his masters in anthropology and Ph.D. in geology from the University of Pennsylvania. Upon returning to school Howard began a career as an archeologist studying man’s antiquity in the Americas.

Dr. Howard’s career in fieldwork dated from 1929 to 1941. His most notable works include exploration and excavations in New Mexico, Texas, and Siberia where he compared Old and New World implements related to the Folsom Complex. Dr. Howard was also beneficial in aiding others fieldwork, especially in fundraising. Due to his knack for fundraising Dr. Howard was awarded head of the committee for grants at the University Museum of Philadelphia.

Other notable accomplishments of Dr. Howard’s career include his organization of the International symposium of Early Man in 1937, his membership of the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia – where he eventually joined the Board of Trustees. Dr. Howard was elected Vice-Director of the University Museum of Philadelphia, and President of the Society for American Archeology.

DOMINIC YANNITELLI Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Roberts, Frank Edgar Billings Howard. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943. Vol. 45(3): 452-454.

Edgar Billings Howard died in San Diego, California on March 18, 1943. He became an archeologist after retiring from business and was incredibly prolific during his fifteen years of scientific research. Dr. Howard received a Ph.B. from the Sheffield Scientific School at Yale University in 1909, an M.A. in Anthropology in 1930 and a Ph.D. in Geology in 1935, both from the University of Pennsylvania. He combined his interest in paleontology and archeology while researching the early man phase of American archeology.

By the time Dr. Howard’s active fieldwork ended in 1941, he had completed extensive research on the Folsom and related complexes and held numerous conferences for those engaged in active fieldwork in order to settle controversies and plan cooperative investigations. He published approximately thirty papers, most of which pertained to the Folsom and Yuma problems and the general question of man’s antiquity in America, but which also discussed broader concepts such as possible avenues of migration from Asia. He was affiliated with several different institutions as a research associate, was a member of several anthropological societies, and was elected president of the Society for American Archeology in 1938.

Dr. Howard established a fund for research grants-in-aid on early man in America at the University museum of Philadelphia and the Department of Earth Sciences at the University of Pennsylvania and a four-year course in the subject. Frank Roberts Jr. cites Dr. Howard’s most important accomplishment as the organization of the International Symposium on Early Man held at the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia on March 17-20, 1937, during which attending authorities from different countries presented papers relating to their specialties. According to Roberts, the gathering was “one of the most successful of its kind ever held in the United States”.

AMIE CSISZER Union College (Linda Cool)

Roheim, Geza Children’s Games and Rhymes in Duau (Normanby Island) American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1)99-119

The author’s objective is to describe many of the children’s games either that she observed on Duau or that were described to her. She classifies the games into a few different categories including “separation games,” “up and down” games, lullabies, and children’s rhyme. Great detail is given concerning both the separation games and the up and down games with actual descriptions incorporated of the playing process and verses of the songs sung during the games. Separation games usually involve individual separation from the group and the eventual formation of a new group while up and down games involve losing and quickly finding a valued object. The author gives numverous explanations for these games and even attemptst to draw conclusions about the origin and meaning behind many of these play activities. One of the most intriguing stems from the separation games, according to the author, the children are displaying actions much like the “repetition compulsion in war shocks” (112). They are in effect overcoming the trauma of losing a loved one by repetition, the loved one is most often believed to be the mother. The author reminds us that according to Freud, young children are often “very fond of dramatizing the loss and re-appearance of an object” (110).

The lullabies and rhymes also serve much the same purpose for the inhabitants of Duau. In many of these verses separation from the mother is once again a large theme. In the case of nursing infants the child is continuously forcibly removed from the nipple and permitted to take it again immediately afterwards. Once again the visibility of separation trauma repetition is evident, the author also believes these nursing games may have profound effects on the children later in life and may even be the root of many children’s games. The rhymes that many of the children are fond of saying may serve the purpose of exploring family romance and idealizing the parents, which has deep roots in the cultural and universal psyche.

This detailed article is very easy to read and provides a great number of examples to illustrate the author’s conclusions about the purpose and meaning of the children’s games in Duau.

PATRICK HICKEY Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Roheim, Geza. Children’s Games and Rhymes in Duau (Normanby Island) American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol. 45(1): 99-119.

This article looks at two villages on Normanby Island: Sipupu and Boasitoroba. There, Roheim investigates the functional significance of children’s songs in various games and lullabies. The author underlines the meaning of the words in each song, giving a greater understanding of their relationship to the type of play being performed. Accounts from individual’s childhood games are used to demonstrate the differences between formal and informal games. For example passing under an archway is a formal element in childhood games. There are certain themes that are present for most children, including the imitation of mother and father, the inclusion of tree chopping, an element of separation within the game. Whether it’s the pure joy of muscular activity or just the drive to imitate, mostly all children play in this manner.

The author examines the intrinsic meanings and functions of these games. Roheim believes that the games meaning can be found simply in a child’s own nature. Small children like dramatizing things when looking at the way in which they play.

Roheim’s article demonstrates various cases where the dominant features just mentioned have a specific significance according to how the game is played and how those children behaved. One of the common elements he notes among separation games is that there is an “existence of a group of players from which the individuals are separated one by one, till a new group is formed.” Roheim distinguishes how the Dobu version of a game differs from the Sipupu version. The Dobu children incorporate a belly fry of a pig- but both join hands at the end of the game and lift them up and down again, as in the Sipupu version. In order to explain the significance of each type of element in the games, the author analyzes the play activity and links it to reasons which might cause the children to play in this certain manner. For example he links a mother’s custom of breaking the baby away from the nipple after each lullaby verse- then it is allowed to continue nursing right after. This he says helps explain the games of separation.

MELANIE THORNTON Union College (Linda Cool)

Smith, Marian W. Centenary of the American Ethnological Society: Forward and Brief History American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol.45(2):181-184

The American Ethnological Society celebrated its centenary anniversary on November 14, 1942. The celebration focused on the past, present, and future orientation of the society. Specific emphasis was added to the United States recent entry into World War II, and the ramifications that could occur, because of the war, in ethnographic studies of the indigenous peoples of Oceania. The commemoration was highlighted by a speech given by Albert Gallatin – great grandson and namesake of the founder – and the last public appearance of renowned anthropologist Franz Boas.

At this point the article switched gears from the celebration to the history of the American Ethnological Society. Albert Gallatin and Henry Schoolcraft founded the society on November 9, 1842, in New York. During that time “professional anthropology was hardly existent” therefore most members were “doctors, lawyers, and business men.” The Society also consisted of honorary and corresponding members, the latter of which lived among non-westerners and sent detailed correspondences to the society for later publication. With the arrival of the Civil War the Society saw its vitality diminish. From the end of the Civil War until the late 19th century the American Ethnological Society “made no important scientific contributions but . . . maintain its . . . aura of prestige.”

At the turn of the century, with its reputation intact, the American Ethnological Society began admitting young, professional anthropologists. The society also forged a relationship with the anthropology department at Columbia University. These, along with the 1906 appointment of Franz Boas as the editor of a new publication series, are credited with the rejuvenation of the Society.

At the time of this article’s publication the American Ethnological Society wished to stress its resolve that the field of anthropology did not in any way condone racial persecution or inborn superiority among races.

This article was well written, but at times in an outdated style.

DOMINIC YANNITELLI Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Smith, Marian. Centenary of the Ethnological Society. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol. 45(1): 181-184.

This article takes a retrospective look at the one hundred years of the existence of the American Ethnological Society. The first publication in 1845 was a landmark for anthropology as it paved the way for further progress within the field, Smith argues. Honorary members of the society played an important role. An honorary member typically held a position of prestige such as in the government and most honorary members were from distant or little known places. The latter include Albert Gallatin and Franz Boas. The society’s early members consisted of doctors, lawyers and businessmen. The other membership category designed for persons outside the city was the corresponding member. They were mostly missionaries, explorers and administrators. Accounts from them and their descriptions of places were essential in the development of the Ethnological Society. The accounts were used and read at meetings and arising out of this were new publications such as The Sentinel and Transactions.

The Society was able to maintain prestige while making no scientific contributions around the time after the Civil War. Local meetings were still in progress. In an attempt to revitalize the society, a new office was added in 1906 with help from Boas. The publication series was devoted to linguistic text and translation. An important time in anthropology’s history was in 1902 when the American Anthropological Association was established with the American Anthropologist. Smith states that members of the Ethnological Society have to be interested in anthropology and/or be actively involved. It is an organization that has come a long way and requires its participants to be just as devoted if not more than its previous undertakers.

MELANIE THORNTON Union College: (Linda Cool)

Spicer, Edward H. Linguistic Aspects of Yaqui Acculturation American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):410-425

Edward Spicer discusses the diffusion of Spanish language to the Yaqui from the time of their first interaction in 1617, to1900 when the Yaqui migrated from central Mexico to Arizona, he reports the Hispanic impact continued in the twentieth century when the Yaqui had fully settled in the United States. Spicer empirically demonstrates how the diffusion of Spanish culture not only added a multitude of words of Spanish descent, but also altered many Yaqui words or phrases after a sociocultural fusion had taken place. In a series of tables, Spicer shows the impact that the Spanish language has had in relation to the lexicon of Yaqui language.

The Spanish language has infiltrated many Yaqui terms of daily household life, as well as three of their main social organizations including: the family, the godparent, and the ceremonial society organizations. The borrowing of words from the Spanish language occurs in the paramount cultural activities of the Yaqui people. Spicer furthers his investigation by discussing specific changes in the vocabulary of popular Yaqui ceremonies. He suggests that the word changes occur as Hispanic culture penetrates and fuses with that of the Yaqui.

Spicer further proposes that the meaning of Yaqui words have both been broadened and narrowed in light of their alteration by the influence of Spanish language. From this hypothesis he jumps rather abruptly to the supposition that the Yaqui dictionary has historically been in constant flux, and the phenomenon of Spanish influence only exemplifies the fact the language is always subject to cultural progression and change.

Spicer does a wonderful job relating the influence of the Spanish language and its significance on Yaqui language and culture. And the conclusion (perhaps hypothesis) he puts forward is very intriguing. However, it was disappointing to me that he did not examine the theory that he puts forward at the end of his essay in more depth. The essay was very clearly laid out, included empirical evidence, and followed a logical progression.

DAN LINK Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Spicer, H. Edward. Linguistic Aspects of Yaqui Acculturation. American Anthropologist July-September,1943 Vol.45 (3):410-426.

The Yaquis of Arizona, until the point at which this article was written, had experienced three epochs of major Spanish influence including political domination and missionary influence that resulted in “both direct culture change and socio-cultural fusion.” This concept of ‘acculturation’ refers to how soon after Spanish influence the Yaquis found themselves no longer “Indians with a strong aboriginal culture untouched by outside influences, but as already strongly Hispanicized people.” Spanish influence can be clearly seen in the Yaqui language as it contained a large number of Spanish ‘loan’ words. Although few Yaqui words were ‘borrowed’ by the Spanish language, this linguistic phenomena is examined by the author throughout this article. By dissecting the article into sub-headings such as “the cultural contexts of borrowed words”, sound shifts and chronology, the author analyzes word origin and use in terms of culture. In addition, the author uses tables to illustrate both Spanish and Yaqui words, their translations, and how they combine to produce a vocabulary where meanings can change after translation. Five tables cover linguistic use and origin of words ranging from household objects to important Yaqui ritual terms, all of which in some way have been influenced, replaced, or at least in some form translated, and affected by the Spanish language. The author suggests that the transmitting of “social organization and material culture has been about equally extensive in the early and the modern periods.” Therefore the ‘borrowing’ of Spanish language and culture by the Yaquis is continuous and constant.

The authors claim that the only words in Yaqui to resist this replacement have been those such as the word “mother”, as it is extensively used in the vocabulary of kinship, ceremonial sponsorship and ritual concepts of the Yaqui. Therefore the authors attribute the preservation of such words to their extensive use in many aspects of Yaqui culture.

The author examines and identifies three cultural conditions under which foreign words infiltrate another language and are either adopted as names or descriptions of new cultural items for which no native equivalent exists. Words can also be adopted under pressure such as missionary influence or when the social structure becomes temporarily dislocated. This article draws attention to the way in which language responds to differing cultural influence. The authors recognize language as an important aspect of culture as it expresses the history of the society by retaining the words that run deep within a culture also reflecting the loss of tradition in a culture adopting other influences.

BETHAN WHITEHEAD Union College (Linda Cool)

Spier, Leslie and Kroeber, A. L. Elsie Clews Parsons American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Volume 45(2):244-255

The following is an obituary of renowned anthropologist Elsie Clews Parsons. Parsons was born in New York in 1875. She received her Bachelor’s from Barnard College in 1896, and subsequently her Master’s and Doctorate in sociology from Colombia University. At the age of forty, Parsons became interested in anthropology and went on to become most notably: President of the American Ethnological Society (1916-1922), Vice-President of the American Folklore Society (1932-1934), and President of the American Anthropological Society (1941). However, prestige and positions of power were never paramount to Parsons.

In her pre-anthropological career, Dr. Parsons displayed strength of character and conviction that would stay with her for her entire life. She wrote numerous articles touching on the topics of freedom, self-expression, and individualism, in which the fundamental argument was an understanding and appreciation of others. In 1915, Parsons traveled to Zuni, New Mexico where she began her anthropological ethnographies. She continued to work in the southwest until 1927, and at one point worked with renowned anthropologist Franz Boas. In the 1930s, Parsons worked with various indigenous peoples in Mexico, and in 1940-1941 in the Ecuadorian highlands. Parsons pinnacle work, Pueblo Indian Religion was completed in 1939 and has been summarized as “a cornerstone and monumental contribution to American ethnology.”

Parsons’ determination, tenacity, and tolerance of others views greatly contributed to her fieldwork and to the field of anthropology. Her research and methods were invaluable contributions to American anthropology, the former for the groundwork it helped lay, and the latter for the example it set for future anthropologists.

This article is extremely detailed and challenging to keep up with. Overall, it is very poorly written.

DOMINIC YANNITELLI Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Spier, Leslie and A. L. Kroeber. Elsie Clews Parsons. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol. 45(2):244-251.

According to Spier, Elsie Clews was a humble yet influential anthropologist. The author notes how Parsons helped deconstruct the taboo current of her time regarding discussing a woman’s place in sex-relations; calling it ‘a relief for which we have a debt to Mrs. Parsons”. Spier mentions how Parsons’ career was focused on freedom of self-expression and individuality. “Dr. Parsons achieved something of a major triumph in seeing that we acknowledged that culture is the sum of the cultures of individuals and that their personal problems represent the adjustments of desires to the framework of habit and convention.”

Spier mentions that the majority of Parsons’ career was devoted to the active study of the Pueblos, to understanding their individual tribes as well as actively comparing them to other tribes. Her technique, which at the beginning of her career was very general, changed to a Boasian style. Her studies became detailed and highly comprehensive. Because she was one of the first anthropologists to gather and record data about many of these people, the information that she gathered had to be exhaustive. Spier notes that many of the techniques used by Parsons in her twenty-five year study conducted in New Mexico, were adapted by subsequent anthropologists.

Spier additionally mentions the research that Parsons conducted to increase the understanding of folklore. Spier points out that Parsons’ did not ‘set her aims on paper’; consequently, her intentions for doing so are not wholly known. I believe Parsons, in not recording her actions, exhibited yet another humble act which was intended to further anthropological studies rather than her own career.

Spier describes the impact that Parsons had on the development of American anthropology, yet acknowledges one major fault: Parson, in her ‘encyclopedic’ study of Pueblo people, did not try to relate the information gathered to any other area of the southwest let alone North America. This problem is an example of a major criticism that has been made of the Boasian perspective.

LAUREN TUCHMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Steward, Julian H. Acculturation Studies in Latin America: Some Needs and Problems. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol. 45(2):198-206.

Julian Steward discusses in this article the need for the study of the acculturation of the peoples of Latin America. There has been four hundred years of Spanish, Portuguese, and European influence on the peoples of this area. But, in order to properly study the history of influence and the state of the modern conditions, anthropologists must have the help of many other specialists to gain a full and complete understanding of what happened and what the communities are like now. Steward feels that there are three areas where more knowledge is needed to put together what changes occurred in the native cultures due to outside contact: 1) “We need obviously to know more about the aboriginal background of the Indian”; 2) “We need to know more about the culture which the Europeans brought to the Indians”; and 3) “We need detailed historical studies of the interaction of the Indians and Europeans”. This will help people to understand what changes have happened and what the effects have been. Steward also thinks that we must study current acculturation that is going on today, with the help of other scientists, in order to give an accurate record of events for the future generation. “I need hardly all that, as acculturation studies in these countries are international in implication, they must be inter-American in execution. Collaboration of scientists, not only in pertinent disciplines, but in the various American Republics, each contributing special local knowledge and skills, will insure the best job”.

Steward sets up his argument by first talking about the need for the study of acculturation and the need for collaborative research. He then goes on to discuss the importance of learning about the history of change in the area. He mentions the current situation that should be studied and why it is important to the future. He believes that by setting a standard of recording our present societies and their interactions with one another, future researchers will not have to decipher the past as we have to do now. This will lead to better data for understanding in the future and less guesswork on the part of researchers as to what really happened.

LISSA THURSTON Union College (Linda Cool).

Swanton, John R. Siouan Tribes and the Ohio Valley. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1):49-66.

This article attempts to summarize the diffusion of the many Siouan tribes in the New World and searches for evidence that some tribes lived in Ohio where the central contact network existed. Swanton believes that these people all must have been in contact with one another at some time, dividing the area of residence in the nineteenth century by tribes east and west of Ohio. The author seeks evidence to indicate where contact may have ensued. He rules out the south because of the small population and the fact that tribes of that area have such distinct dialects. The different Siouan tribes may even have diffused from one eastern Ohio tribe, traveling various directions down the Ohio River and eventually up or down the Mississippi. Characteristics of tribes such as the Quapaw in the west indicate that their ancient homes were on the Ohio River. Tribes inhabiting Virginia and Carolina in the seventeenth century fled out of their old homes in the northwest (possibly Ohio) from enemies.

Linguistic study of various tribes also points out that many tribes have words deriving from terms that named the Ohio River at one time. The study of dialects led to similar findings among the Virginian Siouan and those groups found in the deep south. All of this evidence leads Swanton to believe that all of the Siouan tribes in North America were at one time living along the Ohio River where cultural exchange took place.

ANDREA M. TEHAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Swanton, John R. Siouan Tribes and The Ohio Valley American Anthropologist January-March 1943 Vol.45(1):49-66

Swanton explores the geographical location and traditions of the Siouan tribes of the Ohio Valley. When the Siouan speaking tribes were discovered by Europeans they were living predominately in two areas. The first area was between Lake Winnipeg and west of the Mississippi River. The second area was in the Piedmont country located in Virginia and the Carolinas. He argues that the Siouans residing in these two locations may have had contact in only four ways: the eastern Siouans may have migrated to Virginia and South Carolina, the western Siouans may have migrated near the eastern Siouans, both groups may have migrated to a central location, or contact could have taken place through other tribes. Swanton believes that contact could not have occurred south of the Ohio Valley for a variety of reasons such as geographical location of the masses and dialectical differences. This speculation on the movement of the Siouan tribes serves as a way to identify the ancient homeland.

Further in the article, the tribes Omaha and Quapaw are explored as groups that possibly migrated through the Ohio Valley. There are legends of the Omaha that Asuggest a Siouan homeland in the north instead of the east@ (50). Swanton cites Catlin in regard to the migration east of the Mandan Indians. Swanton further argues that the ancient homes of the Quapaw were in Ohio. In addition, he uses evidence from a study of two southern tribes, the Ofo and Biloxi and Virginia Siouans to support the presence of the Siouan tribes near the Ohio River. All of this evidence serves as the basic argument for tribal movement and Siouan presence in the Ohio Valley.

This article was difficult to understand because Swanton never clearly stated his main objective. The writing was too detailed and scattered. When new ideas were introduced they were not tied to the main point. Although I had a hard time reading and understanding the article, I enjoyed how the author cited work from other scholars to support his ideas.

MARY PHILLIPS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Titiev, Mischa The Influence of Common Residence on the Unilateral Classification of Kindred American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4):511-530

The author this article is concerned with identifying the question of classification and the role of kinship in the development of lineages, clans and phratries. Kinship systems are not necessarily based on biological foundations, however this possibility is not usually explored. Rather, ethnologists attempt to interpret relationship data in terms of so-called real or fictitious ties of blood.

Titiev criticizes several authors including Radcliffe-Brown, Lowie, and Goldenweiser, suggesting that instead of trying to classify the primitive societies they studied (Australians, Miwok, and Iroquois) in terms of blood kindred, instead they should use the information at hand and look at kinship relations based on the beliefs of the natives themselves. This is generally a problem because of preconceived notions that kinship terms everywhere try to express the same thing, family connections.

Titiev suggests that primitive societies’ kinship may actually be based more on common residence rather than by common descent. Of course it is possible to have common residence with descent ties, as is the case with the Kwakiutl, a village community that considers itself descended from one person and therefore can not intermarry. There are some groups, however, that allow marriage of groups that could be related by blood so long as they were brought up in separate localities.

The author attempts to “trace the development of lineages, clans and phratries, from a postulated common ancestral form of unilateral kinship classification” (523). The author focuses on groupings through males, looking at five stages. In time each stage reached by a group will be followed by another stage until it reaches the fifth and final one. The first stage, the unilocal patrilocal group, consists of an elderly man, his sons and his grandsons, brining in wives and sending daughters away when they marry. Stage two, patrilocal lineage contains a number of families, husbands, wives, and children within a household. The third stage is multilocal patrilineal lineage, when one branch of the lineage moves away and establishes a new home. The fourth stage, multilocal patrilineal clan, occurs when members of the original lineage after time in multilocal residences, lose track of their ancient lineal ties. The fifth and final stage, is the phratry. When a lineage within a clan expands and forms its own clan, as long as they maintain ties or a sense of relationship to the parental clan, the entire nexus of the kindred may properly be called a phratry. Titiev ends his article with a summary recapping his intent in discussing kinship systems.

The article was well written and discussed by Titiev. He used adequate examples to support his hypothesis of kinship and unilateral classification. I would recommend this article to anyone looking for a different viewpoint into kinship.

SHANNA CRUMMEL Michigan State Univeristy (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Titiev, Mischa. The Influence of Common Residence On the Unilateral Classification of Kindred. American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4):511-530.

Titiev’s goal in this article is to “…[challenge] the concepts on which we base our analyses of primitive kinship.” He feels that it is helpful now and then to re-examine currently held beliefs and methods of a science, which often leads to the illumination of basic concepts. The anthropological beliefs that Titiev aims to challenge surround kinship systems all over the world. He argues that common residence can play as much a role in kinship systems as consanguinity and that this notion has been deliberately skirted in the work of many anthropologists.

As evidence for this, Titiev examines the works of several prominent anthropologists. He highlights pieces of information that indicate blood ties as being subservient to co-residence. Radcliffe-Brown’s study of Australian aboriginal hordes tells us that membership “…is determined in the first place by descent, children belonging to the horde of their father.” Titiev comments that this is strange, because later in that same article Radcliffe-Brown expresses aboriginal ignorance of the physiological connection between a father and his offspring. Titiev feels that this indicates a weakness in kinship terminology because this patrilocality does not convey the aborigines’ notion of descent. In this case, a child’s habitation is in his father’s horde, but since aborigines don’t recognize physiological fatherhood, location of residence plays a more significant role in the child’s understanding of kinship.

Titiev makes similar observations about other cultures such as the Northwest Amazonians, whose incest taboos extend only far enough to cover those who live with a person “…no matter though they be of different parentage.” In other words, the Amazonians don’t believe it’s incest if a brother marries his sister, as long as they grew up in different locations. Titiev also examines E. B. Tylor’s study of the Panches of Bogota who had similar taboos as the Amazonians. He also quotes an ancient Japanese scholar commenting on his own civilization: “Because of the custom of that time, the sense of consanguinity tended to be restricted to the children of the same mother and brought up under one roof”. Again, habitation plays a major role in incest taboos. As long as children were from different mothers and didn’t live under one roof, they could be married. Titiev continues drawing examples from other areas of the world, to demonstrate the universality of his concept.

Mischa Titiev is successful in his goal of suggesting that residence plays a very large role in kinship systems and that it has been largely overlooked. He cites many examples of cultures that place a person’s home above his or her blood relationships, providing a new perspective on kinship. The fact that he discusses so many examples, and that these examples come from almost every corner of the globe, strengthens his argument significantly.

CHRIS FARNSWORTH Union College (Linda Cool)

Trager, George L. The Kinship and Status Terms of the Tiwa Language. American Anthropologist. October- December, 1943 Vol.45(4):557-571.

This article’s main purpose is to discuss kinship and status terms of the four Tiwa languages. The four languages studied are Taos, Picuris, Sandia, and Isleta. Some of the terms are first reported in this article.

Trager points out that the linguistic relationships of the languages are in relation to their geographical locations. All of the languages discussed are located in New Mexico. Taos is spoken in the northern part of the state and 25 miles southwest of this area near the village Penasco, Picuris is the known spoken language. These two languages are very similar linguistically. Sandia is spoken in the area 14 miles north of Albuquerque and 12 miles south of this Isleta is the known language. These two languages are almost identical linguistically.

Trager has most of his data on Taos which he spent the most time studying. Picuris is almost completely researched for kinship terms but Sandia is rather poorly known in kinship terms. This is due to unwillingness on the part of Trager’s informants in the town. The other language, Isleta is good but Trager points out that there may be incorrect material because of lack of time to double check information.

The main focus of the article covers the uses of kinship terms. Trager goes through each language and gives the reader the terms used for certain kinship terms. For example, the term for father and father in law in the Taos is the same as the term in Piccuris. However, the term is different in Sandia. Trager goes through many kinship terms and discuss the different meanings for each word and how to sound them out or add the different stems. Trager also discusses how a term would be changed if a different family member would be saying it.

Trager tells the reader how the vowels or consonants are pronounced. He compares the different linguistically sounds to that of English. For example “Taos: i as in English see, e as in English let.” (558). The article discusses the stops, tenses, and tones of the four different languages, and how prefixes or suffixes can change the meaning of the words in the four languages.

Overall, this article was not difficult to read but at times it can be confusing to follow with comparisons between all the different terms and languages. I would recommend that if one was to read this article that one allow time to do so for reading through all the terms requires much attention.

AMANDA DEKARSKE Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse).

Trager, George L. The Kinship and Status Terms of the Tiwa Languages. American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4): 557-571.

In his article, George Trager’s objective is to classify and compile all of the kinship and status terms of the four Tiwa languages: Taos, Picuris, Sandia, and Isleta. He asserts that this information will be useful for both linguists, who are searching for recorded material for which to compare cultural terms, and ethnographers, who are looking to determine the kinship terms of these four pueblos. The author begins by giving the locales and populations of the four pueblos that were then existant in New Mexico. The four languages are said to be related geographically with respect to interpretation. The southern languages are understood cross-culturally, while the archaic northern languages are unable to be understood by outsiders.

Trager states that the most extensive research available is drawn from the Taos language, which he studies in more detail than the others. He explains the pronunciations of both consonants and vowels, noting their difference. He then lists the terms that he has complied, all of which are nouns. He does this for all four languages, addressing any deviations from previous research along the way. Perhaps, the most useful of his findings is a diagram that details the usage of the terms. His research is the first of its kind for these people and offers a great deal of functional information, but he himself addresses the need for “further analysis of the morphology and vocabulary of the languages.”

JAY POROPATICH Union College (Linda Cool)

Weidenreich, Franz The Neanderthal Man and The Ancestor of Homo Sapiens American Anthropologist January 1943 Vol.45(1)39-48

The author’s main argument is that Homo sapiens cannot be the ancestor of Neanderthal and Neanderthal cannot be the ancestor of Homo sapiens. Weidenreich added W.W Howell’s beliefs into the article to support and express similar views. Suggesting the Neanderthal was also a primitive people conveys that Europeans also had an original people that were not included in the Homo sapiens group.

The author supports his ideas by distinguishing three main groups, Homo sapiens, Rhodesian and Neanderthal Man. After separating the Neanderthal from being an intermediate species between Homo sapiens and modern man, the author begins to compare skulls sizes to support his claim. He compared the Rhodesian skull to the Neanderthal skull, saying they were closely related to one another, more so than modern man or Homo sapiens. They believed the difference between main characteristics can determine evolutionary stages and special characteristics determines sub- species stages. Thus the Neanderthal man had few if no characteristics like modern man or Homo sapiens.

Weidenreich is a strong advocate that Neanderthal is not a sub group to modern man and should be recognized an independent. The remainder of the article continued to support the views of the author. Although he provided no substantial evidence of the Neanderthal man ever having any ancestors other than Homo sapiens he continue to find abstract ideas to support his views.

The article was clear but I pondered whether his views were racist and he was forcing his evidence.

TANEE ELSTON Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Weidenreich, Franz. The “Neanderthal Man” and the Ancestors of “Homo Sapiens.”American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol. 4(1)5:39-48.

The author writes this article as an amendment to his article written two years earlier (“Problems Dealing with Ancient Man”). In the previous article, he had concluded that there were several different morphological branches of hominids that “all proceeded in the same general direction with mankind of today as their goal” (p. 39). In this article, the author attempts to discuss the existence of racial differences in modern man. Does man have one common lineage or did different races evolve out of different hominid ancestries?

Weidenreich claims to have performed “personal investigation of all fossil human material discovered so far”, including all hominid remains. He incorporates a comparative study of several different Neanderthal morphologies, including Homo soloensis (Ngandoeng Man), Pithecanthropus, and Sinanthropus. He concludes that the European Neanderthal Man did not evolve into the aboriginal people of Australia (whom he regards as the most primitive form of modern man), and may or may not have evolved into European Homo sapiens.

Wiedenreich’s writing suggests an underlying belief in racial determinism. By stating that some different races of humans may have evolved separately from different forms of hominids, he suggests that different racial groups may have fundamentally different intellectual capabilities. By deeming Australian Aborigines more primitive than any other human race or ethnic group, he suggests a unilineal track for cultural evolution. He implies that native Australians haven’t yet culturally evolved to his self-proclaimed more advanced society. However, whether their “primitive” nature is racially determined was not discussed by the article. Overall, the author made too many broad generalizations without proper supporting evidence and the article is very difficult to read.

ANDREW SPITZ Union College (Linda Cool)

White, Leslie Energy and the Evolution of Culture American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):335-356

Leslie White offers a unique twist on the cultural evolutionist school of anthropological thought proposed by Morgan and Tylor. Analogous to Morgan and Tylor, White proposes that there are indeed three stages in human evolution. Rather than explaining the development of those stages of evolution in terms of materialism and the acquisition of property, as due Morgan and Tylor, White asserts that what drives cultural evolution is the use and expenditure of energy. He proposes that great leaps in cultural evolution were made when humans acquired the skills to harvest greater amounts of energy. The advancement of obtaining greater sources of energy and technologies has lead to greater productivity among humanity and in effect is what propels cultural evolution.

In the evolutionary stage of savagery, humans could only harness energy from methods of hunting and gathering. Humanity’s culture experienced a significant change when humans moved from hunter/gatherers to an agrarian society, and therefore moved into the stage of barbarism. The perfection of agricultural methods allowed humans to harness more directly, as plants yield a more direct, first hand form of energy from our sun. White argues that there was a fairly latent period of cultural evolution between barbarism and the next and final stage, which is civilization. Civilization, in his definition began during the Industrial Revolution, when humans began to use machinery and primitive technology to harvest greater amounts of power than were ever possible before. Civilization, he argues, has two sub-stages: the Industrial Revolution and the Technological Revolution which we currently occupy.

White believes that as we have only just begun to realize the potential energy harvesting that our technological age has to offer, humanity’s culture may be soon rapidly changing. Interestingly enough, this essay was written in 1943, and its predictions have outdated. However prophetic White’s theories are though, his assertions are a little too speculative and lack much empirical evidence. For example she does not specify exactly how the advances obtaining energy cause culture to change or evolve. Still, White puts forward a refreshingly new spin on the narrow ideas of cultural evolutionism and draws an interesting picture of the development, advancement and future of cultural change.

DAN LINK Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

White, Leslie A. Energy and the Evolution of Culture. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol. 45(3):335-356.

Leslie White believes that “all phenomena lend themselves to description and interpretation in terms of energy.” Humans have two basic needs; one need can be satisfied by the individual’s internal resources; the other, external need, draws from outside sources. White focuses on this external need, primarily the “articulation of man with the earth” as a means of survival. He believes that humans fulfill this basic need, and thus make their lives more secure by exerting control over other energies.

White uses mathematical equations to support his theory. The primary law he introduces is the law of cultural evolution where “culture develops when the amount of energy harnessed per capita per year is increased; or as the efficiency of the technological means of putting this energy to work is increased; or, as both factors are simultaneously increased”. This is expressed as E (Amount of energy expended per capita per year) times F ( efficiency with which human energy is expended) equals P (degree of cultural development/progress).

White credits the foundation of his article to the notion of evolution set forth by Morgan and Tylor; which he restates as follows: “In the process of cultural development, social evolution is a consequence of technological evolution.” Subsequently, he formulates this idea into his law of cultural evolution: E x T = P, where T stands for technology. White believes that cultural progression is a direct result of ‘tapping new resources’ and of harnessing that energy effectively and efficiently.

In his article White is very precise about the factors that would contribute to any given change in a situation; he acknowledges “in our discussion of culture development we may omit consideration of the constant factor and deal only with the variable.” White’s article is convincing because he exhausts all possible factors, placing the contributing ones into mathematical equations that allow little room for debate.

LAUREN TUCHMAN Union College (Linda Cool).