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American Anthropologist 1938

Baldwin, Gordon. An Analysis of Basket Maker III Sandals From Northeastern Arizona. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3):465-485.

The author’s objective in this article is to carefully describe the techniques of sandal weaving used during the Basket Maker III period. This period represents finds in northeastern Arizona that date roughly from 400-700 AD. The author describes at least five different types of sandal making techniques present during this time and possibly the existence of a sixth. These fashions can be distinctly classified as having: a round-toed style made of yucca leaves, a round-toed style made of heavy yucca cord, a scallop-toed style made of yucca cord, a scalloped-toed style of fine cord, a round-toed style of fine cord and a modification of the coarse square toed style. The article explains that the most commonly found model was the scallop-toed style made of fine cord. This type of sandal is also identified by the raised heel, the multiple toe loops, the use of heel loops and the raised decorations formed in a zig-zag or woven style. These decorations were generally formed by interlacing a dyed weft, usually of a red or black color, and a naturally tan colored weft.

Using a very detailed analysis and making close reference to the diagrams in the article, the author explains the major characteristics of each of the six types of sandals. He describes the materials used and the weaving techniques employed to achieve a particular style. The author focuses largely on the types of toe loops used and when existent, the type of heel loops found. He categorizes the use of multiple toe-loops as the distinct marker of the Basket Maker III period.

Although the article is highly technical, it provides a detailed understanding of how sandal styles changed over time.

FEDERICO SPARISCI: Union College (Linda Cool)

Baldwin, Gordon C. An Analysis of Basket Maker III Sandals from Northeastern Arizona.American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(3): 465-485.

In this report, Baldwin thoroughly describes the types of sandals made in the Basket Maker Ill period. This period is defined as 400 to 700 A.D. in northeastern Arizona. A collection of these sandals at the Arizona State Museum collected by Dr. Cummings were used to determine how many types of sandals were present in this period and how they were created. This report is divided into two sections: first, Baldwin describes the five different types of sandals, which includes most of the article; then, he describes the methods of attaching each to the foot. The majority of the report. is the depiction of the sandal type IV, scallop-toed sandals made of fine cord, which were the clear majority of the sandals in the collection. There is a sixth type of sandal, which is believed to be a modification from the prior period, but this is discussed only briefly.

Although all of the other types were described in some detail, the most common type of sandal, type IV, was the topic of most of this report. With forty-four sandals of this type, there was quite a lot of variety within it. First, Baldwin describes distinguishing characteristics, including a scallop across the toe, a puckered heel, fine cord warp and weft (the materials used to weave), and a raised and colored decoration. It is twined woven of very fine yucca weft over a fine two- or three- strand yucca cord warp. He also describes three different types of toe arrangements, and nine different types of weaves. He includes how dropping out the warps, which can be done in several ways, formed the heel. Then the opposite of this was described by attaching these warps to the heel. There are pictures to help the reader understand the descriptions Baldwin makes.

He then describes five different methods of fastening the heel to form the characteristic pucker and to form heel loops, the tie cord, or an attachment for an ankle loop. Next he described heel and toe loops in more detail. The heel loops were not very common in this type of sandal. Dyes were used to color the yucca black and red. Then they were woven into patterns. The last item described of type IV sandals is the fineness of weave that was used. In this section, he also mentioned that some sandals that wore out in the heel had been patched with other parts of a different sandal.

A minor section at the end of the article describes ways of attaching all the types of sandals to the foot. He states that this report is not intended as a final summary on Basket Maker sandals.

CHRISTOPHER E. GEORGE Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Barnett, H.G. The Coast Salish of Canada. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40 (1):118-141.

This article describes the characteristics of the Salish people, a Native American group. These people lived in present-day British Columbia, on both the mainland and Vancouver Island. Their proximity to the Strait of Georgia made them a culture that relied on this waterway for food, transportation, and protection. Settlements were concentrated near the Strait, mainly because mountains in most cases go to the water’s edge in this region. A Salish clan claimed every section of land in the region, with the boundaries between claims being well defined. Often, a family or clan would have two dwellings, one for winter and one for summer. The summer dwelling might be in the mountains, and used as a hunting camp. The winter dwelling would most likely be located on the coast.

In terms of food, the region’s plentiful supply of salmon, halibut, and cod were all part of the Salish diet. The Salish used a variety of different nets and harpoons to catch fish. Clams were also a source of food for the Salish. Besides staking claim to sections of the land, clans would also claim fishing rights to different bodies of water in the region, particularly the Strait of Georgia. The Salish also took advantage of land animals in this region. They were able to trap and hunt for deer, elk, and bear. Hunting and fishing took place both during the day and at night. The Salish people were very innovative. They were always trying to come up with new, and better, methods of hunting and fishing. Because of their environment, the Salish took great care when constructing their canoes. In this case, and others, the Salish people had a number of different beliefs that we would characterize as superstitions. They had many different rituals and ceremonies that took place for a variety of reasons. For example, it was believed that men would have better luck hunting if they did not comb their hair before they left to go hunting. There were also restrictions on what could be done to some animal byproducts, mostly dealing with the disposal of the captured animal’s head.

The author also goes into great detail about the types of houses in which the Salish lived. Evidence suggests that some Salish clans lived in houses for one family. Each family had their own, individual long house that they lived in. Other Salish clans, or rich Salish people, viewed these kinds of houses as inferior. Other clans would house an entire community in one enormous, long house.

Various other aspects of the Salish culture are discussed in this article. Social issues, such as leadership and marriage, involve specific rules. A Salish “chief” did not have the level of power that we commonly associate with a leader. Marriage most often occurred between people of similar class and standing within the community. The wedding ritual took place over several days, with the entire community involved. Dances were prevalent in the Salish society. There could be dances to celebrate something or just plain spiritual dancing. Ritualistic practices were also used for healing wounds and/or diseases. Some of these practices might even be classified as supernatural.

All in all, this article gives a comprehensive look at the Salish people of Canada. For the most part, it is really just an article that describes how these people lived, where they lived, and how they managed to survive.

CHRISTOPHER M. FINK: Union College (Linda Cool)

Barnett, H.G. The Coast Salish of Canada. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40 (1): 118-141.

Barnett summarizes the cultural practices of the Coast Salish of Canada. The Coast Salish are composed of twelve different tribes (Cowichan, Comox:, Homalco, Klahuse, Muskwium, Nanaimo, Pentlatch, Sechelt, Sklaiamun, Squamish, West and East Sanetch) residing on both sides of the Strait ofGeorgia, between Vancouver and Bute Inlet on the mainland, and from Victoria to Salmon River on Vancouver Island in

Canada. Differences between the tribes are minor but should be noted. Linguistic and dialectic differences are apparent between the tribes even though they are geographically close together. Barnett emphasizes the adaptation of the Salish to this region of environmental extremes and discusses the cultural elements of life such as food collection and preparation, building dwellings, courtships, marriages, kinship, and ceremonial events.

The Salish predominately fish and sea hunt for food, although hunting and berry collecting are also a secondary source. Salmon and herring are the main food sources.

Sea mammals are also hunted. Land hunting strategies developed in the inland cultures. Dogs are very valuable among the Salish for wool and hunting needs. Magical practices are believed to surround the taking of animals.

Fabric for clothing was made of wool, cedar bark, rushes, and sometimes buckskin. For protection, both sexes had robes or woven blankets usually caught up over the left shoulder. Body symbols such as minor tattooing, head deformations, and piercing of the ear and nose are common. The wealthy often wore abalone pendants, or other jewelry made of copper, bone, or olivella shells.

Canoe and house building were specialized tasks. The houses are long plank houses that were built by the cooperative efforts of the occupants. Beams were usually carved to portray animals or humans. Residence is always patrilocal with the eldest son being responsible for property rights and ceremonial privileges. There are no chiefs in

the Salish culture and no one holds a higher position than the next. The symbol for rank and status is recognized in material goods and ritual privileges. Descent and inherited items are divided bilaterally with a patrilineal preference to the sons, however daughters could sometimes inherit also. Marriages were contracted between social equals.

Marriage is a public event that the entire village witnesses. A costly gift is given by the groom’s party consisting of a large amount of food and blankets.

Rituals were held for all critical periods in an individual’s life cycle. The most elaborate and important rituals are associated with either the death of a spouse, with a girl’s first puberty, childbirth, or with the dancer incantation. Winter ceremonies are also very important. Singing and dancing, which reveals the nature of their power, are a prevalent part of the winter ceremonies. Three main dance patterns were noted.

JENNIFER REICHBACH Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Barnett, H. G. The Nature of the Potlatch. American Anthropologist. July-September, 1938 Vol. 40 (3): 349-358.

Barnett claims that much has been written about the complex subject of the potlatch among the Northwest Coast tribes although many of these ideas are vague and inconsistent. The author of this article wishes to contribute to better understanding and adjust certain misunderstandings about the potlatch, especially among the Tlingit, Nootka, and Coast Salish because so much of the data about these groups is inaccessible and unpublished. For example, the author seeks to disprove the notion that the potlatch is simply an exchange of gifts. Barnett hopes that his own research about these cultures will clarify any misconceptions about the nature of the potlatch.

The author emphasizes that the potlatch does not simply signify an exchange of gifts. “In its formal aspects the potlatch is a congregation of people, ceremoniously and often individually invited to witness a demonstration of family prerogative.” One person declares his intentions, invites the guests, and the local group or kin assumes the position of host to the visitors. The creation of this group depends on the type of the occasion and the status of the person in whose honor the potlatch is held. The potlatch serves to function as means to publicize social status. Any gift given at a potlatch expresses some level of esteem of the recipient’s worth. Potlatching is used to establish position in society, and for this reason the individual is not concerned with how much he obtains, but with what he receives in relation to the other guests. “Virtue rests in publicly disposing of wealth, not in its mere acquisition and accumulation.” When reciprocating potlatches occur, no one is “attempting an inventory” on what others have exchanged. The nature of the potlatch is not fundamentally competitive; instead it is based on prestige and generosity, and does not concern “capital investment” or repayment.

CHRISTINA RIZZITANO: Union College (Linda Cool)

Barnett, H. G. The Nature of the Potlatch. American Anthropologist July, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 349-358.

Dr. H. G. Barnett of University of California, Berkeley, addresses the role of the potlatch in the social structure of the Northwest Coast tribes in this article. Dr. Barnett first clarifies the definition of a potlatch as not merely a congregation of people, but one that is intended to convey respect to a particular individual by the bestowing of gifts. This practice reflects the social standing of both the people involved in the gathering, and the person being honored. For example, the worth of the gifts or services given reflect the status of the individual to whom the gifts are being given, and are also a reflection of the wealth of the donor. Because of this, potlatches reveal a complex social hierarchy within the societal group, and are used to purposefully to represent this hierarchy.

Potlatch gifts are given freely, without expectation of repayment. However, it is expected that every individual, based upon his or her standing, will give in return to one or many recipients. Interestingly, because the worth of a particular gift is apparent to all convening in the potlatch, an individual will often compete with others to bestow the most extravagant gift. This contest is usually not a reflection of the recipient, but is

solely meant to induce the admiration of others, so that the giver of the gift is held in high esteem. An individual’ s disfavor for another is often expressed by publicly destroying the gift given by the individual in a potlatch. This extreme expression of disrespect and anger establishes the potlatch as not only a celebratory gathering, but one that has implications for many aspects of the tribes’ daily life.

This article presents a viewpoint of the potlatch that had not previously been studied, and presents the idea that the potlatch reflects a complex order of social standing and is used as a vehicle for achieving social standing or denouncing another’s standing.

STEVEN LAMBERT Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Cresson Jr. M. Frank. Maya and Mexican Sweat Houses. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40(1):88-103.

In this article, Frank Cresson argues that the newly discovered ruins in Piedras Negras, Guatemala are in fact sweathouses of the same style employed by the Mayans and Mexicans. Cresson believes that the distinguishing characteristics of the aforementioned ruins are strikingly similar to features found in Mayan and Mexican ruins.

To prove his point, Cresson relies heavily on the description of the various buildings under question. A slew of architectural sketches and photographs aid his description. Cresson begins by describing in fine detail the ruins in Piedras Negras. He then describes buildings found in the Mayan territories, emphasizing the similarities between the buildings. Mexican sweathouses come next, and Cresson lists the seven characteristics similar to all of these buildings. All buildings contain a central chamber or steam room, only one doorway to that steam room, a passage or drain for water, a fire chamber, a lack of ventilator holes to contain the steam, an outside wooden roof, and an unimportant location with regard to religion or ideology. To further strengthen his point, Cresson includes comments made by early visitors to the region and priests of the Spanish conquest of that region.

The commentary provided by these sources primarily describes the various rituals and usages for the sweathouses. Sweathouses were traditionally used to cure illness and were associated with a ritualistic, religious atmosphere. Eventually though, they were used simply for cleanliness, and for post-birth mothers to relax. Cresson’s suggestion that the sweathouses arose from a single origin is convincing.

CHRIS FARNSWORTH: Union College (Linda Cool)

Cresson, Frank M. Jr. Maya and Mexican Sweat Houses. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(1):88-104.

In this article, Cresson is showing the similarities between the Mexican sweat houses of today and the ancient Maya sweat houses in Piedras Negras, Guatemala. His purpose was to determine if the sweat houses in Piedras Negras were used for the same purposes as the Mexican sweat houses of today. A sweat house is called a temazcal in Spanish. “Tema” means to bathe, and “calli” means house. These houses are a place where the people can go to sweat and bathe in. These houses are also a place where sick people go to for healing. Cresson went a visited many different sweat houses both in Piedras Negras and in Mexico and discovered that they had many similarities, which supported the fact that they are used for the same purposes. In both houses the central chamber was small and rectangular with only one exterior doorway. They both have a sunken drain the width of the door, which runs underneath it. The fire chamber is located differently in both places, but they both use some sort of fire place for heating the sweat house.

In the Mexican sweat houses, the steam is created by the person touching large moistened green branches against the hot walls inside the house. The steam is trapped inside by another individual sealing the entrance with a large rock and mud. The Piedras Negras houses used heated jamb stones, in which the person that enters the house would pour water on them to create the steam.

The Piedras Negras houses may have been built with more importance than the Mexican houses of today because the Piedras Negras houses were larger and built out of masonry , which was also used to build the palaces. They were also positioned next to ceremonial ruins to aid in the ritualistic elements of bathing in a sweat house. Today in Mexico sweat houses are found not only near Mexico City , but also in regions both to the south and east. There appears to be no sweat houses in the regions to the north and west regions of Mexico City though. The Piedras Negras houses were only found in western Maya territory .They could have been in other Maya regions, but the evidence was insufficient because only slight debris from the buildings was left.

JASON BALL Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Davidson, D.S. Stone Axes in Western Australia. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938. Vol. 40(1): 38-48.

In his article on stone axes in Western Australia, D.S. Davidson examines the distribution of the two axe types found in Western Australia and how they may relate to axes found elsewhere in the country. He argues that, although Western Australian axes lack the complexity of those found in the east, the frequency and location of appearance and the problems associated with identification of western axes may shed light on the situation in the east. “Unfortunately, Western Australia is poorly known ethnologically and totally unknown archaeologically, hence in this paper we can do no more than offer a most preliminary discussion.” The article is primarily descriptive and discusses three main topics: areas of Western Australia where stone axes are not found, the partially ground ax, and the crude flaked ax.

Davidson names three significant areas where no axes have been discovered, including both descriptions and a diagram of the areas in the article. Though the people in these areas may not have needed axes or lacked the stone to create them, conditions there were similar to other regions where axes have been found. The author speculates that these areas without axes were the last areas in Western Australia to be reached by trade or diffusion and questions the possibility of undiscovered axes in these areas.

Davidson bases his theories about these no-ax areas on information about the two known western ax types: the partially ground ax and the crude flaked ax. Both descriptions and pictures of the two types are included in the article. Davidson suggests the partially ground ax diffused into Western Australia from Northern and Central Australia but admits that too few specimens are available to draw definite conclusions. The crude flaked ax is thought to be a predecessor to the partially ground ax. The double-headed version of this type appears to be an elaboration of the single-headed version, thought to be formerly widespread throughout the area. Davidson does not know whether the appearance of these axes in Western Australia was influenced by ax production in other areas of the country or by foreign trade.

Based on the two ax types found in Western Australia, the partially ground ax and the crude flaked ax, Davidson hypothesizes that the crude ax preceded the ground ax. However, he cites the need for additional archaeological investigation and ethnological information to determine the distribution of these two types, as well as their origins and method of distribution.

AMIE CSISZER: Union College (Linda Cool)

Davidson, D. S. Stone Axes of Western Australia. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(1): 38-48.

In this article Davidson offers a preliminary discussion of the primitive hafted stone axes found on the continent of Australia. The reasoning behind his research is to uncover the origin and chronological relationship between the different types of stone axes found in Western Australia. The author makes the distinction between the two types of axes found on the continent, which consist of the polished ax found exclusively in the east and the cruder less complex types of axes found in Western Australia. The main purpose of the article is to determine whether or not the crude hafted axes of the west, which seem to precede those of the east, were the product of independent Australian ingenuity or the result of foreign influences.

The author presents general descriptions of the two major types of axes found in the western portion of Australia, and the manner in which they are fashioned from natural materials. The partially ground ax and the flaked ax with single or double heads, both found in the west, are the author’s focal points of exploration. In the hope of discovering the origin of the types of western axes, the author wants to shed some light on the more complex specimens found in the east. The reasons for discrepancies in the distribution and manufacturing techniques of the Western axes range from geological forces (no suitable material), to importation difficulties, or the lack of regional use for them. Although covered rather thoroughly by the author, none of the evidence for these discrepancies is conclusive.

RODRICO MANNING Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Emeneau, M. B. Personal Names of the Todas. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938, Vol. 40(2):205-223.

This essay by M.B. Emeneau attempts to analyze a large sample of proper names in order to find the method of organization the Todas used to create personal names. We live in a society where the first name is distinct from the last name. Among the Toda, each branch of the sib unit (extended family) may share a name. Emeneau shows that Toda names (in general) are derived from either a stock of names shared by all members, men’s names, sacred names from the gods or from the mund (land/property owned by the family) of the sib. Within each sib, individual Todas have one name belonging to the sib.

In this patrilineal society, women’s personal names are neither derived nor allowed to be derived from the sib. While men and women alike understand the origins of men’s names, the origin of women’s names was largely unknown to the people. While the men believe women derive their names from flowers, a more probable source is from songs sung in the group or from common nouns, some with various suffices added. Emeneau concludes that the Todas share this theme with Westerners in that female names are taken from song, and are almost poetical.

This essay was a difficult read, for many of the terms were loosely defined or not at all. Not only were most of the names impossible to pronounce by English speakers, the symbols and tables used were rarely discussed. Though this essay creates a tree of over a dozen sibs, it very difficult to follow the reading due to the foreign nature of the names.

ROBERT MACGREGOR: Union College (Linda Cool)

Emeneau, M. B. Personal Names of the Todas. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40 (2): 205-223.

In this article, Emeneau describes how the Todas, a pastoral tribe located in the Nilgris, South India, name their people. For instance, among the Todas, each person has his own name so that no two names are alike. If two individuals have the same name, then one person will change his name. Although identical names may occur among men, it is more common among women.

Emeneau begins his article by describing societies organized in sibs. He then describes how different societies use and give personal names. He then describes how the Nilgris tribe of the Todas in South India give out personal names.

He describes the religious dairy complexes known as munds. Within these munds are objects and they are used for “kuasm” (sacred names). Emeneau asserts that men among the Todas are named from the sibs in most occasions and that sometimes their names are derived from religious entities or favors their parents are trying repay from the past. The women among the Todas are not allowed to have names from the sib. Emeneau describes their names as coming from expressions of songs and are generally poetic.

The evidence Emeneau provides is a series of tales with names of different sibs. He also provides a list of non-sib names. All in all, Emeneau describes sibs, the religious ways of the Todas, and the naming process between men and women.

JESSICA HERNANDEZ Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Field, Henry and Eugene Prostov. Archaeology in the U.S.S.R. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol. 40(4): 653-679.

This article is supplemental to four other articles found in the American Anthropologist by the authors above and by E. Golomshtok and A. Zolotarev. The authors summarize the findings of various archaeological expeditions at specific locations in the U.S.S. R. Many teams of archaeologists sponsored by one of the eight institutions that the authors list explored eight geographical regions throughout the 1930’s. Listed in this article is everything that was found at each site by specific archaeological institutions. Within each site, there are divisions according to how old an area was. From these sites the archaeologists report findings being anything from copper coins to flints, hand tools and even monuments of the north Asiatic peoples.

This article is helpful for finding exactly what was discovered from specific time periods in each region of the U.S.S.R. However, there are no conclusions about how each site is related, how the materials found are used in a specific culture, or even why they chose to discuss those particular eight regions.

ANDREA TEHAN: Union College (Linda Cool)

Field, Henry and Prostov, Eugene. Archaeology in the U.S.S.R. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(4): 653-679

The article “Archaeology in the U.S.S.R.” did not investigate any problems. The purpose of this article was to report archaeological findings in the U.S.S.R.. The authors had already written two prior articles on the subject and this article was intended as a supplement to those and other articles written by different authors on the same subject.

To obtain a full comprehension of the article it probably would be necessary to read those articles, unfortunately the authors did not list the articles in question.

The information was broken down into eight headings: Georgia, Abkhaia, Daghestan, North Caucasus, Ukraine, European Russia, Turkestan and Siberia. Under each heading is a description of the topography, artifacts and which expedition was at the site.

A wide array of artifacts were discovered dating from Paleolithic times up to the 20th century in the areas discussed in this paper. Burial sites were recorded in some detail in this article. One site could contain human remains, animal remains, jewelry , pottery , bronze figurines and weapons. Other material that was found in other areas were animal bones, jewelry, tools, pottery , weapons, building material, and in one place a shoe store was unearthed. The areas in which these artifacts were found were also described in detail. A lot of the artifacts seemed to be preserved because of a combination of climate and low population density.

One expedition’s purpose was to explore archaeological sites in the Naryn Valley of Turkestan because the area was to be flooded for a hydroelectric station. This area was a very rich source of pottery sherds dating possibly from the end of the 3rd millennium BC up to the seventh and eighth century AD.

This article provides five sets of pictures. Three are drawings of various hand axes and tools made from flint. The last two are photographs of painted potsherds found in Turkestan.

This article would be somewhat difficult for a reader not familiar with archaeological terms or geological terms, since the descriptive words used with reference to the area and artifacts were not in lay terms. This article does provide a broad overview of the wealth of artifacts and information that had been located in the U.S.S.R. at the time of these investigations.

MELISSA FOREHAND Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Goodwin, Grenville. White Mountain Apache Religion. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40(1):24-37.

The author of this article provides a detailed account of White Mountain Apache religion. For the White Mountain Apache, the author argues, religion is not solely shamanism, ritual, and prayer, but it also is fused with a broader meaning of man’s place in the universe, life, death, and cosmology.

In White Mountain Apache religion, all universal concepts such as the earth, sky, sun, moon, and stars are assigned a specific gender and meaning. Similarly, plants and animals are categorized into different groups, personified, and accorded relative power. In addition to the universe, plants, and animals, supernatural beings and deities have a special place in Apache religious conventions. Supernatural beings possess ultimate control and power over man’s life – they control all life cycles.

Moreover, according to the author, there are many sources of power in Apache religion. Therefore, the amount of power accrued by each source is indicative of its utilization in religious ceremonies. For example, the sun is mentioned innumerable times in religious ceremonies and is therefore, the foremost power in the universe. In comparison, an animal, such as some form of bird, may only be mentioned in one ceremonial song, and therefore has less power and is of less importance in White Mountain Apache religion. There are many types of Apache ceremonies, those based on personal experiences with supernatural power as well as traditional ceremonies. Although the traditional ceremonies contain many distinct Apache rituals, the ceremonies of personal experience with supernatural power are held in higher esteem in Apache culture for their part in religious movements and customs.

The author accomplishes his objective of providing a comprehensive explanation of White Mountain Apache religion. This article must be read very carefully in order to fully comprehend the many different concepts described and their contribution to the extremely complex religion of the White Mountain Apache.

MELISSA CISTOLDI: Union College (Linda Cool)

Goodwin, Grenville. White Mountain Apache Religion. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40 (1 ):24-37.

In this article, the author describes the religious beliefs and rituals of the White Mountain Apache people. Goodwin begins by describing basic ideas of the religion, then expands upon those in describing more complex ideas and rituals of that culture. He is able to describe Apache ideology in a manner that is understandable to an American audience. In several instances, he interprets certain aspects of Apache religion so that American readers can understand their relevance.

Goodwin begins with the Apache’s explanation of the universe, plants, and animals. It is clear that many elements of the world that are considered non- humanlike to American society, such as clouds and the moon, are heavily personified in the White Mountain Apache religion. Goodwin describes in some detail what place each of these supernatural beings holds in their beliefs.

Goodwin also explains supernatural power (what Apache informants define as religion) and it’s utilization. Men who perform ceremonies, which are divided into three types, mainly possess this supernatural power: purely traditional, traditional with personal aspects, and those of complete personally acquired knowledge.

The White Mountain Apache pray for good things like plentiful rain, good crops, and health. On occasion, some draw power to cause evil. This is called witchcraft.

After describing the details of White Mountain Apache religion, Goodwin writes about some intrusions upon it. In 1881,1903, and 1920, three major cult movements occurred. Shamans of the Cibecue Apache conceived the first two and they spread quickly to the White Mountain group. The third movement was still in practice in 1938, when Goodwin wrote the article. This cult derived from a man of the White Mountain Apache people. Goodwin also mentions the supernatural beings that control life and death.

NIHEMIA L. JACKSON Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Haile, Berard. Navaho Chantways and Ceremonials. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol. 40(4): 639-652.

In this article, Berard Haile strives to clarify existing confusion pertaining to the identification of native Navaho chantways and rites. According to the author, chantways are often mistakenly referred to as ceremonies, which he considers to be too vague a term because it is excessively inclusive.

Names for a chantway or a rite are very explicit. As the Navaho culture evolves, the chantways change as well; Haile refers to this phenomenon as the “survival of the fittest.” New chantways can replace old ones, and it is possible for presently abandoned chantways to be revived. Haile argues this point by demonstrating how chantway names can be carved up. If one chantway inspires (or is absorbed by) another chantway, the people will often use a possessive pronoun as part of the new name. However, according to Haile this is not always the case.

Existing chantways are distinguished in many ways. There are specifically male and female chantways, the sex often referring to the authors of the chant. There is a group of chantways that are inspired by ye-i also known as holy people. Related to injury or sickness, there are two branches known as “holyway” and “angryway” which reflect the feelings of the victim; they are either calm or fuming. Within these two branches, the victim may choose any number of chantways that he or she deems appropriate.

Haile claims in conclusion that the classificatory system of the chantways is well standardized within the Navaho people, they have established a unique comprehensive system to identify their different chantways.

ANDREA M. TEHAN: Union College (Linda Cool)

Haile. Berard. Navaho Chantways and Ceremonials. American Anthropologist. Oct-Dec, 1938 Vol.40(4):639-652.

The overall concern Haile addresses in this article focuses on the complexity of the Navaho ceremonial system by using a linguistic approach to distinguish one “way” from another. Haile provides specific information demonstrating the justification of “chantway” names within the system. He establishes the idea of gender and its role amongst the Navaho people and finally concludes that the governing system established within the Navaho ceremonial systems, is the key link to supernatural cure and empowerment.

Haile suggest that each chantway has specific names, which imply its duties in the ceremonies “adapting” and “adopting” common “repertory” found in native Navaho ceremonial systems. For example, a chantway by the name of “Hoofway” implies that the ceremony will more than likely entail the use of “hoof rattles”. When addressing the issue of gender within the context of the reading, one may conclude the “role” of male and female is interchangeable. It is stated that the male and female participants may perform either “the female way” or “the male way”. If there is no possessive pronoun “way” then there is little need to “postulate” one. Finally, within this particular ceremonial system human afflictions are adjusted and satisfied within the “realm of ceremonialism”. This means that ceremonies are the only medication to cure any affliction because of its direct linkage to the supernatural world. According to Haile’s study, the link between ceremonials to the unexplainable are the Navaho governing systems (Holyway ritual, Ghostway ritual, Blessingway rite, etc.), all possessing elements directly related to supernatural phenomena.

This article was interesting, fairly easy to read, and from one perspective-very persuasive because of the specificity targeted in the research. However, one’s option is to either accept (as stated by Haile) that “Chantways are part of a standardized system” or to question what elements make this particular system “standardized”? Furthermore, what other system should one-compare Navaho ceremonial systems to and what and /or why should this constitute this system’s validity?

MILLICENT M. JOHNNIE Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Haines, Francis. The Northward Spread of Horses Among the Plains Indians. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 429-437.

The author is committed to revisiting the work of Clark Wissler who studied the expansion of the horse to the western tribes of North America. Haines discusses the various factors involved in this diffusion that centered in the Santa Fe area. The author sets out to prove the spread was rooted in Spanish settlements to North American tribes in the plains area. At about 1630 the augmentation reached its northern limits. Haines discusses the possible causes; including the geographical locations involved and the closest approximated dates of horses present in particular areas in the northwest.

Haines used the accounts of Bourgmont with the Kansas Indians and DuTisne of the Pawnee to support his argument. Unlike his predecessors Haines incorporates valid personal accounts creating a stronger argument. Using historical facts in addition to personal statements and comments from the journals of visitors, he is able to solidify his data. During the Pueblo Revolt in 1680 for example, the Spaniards were driven out of their territory. The author uses this historical event to demonstrate how the distribution of horses towards the west sped up as a result. In addition, men from 1735-1743 revealed from their journals that no horses were present north and east of the Missouri River in the Dakotas.

It is hard to refute data in the form of historical facts because we know that they occurred without question. In Haines’ case a combination of personal accounts solid historical circumstances complement each other well, making for a concisely supported argument.

MELANIE THORNTON: Union College (Linda Cool)

Haines, Francis. The Northward Spread Of Horses Among The Plains Indians. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(3): 429-436.

This article concerns the northward spread of horses from Spanish settlements. Haines’ begins in the year 1600, and discusses the rate of spread, lines of distribution,

approximate dates of tribal acquisition, and geographical features. The author argues that the stock-raising area of Santa Fe and nearby ranches in New Mexico were the center for the spread of horses to the Plains Indians. Haines claimed that by 1659, the northwestern Navajo-Apache were reported as having made raids on livestock, including horses. In 1680, a Pueblo revolt ousted the Spanish and thousands of livestock were captured by Pueblo rebels, which in turn were sold to the Plains tribes at high cost. However, a majority of horses were traded more towards the southeast for standard buffalo robes and dried meat. In 1683, evidence was found in northwestern Texas by the Mendez-Lopez expedition, which concluded that horses had spread from north to south in Texas. Tonty, on his expedition in 1690, found horses among the Cadadoquis near the Red River on the Arkansas- Texas border. Tonty then traveled southwest and found the Naouadiche with many more horses. This find suggested a spread from west to east and the extent east being the Cadadoquis. In 1719, Du Tisne had accounted for 300 horses among the Pawnee. The horses were concentrated among two villages in Oklahoma near the Arkansas River. Five years later, in 1724, Bourgmont traveled with Kansas-Indians north along the Missouri River with no horses. Later in his travels, however, he traveled west finding some horses among another Kansas tribe which indicated a recent arrival at the Missouri-Kansas River junction. In his expedition in 1766, Carver found that the Sioux in Minnesota used canoes instead of horses. Six years later in 1772, Peter Pond found horses commonly used among Sioux along with the canoe. However, in 1796, David Thompson found that the horse had replaced the canoe among the Sioux. Nine years prior, Thompson had visited an old war chief of the Blackfoot. He clarified that the Blackfoot acquired their horses from the Shoshone of Idaho between 1732 and 1737. The Shoshone acquisition is dated between 1690-1700, while the Flathead tribe acquired their horses between 1710-1720. The facts presented in the article indicate two lines of northward distribution. One via the Great Plains, and the other being west of the continental divide.

The author’s purpose was to determine the origin and outcome of the northward spread of horses. By comparing dates, locations, and tribes it was determined that the northward spread of horses lasted roughly one hundred forty years, from 1630-1770.

JOSHUA W. HARPER Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Haines, Francis. Where Did The Plains Indians Get Their Horses? American Anthropologist 1938 Vo1.40(1):112-117.

In this article, Haines focuses on the improbability that the Plains Indians had acquired horses much earlier than the coming of white explorers. This goes against the commonly accepted theory for the introduction of horses in the region. The theory in question states that because of the favorable conditions for horses throughout the region west of the Mississippi, horses “lost or abandoned” by the expeditions of Coronado and DeSoto could have easily multiplied and supplied the region. Haines states that the best way to determine when horses were available in the area is to determine when the original parent stock was introduced and then trace the distribution and the rate of spread. After study, Haines suggests that it is unlikely that lost or abandoned horses could multiply and make their way north to the plains.

Haines argues that the Spaniards’ dependency on the horse led them to keep careful notes about horses and their losses so that no substantial loss of animals would have gone unrecorded. In order for a successful introduction of horses, the Spanish would have to lose eight to ten animals, and they would have to be lost at the same location. He speculates about the survival chances of such a herd, facing a new environment with limited resources. In addition, he notes that the sixteenth and seventeenth century plains were not productive places to raise horses due to the large number of predators and buffalo. Also the Indians of that period were incapable of providing the care and protection they needed. Haines also describes the packs of “fierce dogs” that Indian tribes kept for hunting and their known troubles with other livestock such as sheep and cows. He also mentions the horses of DeSoto and Coronado and dismisses any ideas of lost horses that were not recaptured or killed by Indians after capture. Later reports on the region do not mention horses. Because of the high value placed on horses at the time, this means there were none. The first mention of an Indian tribe with horses was in 1683, and it was observed that they were scarce and probably recently introduced.

In conclusion, Haines states that the likelihood of horses originating from DeSoto and Coronado is very unlikely and in fact improbable. He suggests that a growing white settlement supplied horses and the example for how to utilize them. Indians quickly adopted the horse. Haines believes that Sante Fe was the center of distribution of horses in the region and was the origin of the plains Indians’ stock. This would result in the plains tribes becoming “horse Indians” no earlier than 1630 and more likely 1650.

This article was fairly easy to read. After stating his initial thesis, Haines

basically gives one example after the other followed by a conclusion. The purpose of this article was to debunk the older theory of how the Plains Indians acquired horses.

MICHAEL SPARKS Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Haines, Francis. Where Did the Plains Indians Get Their Horses? American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40 (1):112-117

In this article, Francis Haines discusses the debate concerning when the horse was introduced to Native Americans living on the Great Plains. Haines first talks about the research done by Clark Wissler. Wissler believed that the parent stock of North American horses came from lost or missing horses from the DeSoto and Coronado expeditions in the early 1540’s. Many people adopted Wissler’s idea that several of these “lost” horses multiplied to create a herd. Haines decided to do his own research in order to find supporting evidence for Wissler’s theory. On the contrary, most of the evidence that Haines found only served to disprove the theory that the horse had its North American origins this early.

Horses were extremely important to Spanish explorers. In most accounts that he read, Haines notes out that the Spaniards kept very meticulous records regarding their horses. The Spaniards made mention any time two or three horses were reported missing at the same time. Haines also argues that a single horse that was lost would have a difficult time surviving alone, and would not be able to procreate. If two horses were lost at the same time in the same place, they could potentially produce offspring. But many factors, such as environment and predators would be working against them. The Plains region during this time contained numerous wolves, coyotes, and other animals that would likely have wiped out any lost horses.

Haines continues his argument by noting that Native Americans were not yet engaged in raising animals, something that would not happen until they were on reservations. At this time, if the Native Americans wanted horses, they would likely just steal horses from the Spaniards. He also mentions their tendency to eat animals that they did encounter on the Great Plains; horses would no doubt fall into this category if the Native Americans encountered them. In one account, the Native Americans did capture several horses from the Spaniards, but used them for sport a short time later. Haines also investigate several journals or accounts by explorers during this time period. None reported seeing a herd of native horses. Taking into account all of this evidence, Haines indicates that the Plains Indians could not have begun to acquire horses until well into the 1600’s, and not after coming into contact with permanent Spaniard settlers. The evidence just doesn’t support the Native Americans having a vast supply of horses prior to this time.

CHRISTOPHER M. FINK: Union College (Linda Cool)

Hallowell, A. Irving. The Incidence, Character, and Decline of Polygyny Among the Lake Winnipeg Cree and Saulteaux. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):235-256.

The author of this article informs his readers about the practice of polygyny in the Lake Winnipeg region. He explains the difficulty in attempting to uncover the marital practices of aboriginal people and contends that one must rely on “retrospective generalizations” or the observations of contemporaries. The source material that the author utilizes comes from the documentation of two Treaty Books between the years of 1875 and 1881. The treaty books were responsible for paying out annuities to Indians affected by the treaty and contained detailed information concerning the population make-up of the time.

Polygyny was greatly deterred by the efforts of missionaries in the area. The Cree had only a few instances of polygyny, while the Saulteaux remained less Christianized and had a greater incidence of polygynous males. Hallowell presents a comparative index for the reader. He notes that earlier studies of the Cree and Ojibwa (Saulteaux) assert that polygyny was permitted in the culture, but fail to give concrete facts and statistics concerning polygyny. He also challenges the validity of Indian informants who might attempt to pass their own personal fantasies as accurate portrayals of times past.

Hallowell comments on the presence of sororal polygyny among the Indians. He explains this practice by giving consideration to the solidarity among sisters. He ignores the idea of a formal rule dictating the practice, and credits the ability of sisters to get along as the reason for the practice’s existence. The first wife is said to be somewhat superior in rank among the wives, but again, no formal rules are credited.

A relatively small number of the Indian population practiced polygyny. So who were these men? They are identified as men who held a position of leadership within the culture. Whether it was economic, magico-religious, curative, clairvoyant or skill as a hunter, polygynists seemed to evoke a sense of social prestige. The decline of polygyny among the Cree and Saulteaux is documented and accounted for in a number of reasons; the most influential factor appeared to be the hostile attitudes that the missionaries of the region had towards polygyny. Missionaries were converting the Indians to Christianity and slowly eliminating the practice of multiple wives. Deaths within the older generation of Indians, deaths of the wives, and separation among the polygynous couples also contributed to the decline of polygyny. The author uses historical statistics and social features to explain the decline of polygyny among the Cree and Saulteaux peoples, but fails to convince the reader of his finding’s validity.

JAY POROPATICH: Union College (Linda Cool)

Hallowell, A. Irving. The Incidence, Character, and Decline of Polygyny Among the Lake Winnipeg Cree and Saulteaux. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(2):235-256.

Before the arrival of Christian Missionaries in the Lake Winnipeg area, incidents of polygynous marriages among Native Americans were present. As with most indigenous peoples, the quantitative data is rare. The only information surfaced in the form of two treaty books compiled between the years 1875 and 1881. These books contained the names of Natives along with amounts of annuities paid to each on the basis of Treaty No. 5. The Lake Winnipeg Treaty stipulated $5.00 be paid to every Indian living within the boundaries laid forth. From the records kept in these seven years statistical data can be derived about the Saulteaux and Cree, including incidences of polygynous marriages.

According to A. Irving Hallowell, the most notable factor undermining the presence of polygynous marriages was the existence of missionaries in the area. Besides the treaty books, another reliable data source attained by the author came from personal accounts made by the Christians. The decline in polygynous men seemed to be negatively proportionate to the level of “Christianization” instituted upon them by these

missionaries. These attempts were further discussed in the writings as were individual cases of polygynous marriage with which they came into contact. The Christianization was so successful that it led to the decline, and eventual extinction of polygyny among the various bands of Cree and Saulteaux in the Lake Winnipeg area.

The author gathers many types of information regarding the polygynous practices of the Lake Winnipeg Indians. Polygynous men usually had only two or three wives if they had more than one. In some instances the men would take double that many, and in the most extreme case, a man had nine wives. Besides the first wife being the “boss”, due to her age. Other than the first wife having authority there was no other hierarchal structure to a man ‘ s wives. Perhaps, this is because more often than not, the man would take a sister or a kinswoman to his first wife. This was because it was believed women from the same family would cooperate on housework much better than two strangers. The men that took multiple wives were only the most prestigious among the Cree or Saulteaux bands. To have multiple wives and many children was a prestige unto itself. As more and more settlers moved into the area, and more Natives adopted Christianity, the practice continued its decline. Regardless of the place it held in their society prior to the white man’s arrival, the practice was extinct by the early 1900’s in all but the most remote parts of the Lake Winnipeg region.

NATHAN BROWNING Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Hoijer, Harry. The Southern Athapaskan Languages. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol.40 (1):75-85.

The issue at hand in Harry Hoijer’s article is to determine the linguistic relationships of the Southern Athapaskan languages. He attempts to illustrate their relations to each other with reference to location as well as relative development over time. By looking at subtle differences in pronunciation, Hoijer hopes to discover how the Athapaskan languages, spoken by the Mattole, Wailaki, kato, Chipewyan, Hupa and Sarcee Indians, are similar or different. He attempts to prove that the Athapaskan-speaking tribes speak similar dialects not because of a common history then fragmentation, but because of a parallel development through trade and general intertribal contact.

Different Athapaskan dialects are examined by geographical region, and similar characteristics such as pronunciation help to categorize them. “The Southern Athapaskan group is most clearly distinguished from the other Athapaskan languages by its treatment of these sounds.” Because of certain linguistic qualities, Southern Athapaskan dialects are lumped together. Throughout the article, Hoijer depends on associations such as these to try to prove that there was never one mother tribe from which all these groups splintered, but that they share a language group because of close contact.

As evidence for this conclusion, Hoijer dedicates entire pages to listing different prefixes and their current pronunciations in different tribes. To the layperson, these listings look like a word jumble. Letters, combined with vague and unusual symbols to indicate palatal stops and guttural noises, are strewn about the page and are dizzying to look at.

CHRIS FARNSWORTH: Union College (Linda Cool)

Hoijer, Harry. The Southern Athapaskan Languages. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(1): 75-87.

In this paper, Hoijer discusses the issue of the development of the Southern Athapaskan Languages, particularly in the American Southwest. These languages include Navaho, San Carlos (Western Apache ), Chiricahua, Mescalero, Jicarilla, Kiowa Apache, and Lipan. The author attempts to “determine the linguistic position of the Southern Athapaskan languages both with respect to one another and to the other, more distant, dialects. “(p.75) How the Southern Athapaskan tribes use their language in a variety of ways and how the languages are similar and differ from culture to culture is a significant focus of Hoijer’s work. This article provides evidence by displaying some of the grammar, and demonstrating how some stems and prefixes show similarities and differences throughout the development of these Southern Athapaskan languages. It discusses the two types of prefixes, the consonants of the prefixes, and the initial and final consonant uses of the stem syllable.

Hoijer’s main thesis rides on how the stem and prefix consonants “indicates, first, a basic homogeneity of the Southern Athapaskan languages~ secondly, an early division of the primitive Southern Athapaskan speech community into an Eastern and a Western group.”(p.79) The “final consonants of the prefix syllable” are few in number because only a certain amount of consonants can appear in the final stem position of a word. The “paradigmatic” prefix is usually united or fused in with the stem syllable making it harder to form numerous consonants. The “paradigmatic” prefix and the “final consonant” establish a factor to keep the foundation of the Southern Athapaskan language similar even though it has diverged over history. On the other hand, the “derivational” prefix, along with the “initial consonants of stem syllable” allow words to be created in numerous ways, illustrating the variety in the development of the Southern Athapaskan language by its tribes of speakers. Accompanying these various ways to create words, you have yet another distinguishing factor of the Athapaskan language which is the ability to use different clicks, breathing and sucking, “palatal stops”, and many more sounds to differ the meaning and tones of certain words and phrases. All of these factors function to maintain the foundation of the Southern Athapaskan language.

HIRAM RAULERSON Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Kluckhohn, Clyde. Participation in Ceremonials in a Navaho Community. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 359-369

In this article, the author examines the ceremonial behaviors of a Navaho group in the region between Ramah and Atarque, New Mexico. Kluckhohn has two objectives: The first is to “describe as concretely as possible ceremonial participation in this society.” He does this by examining data collected from the Navaho, such as the ceremonials that have been previously recorded by earlier researchers, the number and status rank of ceremonial practitioners, which ceremonials are held during specific periods of time, which ceremonials some sample individuals have experienced during their lifetimes, the proportion of family income devoted to ceremonial activity, and the amount of time during one’s life attending or participating in ceremonials. He also incorporates “supplementary” information, or information that otherwise would be ignored when addressing the topics listed above, to help build the “highly concrete picture of the extension and diversity of ‘religious’ behavior and knowledge.”

Kluckhohn’s other objective is to use the information that he has gained to respond to the statement “Every culture tends to have certain preferred modes of feeling and reacting.” In his response, he aims to answer the question “To what extent does an inductive analysis of the behaviors of the individuals making up a particular Navaho groups support the generalization that a preferred Navaho mode of reacting is ceremonial?” He aims to support the idea that ceremonials are a “focal point” of all actions of the Navaho tribe.

Kluckhohn successfully provides a detailed picture of ceremonial behavior and its place within the Navaho society, and shows that most activities are based around it. However, it appears that he was only present in Navaho society for six months and a longer field stay would be recommended to avoid making assumptions.

THERESA ROURK: Union College (Linda Cool)

Kluckhohn, Clyde. Participation in Ceremonials in a Navaho Community. American Anthropologist 1938 VoI40(3): 359-369.

In this article Kluckhohn explains ceremonial participation in Navaho society . Three varieties of participation exist in the Navaho society. The first is, members of one community may attend or take part in ceremonials given in another Navaho community. Second, they may attend or assist in ceremonials given for members of their own community by singers from the outside. Finally, twenty song ceremonials that are known by one or more living member of the society can be preformed. Kluckhohn also noted that not one living individual know the war ceremonial.

Twenty out of sixty-nine adult males in the society Kluckhohn studied actually had direct ceremonial knowledge. The Navaho distinguish these twenty men by their knowledge of the ceremonials. If a man knows at least two three-night ceremonials then he is called a singer. The others are called curers. In this society three of the men were singers. During the time Kluckhohn studied this society 148 ceremonials were preformed by these singers and curers. Adult men average about one-fourth to one-fifth of their productive time in ceremonials, women are about one-fifth to one-sixth.

Kluckhohn also talked about non-ceremonial religious activity, which included songs, chants, and prayers. A large number of his informants said that they had secret good luck songs designed to protect herds and other forms of property. Certain songs are also sung when certain things are done or happen. Most of these non-ceremonial activities are not spontaneous.

These singers and curers get paid for their time doing these ceremonials, generally the longer the ceremony takes the more the performer will get paid. Outside performers get paid the most. The money that these performers get from these ceremonials account, on average, for about twenty percent of their annual income. He concludes that ceremonials are not only important, but linked to both supernatural and economic factors in Navaho Society.

STEPHEN MITCHELL Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

LaBarre, Weston. Native American Beers. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):224-234.

Weston LaBarre takes on a prevalent, though largely overlooked subject of alcoholic beverages used by both Northern and Southern Native Americans. LaBarre begins his essay with a glossary of Native American drinks and clarifies the terms used throughout the rest of the article. LaBarre argues that knowledge of Native American alcohol can reveal a great deal about lifestyles, for many of these cultures include alcohol in many of their ceremonies.

Although each group has a specific use for alcohol, many similarities can be seen ranging from reasons for use to methods of production. Most groups had very limited tools and used simple methods to ferment maize, corn, fruits or beans to create their alcohol. Some groups, such as the Indians of the Guarani group would boil, chew and allow their maize to ferment in clay pots. Chewing the plants was a popular method of fermentation because, as was the case for some groups in Ecuador, people felt that the saliva would enhance the magical spirit within the drink. Groups such as the Matacos and the present-day Papago incorporate song and dance into the fermentation process of their alcohol. Gender is a factor in some production as seen in Ecuadorian Indians who believe the spirit of the fruit to be male, thus only allowing men to plant and harvest it.

From birth (the Tarahumari tribe adds their “wine” to a mother’s milk) to death (the Chiriguano tribe uses their beer as a sacrifice), alcohol is present in countless different rituals. Puberty, marriage, funerals, plant harvesting, victories and even hunting and fishing are events that call for homemade intoxicants. Three Mexican tribes, the Maricopas, Pimos and the Yumas have traditions connecting their sahura wine with wars. Upon drinking this wine a drinking song would follow and the excitement of the song combined with the alcohol would generally end in the decision to go on a raid. Alcohol proved to be a magical and powerful intoxicant to the Native Americans. Drinking alcohol, along with ingesting peyote, mescal bean, narcotic mushrooms, chewing coca leaves, cannabis, snuff, tobacco or other stimulants, the effects were heightened. Such chemicals may have affected Native American religions due to the resulting physiological changes in the Indians. The impact alcohol played on these cultures was tremendous as seen in this article.

ROBERT MACGREGOR: Union College (Linda Cool)

La Barre, Weston. Native American Beers. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(2):224-234

The author seeks to prove to the reader that Native Americans throughout the New World have a long and culturally significant history of alcohol production and consumption, though they do not have any distilled liquors. He defines and identifies a wide array of the “home-made” beers and wines of the native peoples throughout North and South America. The focus of the entire article is to introduce these liquors to the reader and to explain the place of some of them in the society in which the are produced. La Barre does not incorporate personal interpretations, just a strict presentation of the facts and observations of the use and existence of the liquors in the described societies.

More than thirty beers and wines, from “aguardiente” to “ui”, are described to orient the reader with the more widely known beverages. Many are produced from the fermentation of crushed corn and maize from the different regions. A number of others are produced from fermented juices of various plants and fruits. He also notes an odd practice where a number of liquors are produced by boiling the plant, corn for instance, and then chewing it before placing it in pots to ferment. The saliva is believed to influence the “spirit” in the drink. A spiritual element is incorporated in to the production and consumption of many native beers. All equipment used in the processes of fermenting and storing are of the most basic, such as earthenware pottery and animal skins.

The author traces many examples of these liquors being used in ceremonial and cultural rituals and celebrations. Tribes in Brazil drink their particular beer to ward off evil spirits in “death-feasts”. Others, such as the Jibaro, may drink theirs to celebrate the capture or killing of an enemy leader. The Papago drink their own liquor in a celebration for their rain-making ceremony. There are also ceremonies to promote the growth and ripening of the crops to produce the liquors.

La Barre provides the reader with a brief look at many different New World native cultures that exemplify the important involvement of undistilled liquors in their societies. He proves that though they do not have distilled beers that would be easily recognizable to the outside world, the Native Americans have no shortage of “home-made” brews.

WILLIAM HERNANDEZ Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Lantis, Margaret. The Alaskan Whale Cult and Its Affinities. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 438-464.

In her article, Margaret Lantis focuses on the ritual aspects of a whale hunt. Looking closely at areas in the North Pacific, the Bering Sea and the American Arctic, she brings to life the “hunting cult” in their respective regions. Lantis’s argument supports the notion that these whale-hunting groups can vary by region.

With great emphasis on the individual whaler’s secret knowledge, Lantis explains special behavior prior to and during a hunt. We also learn the importance of these behaviors in relation to magical beliefs. The article is broken down into elements that allow the complex and vast area under study to be simplified. In Element 32 for example, the author describes the belief in the connection of wolf-spirit with whales. This is the concept that the same spirit can be a wolf on land and a killer whale in water. An element that describes whaler initiation demonstrates the ritual preparations, songs, hiding places and ceremonial uses (magic) of certain objects, such as human mummies that are linked to the magical beliefs. By outlining these types of specific whaling cult practices Lantis brings us closer to an understanding about the hunters as a collective unit.

Clearly these elements are carefully laid out in specific order, but they tend to overlap each other. Rituals and characteristic behavior common among the peoples of Nootka, Quinalt and Cape Prince of Whales for instance may also resemble closely the practices of the Little Diomede Island, Iglulik and Kodiak whale hunters. In this article it is understood that distinctions between different groups can be made. The author succeeds in drawing general distinctions among the groups and makes valid claims regarding the boundaries of the whale-hunting cult. With a study cover such a wide surface area and one of a complex nature generalizations are inevitable, but Lantis does a good job of stating this in the beginning of her argument.

MELANIE THORNTON: Union College (Linda Cool)

Lantis, Margaret. The Alaskan Whale Cult and its Affinities. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(3): 438-464.

In this article Lantis spends most of her time comparing and contrasting the rituals incorporated with whale hunting in the North Pacific and the Bering Sea area in the American Arctic. In the beginning of the article Lantis constructs a tabular summary in short to categorize the rituals that are incorporated in whale hunting starting with the preparation of the hunt to the actual hunt itself The main whaling cults that Lewis includes in her article are the Alaskan Eskimo, Aleut, Nookta, Makah, Quilleute, and the Quinault Indians.

Along with Lantis’ brief descriptions of the different forms of rituals she includes the above tribes and places them with their appropriate form of ritual to get a feel for who practices these forms of rituals and where they occur. Specific rituals Lantis focuses on are located in the sec9nd half of the article. One of the main rituals which she deems necessary to discuss more in depth is that of using the remains of ancestors or dead whale hunters to bless the hunt and obtain whale hunting powers before and during the hunt, depending on which tribe you are studying. Lantis also goes into detail about the ritual treatment of the whale, and how many of the cults would take portions of the whale home with them to decorate and honor it so that the spirit of the whale could return to the sea happy. The last ritual, which she discusses in her article, is that on the taboos surrounding the whaler’s wife and her involvement with the hunting ritual.

This article was a little confusing to read at times Lantis includes so many different tribes, it is hard to keep track of what tribes are associated with certain rituals. Her use of comparing and contrasting the different whale cults is not uniform in that the tribes are scattered throughout the paper, so it is hard to make clear distinction between them Other then that, this is a very informative article discussing the different rituals of Alaskan whale cults.

HANNAH KRAMER Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Lindgren, Ethel John. An Example of Culture Contact without Conflict: Reindeer Tungus and Cossacks of Northwestern Manchuria. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol.40(4):605-621.

The author of this article attempts, through a comparison of his own research about the Russo-Tungus culture contact in Northwestern Manchuria with studies conducted elsewhere, to find significant correlations between contact cultures. Lindgren asserts that “contact phenomena, despite the differences between the cultures involved in each case, nevertheless have characteristics which permit valid generalizations.” He further suggests that a study of individuals or groups within a culture “will throw light upon factors present in inter-cultural relations.” He admits that previous work done on this subject has made him aware that the contact phenomena are very susceptible to generalizations. He claims that inter-cultural comparisons should help make any over-generalizations apparent.

Lindgren provides a comprehensive ethnography of the Tungus including “Early History of Contact,” “Territorial Organization and Relations,” “Size of Groups,” “Types and Frequency of Contact,” “Race and Miscegenation,” “Language, Literacy, and Bilingualism,” ” Social Organization and Political Relations,” “Economic Organizations and Trade,” Interchange of Material Culture,” and “Religious Duality.” His conclusions include the idea that “psychological traits reputed to characterize the Tungus and Cossack peoples in general seem to explain the absence of conflict between these particular communities.”

The author, admittedly, does not provide a systematic or complete ethnography of the Cossack culture. He suggests that the lack of conflict between these cultures may be due to a lack of “interference by politicians” and “propagandists”. He, however, does not make any concrete conclusions without proper documentation of the Cossack culture.

ANDREW SPITZ: Union College (Linda Cool)

Lindgren, Ethel John. An Example of Culture Contact without Conflict: Reindeer Tungus and Cossacks of Northwestern Manchuria. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(4): 605-621

The author addresses the subject of culture contact without conflict. During the 1930s Lindgren conducted a primary study of the Reindeer Tungus of Manchuria, then a sub-study of the Russian Cossacks who share a common territory .Aside from engaging in armed conflict roughly three hundred years ago, the two cultures have lived in harmony, making the purpose of this article to identify elements of their lifestyle that allow them to maintain peaceful relations.

Lindgren divided his findings into eight divisions. 1. Territorial organization and relations shows each group has a specific area of the territory in which they dwell; but they tolerated each others presence. 2. In size of groups it is notable that each group contains approximately 150 members, rather insignificant compared to territory size. 3. Types andfrequency of contact, states the main form of contact are markets. The Tungus visit the Cossacks during the summer and vice versa during the winter, so neither group is away from home during their busy season. 4. Race and miscegenation is probably were the two cultures differ the most. The Tungus share physical traits with the Chinese, which they are unaware of or find insignificant. Cossacks are quite aware and proud of their Russian descent. Intermarriage has not occurred within the two groups, probably due to the lack of time opposite sexes have together. 5. Under language, literacy, and bilingualism it is learned that both cultures speak a dialect of their native language. The Tungus, who have limited writing skills, have learned Russian. The Cossacks, who have higher literacy , speak no Tungus. 6. Social organization and political relations also differs between cultures. Tungus still elect clan elders, but class organization is denoted by the independence of a household. The Cossacks seemed to have no class distinctions. 6. In economic organization and trade Tungus put emphasis on squirrel hunting, were the Cossacks focus is agriculture and stock. 7. Interchange of material culture represents cultural borrowing. The Tungus have become dependent on the trading skills of the Cossacks, who in turn have adopted some techniques of the Tungus. 8. Religious duality also expresses culture borrowing, as each group maintains their religion with unconscious influence from the other.

Since the study was conducted primarily on the Tungus, the research is considered inconclusive. One can only consider the factors of Russo- Tungus relationships as an explanation of contact without conflict. Further, it seems as if these factors have, over time, caused a cultural blending of the communities. .

The article began using ambiguous words, which clouded the topic of culture contact without conflict. However, the way Ethel Lindgren set up the body of the article to discuss each factor that contributed to the relationship between the Tungus and Cossacks clarified the issue. Although comparative research is needed for the article to be proven valid, the points he made seem to be incentive for other anthropologist to conduct additional research.

KIMBERLY BRYAN Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Makemson, Maud W. Hawaiian Astronomical Concepts. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3):370-383.

The author’s objective is to describe in detail how the “Polynesians of old” perceived and interpreted the sky and universe. Makemson accomplishes this by studying the writings of many Polynesian authors and by interviewing those that live on the islands and can give insight into the complicated Polynesian system of astronomy and navigation. The sky was conceived as a “done or inverted bowl resting upon the rim of the hemispherical earth,” with three different hemispherical zones – the highest zone being purely celestial, the lowest purely terrestrial, and the middle “ka lewa,” or “the air and space.” Each hemisphere was thus divided into three strata, by which the borders of heaven, earth and ocean were defined, and the dome of heaven was supported by 4 great pillars, or “kukulu.”

Makemson then goes on to list and define the specific Hawaiian terms for astronomical circles and reference points. Some included are the horizon, both terrestrial (“Ke kukulu o ka honua”) and celestial (“Ke kukulu o ka lani,”) the zenith, the meridian, the cardinal points, through which the kukulu pillars are defined, the equator and ecliptic on the sky, the tropics, and astronomical observations. The author discusses the Hawaiian system of zones or circles on the sky, an important part of the astronomical teaching for both purposes of navigation and telling of time of day and year.

The author succeeds in describing in as much detail as possible the Polynesian perceptions and interpretations of the sky and universe, and states herself that “We can hardly escape the conclusion that far more of the jealously guarded knowledge of Polynesian astronomy has been lost than has been preserved for posterity.”

THERESA ROURK: Union College (Linda Cool)

Makemson, Maud. Hawaiian Astronomical Concepts. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40 (3): 370-383

This article aims to define and classify ancient Polynesian terms and legends of cosmology and relate them to modem astronomical concepts. Makemson referenced works from several Hawaiian historians and astronomers such as Malo, and Kamakau, in an attempt to clarify their writings and give new credibility to the accUracy of ancient Hawaiian astronomical observations.

Makemson begins with a discussion of thr~e hemispherical zones that are known as the triple heavens. These heavens consist of the Paa Iluna, which is the uppermost zone, the Paa llano, which is the zone closest to the ground, and the Lewa, which is all the space in between. This is important because it suggests that ancient Hawaiians had established a concept of a horizon, or a circular wall surrounding the earth holding in the ocean.

Makemson continues by defining specific ast1’oliomical reference points such as the zenith, meridians, the equator, and the tropics. The author also points out that the Hawaiians defined four directions on the horizon (north, south, east, west), that when translated into English are referred to as cardinal points. This demonstrates the

complexity and accuracy of ancient Hawaiian astronomy and shows that the use of stars, the sun, and landmarks was an effective method of determining direction and time.

The night sky served as a compass, chart, and chronometer to the ancient Polynesians. Constellations such as the Big Dipper were used to determine the time of day or night. The Hawaiians also used the annual motion of the sun to establish some form of a calendar system.

The job of keeping track of the months and seasons by astronomical observations belonged to the Kahuna, who held one the most important offices in Polynesian society. If the Kahuna did not keep proper time, than the farmers wouldn’t know when to plant their crops and fisherman wouldn’t know if they were sailing during storm season or not. Polynesian societies also held festivities at certain times of the year for which extensive advance preparation must be made.

In conclusion, this article provides a strong basis for learning the intricacies of Polynesian astronomy. However, this narrative was somewhat difficult to read without being well versed in Hawaiian language and astronomy. The essay has many Polynesian words that require frequent reference to the footnotes to decipher them. The purpose of this article is to familiarize the reader with ancient Hawaiian astronomy and show that time and location can be determined without a clock or a compass.

NATHAN J. PHILLIPS Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Mandelbaum, David. Polyandry In Kota Society. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol. 40(4):574-583.

This article discusses the practice of polyandry among the Kota people of India. Mandelbaum postulates that polyandry is a fully accepted and integrated custom in the Kota way of life and serves a pivotal role in equalizing family relationships. The text describes the social rules whereby a man’s brothers are allowed full sexual access to his wife and in return the husband is likewise able to share his own brothers’ wives. The author explains that a man may also possess multiple wives, all of which are subject to this sexual sharing. These social codes form Mandelbaum’s definition of Kota polyandry. A woman in Kota society must obey the wishes of her husband and must also accommodate the requests of his brothers. The author points out that her only role in the decision-making occurs either before or after marriage. She has the full right to refuse a man trying to woo her into marriage. The article also mentions that a woman has the right to turn down any of her late husband’s brothers’ requests for marriage. The author delineates the classification of brothers, which extends to parallel cousins, a relationship where a man may have ten to twenty men as brothers. In the Kota culture, overt signs of jealousy are strictly forbidden and if noted, quickly suppressed. This order helps retain a functioning and productive society. According to the author, the reciprocal sharing of wives among brothers serves a very practical role in Kota society.

The author suggests that survival in the upper highlands of India is dependent on sharing. All men are encouraged to share labor and materials in order to maximize productivity. Since the principal groups of men tend to be brothers, the author suggests that it is important for them to share all things including wives. Fraternal collectivity becomes essential to the smooth running of society and divisions are highly threatening. The author suggests that in order to prevent hostility over individual wives, the Kota adopted the practice of polyandry. The migration of new people to the India highland has changed certain aspects of the Kola way of life, but polyandry has remained constant. The author feels that the continuation of this practice is secure as long as collective sharing provides the means to survival.

This article provides a detailed analysis of the polyandrous way of life of the Kota people. It includes the social rules governing marital arrangements and speculation as to what functions polyandry serves in the society.

FEDERICO SPARISCI: Union College (Linda Cool)

Mandelbaum, David G. Polyandry in Kota Society. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(4): 574-583.

This article seeks to explain the relationship between polyandry in Kota society and the underlying factors of why this custom was still practiced in the early twentieth century . The author’s explanation states that these people live under the principle of equivalence between brothers. To the Kota, equivalence between brothers means having equal status, making work a cooperative act, having no economical differences, and sharing everything, including each others wives. A mans’ brothers have free sexual access to his wife while he is either “ill or incapacitated or unable to fulfill his husbandly duties” (p.574). Moreover, jealousy is not tolerated amongst brothers, and a man may not interfere or even question the right of his brothers to have intercourse with his wife. Mandelbaum mentions that in Kota society there is a proverb which states that, “If the mother dies, there is no god food; if the father dies there is no happiness; if a man has no brothers, he has no strength of arm” (p.582). He strongly stresses that to the Kota the definition of the word “brother” includes his uterine brothers as well as all the men from the village that are from the same generation (Which could easily amount from ten to twenty men). Furthermore, he points out the fact that many indigenous groups have converted from polyandry to monandry due to European influences, which have yet to drastically affect groups such as the Kota.

The author concludes that although there are many elements involved in keeping polyandry alive within this society, the most important one is its “economic validation.” Polyandry aids in keeping the principle of equivalence balanced which in turn helps the Kota economy by providing their society with cooperative effort as well as wealth sharing. He anticipates that as the Kota brothers become more independent, the equivalence between brothers and polyandry will come to a downfall and eventually cease to exist. Mandelbaum presents himself as a very believable and reliable source. He does not fail to mention important details that help in evaluating and understanding a culture with such different beliefs.

ALAN HERNANDEZ Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Nimuendaju, Curt. The Social Structure of the Ramko’kamekra (Canella). American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol.40(1): 51-74.

This is the second article about the Ramko’kamekra written by Curt Nimuendaju and translated by Robert H. Lowie. The title of the article indicates its focus on the complex social structure of the Ramko’kamekra of Ponto, Maranhao. Nimuendaju, a member of the Ramko’kamekra, identifies eight principal social units as well as six different men’s societies, each society consisting of thirty members and two girl auxiliaries. The membership in each of these social units is either hereditary, as in a family unit, conferred by initiation (age-classes), or determined by an individual’s name.

According to Nimuendaju, names given to children not only determine affiliation to particular social groups, but also dictate formalized friendships. The author details the dynamics of these formalized friendships, as well as some of the duties carried out by these male and female “special friends” (hapi’n-pey and pincwe’i-pey, respectively). Kwu’no’, youthful voluntary companions, lack the ceremonial affiliations and duties of the formalized friendships. For example, kwu’no’ can speak and jest freely to each other, while hapi’n (formal friends) are forbidden from too much familiarity out of mutual respect.

In addition to these friendships, all Ramko’kamekra belong to specific age-classes. The author describes the ten-year initiation cycle that determines these groups as well as the ceremonies and festivals involved. Each age-class has a leader selected by the chiefs and elders. The chiefs and these leaders belong to another social unit, the hamre’n, the elite, esteemed or more refined members of the society. The hamre’n consist of “five otherwise unrelated groups of public esteem and ceremonial eminence.” The author explains each of these groups, their duties, and the criteria for membership.

Nimuendaju demonstrates in this article that the social structure of the Ramko’kamekra is, in fact, very complex with individuals at times belonging to many different social units. He also describes the ceremonial role and importance of each of these groups, ultimately indicating how the social units help to uphold and maintain the customary ceremonial law that governs the society. This link with ceremonial law is demonstrated by the seriousness and formality with which social roles are performed, despite some actions that Nimuendaju—hardly an unbiased commentator—describes as “nonsense.”

AMIE CSISZER: Union College (Linda Cool)

NimuendajÍ, Curt. The Social Structure of the Ramko’kamekra (Canella). American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(1) pp.51-74

In his article Nimuendaju discusses the social organization and roles of the northern Brazilian tribe, the Ramko’kamekra. The main focuses of Nimuendaju’s article are the variations in social units, formalized friendships, age classes, government, hierarchy, and ceremonies and rituals of the tribe.

Nimuendaju’s research shows that the Ramko’kamekra are a socially complex tribe. His article begins with the basic breakdown of the social structure of the tribe according to age, gender, lineage, and moiety .From this he branches into an explanation about the relationships of the Ramko’kamekra; how they are formed, the different rituals that are performed, and what behaviors are allowed or prohibited. Nimuendaju also explores the idea of age-classes, a type of organization of males according to age, within the tribe and what their roles are in the society . For example, he briefly touches upon how age-classes affect the Ramko’kamekra economy.

Nimuendajú also differentiates between the feminine roles and male roles in Ramko’kamekra rituals and ceremonies. Many activities and privileges of the tribe are designated to either males or females and cannot be interchanged. The hierarchy of male leaders and some female leaders of the tribe is discussed at length in the article. Nimuendaju lists each title and the obligations and rules that accompany it.

Though Nimuendajú dissects the social structure of the Ramko’kamekra in order to contrast the various roles and units of the tribe he also ties the pieces together to show that the society is interconnected. Without each piece of the structure, life for the Ramko’kamekra would be dramatically different.

KERRY C. McCOMBS Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Opler, Morris E. The Use of Peyote by the Carrizo and Lipan Apache Tribes. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):271- 285.

In 1935, the author of this article gathered as much ethnographic data as possible from the few surviving Lipan Apache living on the Mescalero Indian Reservation in New Mexico. The most interesting data to come out of this endeavor focused on the use of peyote. Peyote use among the Tonkawa and Lipan Apache presumably resulted from meetings where these visitors would adopt the peyote practices of the Carrizo. Only one Lipan man, Antonio Apache, was found at the time of Opler’s fieldwork, which forced the entire account to be recorded from him. The author attempts to identify his own bias by stating: “There is manifest danger in accepting the account of one man in respect of the peyote rite of another tribe and his own.” However, the Lipan “…proved to be a very patient, intelligent, and careful informant.” The information provided is the Lipan’s own words and the only liberties taken were to organize the material in a logical manner and to omit a few asides and irrelevancies.

The majority of the article is recounted by the Lipan man about his experience with peyote. He explains that the Lipan were not the first to use peyote, and his people later adopted much of the Carrizo peyote meeting for their own. The main purpose of the peyote meeting is to pray for “good” visions and enhance social integration. After a period of undisturbed individual thought and prayer, men share their visions with one another. They pray for all to be well, for no enemies to bother them, and for good health and long lives. Meetings allow for those experienced with peyote to establish a leadership role as the chief peyote, the person who directs the events. Peyote gatherings encourage male solidarity because female integration at meetings is not permitted. Women are not punished for observing a meeting, but their awareness of this prevailing gender expectation causes them to stay away from meetings. Peyote gatherings also serve as a curing ceremony for the sick. The men at the meeting pray to the chief peyote to help the ill patient.

The author accomplishes his objective of explaining the use of peyote by the Carrizo and the Lipan Apache tribes. It is difficult to know the degree of accuracy in the Lipan’s account, but as the only survivor of his tribe, his testimony is essential to our knowledge of peyote among these groups.

CHRISTINA RIZZITANO: Union College (Linda Cool)

Opler, Morris E. The Use of Peyote By the Carrizo and Lipan Apache Tribes. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(2): 271-285.

This article covers the topic of peyote use by the Lipan Apache tribe in the nineteenth century .The writer tried to get as much information as possible from the only surviving Lipan member who lived under “aboriginal conditions”. This survivor was the writer’s only source of information on the subject of peyote, but, understandably, the only source available. Wanting the informant to tell the story in his own words, the writer used as little commentary as possible. To accomplish this, the writer left out much- needed narration. The result is an article comprised of rather confusing information fragments.

First, the informant recounts how the Lipan Apache came to use the drug peyote. This includes a story about a member of the Lipan Apache coming across a group from a neighboring tribe, the Carrizo, and sitting in on one of their peyote ceremonies.

Secondly, he explains the practice of cultivating, gathering and preparing peyote.

Thirdly, he tells the rules governing behavior before peyote use. Fourthly, he describes the peyote ceremony patterns developed by his own group, the Lipan. Lastly, he touches on the use of peyote outside of ceremony, being used by individuals alone for medicine or spiritual-enlightenment.

The Carrizo and Lipan peyote practices were strikingly different in the informant’s recount. The Carrizo used the peyote for magic and may have allowed its use by both men and women. In contrast, the Lipan used the drug for enlightenment and only allowed use by men. The rules built-up around the consumption of peyote by the Lipan, as described by the informant, were very elaborate, giving some insight into Lipan world view. They considered peyote plants to be sacred spirits with gender, likes and dislikes, and conditions for use. This article is a great example of how drug use can be adopted by a society and take on an acceptable, useful place in its culture.

KATHERINE BAKER Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Park, Willard Z. and Others. Tribal Distribution in the Great Basin. October-December, 1938 Vol. 40(4):622-638.

This article was written by a group of authors as a survey of the distribution of Native American tribes in western Nevada, northeastern California, southeastern Oregon, and southwestern Idaho. Willard Z. Park provides an account of the organization and habitat of Paviotso Bands, including the Kuyui’tüked, Agai’tüked, Toi’tüked, Wada’tüked, and Ha’pudtüked localized bands. Edgar E. Siskin discusses the distribution in the Washo Territory. Anne M. Cooke discusses the Northern Ute. William T. Mulloy discusses the groups of central and southern Nevada. Marvin K. Opler discusses the Southern Ute. Isabel T. Kelly discusses the band organization of the Southern Paiute. Lastly, Maurice L. Zigmond discusses the Kawaiisu Territory. None of the articles discuss how the data were collected with the exception of Park’s article, which mentions several “informants’ as sources. The articles include little about cultural aspects of the tribes; they focus mainly on geographical distribution, agriculture, and game resources.

This work does not flow well as it is broken up by the reports of the different authors.

ANDREW SPITZ: Union College (Linda Cool)

Park, Willard Z., and Others. Tribal Distribution in the Great Basin. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(4): 622-638.

In this article, several contributing authors define the boundaries of the tribes in the Great Basin area. Based on their research, they begin to correct previous theorized boundaries by Julian H. Steward. The many tribes living in the area, each had distinct territories; however, the boundaries separating these territories were not always recognized. Park wrote on the boundaries of the Paviotso tribe of western Nevada. The Paviotso tribe was broken down into several smaller bands. These bands would move into different territories depending on the season. At times these bands would hunt in the Washo territory west of their own, which sometimes resulted in bloodshed. Similarly the Washo and the Shoshoni, from the east, would invade the Paviotso territory .Still other boundaries remained ambiguous as the white man began to settle in these territories. Siskin briefly described Washo territory , and Mulloy addressed second hand information on central and northern Nevada native groups.

Anne Cooke wrote on the Northern Ute of present day Utah. This tribe had no sense of ownership towards the land, nor any feelings of trespass. According to Cooke, the boundaries of the Ute were just as Steward had presented them. The boundaries of the Southern Ute weren’t so definite; and as Marvin Opler wrote, it was due to the introduction of the horse and the ability to travel. The Southern Paiute territory was well defined due to communal land holding. The Kaibab tribe, which inhabited this land, were broken down into several local units. These units owned their own springs, however they were not strict on the usage of their spring by other units. As Isabel Kelly wrote, each of the units was independent from each other, and provided for themselves independently. Finally, Maurice Zigmond discussed the Kawaiisu, a group that lived at the southern end of the Sierra Nevada mountain range.

ANNALISA PATRICK Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Ray, Verne F. and Others. Tribal Distributions in Eastern Oregon and Adjacent Regions.American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 384-415

The objective of this article is to discuss the distribution of Native American tribes in the Eastern Oregon, Idaho, and Wyoming area by criticizing and commenting on two works: “Linguistic Distributions and Political Groups of the Great Basin Shoshoneans,” by Julian H. Steward, and “Tribal Distribution of Oregon,” by Joel V. Berreman. The editor invites various contributions from different authors to investigate these 2 authors’ descriptions of the tribal units recognized and territories allocated in the Eastern Oregon area. In particular, the article and contributions within it refute Berreman’s inferences regarding Shoshonean occupation of eastern Oregon and his use of James A. Teit’s thesis that much of the area was once home to the Sahaptin tribes.

The first contribution discusses the tribal distribution throughout northeastern Oregon beginning with the 1805-1806 Lewis and Clark expeditions through the middle of the 19th century. Ray also discusses in this contribution evidence of tribal movement throughout this time, focusing on the Sahaptins, those tribes referred to as Snake (Shoshonne, Bannock, and Paiute), and the Umatilla. The second contribution to the article also discusses distribution within Oregon, adding notes on the Tenino, Molala, and Paiute bands in northern Oregon, both disagreeing with Berreman’s early theories and mapping of Paiute tribes and tribal movements. The last three articles involve the Shoshoni. The first discusses western Shoshoni, primarily criticizing information presented by Steward on the White Knives Shoshoni bands. The second lists and discusses eastern Shoshoni bands and distributions, and the third discusses geography and movements of Wind River Shoshoni.

The article succeeded in offering statements primarily as a record of fact. However, the editor has “not thought it desirable to resolve the conflict of testimony which appears here,” and has therefore left some of the items intended to be facts open for interpretation. The purpose of the article, then, is most likely to bring these debates to light.

THERESA ROURK: Union College (Linda Cool)

Ray, Verne F. and Others. Tribal Distribution in Eastern Oregon and Adjacent Regions. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(3): 384- 415.

This article discusses the problem of the disbursement of the Native American tribes in the state of Oregon. It not only analyzes the position of the tribes but also during the nineteenth century . These tribes include the Umatilla, Cayuse, Walla Walla, Yakima, Shoshone, Tenino, Molula, Paiute, and others. This article consists of brief contributions by several scholars familiar with these tribal histories, including V. F. Ray, G. P. Murdock, B. Blyth, O. C. Stewart, J. Harris, E. A. Hoebel, and D. B. Shimkin.

Some of the movement of the tribes was due to the intertribal conflicts that resided between the communities. For example, “Sahaptin informants declare that from time immemorial conflict has existed with the Shoshoneans. The Tenino and the Umatilla were allied against the Paiute, the Umatilla and Cayuse against the Paiute and Bannock, and the Cayuse and Nez Perce’ against the Bannock and Shoshone” (p. 391), according to Ray.

Due to the intertribal conflicts, the losing tribe would be forced to find new lands on which to dwell. This new land could be anywhere from five to an infinite number of miles away from the land previously inhabited. This constant conflict resulted in the placement of the tribes as we see them there today. This is just one of the reasons for the tribal disbursement in the state of Oregon. There was also a constant struggle for possession and use of the rivers that surrounded the area. Although there were conflicts, the tribes could not move too far away from their source of food and water, therefore they are all mostly by the rivers that run through the Oregon Country. However, there are some that moved a short distance away from the river to a spot that would provide a good source of food, fuel, water and other such natural resources.

JULIAN C. AMMONS Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Satterthwaite, Linton. Maya Dating by Hieroglyph Styles. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3):416-428.

In this article, Satterthwaite uses the work of Dr. Hermann Beyer of Tulane University. The author is able to draw on Dr. Beyer’s conclusions on a method of Maya dating. In the Yucatan peninsula and the surrounding areas, the remains of stone sculptures, architecture and hieroglyphics are a means in uncovering the mystery of the time they were created and utilized. Satterthwaite is interested in the theory involving the Old Empire and the New Empire territory where there has been attention to new proposals – which would reduce the age of the Old Empire. This theory stems from the ‘then recent’ excavations in both sites. Old Empire types had been found in New Empire territory. New proposals called for reducing the age of the Old Empire. If the theory rings true it would make it less feasible that a single group of Maya produced the Old Empire sites, then moved to a different location and created the New Empire sites in the Yucatan.

The author provides detailed, artistically rendered diagrams of particular glyphs. The purpose of his paper is to present apparent Type B examples of the glyphs Cauc and Ahau. These were discovered at Piedras Negras. Artistic dissimilarities among the displayed glyphs are used in Satterthwaite’s argument to question whether a time gap really existed in Old empire and New Empire manifestations. Using New Empire site inscriptions at Chichen Itza and comparing them to newly discovered materials at Piedras Negras brings us closer in understanding the time gap and just how long it was. By challenging Beyer’s reliability in his style sequence of inscriptions Satterthwaite understates that there is much he must clarify in terms of recalculating dates as well as his reasons for doing so.

By outlining many of the pre-determined dates of Beyer and his conclusions about the Mayans’ evolutionary process, Satterwaithe is able to support his own belief that the Beyer system of relative dating requires much more detailed material than Beyer has offered. The article requires a sharp eye for detail and a general understanding of Maya dating.

MELANIE THORNTON: Union College (Dr. Linda Cool)

Satterthwaite Jr, Linton. Maya Dating by Hieroglyph Styles. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(3): 416-428

The many cultural artifacts of the ancient Mayan society are in scripted with local hieroglyphic writing. Two empires referred to as Old and New Empire used these hieroglyphs and existed with an undocumented time gap between them. The Old Empire had a system called the “Long Count” that measured a unit of 360 days, which is considered to be a calendar year. However, the Maya failed to keep record of absolute dates. Instead a relative date is applied. In 1932, Dr. Hermann Beyer of Tulane University, a student of Maya hieroglyphs, published new methods of determining relative ages of Maya inscriptions. Beyer identified four particular styles of hieroglyphs that are present in both New and Old Empire inscriptions. They are named Cauac, Ahau, Kin, and Yax.

Beyer divides the Maya into five different time periods or epochs. While the first epoch begins from an undocumented beginning, the second epoch of the Maya developed the four styles ofhieroglyph writing. This second epoch is termed Type A. The third epoch is a period of change while the fourth epoch is labeled Type B. The focus of this paper is to present Type B examples of the glyphs Cauac and Ahau, both of which were discovered at the Piedras Negas site.

An analysis of both Type A and Type B hieroglyphs from several archaeological sites is constructed examining size, variability, and consistency. Beyer claims that the similarities between the Type A and Type B are a way of documenting the time period between New and Old Empire. The glyphs ofboth types are similar in relative composition. Some of the hieroglyphs vary in their consistency from one example to another. Beyer claims that the variations of these Type B hieroglyphs happened during the period of undocumented time between the Old and New Empire.

JOHN JOSEPHSON Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Schultes, Richard Evans. The Appeal of Peyote (Lophophora Williamsii) as a Medicine. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol.40(4):698-712.

This article examines the possible causes of the diffusion of peyote from the Plains culture area to other culture areas because of its medicinal purposes. As stated by the author, “It is not the purpose of this paper to present a complete ethnobotanical study of the peyote-cult, but rather to consider whether its widespread diffusion is due to the vision-producing properties attributed to the alkaloids of Lophophora Williamsii or to the supposed therapeutic properties of the plant” (1938:699). Schultes studied the use of peyote among the Kiowa, Shawnee, Kickapoo, and Wichita Indians of Oklahoma.

The author argues that the appeal of peyote and the spread of its use is due to the curing powers of the plant. Through his research Schultes found that among peyote-cult tribes in the United States and Mexico, the plants’ fundamental use is that of a panacea. Peyote is used either internally or externally to aid in the cure of illness and wounds, and “to purify the soul” (1938:705). Schultes states that, “Among the Oklahoma tribes with which I worked, I found that there is hardly a disease which is not believed to be curable with peyote” (1938:706). Visions are only a secondary effect and are, by some Indians, considered rare, a reward, or even wrong. He also found no indication that visions were sought after during peyote ceremonies.

The evidence presented in this article comes from field study of several peyote-cult tribes and other research. The author describes what he has observed and the information obtained through interaction with the members of the tribes. He also studied the languages of these tribes and discovered “that the native, pre-peyote word for “medicine” has often been applied to the cactus” (1938:711). The medical properties of the plant are what Schultes believes to be the main appeal and the cause of peyote’s diffusion to other tribes. Many people with whom he spoke said that they, along with the members of their tribes, converted to a peyote-cult when they used the plant themselves to cure an ailment.

The evidence is organized in a way that first explains how the use of peyote has been misunderstood and then goes on to describe the plant itself. After this, Schultes offers the main body of his argument and his field research findings. He concludes with a listed summary of his points.

LISSA THURSTON: Union College (Linda Cool).

Speck, Frank G. The Cane Blowgun in Catawba and Southeastern Ethnology. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):198-204.

This essay by Frank G. Speck analyzes the production, use, and evolution of the blowgun as a weapon in the Americas. Using the Catawba of southeastern North America and the nearby Cherokee of the Oklahoma region as examples, Speck analyzes how these two separate groups came to use such similar weapons. While some believe this weapon diffused from South America, others argue that the southeast region developed the blowgun independent of one another. While Speck attempts to present an objective essay, it is clear that he believes in the latter version of this theory.

Though these groups were relatively close to one another, the Catawba and the Cherokee made different versions of the blowgun. The Catawba cut straight cane shoots, hung them with weights to prevent warping and then cleaned out the insides for a true shot. The Cherokee made a shorter weapon in a similar fashion, though more attention was paid to the appearance of the weapon. Both groups spent much time constructing darts for their blowguns. These projectiles were sharpened sticks of wood with fur or feathers added to stabilize the dart. Later versions of darts evolved to have screw-like shafts so the dart would spiral, an early form of rifling.

While Speck maintains that the blowgun could have either diffused from South America or been invented in the southeast, the essay shows more proof that the blowgun of the southeast is an indigenous discovery. He supports this idea by comparing regional darts. Those found in South America and Indonesia contained vegetal poison on the tip of the dart. In comparison, even though darts found in the southeast were not as refined, the people still knew of such poisons. Then why did those in the Southeast ignore this innovation? Had the idea of the blowgun diffused from South America, groups in the southeast would have known to put the poison on their darts. Thus, Speck claims the two groups discovered blowguns without knowledge of the other, making improvements from hunting experience over time. This point is not made particularly clear because Speck attempts to keep his essay objective and does not take a definitive stand. This article is precise, well written and an interesting read as well.

ROBERT MACGREGOR: Union College (Linda Cool)

Speck, Frank G. The Cane Blowgun in Catawba and Southeastern Ethnology. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(2): 198-204

In this article Speck reports the information he has gathered on the blowgun and its place in Catawba culture. He compares the Catawba blowgun and darts to those of the Cherokee, and the Chitimacha, and explains their use and importance. He states that since the blowgun had entirely passed out of use within the last two generations, no new or significant information was likely to be revealed, so what was known should be recorded and published.

Speck says that the blowpipe was used almost exclusively by the Catawba for hunting small game and birds. He explains that while the blowgun holds little economic value, it holds much ethnographic significance. The process of building a blow pipe involved selecting the cane, drying the cane by hanging with weights attached to prevent warping, and then boring with a heated iron rod. The average Catawba blowgun length of 5 to 6 feet was shorter than those of the Cherokee. Speck describes the darts, which were made of oak, pine or cedar, and trimmed by feathers or fur (possibly depending on the type of game hunted). They were usually 6 to 8 inches in length, and could penetrate the skin of a rabbit at 30 feet, with a maximum range of 100 feet. The blowgun was used to provide food through small game and birds. The Catawba used a stance with one arm extended along the blowgun, while the Cherokee, the group closest to the Catawba who used blowguns, fired with both hands close to the base. The longer Cherokee blowguns had a longer range and more power. The author discusses how the use of the blowgun by the Chitimacha, Cherokee and Catawba may be an example of diffusion, but Speck believes it may possibly also be a local invention. He explains that the blowguns of southeastern North America don’t exhibit the polishing of the interior surface, or the poisoned darts found in South America. Speck suggests that although the blowguns in these cultures are similar, he believes they shouldn’t be included in the same category since they are in unrelated phases of development.

MICHAEL B. COLLINS Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Speck, Frank G. The Question of Matrilineal Descent In The Southeastern Siouan Area American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40:1-12.

In his article entitled, “The Question of a Matrilineal Descent In the Southeastern Siouan Area,” Frank Speck argues that the Southeastern Siouan Tribes, namely, the Catawba and the Tutelo, do not share the matrilineal sib kinship system of their Cherokee and Muskhogian neighbors. He argues that there is no specific evidence that advances any notion that these tribes followed a system even remotely similar to that of their neighbors.

According to Speck, the Catawba had yet to reach the level of cultural complexity of a matrilineal sib system, and thus, according to the author, were likely to have a less advanced system that better suited their cultural rating. According to older informants of the Catawba tribe, “families went mostly by the daddy,” providing additional evidence that the Catawba kinship system was indeed not matrilineal. Similarly, the lack of continuity in Tutelo kinship terminologies has provided yet another evidentiary source for the tribes non-matriarchal social organization.

Furthermore, the Southeastern Siouan tribes lack many social traits associated with unilineal kinship systems, such as matri-patrilocal residence patterns, exogamy, distinctions between cousins, and the sororate, to name a few. Any evidence suggesting a matrilineal sib system among these tribes, as well as the possibility of any other form of unilineal descent, according to the author, is both insufficient and unlikely. Rather, Speck argues, given the evidence it is credible that the tribes formerly conformed to a sibless bilateral pattern of descent or possibly even a weak patrilineal system and thus are clearly less advanced than their Cherokee and Muskhogian counterparts. Lastly, the author articulates the need to alter the previous descriptions regarding the social configuration of the tribes to reflect the less advanced pattern of descent exhibited by the Southeastern Siouan tribes.

MELISSA CISTOLDI: Union College (Linda Cool)

Speck, Frank, G. The Question of Matrilineal Descent in the Southeastern Siouan Area. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(1):1-13

In this article Speck questions the supposition of a matrilineal social sib system of descent pertaining to the Southeastern Siouan tribes of the Catawba and Tutelo. This supposition was based on acceptance of insufficient evidence.

Speck found no trace of a sib organization in the source material on the Catawba, as they exhibit the outlines of a marginal cultural type when compared to tribes such as the Creek or Cherokee. One source could not remember any form of association other than through the father. The Catawba tribe does; however, seem to accommodate a bilateral society classification.

The article states that evidence does show the existence of a maternal clan organization among the Tutelo tribe. It is unclear whether this was a characteristic of the Tutelo or if it was modeled after the Iroquois which dominated their social pattern after the Iroquois adopted the Tutelo in 1753. However, no resemblance to the Crow system can be found in the vocabulary of Tutelo terms that have been left to researchers. According to Speck, the kinship patterns of neither the Catawba nor the Tutelo could possibly be of the Crow type, therefore no matrilineal organization can be extracted from them.

RACHEL HUNT Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Spencer, Dorthy M. Etiquette and Social Sanction in the Fiji Islands. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):263-270.

The author of this article sets out to offer an understanding of the etiquette and social sanctions that pervade Fijian society, more precisely the district of Namataku, Tholo West. She begins by giving a working definition of etiquette. The two essential parts of etiquette are: the fact that rules are concerned with relations between people, and, secondly, that the rules of etiquette have sanction beyond that of social sanction. Etiquette in the Fijian Islands is undoubtedly marked by its situational differentiations. Occasions such as arrival and departure, meal times, and in the context of economic and ceremonial institutions, all command a specific etiquette for each person involved to adhere to. Spencer goes on to detail some of the interactions that require a standard response. She tells of the formalities involved in attending dinner in the villages, noting a particular instance with a visiting European district commissioner. The gentleman failed to dress properly and despite, his superiority to the villagers, the people became extremely angry at his audacity. The author also addresses etiquette issues concerning begging, entering the house, and passing in a domestic setting.

Spencer discusses Radcliffe-Brown’s distinction between diffuse social sanctions and organized social sanctions, but claims that the Fijians operate only with “no further sanction than public opinion.” She uses the final passages of her article to point out numerous examples of Fijians failing to observe the standard etiquette of the particular Fijian Island. Spencer uses these examples to stamp home the idea that all rules of etiquette should be followed, no matter how trivial they might appear. She insists that there can be no distinction made between etiquette rules and other public opinion sanctions, according to the strength of the sanction. Her effective examples assure the reader of the article’s value and legitimacy.

JAY POROPATICH: Union College (Linda Cool)

Spencer, Dorothy M. Etiquette and Social Sanction in the Fiji Islands. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(2): 263-270

The main purpose of this article is to address etiquette and to describe how it operates in the Fiji Islands. The author defines etiquette as the rules which regulate the behavior of members of a society towards one another, but which have no further sanction than public opinion. Spencer describes the kind of sanction on the Fiji Islands as a diffuse sanction. In a diffuse sanction; violating the rules will only constitute judgment and disapproval from others in the society. The author points out that by disobeying these rules an offender is not punished by any means of social machinery , such as fines or exile.

The people who live on the Fiji Islands have certain customs and mannerisms that are viewed as appropriate in their society. These rules of etiquette are tied into Fijian society in many ways. Those who follow these rules are known as “tovo vaturana”, or chiefly ways. The failure to abide by these rules can lead to being publicly viewed as having “ways of the low-born”, which is called “tovo vakaisi”, Being called tovo vakaisi is an insult that the Fijian people do not want to receive.

Through this article, the author illustrates the ways the Fijian people are to act socially. In Fijian society, the people have a proper way to act when communicating with relatives. Children are to use relationship terms to address elders rather than calling them by their personal names. A brother and sister do not swear or use bad language in front of the other. Also, a brother and sister who are related by blood may have a conversation with one another but classificatory siblings are not allowed to speak to one another. It is considered impolite to come to dinner unclean and not properly dressed. Also, in Fijian society one must enter a house through a specific door because there are two doors on the house. One of the doors is for chiefs and the other is for the common people. It is important that one is sure to enter the right door and when coming into a house it is not to step on the door-sill. These kinds of rules of etiquette govern social interaction. Etiquette is essential to Fijian people’s way of life.

HEATHER INGRAM Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Swanton, John R. John Napoleon Brinton Hewitt. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):286-290.

The death of John Napoleon Brinton Hewitt on October 14, 1937 marked the end of a career devoted to meticulously thorough research. Hewitt constantly strove for completeness, which eventually became detrimental to his personal and academic advancement. As one of the leading authorities on the organization of the Iroquois League, Hewitt’s abilities were often hampered by the fact that he repeatedly postponed the publication of his materials.

Mr. Hewitt was born on December 16, 1859 in the neighborhood of Lewiston, Niagara Country, New York. He worked a variety of odd jobs from farming to newspaper corespondent before beginning his fifty-one year career with the Bureau of American ethnology. Hewitt’s work led him to become an expert on the Iroquois League and the ceremonials, customs, and usage of the tribes composing it. Much of Hewitt’s research involved comparisons between the languages of various cultures, but his main work concentrated on the Iroquois, particularly their rites and ceremonies. Hewitt was one of the founders of the Americana Anthropological Association and a member of the Anthropological Society of Washington.

CHRISTINA RIZZITANO: Union College (Linda Cool)

Thompson, J Eric. Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Reports on the Chol Mayas. American Anthropologist. October-December, 1938 Vol.40(4):584-604.

The author’s objective is to combine records written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by missionaries about the Chol Mayas of the Southeast Yucatan Peninsula. Thompson explains that the Chols “are of considerable importance because their occupation in colonial times of the very heart of the Maya Old Empire region, the area which produced the first examples of Maya art, suggests that they may well be the descendants of the builders of cities such as Copan, Quirigua, Pusillia, Palenque, and many others.” Records from Fathers Domingo Vico and Toma de la Torre in the mid- sixteenth century, Father Delgado and Father Cano in the late seventeenth century, Father Gallegos, Father Tozzer in the late sixteenth century, Fathers Esguerra and Cipriano in the early seventeenth century, Father Francisco Moran in the mid seventeenth century, and Father Geranimo Naranjo in the late seventeenth century are used to create an “impression of a simple culture of Maya pattern lacking the highly developed religious and secular organization of Yucatan or the Guatemalan highlands”. From these accounts, Thompson pieces together an ethnography of sixteenth and seventeenth century Chol Mayas including “Habitat of the Northeastern Chols,” the “History of the Pacification” of Manche Chols when persuaded to embrace Christianity starting in 1603, Chol “Population and Language”, religion, burial customs, agriculture, industry, dress, houses, calendar and astronomy, relationship terms, and social customs. The author concludes that, although source material is “meager,” the Chols were geographically, linguistically, and culturally intermediate between Yucatecs and Highland Mayas.

This article is very difficult to read. The author tends to bombard the reader with place names without providing any context by which to identify them. It would have been helpful to have included a detailed map.

ANDREW SPITZ: Union College (Linda Cool)

Thompson, J. Eric. Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Reports on the Chol Mayas.American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(4):584-604.

In this article, Thompson consolidates information he has gleaned through extensive research of personal accounts and limited ethnologies to give a basic overview of the Chol Mayas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. He describes the Chol Mayas as the division of the Maya linguistic group least influenced by Mexican cultural contacts and defines the linguistic subdivisions and territories within the Chol group. The section with geographical information is filled with names that can be confusing to the reader unfamiliar with the area, but a map is included. This section is followed by one titled “History of the Pacification” which marks the beginning of Christian influence and the collection of ethnological notes, which is summarized in subsequent sections.

Within the section of ethnological notes there are subsections concentrating on religion, burial customs, agriculture, industry, dress, houses, calendars and astronomy, relationship terms, and social customs. There are three direct quotes from personal accounts: the first is from Father Delgado describing a penis mutilation ceremony of the Manche Chols; the second is from Villagutierre on burial practices at Dolores; and the third is also from Villagutierre enumerating the details of a Dolores marriage ceremony. The relationship terms and occasional vocabulary terms are especially absorbing for linguists interested in the area.

Thompson makes an important distinction between L.acandons and Chol Mayas; “linguistic evidence shows that the Lacandons of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were actually Chols” (p. 603), while the present-day Lacandons speak

a dialect close to Yucatec and probably moved into the area after the Chols were displaced. Despite the scarce information available, his study comes to the conclusion that “Chols were not only geographically and linguistically intermediate between Yucatecs and highland Mayas, but also culturally so” (p. 604).

BRADLEY PERRY Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)

Thompson, Laura. The Culture History of the Lau Islands, Fiji. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):181-197.

The author of this article describes the history of culture on the Lau Islands, which are the eastern-most islands of Fiji. The article is conveniently divided into four sections.

The first section deals with early history. The earliest people to live on the Lau Islands were the kai vanua people. Their early Lau society was relatively simple and basic. People lived off of the land, and were very spiritual and ritualistic. They believed that a person’s soul survived after the body died. It was a legend that the soul actually went to a particular cave in the Lau Islands after the person died. The diet was based primarily of fish, fruits, and nuts. Leadership of this society was firmly in the hands of the elders. For the most part, there was not much conflict amongst the kai vanua people.

The second section discusses the arrival of immigrants approximately ten generations before the article was published. These immigrants, according to Lau legend, came from another island in Fiji, and had warrior qualities. These new immigrants began imposing their will on the natives. Gradually, by marrying local women, and receiving a dowry, these immigrants began to gain control of some of the land on the Lau Islands. The immigrant rulers gave each person a rank. Everyone knew where he or she stood in relation to everyone else. The highest rank went to the high chief, who was regarded as a sacred figure. The immigrants also introduced craftsmanship to the Lau Islands.

The third section addresses two groups of people who began to make contact with the Lau Islands in the nineteenth century: the Europeans and the Tongans. European traders began to visit the islands in the early nineteenth century. They were mainly interested in exporting sandalwood and Beche-de-mer from the Lau Islands. People from Tonga began to have more contact with the islands around this same time. The British officially annexed the island in 1874, preventing the Tongan people from completely taking over the islands. Through the Tongan influence, women began to be able to achieve the rank of chief. Women in the Lau Islands did not have to work in the fields, mainly due to Tongan influence.

The fourth and final section talks about readjustments that were taking place when this article was published, in 1938. Many of the old practices and customs have returned. The natives are again self-sufficient, and the old hierarchies and social structures have reemerged. Although the British still have control, the high-ranking native families are being given more attention. Problems do still exist, mainly stemming from conflict between native spirituality and the new Christian ideas that European and Tongan missions brought to the Lau Islands in the nineteenth century. This is nothing new for the people of the Lau Islands: throughout their history, they have been affected by outsiders who came to the islands.

CHRISTOPHER M. FINK Union College (Linda Cool)

Thompson, Laura. The Culture History of the Lau Islands, Fiji. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(2): 180-197.

In this article, Thompson provides a time line describing the historical evolution of the Lau Islands in Fiji. Thompson does not provide an argument. Rather, she divides the time line into five periods in which she discusses the indigenous lifestyles found and how events affected them. Thompson’ s main source of information derived from data such as genealogies and technology. Written records were unattainable at the time.

Period one describes the life of the kai vanua, also known as “people of the land.” The kai vanua followed the high power of the older men, did not engage in warfare and experienced only slight opposition amongst each other and other groups. The natives believed that their “forefather” was a natural object, such as an animal or tree. Red shark was their guardian, but they believed in a spiritual being known as a mana-giver. This belief changed in Period two and was replaced by ancestor worship. Gardens were small, and their food came from fishing, nuts, and tubers. Period two is characterized by the domination of the “warrior immigrants” from Nakauvandra who became accepted as the leading social group. Chieftains became the source of power, and with them came the belief in ancestor gods. Specialized technology became apparent along with rivalry between groups. Ultimately, the smaller islands became reliant on the bigger ones. Periods three and four involved western as well as Tongan contact in which weapons and military strategies were introduced. As a result, tensions between rivalrous groups tightened, and political rule became centralized. Exchange between the Tongans and the people of Fiji resulted in an overthrow, which forced the spread of Christianity, an introduction ofnew technology, and a new means for social life. The Tongans were a stepping-stone for the arrival of English missionaries who discouraged the native belief in ancestral gods, and further weakened the chiefdom rank system of power. The Mbauan dialect became the language of Fiji through newly developed schools, and the availability of new trade items made extinct the native subsistence patterns from period one. However, western contact came to a sudden end due to a collapse in the copra trade after World War One, which is used to explain the trends of period five. As western influence deteriorated, native practices began to centralize leading to an old way of life reborn. However, as a result of the fading of their ancestral cult, the internal conflict in Fijian religion has not been resolved.

JUSTINE BRISKMAN Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Titiev, Mischa. The Problem of Cross-Cousin Marriage Among the Hopi. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40 (1):105-111.

The main issue put forth in this article is whether the Hopi Indians practiced cross-cousin marriages at any point in their history. Titiev, while admittedly unsure, believes that there is a good deal of evidence to support the notion that a man could marry his father’s sister’s daughter.

Titiev utilizes information gathered from neighboring tribes that suggests that the Hopi in fact practice this type of marriage currently. Obviously there is a certain degree of unreliability with this sort of evidence, so it is quickly passed over. Titiev continues by describing the current attitude to unions between cousins. “…It cannot be denied that in native theory the present-day Hopi are opposed to such unions; yet, when they do occur they arouse only mild disapprobation and are jokingly dismissed…”. The fact that a cross-cousin marriage today elicits casual disapproval at best certainly leaves the door open for the belief that this was once a normal custom.

Throughout the rest of the article, Titiev examines current rituals and highlights certain aspects of these to support his theory of a historical cross-cousin marriage practice among the Hopi. One relatively simple ritual is shown to have a high degree of sexual significance. At the Hotatcomi shrine, between the locations Oraibi and Moenkopi, men shoot an arrow into a mound of dirt while screaming the name of one of their “ikya’a”, the term for all women in a male’s father’s clan. “The modern Hopi are not unaware of the symbolism involved, for the informant who revealed this custom to me voluntarily explained that it meant that the shooter had “got into” his ikya’a.” Another ceremony Titiev looks at takes place on a given day as a man is about to be married. A group of the groom’s ikya’a will gather around his house to assault the groom’s mother and sisters for allowing him to be married to someone else.

Titiev believes that these and other rituals and customs lend themselves to the notion that at one point in their collective history, the Hopi Indians approved of cross-cousin marriage. However, Titiev admits the possible weakness of this argument, because of the vagueness of the kinship terminology used among the Hopi. It is not always clear whether an ikya’a is an actual cousin, or an unrelated woman from the same clan.

CHRIS FARNSWORTH: Union College (Linda Cool)

Titiev, Mischa. The Problem of Cross-Cousin Marriage Among the Hopi. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(1): 105-111.

In this article the author discusses and attempts to answer the question: whether or not the Hopi Indians still practice cross-cousin marriages and whether or not cross-cousin marriages were a common practice at some point in the history of the Hopi. Titiev

presents many examples where the “imuyi” traditionally or ceremonially shows affection toward an “ikya’a”, or vice versa. Each example is used to support the opinion that cross-cousin marriages among the Hopi Indians were at one time customary.

One should note that the cousins or cousin group at the center of debate would be a male (the mother’s brother’s son) known as imuyi, and the female cousins from the father’s sister’s side. This group of females (the father’s sisters daughters) is referred to as ikya’am, and each individual female referred to as ikya’a. These two groups are what we consider cross cousins because their parents are siblings of the opposite sex (mother’s brother/father’s sister). They are also unilateral because they are of the same generation. Since the Hopi are a matrilineal society, we trace their relations thru the females of the family.

Titiev introduces us to the problem in question by first stating the opinions of others who have researched the Hopi and a few of their supporting arguments. Like Dr. Parsons, another anthropologist, who has studied the subject, Titiev agrees that many of the Hopi ceremony practices and attitudes indicate the probability that these cross-cousin marriages were once socially acceptable. At a young age the imuyi and his ikya’ am establish affectionate relationships that are publicly displayed by gift giving, first to the baby imuyi and then reciprocated at a later age when an imuyi brings a share of his spoils to his ikya’am. During a Buffalo or Butterfly dance an ikya’a will express her fondness for him by choosing him as a partner in these dances. Once the imuyi is grown and participates in the men’s ceremonies, which very often involve pretend or insinuated copulation, the imuyi will make reference or name one of his ikya’ a as his “partner .”

Even part of the marriage tradition the ikya’ am will descend on the imuyi bride and feign great jealously and rage if the bride be of another clan. Each of these patterns of behavior is presented as support that at one time is was customary for the Hopi men to marry their fathers’ clanswomen.

NANCY HEMPHILL Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Tschopik, Harry Jr. Taboo as a Possible Factor Involved in the Obsolescence of Navaho Pottery and Basketry. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):257-262.

The author of this article examines the possibility of taboo playing a role in the decline of importance and production in Navaho pottery and basketry. He divides the degeneration of these crafts into three distinct phases. The first phase is marked by the pots and baskets serving utilitarian, functional purposes in everyday Navaho life. The second phase is characterized by the shift in emphasis towards weddings and other ceremonial events. This is accounted for by the introduction of other crafts by the white traders moving into the region. The final phase represents the current conditions, which has transformed basketry into a tool for “sings” and has all but eliminated pottery. Tschopik states and defends the notion that crafts should continue to be produced, citing: the ceremonial need and the sale of crafts.

Pottery has begun to be accompanied by a number of taboos that had never existed previously. The author lists a number of “frivolous” beliefs that must be adhered to in order to make a craft. The list for basketry appears even more “varied and complex.” Tschopik explains that when these crafts were produced for everyday purposes there were no emotional attitudes attached to the art. The shift from a utilitarian function, to a solely ceremonial intent has altered the reality surrounding pottery and basketry. The ritualistic limitations placed on these craft-making arts have turned them into ineffectual practices, which are becoming all but obsolescent.

JAY POROPATICH: Union College (Linda Cool)

Tschopik Jr., Harry. Taboo as a Possible Factor Involved in the Obsolescence of Navaho Pottery and Basketry. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(2):257-262.

In this article, Tschopik explains through his research the reasons as to why pottery and basketry are becoming extinct art forms for the Navaho Indians living in Ramah, New Mexico. He has come up with three phases that help clarify the degeneration of these crafts. First, up until the 1850s, basketry and pottery were used mostly for utilitarian purposes. Second, since white traders brought their own pots and buckets, the Indians began replacing their own for the manufactured type. Lastly, the making and use of baskets have become largely obsolete and are, in today’s times, viewed only as heirloom pieces.

The main reason Tschopik credits for the extinction of basketry and pottery is the exhaustive list of taboos a woman must follow during every phase of the manufacturing process. Fo1″exatriple, a woman must only work on the concave surface of the basket and the materials must not be burned. Refusal to follow those rules will result in madness. She is to eat no salt and only a little bread and meat while working on the basket. Great penalties will arise if she jumps across deep ditches or works while menstruating. These are only a few compared to the endless list of taboos. One woman stopped making baskets for that very reason. She states: “There are so many things that I can’t do when I make baskets, that I don’t know what I can do and what I cannot do any more.” Further, other women choose not to make baskets because they believe they will become sick after using the wood from the Sumac tree used to create them. These taboos only arose after pottery and basket making became a rare art form. The taboos were not in place when Navaho Indians used them for utilitarian purposes.

CAROLYN WIGGANS Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)

Vaillant, George. A Correlation of Archaeological and Historical Sequences in the Valley of Mexico. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938. Vol 40(4): 535-568.

The article describes the close relationship between archeological finds and historical data in the Valley of Mexico. The discovery of artifacts has helped archeologists piece together the history of the great civilizations that occupied this territory. The history of the valley has been divided into five different periods, each marked by a specific ornamental style: the Copilco-Zacatenco, the Cuicuilco-Ticoman, the Teotihuacan, the Chichimec, and the Aztec. The author suggests that although there were often numerous cultures existing in the same region, these cultures largely remained distinct from one another. However, there were stylistic overlaps and these changes have aided archeologists in denoting each culture with a certain date. This article describes the archeological and historical approach that has allowed specialists to better define the time frames for each culture.

The Copilco-Zacatenco period is found at about eight meters in depth and is characterized by a distinctive type of black pottery. This is the oldest culture found in the valley and the finds suggest that these people had a long period of occupation. The Cuicuilco-Ticoman period is divided into three stages and the artifacts of this culture usually display a great deal more sophistication and skill. The Teotihuacan culture is made up of five tentative stages and is best defined by the use of shells from the Pacific, negative painting and figurine types. This period also saw the construction and expansion of numerous pyramids built as temples to the multiple gods of the culture. The Chichimec period shows a great deal of diversity due to the heavy influence of trade with local populations. Many of the carvings found are seen as predecessors to the later Aztec period and style. This last period has been divided into four parts, the latter of which exhibit the influences of European culture, encountered through Spanish colonialism.

The author describes how the discovery of artifacts is closely followed by historical analysis. Using documents, native histories and accounts of rulers, archeologists are sometimes able to connect a certain culture and the artifacts associated with it to a chronological period. The article mentions that another helpful element is the influence of European colonialism on the art of the latter part of these cultures. Since European colonialism is well dated, one can associate the cultural overlap to that particular time period. Although many of these techniques are based on speculation, they provide archeologists with the best means of deciphering the archeological finds of the region. This article provides an overview of how archeological finds are traced back and provide insight into the history of the valley of Mexico.

FEDERICO SPARISCI: Union College (Linda Cool)

Wallis, Wilson D. Variability in Race Hybrids. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol. 40(4): 680-697.

In this article, Wallis seeks to correct the variability tests previously performed by Boas and to redefine claims made by Sullivan and Dunn. Wallis wishes to examine whether race hybrids (a person whose parents are of two different races) have features, such as nose width, that vary more than their parents’. Results are unclear: depending on which races are studied, they can demonstrate either hybrid vigor or that race hybrids are inferior to their parents. Many characteristics of each person in a given race are measured, ranging from sitting height to arm length. With the cross between “white” and “black Jamaicans”, the hybrids show a significant variability in aspects such as head width and nasal index. On the other hand, features of the pure-blood Sioux vary more than the half-bloods. This means that the half-bloods have features that are very similar to one another, there is not a lot of deviation. When Jamaicans blacks are mixed with Jamaican whites, there is much variability in the hybrids of lip thickness and width of the hand. Wallis uses mathematics in order to show just how much variability exists in the different racial cross-breads that he examines. The data are summarized into a variety of tables that can be found within the article.

ANDREA TEHAN: Union College (Linda Cool)

Willoughby, C.C. A Mohawk (Caughnawaga) Halter for Leading Captives. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40(1): 49-50.

Bars Fight, a small skirmish in America’s French and Indian War, occurred on Monday, August 25, 1746 in Stebbin’s meadow near Deerfield, Massachusetts. The fight left behind four dead settlers, two dead Caughnawaga (French Mohawks), and a Mohawk halter used for leading captives. C.C. Willoughby became interested in this halter after viewing it in the Memorial Museum at Deerfield. This article is a description of the halter and includes a photograph of it given to him by Mrs. George Sheldon, the curator of the museum. He used the photograph to verify his description of the halter.

According to Willoughby, the halter “consists of an embroidered collar furnished with a loop at either extremity.” Twenty-two feet of braided line extend from each loop and form a noose when passed through each opposite loop. The embroidered collar is centered in the loop and decorated with false embroidery of dyed pastel or natural moose hair and edged with white trade beads. It is both decorative and carefully made to serve its functional purpose of leading captives by the neck. Willoughby considers this halter woven out of native vegetable fiber twine to be an excellent example of Mohawk work. Though it may appear similar to the tump-lines woven by the Mohawk women, Willoughby explains that the tump-lines are five to eight feet shorter than the halter and that “there is little danger of confusing the uses for which they were intended.”

AMIE CSISZER: Union College (Linda Cool)

Zolotarev, A. The Ancient Culture of North Asia. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol.40(1):13-22

In the article entitled, “The Ancient Culture of North Asia,” A. Zolotarev argues that the transition from the ancient Paleolithic fisherman culture to a forest hunting culture was not a prehistoric transition, but rather a fairly recent one. Zolotarev describes the North Asian culture to be associated with pottery, underground dwellings, summer and winter fishery, and dog breeding. Throughout the article, he presents different cultural artifacts and describes how they provide evidence for the underlying argument of a much more recent cultural transition than previously thought.

Primarily, he argues that winter fishery was both the basis of ancient North Asian culture as well as the sole means for subsistence in these northern regions. The proper equipment, such as skis and snowshoes, needed to plow through such harsh terrain were not invented at the time, but are a rather recent introduction, and therefore, fishing was a necessary form of subsistence. Zolotarev provides evidence that suggests that there was widespread use of pottery among all the native Siberian cultures that persisted until the early 19th century with the advent of Chinese, American, and Russian cutlery, as well as the transition to a more nomadic life way. Underground dwellings, he argues, are also associated with ancient Northern culture. This type of dwelling was typically very large, housed many people, and contained a stone hearth at its center. The utilization of underground dwellings has been preserved even into the 20th century among many North Asian cultures. The ancient Siberian cultures, as mentioned before, relied on a year round fishing economy as their mode of subsistence. The method of catching fish via ice holes, though ancient and considered to be a survival from pre-Paleolithic eras, was a common practice for these northern peoples. Lastly, Zolotarev posits that dog breeding was another common cultural practice that persisted until the 19th century.

Although the ancient winter fishery culture of North Asia is currently extinct, Zolotarev argues that the appearance of survivals among more recent Siberian tribes suggests that the transformation from the ancient culture to a more modern hunting subsistence pattern is far less prehistoric than once thought.

Although the author utilizes a great deal of evidence, it appears as though his evidence is based upon assumptions rather than concrete data or observations.

MELISSA CISTOLDI: Union College (Linda Cool)

ZOLOTAREV, A. The Ancient Culture or North Asia. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(1): 13-23

In this article, Zolotarev suggests that the ancient culture of North Asia in Paleolithic

times used fishing as their main source of food and survival, unlike other contemporary societies at that time. Other societies were believed to use hunting and gathering as their main supply of food. In northern regions it would be difficult for people to hunt in the winter while animals were hibernating and weather conditions were so harsh. Zolotarev also discusses underground dwellings, dog breeding, and the mode of fishing of the North Asian culture.

Zolotarev’s primary evidence for his belief in fishing as the main supply of food are the artifacts and other evidence recovered in what used to be settlements near lakes and riverbanks. These underground dwellings contained remains such as pottery bowls, fish bones, and even a door made from a whale’s jaw bone. These findings support Zolotarev’s argument that the people of the North Asian culture were seamen.

As stated by Zolotarev, “the basic economy of the ancient culture of the north was fishing.”(p.20) The mode of fishing for all of the people of the north was very similar. In the summer fish were caught by nets or other man-powered techniques. In the winter the northern settlers caught fish through ice holes. This method allowed man to adapt to the harsh winter conditions of the north. Today this is not considered to be an adequate way of survival, instead it is a survival-only tactic.

Dog breeding was a very important part of the survival plan of the North Asian culture. Dogs were believed to be used in Russia before the domestication of reindeer .

The culture of the winter fishermen is now one that is extinct. The transition from fisherman to forest hunters took place perhaps not so long ago. Skis and snowshoes are not a prehistoric invention. This article is interesting because it shows that no matter the situation, adaptation is a must, and the people of the North Asian culture did what they had to do to survive.

PATRICK HUGHES Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne S. Harmon)