American Anthropologist 1936

Adam, Leonhard. The Social Organization and Customary Law of the Nepalese Tribes October-December 1939 Vol. 38(4):533-547.

In his article, The Social Organization and Customary Law of the Nepalese Tribes, Leonhard Adam provides a detailed account of Nepalese tribal organization and law. He begins the article by describing how Nepalese culture is composed of two elements: a Tibetan element and a Hindu element. Therefore, one might expect Nepalese law to reflect both of these elements. However, although we are well informed on Brahmanic law, we know much less about tribal law and Indian legal institutions. It is thus necessary, according to Adam, to study the law of the Nepalese tribes in order to deduce what is of Indian origin.

Adam describes the social organization of the Nepalese as divided into numerous tribes with many divisions. Primarily, there are divisions such as “menial tribes” that have a specific professional business, such as blacksmiths, but are not warriors. Each tribe is further subdivided into clans, followed by kindreds. According to Adam, there exists a possibility that the tribal organization of the Nepalese was once combined with totemism because of the food prohibitions associated with Hindu caste rules. There is no link between totemism and Brahamanic prescriptions and is thus likely of Indian origin.

Adam describes some characteristic institutions of the Nepalese civil law. First, he describes family law and the notion of artificial brotherhood, a relationship similar to natural brotherhood. Artificial brotherhood and sisterhood are very common in Nepalese tribes and although similar relationships are found among various Indian tribes, Adam posits that the Nepalese artificial relationship is independent of that of the Indian tribes. The main role of artificial brotherhood is to maintain tribal endogamy by extending the social life of the individuals beyond their clans and kindreds. Another form of law that Adam remarks on is the remarriage of widows. Although, the remarriage of widows is strictly prohibited in Brahmanic law, the widows in Nepal are free to remarry and the act is considered a marriage, rather than “concubinage.” Lastly, Adam discusses the law of property in which he describes the four different ways of lending money, each dependent upon the credibility and wealth of the person as well as the amount of money needed. Adam states that although these laws are quite different from ancient Indian law, it is evident that there exists some Indian influence.

Although the author provides detailed descriptions of Nepalese social organization and law, his statements regarding the Indian influence are extremely vague and appear to lack sufficient evidence.

MELISSA CISTOLDI Union College (Linda Cool)

Belo, Jane A Study of a Balinese Family American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):12-31

Jane Belo’s article, “A Study of a Balinese Family” begins by giving a convoluted summary of the family of a Balinese man by the name of Rendah. After a brief description of a typical day in a Balinese family, Belo details a lengthy, confusing family tree of Rendah, the family he was born into and family he begat. The article almost immediately loses its direction when Belo embellishes on the extended family of Rendah. Underneath the confusing compilation of relations among Rendah’s brothers, sisters, mothers, father, and cousins, Belo relates various cultural practices of this Balinese family.

Principle in Belo’s discussion is the subject of marital relations and relations between men and women of the culture. The interactions of the men and women in Rendah‘s family are not surprisingly mostly paternalistic and even polygamist in nature. For example, several male family members are married to multiple wives, with the only provision being whether or not they can afford separate dwellings for each wife. Not surprisingly, men have a multitude of rights which the women do not have including property rights, decision making authority and the capability to “throw away” their wives. Another unique practice this Balinese family, shared by many Balinese is the prevalence of incestuous marriages. In Rendah’s family, there are married cousins and brothers and sisters.

Belo should be given credit for offering a sample representation of a Balinese family, rather than declaring that most Balinese’s families exhibit similar practices. She makes clear her intention is only to describe a particular Balinese family, and not try to describe an entire culture. Belo does not make very many hypotheses, but simply writes a descriptive analysis of the family of Rendah. Therefore, her data collection and presentation of evidence is somewhat irrelevant, considering the reader knows that Belo conducted a field analysis. This article could have been articulated better, had Belo not spent the greater portion of her article describing the family tree of Rendah and simply concentrated on more cultural practices of his family. Belo’s substance gets clouded over by a exceedingly long family tree, which is very difficult to comprehend in such a brief article.

DANIEL LINK Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Belo, Jane. A Study of a Balinese Family. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):12-31.

The object of this article is to describe the family life of the djaba caste, the fourth and lowest Hindu caste. Belo describes the order of the family’s lineage, proper identifying names, inheritance rites, the rules of marriage, and the layout of their household. She includes diagrams of genealogy and a floor plan of the house so that one can better understand the complex system under which the family lives. Belo talks at length about the relationships that exist within the family, what are the duties of each member, and the terms used to refer to them, with respect to their position in the household. Relationships in the family are affected in many ways due to these factors. Status, where one sleeps, how much food one gets from the crop, and who will inherit certain things, is all based upon the order of birth and sex.

The author makes no attempt to generalize about the entire population based upon her observations. She is only trying to give a glimpse into the overall dimensions of a typical djaba family. She does not want others to misinterpret her data and use it as a basis for an entire population.

LISSA THURSTON Union College (Linda Cool).

Benedict, Ruth Marital Property Rights in Bilateral Society. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38 (3): 368-373.

The author addresses the social structure and property rights of primitive societies. She states that bilateral descent is more common among the most primitive societies than historically believed. Benedict believes, however, that bilateral descent in primitive societies has different characteristics than bilateral descent found in American society.

The article provides detailed accounts of inheritance under varying circumstances. The author compares property rights and social structure of unilineal and bilateral societies. The author distinguishes between the right to use property and the right to control property. Property, such as food and shelter, which is shared among the nuclear family, is shared between the spouses and with the children. This characteristic also occurs in modern Western societies. However, the most primitive societies differ from Western societies in that it is generally the consanguineal kin, excluding the spouse, who possess the rights to economic goods that were controlled by the deceased. For example, the wife and children of an Arapaho man would receive no inheritance from him and the man’s brothers possessed all property rights. Property from one’s family remains in the possession of blood-related relatives and property acquired and shared after marriage is pooled.

The author concludes that family structure is similar throughout both unilineal and bilateral societies. Primitive societies share similar rights to property use with Western societies, but differ in inheritance rights. Status and property rights from the unilineal kin group establish an individual’s place in his or her community.

ERIKA SHINDLER Union College (Linda Cool)

Benedict, Ruth Marital Property Rights in Bilateral Society. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38 (3): 368-373.

The author addresses the marital property rights of primitive bilateral societies in this article. She explains the difference between bilateral societies as we know them now and the bilaterality found in primitive societies; also commenting that bilateral descent is more common among primitive societies than people historically believed.

Benedict then provides numerous examples of primitive bilateral societies and explains how inheritance and property rights are dealt with for each case in point. She also goes on to compare the inheritance structures found in unilateral societies with that of bilateral societies. The difference between rights to property and control of property is also explained. This is important when deciding who an item belongs to, regardless of who might use it. Benedict also considers the ideas of Professor Lowie, which are based on two wide spread principles. One is that inheritance is often sex-linked; an article such as a weapon, used only by the men to hunt, might be passed from father to son or from one brother to another but is pooled only among one sex. The second principle, which Lowie calls the “sib principle” discusses the inheritance from an individual to his or her consanguineal kin in societies with formal clan systems.

In many of the societies Benedict included in her study, property is inherited by the consanguineal kin, which does not include the spouse, after their relative has died. Sometimes the property acquired by an individual before marriage is left to only the blood relatives while property obtained following the marriage is shared. These examples are in direct contrast with many of the Western bilateral societies in which the spouse and children inherit the property left by the deceased.

The author concludes by commenting on the similarities between unilateral kin groups and those which are bilateral. She also remarks that although the Western and primitive bilateral societies have quite different inheritance procedures, they have similar rights to property use.

SUSAN WILLIAMS University of San Diego (Denise Couch)

Beyer, Hermann Mayan Hieroglyphs: Glyph G8 Of The Supplementary Series American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):247-249

The author’s objective in writing this brief paper is to validate the existence of Glyph G. The Glyph G had not been recognized for many years; however, Beyer asserts that it was combined with Glyph F into a “composite hieroglyph” (247). Beyer provides evidence of the existence of Glyph G through research completed on partially destroyed Glyph G-F. He provides four examples of where Glyph G8 and F are combined to form one character. The author also provides substantiation where “Glyph G8 forms a separate unit adjacent to Glyph F” (248).

Beyer may as well have been writing in hieroglyphs when inscribing this paper. The average reader would have no idea the significance of this paper, nor the meaning or magnitude behind the discovery. It is extremely brief and provides no background information about what it is he is discussing. It would have been beneficial to provide discussion on the hieroglyphs, the Mayans, and where the glyphs were discovered. The paper is dull and complicated. Clearly the only person who may value its significance is an archeologist working exclusively with hieroglyphs in the Mayan culture.

DEBORAH ROELS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Beyer, Hermann. Mayan Hieroglyphs: Glyph G8 of the Supplementary Series. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol. 39(2): 247-249

This essay responds to two previous essays whose argument was that “…there is no case of a Glyph G occupancy in the eighth position.” Hermann Beyer studied Mayan hieroglyphs and found that this was not the case. His belief was that this form of Glyph G often bonds to and creates a composite with a Glyph F hieroglyph making it hard to distinguish one from the other.

Pictures of the Glyphs in question are included in the essay. Beyer describes his findings and his reasoning behind the Glyph G8 series. He highlights four examples where Glyph G8 and F form one composite and two examples “where G8 forms a separate unit adjacent to Glyph F.” Considering his new findings, the Mayan series of the Nine Lords would be complete. Previous cases examined were thought to be exceptions to the Glyph sequence. These otherwise outlying cases would now fit in with and create a consistent series.

For complete understanding of the article, a previous knowledge of Mayan hieroglyphs would be necessary. The description of the Glyphs and their meanings were difficult to follow. The essay would be helpful mostly to those looking for evidence to support the notion of Glyph G occupancy in the eighth position or those deeply interested in Mayan hieroglyphs.

KATIE SMITH Union College (Linda Cool)

Butler, Mary Ethnological and Historical Implications of Certain Phases of Maya Pottery and Decoration American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):452-461

Mary Butler, stimulated by a study of the pottery found in 1931-1932 at the Mayan Old Empire site of Piedras Negras, discusses the anthropological implications of negative painting. Negative painting is the process of using hot wax or a similar resistant material to paint designs on polychrome wares and then melting off the resistant material, leaving a lighter colored design. In the article Butler examines the possible origins of negative design and the possible ways in which this technique spread through Mexico, and parts of North, Central, and South America.

In examining the origin of negative painting on pottery Butler finds that Piedras Negras is the only Old Empire site in which negative pottery can be found. Archeological study has uncovered negative pottery in the Atlantic Highland area, but those sites have not been dated to any degree of certainty.

Butler asserts that “painting pottery with hot wax or a similar resistant substance is not a process native to pottery decoration, nor one that would have evolved naturally from it” (453). She suggests that negative pottery most likely resulted from one of two possible occurrences. Either negative pottery was developed through observation and utilization of the properties of hot wax, or it arose through a technique used in some other craft. She also recognizes the importance of discussing other theories about the invention of negative pottery design. There are several hypotheses Butler discusses. One scenario suggests that resinous torches could have produced melted drops which in turn could have dropped on an unpainted ware, thus giving the potter the idea of using wax as a decorative medium. Butler finds this theory to be unlikely due to the fact that resinous torches are not practical for artificial lighting as the scenario suggests. Another suggestion is that negative pottery somehow came about along with the process of metal casting. Butler argues against this suggestion by stating that “the lack of metal and the appearance of negative painting in the Maya Old Empire” (454) prove that negative painting is not a correlate of metal casting.

Butler goes on to discuss the phases of negative design, which include true negative design, false negative design, champ-leve pottery, and negative design on incised wares. Since Piedras Negras is the oldest site of negative pottery Butler is convinced that they were the originators of this design technique. The unique and localized development and design of the Piedras Negras painted pottery are seen as evidence of their significance in the spread of the technique which intern gives strong evidence of their contact with other groups.

Butler relies heavily on references from various other sources. She uses these previous findings to sustain her assertions, by supporting or critiquing these outside claims. At certain times this takes away from Butler’s argument in that if the reader is unfamiliar with the work she refers to, this is little basis for examining her arguments. Butler spends a lot of time discussing the characteristics and possible derivations of the negative pottery technique but spends relatively little time discussing or supporting her conclusions. The article was clear, however, the order of the sections/topics presented seem a bit disorganized and the article is lengthy relative to the information presented.

ANGELA TAYLOR Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Butler, Mary. Ethnological and Historical Implications of Certain Phases of Maya Pottery Decoration. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38(3):452-461.

The author of this article is looking at the historical implications of negative painting in polychrome waves for Maya Civilization. Negative painting “consists of painting a design on a vessel in a resistant substance such as hot wax, covering the vessel with a darker coat of color, and subsequently melting off the resistant material, revealing the design in the lighter color.” Butler is enthusiastic about future archaeological discoveries in this field; however, the emphasis here is on the appearance of this technical style in pottery making.

Painting pottery with a resistant substance such as hot wax has no precedent in pottery making, nor would it evolve naturally out of the art. The author poses two possible origins: observation of hot wax’s use or the application of a method from another handicraft to pottery. While hot wax was almost certainly used in ceremonial practices, this does not necessarily rule out other methods such as the adaptation of cire perdue metal working to pottery design. Butler seems to believe that the adaptation hypothesis holds the most promise because it is much more likely that a process would be slightly adapted than a completely new one created.

From here Butler discusses polychrome waves in pottery, dividing such works from Piedras Negras into an orange and a red group based on their respective background colors. In addition, there is a collection of Maya pottery from the Alta Vera Paz region that only uses white and black colors, although it contains much more elaborate and sophisticated designs. Butler uses all of this evidence for the simple purpose of demonstrating to her audience that a specialized local development at Piedras Negras, namely negative painting, had widespread historical significance in South and Central America during the Maya Old Empire.

CHRIS DINGMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Colbert, Edwin H. Was the extinct Giraffe (Sivatherium) known to the early Sumerians? American Anthropologist October-December 1936 Vol.38(4):605-608

Colbert’s objective is to discuss the relationship between the extinct giraffe, Sivatherium, a genus of Giraffidae, and if Sivatherium was known by the early Sumerians. He is concerned about the actual relationship between the two because an object, which was proved to be a cooper rein ring, was found at an archaeological excavation in Kish, Iraq. The Field Museum-Oxford University Joint Expedition discovered the cooper rein ring constructed so to fit on the tongue of a chariot. The article states, “it was found at the 3500 BC level, associated with the remains of a chariot, and nearby were found skeletal remains and teeth of Equus” (p 605). The rein ring is surmounted by a small figurine, which reveals some similarities to an antlered animal. The author notes, “this is a most unusual association, since rein rings from Kish commonly carry figures of equids as decorations. This figurine in question was supposed to be representative of a peculiar kind of stag… There are certain reasons to think, however, that the statuette may actually depict Sivatherium, an extinct genus of the Giraffidae” (p 605).

The author makes the point that the figurine could also resemble the species Cervus eldi or Cervus axis, species of deer. He is very skeptical about the similarities. Colbert states in the article, “if the figurine does represent a deer, the two small conical knobs or prongs on the forehead, directly above the eyes, are difficult to explain. No known deer have frontal growths such as these” (p 605-606). He also points out a small Indian antelope, Tetracerus quadricornis, “which has an anterior pair of frontal horns as well as the typical bovine parietal horns” (p 606). Evidence shows this animal is very small in size, and the horns are prongs, not resembling the skull structures of the figurine.

Sivatherium originated in India, but there is evidence that may put this species in Africa. In Africa, Dr. Leakey found a horn core that resembled that of a Sivatherium. This Dr. Leakey indicated that, “Sivatherium migrated from India, the place of its origin, to Africa. This migration must have followed a route through Asia Minor” (p 607).

This article is short and to the point, however, it does not conclude if the extinct giraffe, Sivatherium, is related to the genus Giraffidae. It focuses on the main points that the figurine in question does not resemble a deer or an antelope, but it does not actually provide evidence of what the figurine really resembles. The author proposes theories about how the early Sumerians may have seen the species Sivatherium, but he has no actual core facts. There are illustrations, which show the similarities between the figurine and Sivatherium.

JENINE CLEMENTS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Colbert, Edwin H. Was the Extinct Giraffe (Sivatherium) Known to the Early Sumerians?American Anthropologist October-December, 1936. Vol. 38(4): 605-608.

This article by Edwin H. Colbert focuses on a copper chariot rein ring found on the Field Museum-Oxford University Joint Expedition in Kish, Iraq. The rein ring “is surmounted by a small figurine of an antlered ruminant” thought to be Sivatherium, an extinct ancestor of the modern-day giraffe. Colbert provides a photograph and complete description of the rein ring and figurine in the article. A photograph of the head of the figurine and an artist’s rendition of a Sivatherium head are also included in the article for visual comparison between the two. Colbert lists and describes seven physical resemblances between the figurine and Sivatherium, centering on the number, positioning, and shape of the horns. However, he acknowledges that “whether these resemblances are real or merely fortuitous is a highly debatable question.” The article also mentions recent anthropological discoveries supporting the hypothesis that man and Sivatherium co-existed in the Pleistocene era.

AMIE CSISZER Union College (Linda Cool)

Davidson, D.S. Australian Throwing-sticks, Throwing-clubs, and Boomerangs American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):76-98

The article discusses the different types of Australian weapons that are thrown or held by hand and used for striking. These weapons are simple in shape and vary in size depending on the type. The four types discussed are throwing-sticks, throwing-clubs, clubs, and boomerangs.

First the throwing-stick is mentioned. The throwing-stick is found in Western Australia and the western part of South and Central Australia. There are several different types of throwing-sticks that Davidson mentions. The average throwing-stick is between two and two and one half feet long. The types mentioned are throwing-sticks with slump ends and the Kandri, which is heavier and more curved.

Throwing-clubs are the second type mentioned in the article. An interesting fact that Davidson brings up is that throwing-clubs are found in the areas of Australia where throwing-sticks are not. There are quite a few throwing-clubs mentioned in the article. The throwing-clubs are difficult to classify because there are so many variations in the size and style of the clubs. The difference between throwing-sticks and throwing-clubs is that the throwing-clubs have a diameter that increases gradually from the handle and form a flare at the body of the weapon.

Clubs are the third type of weapon discussed by Davidson. Clubs are described as “round, peeled, stout sticks with or without incised or painted designs” (85). The club is found almost everywhere in Australia but are not present in Tasmania. Clubs can range from simple to complex in shape and design.

The final weapon mentioned is the boomerang. Though the article focuses on weapons, Davidson also mentions types of boomerangs that are used for play also. Boomerangs are actually a separate class of throwing-stick, but the author chooses to write about them in a separate section of the article instead of grouping them with the other throwing-sticks. One of the better known types of boomerang that is mentioned is the returning boomerang. At the end of the article there is a small paragraph about the origin of boomerangs. The boomerang is thought to be indigenous to Australia because it is found in the areas of Australia where there was no foreign influence present.

This article was not difficult to read, although it did go into some detailed descriptions of quite a few different weapons, which tended to make the article somewhat dry. I did find the section on boomerangs to be interesting. This is a good article to read to get information on the different types of Australian weapons.

AMY KROON Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Davidson, D. S. Australian Throwing-Sticks, Throwing-Clubs, and Boomerangs. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1):76-100.

D.S. Davidson in his article, Australian throwing-sticks, throwing clubs and Boomerangs, considers the “weapons of secondary import.” He describes the simplicity that characterizes these weapons; in doing so he also shows the large variety of weapons that can be found. Additionally, Davidson identifies the areas of Australia where each of the three types of weapons was prevalent and could be located at the time the article was written.

The article is divided into different sections, one each for throwing-sticks, throwing-clubs, and boomerangs. Under each of these broad headings, Davidson examines the weapons in great detail. Appearances, measurements, and distinct areas of Australia where the object can be found are thoroughly discussed. In addition, the stylistic developments that grew out of the original form of each weapon are examined.

Visual images are incorporated into the article, which aid the reader in understanding minute distinctions that can separate two weapons classified under the same category. These pictorial diagrams clearly illustrate many variations, although some slight, found in one type of weapon. Davidson also includes maps showing regions in Australia where certain weapons can be found.

Davidson’s objective is to help the reader understand the abundance and uniqueness of hand-held weapons other than “the spear…the uses and varieties of which have been considered elsewhere”. One problem surfaces in this article, which Davidson continually reminds the reader about: because of a lack of specific information, the exact origins of many of the weapons he discusses cannot be identified. Thus he often concludes his comments with statements such as “this question cannot be answered at this time”.

LARUEN TUCHMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

De Laguna, Frederica Indian Masks From The Lower Yukon American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):569-585

In this article, De Laguna gives detailed descriptions of wooden dance masks made by the Ingalik group of the Tena. She also gives some accounts of the dances or other activities in which specific masks played a role. The masks were obtained in a village on the Innoko River, where they were discarded after the cache they were in collapsed. A new set of masks was made to replace the damaged masks.

There are three villages in this region that entertain each other at potlatches and masked dances. These villages include Hologochaket, Anvik on the Yukon, and Shageluk on the Innoko. There are four types of festivals described by Dr. John W. Chapman, including the Death Potlatch, the Feast of the Dolls, the Feast of the Animals’ Souls, and the Feast of Masks.

The purpose of the Feast of the Animals’ Souls is said to be a thanksgiving for abundance of fish and game, with the intention of securing a further supply. The festival also has the purpose of entertainment, usually one village entertaining another.

At the Death Potlatch, the relatives of the deceased give presents to everyone but especially those who assisted at the interment of the dead. Some days before the potlatch is held, a messenger wearing a mask representing a woman’s face with a sorrowful expression, travels to neighboring villages to invite the guests. Both men and women take part in the singing and dancing, which are accompanied by one or more large drums.

Both the old and new masks from Hologochaket are in the same style. Two main groups can be distinguished: human beings, and animals or animal “owners.” In the human masks, both the new and old sets contain masks representing “Up-River Indians,” which are the Koyukuk Indians and former enemies of the Ingalik. All of the human masks are similar in design and painting. The faces are painted white, the hair is black, and single feather rises from the middle of the forehead. Also, the eyes are outlined in black and connected across the bridge of the nose. There is a mask that represents a Plains Indian, buffoons, and one that represents the mythical Half-Man. There are several other masks in both collections for which De Laguna gives detailed descriptions.

Among the masks representing animals, birds, and spirit owners there are the Berry Woman and the Dog Salmon Woman that are used in separate dances for the purpose of insuring a plentiful supply of food. Some bird masks include Seagulls or Terns, the Crane, the Raven, the Arctic Owl, the lush, and a Woodpecker. The designs and decorations of these masks are varied as well as the dances they are used in. Other animal masks include the Red Fox, the Caribou, the Bear or Moose-Man, and Otters. An important feature of all the animal masks is the appearance of a round human face usually on the back of the animal. This represents the “thinking spirit,” or “owner” of the animal.

This article is informative about the designs, ornaments, and functions of masks used in festivals in the lower Yukon. It is easy to read and understand and it is also interesting.

JUSTIN LEBIECKI Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

De Laguna, Frederica. Indian Masks from the Lower Yukon. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):569-585.

In this article, Frederica de Laguna discusses archaeological and geological finds in the Yukon River area, Alaska from the Ingalik group of the Tena Indians. These original wooden dance masks, created by a sculptor named Sunday, were accidentally destroyed but were then recreated as exact duplicates. De Laguna attempts to distinguish between the different types of dances from the death potlatch to the potlatch dance and feast. She discusses the trading of gifts at this ceremony.

Among the masks, there are two groups: that of humans and that of animals or animal owners. All masks lacked a lot of black paint and some had a mouthpiece to hold the mask on. In the human mask collection, there are different types of geographical areas represented. There are the Up-Rovers, the Outside Siwash, and the Roosian (Russian) Man.

In the animal collection, there are also different varieties. There are Dog Salmon Women and Berry Women. Each character mask from the Bird Collection to the many Salmon masks represents a distinctive dance that de Laguna attempts to describe. Almost every animal in the Eskimo area is represented with a distinctive dance.

Dr. de Laguna’s article is very extensive, but would have been more successful if she had not attempted to chronicle the dance of every animal. The article became repetitive after she deviates from the human dances and the background of the masks.

PAUL CORRIGAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Feng, H. Y. Teknonymy as a Formative Factor in the Chinese Kinship System American Anthropologist. January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):59-66

“The Chinese kinship system is primarily built upon the foundation of old patronymic sib organization and the sharp differentiation of generations” (59).

H. Y. Feng points out in his article that since generation is such an important factor within the Chinese kinship system, due to the sib and generation factors that permeate the whole system and regulate marriage, it should be consistently noticed throughout Chinese kinship terminology. The author comments on the Chinese system of kinship as being a consistent one, yet remarks on the noteworthy inconsistencies that have been discovered in the contemporary usage of kinship terminology. Different kinship terms were used to distinguish generations of relatives, but over the course of time these terms gradually merged into each other. He argues that some factor must have occurred to alter the relative organization of the Chinese kinship terminology causing it to become so befuddled.

Although there is some confusion in trying to decipher the present context of certain Chinese kinship terms, Feng admits that there are certain advantages with working amid the Chinese system. Changes in kinship terminology are capable of being traced from period to period and reasons for the changes are usually discernible. By citing past and present published works concerned with Chinese kinship terminology, including Chinese dictionaries and poems, Feng explores several possibilities for the discrepancies within this terminology. He also employs the use of a chart to help the reader follow the changes that take place within the kinship terminology. Different hypothesis are presented to demonstrate how the author moves to the idea of teknonymy as a probable theory to the changes within the kinship terminology of the Chinese. The author begins by stating that a possible reason for the terminology changes is due to a blending of generations. Inconsistencies arise within this cross-cousin marriage hypothesis. There happens to be a time conflict as to when certain terms were in use and that there is absolutely no evidence, historical or contemporary, to support the hypothesis. With this hypothesis being contrary to the generation principle, it holds no support and thus is rejected.

Feng makes a vital observation in noticing extensions of the meaning of the word chiu, mother’s brother and wife’s brother. He remarked that Chinese scholars had been using teknonymy to explain this variation in uses long before its introduction into ethnological discussions. The idea of teknonymy is best understood in the following context. “Wife’s brothers are chiu to one’s own children. The father adopts the language of his children, so he also calls his wife’s brothers chiu” (p. 62). In the same way this example applies to the speaker being of male origin, the previous example can also be applied to female origin. “A man or woman calls his or her father’s older brothers po and father’s younger brothers shu. The category of the sex of the speaker is usually not distinguished by terms in most cases within the Chinese system” (p.62). The author focuses on yet another hypothesis to assist in demonstrating an imperative line of reasoning. He states that after extensive use of a kinship term, that the term eventually dominates the previous word or words and thus replaces the older term that was in use before.

Finally, Feng rests on the hypothesis of teknonymy with an addition of psychology. It was observed that similar kinship relationships had been grouped under a single kinship term, such as mother’s sisters and wife’s sisters. This finding was due impart to the psychological similarities between these relatives, thus they are all referred to by the same kinship nomenclature. In conjunction with this latter hypothesis, the author moves on to questioning the universality of teknonymy throughout the Chinese culture and whether it is plausible that it is of such an age to be held accountable for producing such variances in the Chinese kinship terminology.

H. Y. Feng does a wonderful job of suggesting different hypothesis, to either support or refute, the inconsistencies seen in contemporary Chinese kinship vocabulary. Although he accomplishes his task in presenting the supportive material, some of the material is thorny in framework, having to match the proper kinship term with the confusing family relationship. While this article is short in length, it takes a second glance to understand the complexity of the inconsistencies seen in Chinese kinship terminology.

SARAH M. LITTLE Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Feng, H. Y. Teknonymy as a Formative Factor in the Chinese Kinship System. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1):59-66

The author of this article takes a detailed look at the manner by which the foundations of the Chinese kinship system are created using the peculiar techniques involved with “teknonymy” which essentially is a subtle manner to explain embarrassing relationships in Chinese culture. According to Feng, teknonymy as a usage is based upon both kinship itself and the preferred-nomenclatures that accompany the Chinese kinship system. This concept is closely related to the old patronymic sib organization of China as well as a sharp delineation between the generations. This system also designates change of lineage by the female portion of the population when they marry out of the group.

Feng sorts through largely confusing collections of data involving the generations and derivatives of that inter-relate to each other to create the kinship. Feng claims that the current kinship system in China is “primarily a product of the old patronymic sib organization as well as the sharp delineation between the generations” (p.59). The author looks extensively at the meanings of the different terms used in this system to designate a given place or role. Each term, including Yi, chui, ku, and po, are given to designate some role in society. These roles range from father’s older and younger brothers to mothers sisters. The article becomes fairly confusing when Feng delves into the terms more thoroughly and looks at the more uncommon usages of each term, as well as the connotations that go along with each term. As Feng describes in detail, terms can designate which relationships are acceptable to society and which are taboo and incestuous.

Overall, the article is quite confusing and seems to ramble on as more terms gain different meanings. I believe the author’s point was lost somewhere in his long and drawn-out attempt to present the data and his opinions.

ELI RABINOWITZ Union College (Linda Cool)

Field, Henry and Eugene Prostov Recent Archaeological Investigations in the Soviet Union American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):260-290

This article summarizes different archaeological sites in the Soviet Union. The author compiled these findings to give people access to information they might have trouble obtaining because of the not so easy task of obtaining Soviet publications, and language barriers. The information is presented and organized geographically according to different regions in the Soviet Union. The main geographic regions are: Trans-Caucasia, Ukraine, Crimea, North Caucasus, European Russia, Turkestan, and Siberia. Many of these geographic categories are broken down even more, for example Trans-Caucasia is divided into the Paleolithic and Neolithic periods, and the Copper and Bronze Ages.

The different sites in this article are each briefly described to give one an over view. The article also tells when the site was found, how the site was located, and who found it. Then it explains what was found at the site. Most sites contain findings such as flint implements, houses, tombs, axes, and other various artifacts. Maps of the different geographic regions, and drawings of stone implements found at the site, are nicely incorporated in the article.

This article is well organized and gives just the right amount of information for the reader to absorb. The maps are a useful supplement to the text, allowing the reader to better understand where the sites are located. I think the author sums up the implications of this article best when he says: “From this material the student of anthropology may avail himself of these recent archaeological data and should further detailed information be desired he may correspond either with the institute under whose auspices the research work was conducted or with the leader of the expedition.” (290). This article would be extremely useful to one who is studying anything to do with archaeological research in the Soviet Union.

HEATHER MCISAAC Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Field, Henry and Eugene Prostov. Recent Archaeological Investigation in the Soviet Union. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol. 38(2):260-290.

This article, as stated in the conclusion, incorporates a brief summary of the results obtained at approximately two hundred archaeological sites by fifty-seven Soviet expeditions. In this long and drawn-out article, the two authors attempt to catalogue Paleolithic and Neolithic findings in areas throughout the former Soviet Union. They study countless areas including Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaidzhan, the Ukraine, the North Caucasus, European Russia, Turkestan, and Siberia.

This article is only a descriptive catalogue of others’ findings of tools in various parts of the former Soviet Union. The article was not terribly clear because it switched from areas that were improperly named and it never fully stated what its purpose was.

PAUL CORRIGAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Fortes, M. Ritual Festivals and Social Cohesion in the Hinterland of the Gold Coast American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):590-604

Fortes identifies social cohesion as a basic anthropological concept by which social life is rationalized. He asserts that social cohesion is “a first law of social life like Newton’s first law of motion, by which everything can be explained.” (590) In Fortes’ ethnographic study of the Tale society in West Africa, he finds that social cohesion is not ostensibly exhibited. This raises questions about the place that the concept of social cohesion has in ethnographic study. Fortes uses this article to further examine whether decentralized lifestyles accurately identify the lack of social cohesion.

Fortes finds that the Tale groups speak dialects of the same language family and they have almost identical cultures, but they have no centralized political organization, or products of social cohesion. There are no villages, or marks to differentiate one settlement from another and no “common allegiance” (590). The Tale society consists of two main divisions, the group of clans known as the Namoos, and the group of clans known as the Tallis. These groups are virtually autonomous with one exception. The heads of clans do cooperate in certain ritual situations. Using this observation Fortes examines how these ritual situations serve as underlying mechanisms of social cohesion.

One fact evidencing social cohesion lies in the fact that these groups have been intermarrying for generations. Fortes asserts that intermarriage “entails common legal techniques and principles, as well as a single type of domestic organization.” (592) Intermarriage also implies that these groups trade goods in kinship obligations, and that the Namoos and Tallis have kinsmen amongst each other.

In further support of his position, Fortes describes his observations of separate rituals performed by the Namoos and the Tallis. Often clan leaders cooperate in coordinating ritual events, where the groups are able to maintain a symbiotic relationship. During ritual events these groups often visit the other group’s ceremonies to watch the festivities and find mates, even though they are not allowed to act in the other group’s ritual. Even though these rituals somewhat isolate the other group by not allowing them to participate it also unites them in common responsibility for the welfare of their land. Fortes suggests that these ritual collaborations evidence the underlying social cohesion between the two groups. There is an understood social closeness between the groups even though they are for the most part separate. Fortes asserts that the simple fact that the “Namoos and Tallis are culturally equivalent communities, dwelling in close juxtaposition, having intimate economic and social relationships…sets a limit to the degree of antagonistic differentiation tolerable” (602).

I find that this article was for the most part clear. It contains a lot of detail which is in some ways overwhelming to the reader, but the article is organized well. Fortes clearly states his purpose at the beginning of the article and brings it all together with a concise conclusion.

ANGELA TAYLOR Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Fortes, M. Ritual Festivals and Social Cohesion in the Hinterland of the Gold Coast.American Anthropologist October-December, 1936. Vol. 38(4): 590-604.

M. Fortes begins this article with a note about how social cohesion is seen as a self-evident concept in anthropological literature. To the contrary, he found nothing self-evident during his short ethnographic residence in the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast. “There seems, in fact, to be no structural unit larger than the clan-settlement capable of exhibiting social cohesion.” Fortes’ article concerns a small corner of the Northern Territories occupied by the Tale settlements. In this article, he states that the ritual festivals—featuring song, dance, and sacrifice—for which the Tallensi are known are a significant mechanism of social cohesion.

The first section of the article is an overview of Tale social and political structure; some knowledge of which Fortes feels is necessary to appreciate the significance of the festivals. He describes the two main groups of settlements, the Namoos and the Tallis, their origins, and the relationship between them. This relationship is characterized by the interaction between the heads of these settlements, the Namoo Chief and the Tallis Tendaana, which Fortes explains in detail.

The next section of the article deals with how the relationship between these two groups is reinforced by the ritual festivals performed by each group. The festivals of both groups take place at the same time, during the last rainy month of the Tallensi lunar calendar called the “Moon of Waters.” Fortes lived among the Namoos from September through November of 1934. His description of these festival events is “from their point of view” because they are his primary informants and he essentially makes himself part of their group. Despite this relatively short period for ethnographic study, Fortes was initiated into the Namoos group and can thus provide rich, detailed information about their rituals. Festivals described are the Gingauh and Daa festivals of the Namoos, the Bogaraam festival of the Hill Tallis, and the Daa festival of the Baari. “For everybody these are festivals of reunion in which family and wider agnatic connections, the unique fact for the individual of having been born into a certain family and clan, receive special emphasis.” In the final section of the article, Fortes explains how these festivals act as a mechanism of social cohesion.

AMIE CSISZER Union College (Linda Cool)

Gillin, John Quichua-Speaking Indians of Northern Ecuador American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):548-553.

The author’s objective is to provide a comprehensive description of the Quichua-speaking inhabitants of the Providence of Imbabura lying just south of the northernmost territorial limits reached by the Inca Empire. 138 adult, Quichua-speaking Indian men were studied using complete anthropometrical measurements and were then compared statistically with other extant Quichua series, as well as with other non-Quichua peoples from whom measurements have been published.

Gillin begins by giving a brief history of the inhabitants of the area, including their origin, leaders, and some generalizations about the different cultures that accompanies them. He then proceeds to describe the composition of the present population with contains a very ancient aboriginal element present before Cara invasion, a costal element represented by the Caras, a Bolivian element possible some Amazonian element, and a Peruvian or Inca element. Their clothing, society, government, and artistic endeavors are briefly addressed as well as the influence that white immigrants have had on these people. What follows is a qualitative and detailed description of the physical make-up of these inhabitants including extensive studies of stature, cephalic size, length of the face, shoulder breadth, sitting height, chest size, forehead shape, width of the face, skin color, hair composition, eye color and shape, and bite shape.

The author finishes with four conclusions that can be formed from the data gathered: “(1) Much mixture has taken place either in Imbabura, or in each of the compared populations, or in all, to account for the lack of affinity between the several groups compared. (2) The most important foreign elements in Imbabura are associated with peoples at present living in the Amazon drainage – the Machiganga…(3) The Bolivian and Peruvian Quichua groups, plus the Imbabura group, show so many mutual differences of statistical significance when compared with each other that we have no basis for believing in a ‘Quichua’ or an ‘Inca’ physical type, among living inhabitants of the Inca area, which is in any way correlated with the Quichua language. (4) Very few similarities exist between the Imbabura people and either the Cayapa of the Esmeraldas coastal region or the Maya of Yucatan, which indicates that whatever blood the alleged Cara invasion may have carried into the highlands has become modified and unrecognizable somewhere along the line” (553).

This article is a comprehensive and easily understood article detailing the previous and present inhabitants of northern Ecuador. It is well written and informative.

PATRICK HICKEY Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Gillin, John. Quichua-Speaking Indians of Northern Ecuador. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):548-553.

The author of this article presents a summary of observations and data collected from 138 male Quichua-speaking inhabitants of the Province of Imbabura. The author provides a series of archaeological and linguistic evidence coupled with cultural traditions to describe the composition of the Imbabura population. However, these characteristics were taken from one outlying population of the Inca and thus are not representative of the entire Inca culture. Using statistical procedures, comparisons were made between different Indian groups that may have contributed to the physical composition of the current Imbabura population. Specifically, the author is interested in examining how the Cara invasion of the Province of Imbabura, as well as the Bolivian, Peruvian, and Amazonian Quichan groups may have affected the composition of the current Imbabura population. The author formulated the following conclusions: (1) there is a lack of affinity between the comparison groups, suggesting that there had been much cultural fusion between the groups; (2) The Imbabura and Machinganga may represent secondary groups of a psychical strain of the Inca area; (3) There is no statistically significant evidence that suggests a “Quichua” or an “Inca” physical type that can be correlated with the Quichua language; (4) There are very few similarities between the Imbabura people and their neighboring peoples, indicating that any mixture that might have occurred during the Cara invasion has since been modified.

Although the author achieves his objective by providing evidence gathered from current Imbabura Inhabitants and formulating hypotheses from the data, a clearer representation of the evidence would have made this article a bit easier on the reader.

MELISSA CISTOLDI Union College (Linda Cool)

Gillin, John An Urn From The Rio Aguarico, Eastern Ecuador American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):469-471

In this article Gillin reports on an archeological site found near the Rio Aguarico in Eastern Ecuador. In March of 1935, during an ethnological exploration on the Rio Aguarico, Gillin was given an urn by two Aguarico Indians. The urn was found protruding from the bank of a tributary of the Aguarico, seemingly having been exposed by erosion of the bank. The urn was unlike anything used in the area at the time and therefore Gillin determined that the urn was an artifact from earlier times. Gillin went to the site where the artifact was said to have been found and spent the day working to unearth the site.

The urn proved to be one artifact of many that lay five feet underneath the surface of the creek. Gillian found in the site several pieces of “gray undecorated pottery and a hearth of charcoal.” The original urn found is described as having a brownish red background surface with white painted designs. The urn seems to be covered in a gum glaze. The interior of the urn is grayish, with a few pinkish marks of firing. Gillin concluded that the urn was used for ceremonial purposes based on the fact that no significant marks of smoke or firing could be found.

In this article the author gives a detailed description of the location of the archeological site as well as precise measurements and description of the urn itself. The author also notes that no people currently inhabit the area on which the site was found. Despite the distinct decoration of the urn, the writer is unable to conclusively place it with any particular group from the Amazon basin. Some analogies are made between the style of the urn and artifacts found on the Island of Maraj’o, the Uhle from the Rio Napo, as well as certain decorative art characteristic of the then present Indians of the upper Maranon and lower Ucayali, but no conclusions have been drawn.

This article is relatively short, easy to read and understand.

ANGELA TAYLOR Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Gillin, John. An Urn From The Rio Aguarico, Eastern Ecuador. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):469-470.

The author of this article focuses on an urn from Rio Aguarico that was not commonly used by the Indians of that period. Preserved in clay near a tributary of the Aguarico in the Amazon basin, the urn raised questions as to whom it belonged and for what purpose it was used.

This mystery grew even greater since at the time the urn was found, the land surrounding the area was not settled. By close scrutiny, the author gives a detailed account of the urn’s description, including its measurements, color, and design. Immediately, indications pointed to the urn as being used for ceremonial purposes, since no significant fire markings were found on it to indicate otherwise. As to its design, it had a combination of broad and narrow lines, sharp curvatures and angles, and perhaps its most definitive feature the conventionalized faces marked by what seem to be a pair of eyes painted in with ovals. Such urns, with designs of very general faces on them, have been used by cultures on the Island of MarajÌ for funeral purposes. The design, although similar in this way to others found on MarajÌ, suggested a “generally Amazonian feeling,” given by the distinctive design that was uncommon in the area. Suggestive analogies also point to decorative art of the Indians in upper Maranon and lower Ucayali. However, there are still no indications that can strongly link the urn to them. Until other urns of similar design are found, linking the art form to a particular group, the assumptions on this urn are based on speculation.

GEORGE MARATHAKIS Union College (Linda Cool)

Goodenough, Florence L. The Measurement of Mental Function in Primitive GroupsAmerican Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1): 1-.

Florence L. Goodenough is a psychologist, addressing anthropologists regarding the misuse of the term measurement. Measurement is mistakenly used when scientists are classifying individuals based on a sample of their observed characteristics. Goodenough is concerned that the scientific community’s tests, comparing the differences between primitives and whites, have been conducted in a manner that makes it difficult to determine the results and differences between racial groups. Generalization of group traits, such as temperament and intelligence, are likely to be invalid due to cultural differences.

Measurement of performance on mental functioning tests, which come from a rational and direct standpoint that limits generalization, may generate scientific results. Methods of approach for study should be simple and direct and involve no assumptions. These tests should be representative only of what is being measured and not something that cannot be directly measured. Judgment on what these results mean should be suspended until additional evidence is available. It is the author’s hope that psychological interest will shift to the study of basic abilities, as they actually exist within different cultures.

Goodenough discusses various experiments done to show differences between primitives and whites. Sensation and perception are the subject of testing in the first set of examples and are inaccurate due to testing methods. Tests that measure general intelligence are the subject of the second example. These tests are not proper measurements of intelligence because they do not involve a real measurement but rather a sample. Another problem with these tests is that scores are the result of tests designed for white people and have little use with other cultural groups.

A case is made for the inaccuracy of measuring of primitive groups in the examples presented. Cultural bias in testing and the overemphasis on ranking races are made apparent through the piece. The solutions Goodenough has for measuring racial differences appear to be improvements over the example she presents. However it seems very unlikely that this would produce results that are anymore valid. The article is readable gives in-depth examples to back up the argument.

SHAUN GODWIN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Goodenough, Florence L. The Measurement of Mental Functions in Primitive Groups. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):1-11.

The problem that the author discusses in this article is the methodology used in testing and comparing “primitive” peoples to American and European whites in the psychological categories of general intelligence, temperament, personality, and the senses. Goodenough argues that the tests do not take into account many factors that affect the outcome of the results. An example of this includes, administering tests designed to test everyday knowledge of the average American or European to groups that have very limited, if any, knowledge of Western culture. The author also criticizes the conclusions of the studies preformed, stating that the information would be a good initial start to more testing that implemented different methods. She feels that the previous studies leave much to be desired and that the data cannot sufficiently provide an accurate portrayal of the differences, if any, between Americans and Europeans and other cultural groups. By looking at the methodology of the tests and the conclusions drawn from them, the author shows how the results were interpreted to stress certain points and not others based upon what the bias of the researchers.

Goodenough chides those who still use the findings of these tests as the basis for other work, without having first questioned the validity of the methods that were used to obtain the data. “Further tests should be made” (1936:3). Also, the author raises the question of sampling and how samples may not be representative of the groups being tested, and thus accurate conclusions cannot be made. Those wishing to gain better and truer knowledge of the psychological differences between cultures must conduct further research using different methods and more representative samplings of the groups being studied.

LISSA THURSTON Union College (Linda Cool).

Hallowell, A. Irving. The Passing of the Midewiwin in the Lake Winnipeg Region. American Anthropologist 1936 Vol.38(1):32-51.

The author of this article examines the path that the ceremony or a Medicine Lodge, called “Midewiwin” followed as it moved through the Lake Winnipeg Region. He examines the data collected by his own research as well as data collected by other researchers, although the majority of the information comes from his own studies. The majority of this article examines the ceremony and how it traveled from one location to another over a period of time. Due to the focus of the article, it is necessary to look at the progression of the ceremony and he begins with a look into the origins of the Midewiwin. The article claims that this ceremony was confined to Algonkian and Siouan-speaking peoples. It slowly traveled between tribes as members acquired the knowledge of its mystery from a “tutor” of the previous tribe.

The article is segmented and numbered as to each area in which the Midewiwin is found. Each heading describes the manner by which the ceremony is practiced in that locale and is followed by examples of mysterious occurrences that supported belief in the practice. One example that is provided tells of a medicine man who overheard group members complaining that they desired the feathers of a golden eagle that flew overhead for their arrows. He was prompted, due to the complaining, to take a small iron spearhead in one hand and slap it with the other. The eagle quickly fell and the men retrieved it. Yellow Legs instructed his wife to cut open the heart and inside she found the head to the spear. This was one of many instances in which this ceremony has produced miracles that were inexplicable to the group members. Hallowell looks extensively at the path of the Midewiwin and the effect upon the regions of its practice. Hallowell discusses the final region to practice the Midewiwin and names the Berens River as the farthest point north on Lake Winnipeg at which the Midewiwin was practiced.

ELI RABINOWITZ Union College (Linda Cool)

Henry, Jules The Linguistic Expression of Emotion American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol 38(2):250-256

The author’s objective is to disguise the linguistic expression of emotion. He uses the Kaingang Indian (of Brazil) language use as his primary example. Categorizing language and emotional forms is easiest and clearest when looking at the syntax of the two. However, the author suggests that this proposition is usually over looked, especially in primitive languages. He proposes though, that it is easier to learn to manage the categories than to learn the details of syntax within a language.

“Upon one’s knowledge of how to manipulate sentence structure depends on one’s ability to slide out of a ‘tight corner’ at the right time in a situation of conflict, to ‘shilly-shally’ with proper delicacy, and to be elaborately vague at the right moment” (252). In order to adequately explain this, the author uses the Kaingang’s language and ability to make sentence without subject or objective. This allows the Kaingang to discuss disagreeable matters without mentioning who or what they are discussing. Yet there are languages that do not use syntax or even rhetoric, but whose word implications have an emotional aura simply because of a knowledge of their definitions. An example of this is the English words “liberty” and “democracy” which can have a immense effect on people simply because of their relation to US history. The author continues on, for the remainder of the paper, using the Kaingang word nu, “to be angry” as an example of this.

The Kaingang fear anger, forming a fear-angry equation. They associate the word anger or to be angry with to murder or to kill. If someone says, “Let us be angry with them”, they are actually saying, “Let us kill them”. Thus as liberty may have an emotional effect on the English, anger has a fear effect on the Kaingang. The use of “I am angry” can also imply that, “I am dangerous”. So the word angry within the Kaingang language can have multiple meanings, none of which appear to be good. The effects of language depend on the culture’s definition of the words used and the emotional reaction to them.

The author writes a good article. He uses clear examples when discussing the Kaingang and their language uses. Though he spends most of his time on the Kaingang, he does succeed giving a good sense of how language can express emotion.

SHANNA CRUMMEL Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse

Henry, Jules. The Linguistic Expression of Emotion. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):250-256.

In this article, the author attempts to use his research on the Kaingang Indians of Brazil in order to explain certain expressions of emotion. He believes that although the language of these people is very simple, the different intensities and emotions they use when they speak can allow for a large interpretation and a very colorful language. The way that words are spoken and given suffices, allows for a single word to be interpreted in many different ways. Henry explains that reading the Kaingang language couldn’t show the richness of the spoken language that uses different unconscious articulations through the pharynx.

Jules Henry remarks how he found the Indians and their language amusing because of the high-pitched tone and the facial expressions used. He recounts the story of how one leader told a story that Henry found hysterical because of the vocal pitches, but the rest of the tribe only smiled slightly. Henry also found it peculiar that the Kaingang can make a sentence without the use of a subject or object. What Henry stresses is the idea that the Indians use the emotion of danger and hate to convey the sense of rage.

Jules Henry gives adequate examples in his article from showing stories to actual word articulation. I think that his article is very clear as he actually visited the Kaingang Indians and lived with them. By describing his personal experiences with the Indians, he conveyed a sense of the actual language of the Indians.

PAUL CORRIGAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Hill, W.W. Notes on Pima Land Law and Tenure. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):586-589

This article serves as a short but descriptive outline of the Pima community and the organization of land ownership laws. The outline specifically describes the Pima people, the division of land, and the agricultural rules and regulations regarding irrigation and harvesting. The Pima rely on an agricultural subsistence and they established their community near a water source. The community is ruled by a headman, a position entitled by inheritance.

Dividing land in the Pima community can be done two ways. The first option is to have a group of qualified men survey the land for ground conditions and canal access. If the land is fit, the men construct a canal that runs from the site of land to the community water source. After constructing the canal, the men who participated in the work apply to the headman for a plot of land. The second way of distributing land pertains mainly to the individual. Those desiring land must apply directly to the headman of the community. If the headman grants permission to the man desiring land, the plot becomes property of the man and his descendants.

The size of designated land is determined by necessity. If a man’s family grows to need more produce than the land can supply, he may ask the community’s headman for a larger plot or an addition to the original land. The owner of the land has the right and is protected by Pima law to plant anything, at any time of season, and irrigate and harvest as desired.

This article was very clear and concise. It is clear that the author’s intentions were to inform the reader of the land law of the Pima community.

ALLISON GOFF Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Hill, W.W. Notes on Pima Land Law and Tenure. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936. Vol. 38(4): 586-589.

According to W.W. Hill, Pima laws governing land ownership, tenure, and inheritance are well defined and tightly formulated. In this article on Pima land law and tenure, he explains that “published information on these subjects is extremely meager, hence it is with the view of filling out the general picture of Pima economic life that the following notes are set down.” Pima villages are always located near a water supply and function as agricultural units because of an irrigation system built and maintained by the community. Rights to use the village water and irrigation system are included with the land title in return for construction and maintenance of damns and canals.

Hill lists two main ways that plots of land are assigned to individuals: men who take part in preparing a new area of land either choose or are assigned plots on that land, or an individual male applies to the village headman and a plot is designated for him. Land can be inherited by male children, the patriarchal head of the household, or the closest related individual to the previous owner depending on the circumstances. Women are not assigned land and are not allowed to inherit it, but the article discusses their right to use family-owned land. Hill describes land use laws that apply to both individual owners and the community as a whole. For example, development of a particular plot is purely an individual owner’s decision, but all land is open to communal grazing, hunting, and gathering. Crops produced on a plot are shared by everyone who has worked on the land and all of their dependents.

The article also explains laws concerning the rental of land by both village members and outsiders, and the damage and theft of crops. Hill shows how Pima land laws are integral to the construction and maintenance of the village irrigation system. He also hints at the role these laws play in solidifying social structure by their emphasis on patriarchy and communal development. Based on Hill’s description, Pima land law is necessarily tightly structured to maintain a functioning system of land ownership and inheritance and also to regulate the maintenance of the village’s vital irrigation system.

AMIE CSISZER Union College (Linda Cool)

Hoebel, E. Adamson. Associations and the State in the Plains. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38(3):433-438.

Hoebel begins his discussion of the role of the state in the lives of Native Americans in the Plains region by mentioning work done by R. H. Lowie on police actions during buffalo hunts. During the buffalo hunt, an overarching military force, formed out of various societies, a single military society, or the elites of many groups, assembles to punish violations of rules about the buffalo hunt. Although the Plains societies accept the authority of the military society unanimously, this gesture is entirely not in keeping with traditional beliefs emphasizing individual freedom and decentralized authority. This centralized authority disappears once the hunt period ends.

Hoebel takes this as evidence of a “potent germ of the state” (433) within Plains society, and brings his discussion into focus around the Northern Cheyenne and their police functions within their society during “no hunt” periods. He talk over several specific cases he observed while studying the society, first discussing one in which Man-lying-on-his-back-with-knees-flexed violated the rule after declaring his intention to go out and hunt small game for his family. While out hunting, he killed a bison, illegally, and returned to camp. A watch group, with the sole purpose of observing those hunting, observed his kill. After returning to his camp, Man-lying-on-his-back-with-knees-flexed suffered the consequences of his action; the watchmen destroyed his tipi. To show his guilt, he remained within the tipi during its destruction. Hoebel cites a case where the accused was innocent in which Low Forehead, again in his tipi, rushed out before the watchmen destroyed it to proclaim his innocence of the crime. Clear precedents for behavior exist in response to accusations within the society.

Throughout the rest of the article, Hoebel depicts cases which show societal checks on the power of the military force, on how the society handles murder cases, and on the role of the military force in terms of community responsibilities. Hoebel takes the variety of examples of the intervention of the military within society to indicate that “the military associations were well along towards establishment as a civil power” (436), not only in the realm of the buffalo hunt but also as a power in community crises.

Hoebel’s analysis of the implications of the presence of a military force within Cheyenne society provides a view into the continually developing image of Native Americans in the United States’ past and indicates anthropologists’ attempts to flesh out the image of Native Americans in an scientific way. His various ethnographic examples, providing the bulk of the article’s material, make it easy to read and interesting even to those with only a passing interest in anthropology.

ALYSSA BROWN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Hoebel, E. Adamson. Associations and the State in the Plains. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38(3):433-438.

In E. Adamson Hoebel’s article, “Associations and the State in the Plains,” the author examines the relationship between associations and a possible state structure in Great Plains societies. He defines associations as “a social group specifically organized for the pursuit of some common interest or interests in so far as such interests are not primarily based on either the blood or territorial tie.” Hoebel is interested in investigating whether or not the beginnings of a military presence in civil life could be construed as a “state.” R. H. Lowie argued that the function of military societies among Plains cultures was limited to the buffalo hunt. Hoebel decided that more first-hand knowledge of law and control was necessary to ascertain if the soldiers’ authority had expanded beyond the hunt and been incorporated into civil life. Thus he went to the Northern Cheyenne in the summer of 1935 to conduct fieldwork. Lowie had already shown the success that soldiers had in enforcing a prohibition of killing during parts of the buffalo hunt.

Hoebel used information from an informant, Calf Woman, to justify his claim that the soldiers of the Plains bridged the conflict between kin and community. While Calf Woman said she would not have turned in a guilty relative herself, she was certain that someone else in the group would. In order to test his position, Hoebel recounts two murder cases. In the first, an aborted fetus is found near the Cheyenne camp. Soldier chiefs assembled all women in public and their breasts were examined to show signs of recent lactation. When an apparently guilty girl was found, she was banished from the tribe for murder. In the second example, a soldier named Bird Song insulted another man, Sleeping Rabbit, for leaving his wife behind to trudge through deep snow. Sleeping Rabbit then shot Bird Song in the arm and fled the scene. A group of soldiers, not even of the same society, sought Sleeping Rabbit out, beat him thoroughly and brought him back to his village to take on the difficult job of removing the arrowhead lodged in the victims’ arm. While Hoebel is certain to show how military societies had grown to tower “immeasurably above single individuals,” he is also careful to point out that overzealous actions were looked down upon. In a sense, the military societies were an institution that ensured that just laws were enforced over the Great Plains.

CHRIS DINGMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Howard, Edgar B. An Outline of the Problem of Man’s Antiquity in North America. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):394-413.

In this article, Edgar Howard hypothesizes about the length of time that modern man has existed in the new world. He analyzes documented anthropological and geological evidence in order to shed some light on his query. The article is not only concerned with how long modern man has existed in North America, but also the route of passage taken to arrive on the continent. The most widely accepted view is that modern man had traversed into North America via Asia and the Bering Strait. The geological evidence becomes the most notable concerning this view of modern man’s migration into the New World. Geological evidence supports the deduction that the Bering Strait was not glaciated during the last glacial period. Glaciers would produce a serious obstacle impeding any form of migration as they did in the northeastern part of the continent. Therefore, Howard comments “…the geological factors place no serious obstacles in man’s path from the northwest to establish himself in a new continent at the close of the last glacial period.” Howard’s main point in the article is that because of the glacial restraints on migration, modern man probably first set foot in the New World at the end of the last glacial period. He concludes “…that he may have lived here earlier cannot be denied, but the evidence is not yet ample enough to prove the case, so we rest it here.”

Throughout the article, Howard clearly states his points in a well-organized fashion. The evidence he includes is relevant and directly connected with the theme of the article. The only aspect of the article that was not completely clear was the correlation he made to the “Basket Makers” and how they played into the migration hypothesis. Other than that, the article is well organized and clearly presented as understandable literature.

ATTILA TOMASCHEK Union College (Linda Cool)

Hummel, Arthur W. Berthold Laufer: 1874–1934 American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):101-111.

Berthold Laufer was born in Cologne, Germany October 11, 1874, the son of a merchant Max Laufer. He was a sinologist, an anthropologist, an investigator, and a researcher with a love for language and scientific accuracy.

Laufer started his academic career at the University of Berlin in 1893, where he participated in a seminar for Oriental Languages in 1894, completing his undergraduate studies in 1895. At this time his preference for far eastern languages and ethnology flourished, and in 1897, he received his doctorate from the University of Leipzig upon completion of his doctoral dissertation, a critical analysis of a Tibetan text.

Laufer then moved to America where he further pursued his academic interest through curatorships in Asiatic Ethnology and Anthropology at the Field Museum of Natural History. Laufer went on four expeditions to China and Tibet where he collected ethnographic data through observation, books, and studies of language.

At the time of his death, he had purchased more than 40,000 Chinese books, split between the Newberry and John Crerar libraries, and published over 150 books of his own. Hummel describes his studies as, “often on the most surprising subjects- cormorant fishing, insect-musicians, pigeon whistles . . . loan-words in Tibetan – but in every one he made apt and startling comparisons which gave to his studies unusual cultural significance” (102).

The obituary composed by Hummel thoroughly reviews Laufer’s academic career and pursuits, including a complete bibliography of all his works published between 1895 and 1907; but touches little on the man himself and the possible influence he may have had on Asiatic studies in America.

SARA A. FELLOWS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Hummel, Arthur W. Berthold Laufer: 1874-1934. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1):101-105.

Arthur W. Hummel credits German-born Berthold Laufer as “…the most broadly-trained and distinguished investigator” in the field of American Anthropology. This quote, which reflects the view of Hummel at the time he wrote the obituary, is elaborated upon in the body of the text as he explores the accomplishments of Laufer.

I believe the details of Laufer’s career, as explored in this obituary, are exceptional, and that his status and achievements are worthy of the praise Hummel gives him. Hummel does a good job convincing the reader of the immense respect that Laufer received in his anthropological career. This is accomplished in part when Hummel describes the numerous books that Laufer wrote in his lifetime, as well as the broad range of material covered in these publications. “His books…numbering some 150 on an astonishing variety of subjects, became at once indispensable works of reference.” Hummel speaks of Laufer’s proficiency in several Far Eastern languages, his interest in the ethnology of these lands, and the notable teachers under whom he studied.

Hummel mentions Laufer’s affiliation with several important organizations. He was connected with the American Museum of Natural History, for example, and lectured for two years at Columbia University. Hummel describes Laufer’s interest in promoting education and research; one outstanding example of this is that Laufer, after finding that “Chicago was inadequately supplied with books for such broad research,” purchased more than 40,000 volumes of Chinese books and donated them to two of Chicago’s libraries.

Laufer was a success for his time because he was quite radical. The respect that he received was in part due to the broad nature of his studies: “In every one he made apt and startling comparisons that gave to his studies unusual cultural significance”. Hummel mentions that “in his later years collectors of art objects eagerly sought and obtained his criticisms, and younger scholars begged him to read manuscripts which he had no heart to refuse.”

I was convinced by this obituary that Laufer was a very intelligent and versatile man, yet, I believe this is only true if it is understood in the context of the time he lived in.

LAUREN TUCHMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Ives, Ronald L. A Trinchera near Quitovaquita, Sonora. American Anthropologist. April, 1936 Vol.38(2):257-259

The author’s objective is to describe and teach about the stone walls of Papagueria. He notes that the hills are in Arizona, in an area that is known as Cerritos de Agua Dulce. At the point where the Colorado River enters the hills is a poorly placed wall about 300 feet long. The wall is about 3 feet from the ground and approximately 2 two feet wide. “The major portion of this wall has fallen, although it is firmly built” (page 257). This portion has been demolished by earthquakes, which are common in that area. Natives have said that the wall has been up for some time, but knew nothing of its beginning. Many Spanish writers have been through the area and have come across this wall. Many of the writers knew that the wall was open to attack. The north, south, and west sides are all open to attack. Some evidence was given that at one point, this area was occupied. There is a possibility that these people were driven from their homes.

At the Quitovaquita trinchera, there is no evidence of habitation. In fact there are many guesses as to what this specific trinchera was used for. It was not an irrigation dam because there is no way that it could hold the water. It is not a corral because it “could not confine any animal more active than a turtle” (259). Some suggest that the trinchera was used as a religious structure. Keep in mind the location of some of the structure and their obvious uselessness and this suggestion seems to fit.

Overall, I felt that this article is missing key information. It is missing information about what a Trinchera is. It is dull enough to put you to sleep because it rambles on about the same things over and over again. On the bright side, the article has one picture and is very short.

ADAM COHEN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Ives, Ronald L. A Trinchera Near Quitovaquita, Sonora. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38(3):257-259.

This article, by Ronald L. Ives, details a remote wall in the southern Arizona area. The wall, which is slowly being destroyed by earthquakes, was described by locals as being built before the coming of “el Doctor Lumbo” and the “good Padre.” Ives is openly saddened by the lack of other information about the origins of the wall. Many locals knew nothing and the literature was silent. The wall is poorly placed strategically and it is quite small – nothing could be contained larger than a turtle. Ives believes that the wall was made for religious purposes, as a trinchera.

While his article is extremely clear, he has little to write about. Ives is essentially stating that he has no evidence and actually states in his conclusion that a thorough study needs to be made. At the present time, however, there is no conclusion.

PAUL CORRIGAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Judd, Neil M. Walter Hough: An Appreciation. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):471-481.

The author of this article does a good job in presenting Hough as an important figure in the departments of anthropology, paleontology, and geology. Hough was not only great in the field of research, he exerted his influence in a kind and gentle way to others. The article describes that Hough had great memory, the kind that contained even the most mundane details. He was able to provide detailed and convincing accounts about his studies to his fascinated audience.

As a young boy Hough had an interest in collecting fossils and studying botany, but at the university his focus swayed toward geology. He was given the honor to work with Fontaine and White, two leading authorities on geology at that time. His love of geology and paleontology was now supplemented with work in anthropology. By 1908, Hough was appointed both acting Curator of the division of ethnography and acting Head Curator of the department of anthropology. His great value to the National Museum allowed for him to stay years past the customary age for retirement of Federal employees. The greater portion of his time was spent in the laboratory cataloguing specimens and preparing data. It was a good time for Hough to be working there as it was the height of the exposition era and all across the country museums were busy setting up exhibitions that commemorated historical events. In fact, for his work in preparing exhibitions in Madrid as a representative of the Smithsonian Institution, Hough was made a knight of the Royal Order of Ysabel la CatÌlica by the Queen Regent. Perhaps, even more interesting is Hough’s extensive work on fire as an agent in human culture. Moreover, he will always be remembered as part founder of the American Anthropological Association.

GEORGE MARATHAKIS Union College (Linda Cool)

Kidder, Lilia and Homer H. The Cave of Puy-de-Lacan: A Magdalenian Site in South-Central France American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):439-450

In this article the authors discuss the Cave of Puy-de-Lacan, in the Correze River valley near Brive, France. This valley “is the only site in the region of Brive that is known to have been occupied by folk of Magdalenian culture” (439). The Kidders describe their excavation of the cave, the artifacts they discovered, including numerous flint tools, and determine during what time periods Magdalenians inhabited the cave.

The cave measures thirty-two feet wide by forty-two feet deep, and is about 100 feet above the river. Elie Massenat and Philibert Lalande discovered the site, and around 1900 workers found about 700 flaked flints. Roughly thirty years later, the authors dug near the same area and exposed further archaeological deposits with the help of pre-historians Abbes L. Lejeune and J. Bouyssonie.

The authors first visited the cave in June 1929, and found a few flaked flints, a small saw-toothed blade, and a borer. As a result, they decided to excavate and dug to the bed rock. The excavation consisted of four layers, or beds, named A, B, C, and D, with A being the lowest. A hearth and a granite lamp were found near the rock, but because of decay no bone, antler, or ivory was found. The Kidders recognized the site was Magdalenian when they found animal engravings on stone, and flint tools.

The principal tool of the Magdalenian was the graver, or burin. Workers used burins to engrave bone and wood. Gravers are grouped into three categories: the spalled graver, the scaled graver, and the fluted graver. The Magdalenians seem to be the first people to use gravers to cut bone and antler for harpoons, spear tips, and needles. Gravers compose fifty two percent of the total number of tools at the site.

The site also contained several sandstone engravings. Two of the engravings, one of a bison and a bird and the other three bison, are from the great period of Magdalenian art (Magdalenian V-VI). The authors also found a more immature engraving of a horse’s head. This engraving was from the Magdalenian period III-IV. These finds are interesting because they prove that in this region, “Magdalenian art evolved along lines analogous to those already known in Perigord and the French and Spanish Pyrenees” (448).

The Kidders conclude that the Magdalenians inhabited the cave between the periods Magdalenian III-IV, and add that the material they excavated is in the Musee Ernest Rupin in Brive.

This is a well-written article that is easy to read, but a more detailed description of the Magdalenian culture would have been helpful.

JUSTIN ZAMBO Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Kidder, Lilia and Homer H. The Cave of Puy-de-Lacan: A Magdalenian Site in South-Central France. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38(3):439-451.

The article by Lilia and Homer H. Kidder entitled, “The Cave of Puy-de-Lacan: A Magdalenian Site in South-Central France” begins with a short introduction concerning the prevailing theories of the prehistorical movements of people in Central France, specifically the Magdalenians. From here, the authors talk about their initial exposure to the remote site, found by simply poking a sand deposit with sticks and finding several flaked flints. Upon further investigation, the authors found four distinct layers of sediments, each with several important finds in them. However, most all of the organic material found in these layers was long since decayed as a result of the sand in which it was once buried. Even though these artifacts had decayed, the Kidders were able to discern the culture as Magdalenian through examination of animal engravings on stone found at the site.

The most striking aspect of this article is the authors’ use of statistics and very strict, systematic documentation of artifacts. Included in the article are five drawings, three photographs and several charts that illuminate the large amount of data they collected. From this information, they arrived at many influential conclusions about the nature of the culture these people inherited and the tradition that they passed on. In addition, there is ample evidence to support the idea that the artifacts found here are not of one isolated age, but contain pieces that are of several very distant eras. Thus the conclusion was reached that this site was most likely inhabited for a very long period of time. On the one hand, there were raclettes (flat scraping tools characteristic of the old Magdalenian period) found in the deepest sediment layer that suggests occupation from before the development and introduction of primitive bone harpoons. Equally perplexing, historic pottery findings suggest that this cave was frequented by peoples of the Gallo-Roman and Merovingian periods. The cave at Puy-de-Lacan is a fascinating place of study that brings together many different and important periods in human history.

CHRIS DINGMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Kluckhorn, Clyde. Some Reflections on the Method and Theory of the Kultureislehre. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol. 38(2): 157-196

The article begins with a statement as to the importance of understanding the “systematic studies” that should be followed in examining human activity. One must look into all aspects of the particular population because only then will the facts have proper meaning, rather than assumptions of the culture. Kluckhorn suggests that both method and theory of cultural anthropology are so interrelated that one must pursue “general systems of thought”; otherwise personal sentiments will be included. In addition, he believes that we should study both the premise and central issues when applying anthropologic theories for clarity and a full understanding of any problems or issues. In doing this, discovery of limitations and advantages become prominent.

With those in mind, he moves to discuss Kulturkreislehre, and practical use of key concepts. A short review of “its latest” usage by Dr. Van Bluck is presented and can be summarized in saying that the root problem of ethnology is in establishing and working through culture connections and only when we fully understand the ideologies and history of evolution can we understand its culture. Van Bluck includes that several tools for examination including photographs, ethnographies, travelers, and recorded anecdotes, remembering that this is usually second hand information. If there are any uncertain conditions, one must report reservation in documentation. Also, realizing that upon light of new information, revision of earlier reported examinations is necessary.

Regarding theory, he presents two foundations for examination: “Poverty of man’s ability to devise new means of meeting his environment” and “Imitativeness of man and contagiousness of culture” (165). These two ideas are key to the premise that association of culture elements rests on historical information, not relations among the individuals themselves.

In terms of method, he finds that subjectivity is based upon the student. However, a method of full objectivity in Kulturkreise has yet to be established. Kluckhorn questions the number of traits that are studied and whether that sheds any light to truth in examination. Methods must lead to exactness and this is unlikely. So, in turn, he presents an idea that anthropologists should use principles to form trends of “a high degree of statistical probability”. Kulturkreisler is backed by “rationalistic deductive logics”, rather than other practices, which have biases due to other seeded beliefs.

In the second section of the article, Kluckhorn shares thoughts from other issues about what the ideas of Kulturkreisler are from a number of prominent American and British anthropologists. In conclusion, he remarks that Kulturkreisehre is a task for true scholars, devoted establishing facts and details that have not always been accepted by their peers.

While the article itself was clear, understandable, and easy to read, some terms were not defined. This caused a few problems in understanding the material. Also, the order of the material is somewhat confusing.

ANNE BREKKEN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Kluckhohn, Clyde. Some Reflections on the Method and Theory of the Kulturkreislehre.American Anthropologist April-June 1936 Vol.38(2):157-196.

This article written discusses the advantages and criticisms given to the anthropological theory of the Kulturkreislehre. The Kulturkreislehre offers anthropologists a broad perspective that combines aspects of the functionalist and historical fields of thought. The author suggests that this perspective focuses on the problem of diffusion while still giving attention to the importance of cultural particularities. Ultimately, the Kulturkreislehre endeavors to “provide a schematization for the archeological and ethnographical facts of the whole world.” The article provides the contrasting viewpoints of important anthropologists to demonstrate how the Kulturkreislehre combines the essence of different perspectives.

Although the author concedes that the Kulturkreislehre is vulnerable to supposition just like any other field of social science, he surmises that the careful system that it propones, allows anthropologists the greatest amount of accuracy. The formulation of speculative theories and the generation of hypotheses is fundamental to the Kulturkreislehre method, but the hypotheses always remain open to modification. The author shows that the essence of a hypothesis is to suggest a flexible and testable correlation between different elements. Adopting the foundation of Boas’ theory, the author explains that the Kulturkreislehre emphasizes the use of extensive ethnography. Through the analysis of such fieldwork, an anthropologist might be able to ascertain the chronology and typology of a particular culture. Yet, the study must always remain as open and objective as possible to avoid overstressing the anthropologist’s own biases. The author underscores the fundamental tenet of the Kulturkreislehre that “cultural elements rest solely on an historical connection” and therefore the method behind ethnology is essentially historical. By extension the Kulturkreislehre seeks to illuminate trends and tendencies that underlie the development of different cultures.

Functionalist anthropologists largely refute the principles of this anthropological method. Malinowski and Radcliff-Brown encourage the generation of general laws that can be applied to all stratums of human society. Conversely, the Kulturkreislehre stresses the importance of the particularities associated with every culture. Yet the author describes that the method of the Kulturkreislehre rests on an equilibrium of interdependence between these two fields. As such, this method provides the anthropologists with a specific yet objective means of categorizing the archeological and ethnological facts of a culture.

FEDERICO SPARISCI Union College (Linda Cool)

Latcham, Richard E. Atacameno Archaeology. American Anthropologist. October-December 1936. Vol 38(4): 609-619.

The author’s objective is to declare that artifacts found in South America, particularly Equador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina have a small proportion of “truly” Inca influenced artifacts and practices. Also, the author states that earlier cultures have a greater incidence of original artifacts in these South American countries. The Incas did not leave the Cuzco Valley until the year 1350 and the conquest of Chile did not start until the reign of Huaina Capac, 45 years before the arrival of the Spaniards. The Atacameno tribe occupied the northernmost region of Chile and had limited influences from them. Most of the early Atacameno artifacts, such as pottery and cemeteries, show a predominant Tiahuanaco influence rather than an Inca influence. Many of the Atacameno graves “show undoubted influences of the Tiahuanaco culture” where pottery fragments show a distinctive Tiahuanaco style with regards to decoration. Wooden snuffing-trays for tobacco of the Atacameno tribe show similarities to the stone snuffing trays found in the Tiahaunaco culture. The Peruvian custom of burying bodies in a sitting posture “with the legs drawn up to the chin” was also found within the Atacameno culture, and marks a separate cultural stage due to the termination of a Tiahuanaco empire in 900AD.

After the end of the Tiahuanaco Empire, the author claims that the Atacameno began to “develop a culture of their own”, which was described as very different from neighboring and past South American cultures. Distinctive pottery, weaving techniques, agriculture, irrigation systems, and spinning were developed particular to the Atacameno. The 12th century marked the influence of the Chinchas on the Atacameno, where an accelerated development and a change in artistic style denote the Chincha influence. The Inca conquest of the Chincha-Empire in the middle of the 15th century ended the Chincha influences; however “the culture of the Incas left few traces.” The author pointed out that the Incas did not heavily occupy the Atacameno region, and therefore few Inca influenced objects exist in the area of the Atacameno.

The author provides clear evidence to support his claim of the lack of Inca influence on the Atacameno tribe. A catchy introduction and numerous pictures highlight this article.

KEVIN BULGER Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Latcham, Richard E. Atacameno Archaeology. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):609-619.

The author of this article sets out to dispel the myth that any pre-Spanish South American artifacts are necessarily Incan. He explains the historical events of Incan expansion into central Chile, which leads to his chosen culture of study, the AtacameZos. This culture is elusive to current research because in the first centuries of the Christian era, the people migrated to the south of their original position, leaving only place names and possibly the domestication of the llama in their former native area.

However, even though the AtacameZos were not integral to (or even part of) the development of Incan culture, the author’s excavation in the area does show several distinct periods for this culture. The first is that of the Tiahuanaco Empire, which is variably placed between 600 and 900 A.D. The most important characteristics of this period were a budding system of agriculture and correlated industries, spinning, weaving and basketry, and the replacement of spears by bows and arrows. The abrupt end of the Tiahuanaco Empire around 900 A.D. led to a two-hundred year period where the wide-spread metropolitan influences of the previous era gave way to more localized ones. This period of local development had a distinct artistic flavor that was derived from the previous empires’ art, but also represented new local styles. By the beginning of the 12th century, however, new influences were seeping into the thoroughly localized culture of the previous two centuries. These elaborate new styles of pottery decoration were the results of the expansion of the Chinchas, another localized people who would overrun the AtacameZos in this period. This is the last period before the Inca conquest of the fifteenth century, which actually left very few traces in AtacemaZo territory. The author does a fine job of giving evidence to show that Incan culture has relatively little to do with artistic and technical development of central Chilean culture. Even now, there are few remains to even demonstrate that there was an Incan presence. AtacemaZo civilization was a long and important one, with several distinct stages of development and change before the Inca were serious players in the area.

CHRIS DINGMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Latchmen, E. Ricardo. Indian Ruins in Northern Chile. American Anthropologist. January – March, 1936. Vol.38(1):52-59.

In this article, Latchmen discusses the Indian ruins that he visited in Northern Chile. He describes several different ruins from Atacameno region of Chile. Latchmen describes the archaeological structures and the similarities and differences between the ruins.

The first ruins that Latchmen discusses are found twenty-five miles east of Clama, on the banks of the river Loa. This town destroyed the buildings when trying to move the town to a different location. Due to this it is rather difficult to describe the details of the buildings. The buildings are made of stone cemented by mud from the soil and clay. The buildings were not preserved well enough to tell if they had windows. Some of the walls reached nine to ten feet in height on the buildings.

The next ruins discussed are found in Lasana. These ruins are better preserved and are found six miles farther up the river from the first ruins. The city was built on a slope near the river. Many of the buildings are almost intact. The houses are built of stone slabs, cemented by mud mortar. Most were rectangular in shape with an average height of ten feet. All of the houses had windows and doors. These are the earliest windows recorded in American architecture.

The article then goes on to discuss the outline of the city. Such as where the burial caves are found. In this city there were built in storerooms, four feet high rooms with no doors and roofed with sticks. The streets are described, as well as the canal built to bring water to the city. The canal is constructed of large stone connected to the river and is used for irrigation.

The next ruins are found northeast of Lasana in Turi. Turi ruins are from three distinct time periods. The walls in one part of the town aer only four feet high and divided in small rooms without doors and windows. The buildings were built of dark colored lava blocks instead of mud mortar.

In the upper part of the town, the houses are like those in Lasana, with higher walls with windows and store-rooms. At the most level part of the town, buildings belonging to the Inca period are found. The buildings are constructed of sun-dried bricks or adobes. The buildings are large with windows and doors. This city was larger that Lasana with 450 houses and a population of nearly two thousand.

The article describes how from these findings one can see that the ancient Atacama culture was more advanced and developed than generally supposed.

Overall, this article flowed smoothly. The transition from town to town was done well and in a way than was easy to comprehend. I found the article to be interesting to read and learn.

AMANDA DEKARSKE Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse).

Latcham, Ricardo E. Indian Ruins in Northern Chile. American Anthropologist 1936 Vol. 38 52-58.

The author of this article argues against the assumption that there are no architectural monuments from before the Spanish conquest in Chile. The ruins that did exist were said to be of no importance to the study of ancient Indian cultures. Latcham describes his own archaeological trip to the interior of the province of Antofagasta and the opportunity to research the indigenous people of that region as well as their rituals and culture. The base of his study follows the river Loa and the ruins of ancient towns along that waterway. Latcham located more than two sets of ruins that disprove the above hypothesis. The ruins, which were found by his team and studied at length, proved to be extremely important to the understanding of Indian cultures in pre-Incaic Chile. Each “city” gave many clues to the architectural intelligence of these cultures. Each house was intricately built and each structure contained certain “luxuries” for the time. One extremely important example of this is the presence of windows in many of the residential structures. According to Latcham, these windows predated the windows found in the Inca regions of Cuzco and Macchu-Picchu by over two centuries. This, according to the author, is of major importance when looking at these ancient cultures as it is clear that the intellect level of the population of these areas are superior to those up to two hundred years later.

The author of this article provides an alternative to the commonly held assumptions concerning ruins in Chile and the level of complexity in these ruins. He accomplishes his goal as he successfully provides data that helps to challenge the idea that the Incas were the first culture to utilize semi-modern tactics of construction.

ELI RABINOWITZ: Union College (Linda Cool)

O’Neale, Lila M. A Survey of the Woolen Textiles in the Sir Aurel Stein CollectionsAmerican Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):414-432

O’Neale gives a lengthy and detailed description of a collection of early Chinese Turkestan woolens from a British anthropologist named Sir Aural Stein. Stein’s collection is composed from three separate expeditions that he headed in Central Asia. O’Neale analyses the various types of woolens which range from the fifth century B.C. to the ninth century A.D. Four points of analysis are the types of wool fibers used, the weaves, patterns, and color range.

In regard to wool fibers, sheep, goat, and horse were most prominent. Four of eight weaves which are used in the modern textile industry originated in Turkestan. After introducing the fiber types and weaving techniques, much of the remainder of the article describes intricate variations in wools between the sundry cultures of Central Asia. More descriptions are added such as to the color schemes of these woolen textiles. Lastly, O’neale concludes that the fabrics made during this period of over one thousand years changed very little over time, as there was no need for change.

For a textile analyst or a scholar of ancient Chinese history, this article may have been interesting – it was clearly written and very descriptive. However, even the most devout anthropologist might find this article a little dry. No theoretical observations were made by O’Neale, and furthermore, she gave a cursory description of how the various woolen textiles of Central Asia impacted the lives and cultures of these peoples of ancient China. O’Neale should be given credit for the extensive evidence used in her analysis of early Chinese Turkestan wools, as Stein’s collection was fairly impressive and certainly sufficient.

DAN LINK Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

O’Neale, Lila M. A Survey of the Woolen Textiles in the Sir Aurel Stein Collections.American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38(3):414-432.

In this article, Lila M. O’Neale makes an attempt to analyze the chronology behind several textiles and fabrics from the collection of Sir Aurel Stein. Stein was a field researcher who spent several years traveling throughout China and other parts of Asia searching for evidence of different types of fabrics dating to the first century B.C. What Stein was interested in was primarily the types of wool fibers used, weaves, patterns and color range. The most common fibers found for making wool were sheep’s wool, goat’s hair, and horse’s hair. There were several notable types of weaves found in Stein’s collection dating between the first century B.C. and the ninth century A.D. These weaves included twill, pile knot, plain and figure. Perhaps the most notable type of weave was the pile weave, as this weave seemed to be the most efficient form in both its strength and amount of fiber used. The color range found in these Central Asian textiles display a wide variety of colors including: brown, yellow, red, blue, green, black, gray, and purple. Shades of red are found to be the most common. The main point O’Neale conveys in her analysis of Central Asian textiles is that “the wool fabrics made during a period of ten centuries in Central Asia show little change”.

Throughout her article, O’Neale shows this lack of notable change through the variants of colors, patterns and types of weaves. However, she does not make exceptionally clear why they show little change except for the hard evidence found that the textiles remain fairly constant throughout the span of ten centuries. Her analysis is somewhat shallow in this regard. The evidence she accumulates through the Stein collections does in fact show little change, but O’Neale does not shed much light on why she believes that there is little change. She does point out that these particular textiles did not show any signs of travel, and therefore might not have experienced a lot of change. This is a sufficient point and her article is written clearly, but her analysis of the finds could have been deeper.

ATTILA TOMASCHEK Union College (Linda Cool)

Opler, M.E. The Kinship Systems of the Southern Athabaskan-Speaking Tribes. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):620-633.

During the four years prior to publication of this article, the author conducted fieldwork in the American Southwest among four Southern Athabaskan-speaking tribes. In the course of that fieldwork, he concluded that the kinship systems fit into two norms which he calls the Chiricahua type and the Jicarilla type. This article details the particulars of the kinship systems of the four tribes as they fall into the two categories.

Opler compares and contrasts the two systems and reaches the conclusion that the Jicarilla type is an outgrowth of the Chiricahua type. However, he points out that he has made no attempt to decide if that is the result of an independent development or if it resulted from contact with other tribes and subsequent sharing of kinship structure.

Among the contrasting features of the two systems are the following:

Chiricahua terminology is self-reciprocal; Jicarilla is not

The Chiricahua have four grandparent terms; that number is reduced in the Jicarilla type

The Jicarilla type is marked by the development of joking relationships; the Chiricahua is not.

This article is an even mix of the technical and an easily understood narrative. With the help of someone knowledgeable in kinship systems, this article could be easily understood. Without that assistance, it tends to become confusing.

SHERRY BRUMGARD Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Opler, M. E. The Kinship Systems of the Southern Athabaskan-Speaking Tribes. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):620-633.

This article is an attempt to summarize the evidence that the kinship systems of Southern Athabaskan-speaking peoples can be separated into two different kinds. These cultures had received very little attention concerning kinship systems until the author conducted a comparative field study of four such tribes in the four years leading up to this article. He goes on to define the basic social segment as the “local group,” which consists of a small group of extended domestic families practicing matrilocal residence (620). This pattern is common for all Southern Athabaskan-speaking peoples, although the author has found two distinct kinship structures, and the rest of his article is devoted to placing each of the seven area tribes into such categories.

The first kinship system type is referred to as the Chiricahua Type, as represented by the Chiricahua Apaches. The most striking feature of this group is the self-reciprocal terminology used when dealing with nearly all relatives. Thus, one would almost always address a relative with the same term as that relative would address him or her in return. The only exception is that of the parent-child relationship. Also, the Chiricahuan system allows for no joking relationships among siblings and cousins. All members of this kinships system treat each other with reserve and respect. The most obvious example of a Chiricahua kinship variant is the Mescalero. The author states that he will only summarize the few discrepancies among groups he is associating, thus the only data he presents here are differences. Next he moves onto the Jicarilla Type of kinship system. He claims that he created this grouping as a result of his work among the Jicarilla Apache and that it is diametrically opposed to the Chiricahuan system. Among the Jicarilla groups there is only one instance where a self-reciprocal kin term is used and the presence of joking relationship among member of the same sex is prevalent. Within the Jicarilla, there exists a small variation called the Lipan kinship system. It differs on one particular: “cross cousins are not distinguished from parallel cousins and siblings.”

After describing the Chiricahuan and Jicarilla kinship types, the author continued to place each of the seven Southern Athasbaskan tribes into these categories. The Western Apache Kinship system (including White Mountain, Northern and Southern Tonto, San Carlos and Cibecue Apache) all falls under the Chiricahuan type. The Kiowa Apcahes are quintessential Jicarilla types, with again one or two minor variations. The Navaho are the one example that seem to employ traits indiscriminately between Chiricahuan and Jicarillan kinship systems. The author realized that the two types he had discovered were essentially point for point opposites, as evidenced by the presence or absence of joking relationships and self-reciprocal kin terms. However, not one completely fits the models the author has created, each seems to have its own minor variations that defy strict classification.

CHRIS DINGMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Opler, M.E. A Summary of Jicarilla Apache Culture. American Anthropologist April-June 1936 Vol.38(2):202-223.

The author aims to describe the culture of the Jicarilla Apache North American Indian tribe. The Jicarilla, as he refers to them, claimed the land in central and eastern parts of New Mexico and parts of southern Colorado was “formerly their own.”

Opler describes the Jicarilla as being a modified version of the Southern Athabaskan Indians with influences of Plains and Pueblo culture. The tribe was divided into two bands, known as “plains people” and “sand people.” These bands were then divided into local groups; six in the plains band and six in the sand band.

The Jicarilla saw birds and animals as former holders of ceremonies, as they were believed to once have spoken like humans. The Jicarilla sought the aid of animals when ill, and did not hunt them without ceremony and prayer.

The Jicarilla economy was based around agriculture, gathering, hunting and fishing. Fields were cleared by burning, and corn (the primary crop) was grown. The Jicarilla also used wild plants such as yucca fruit and juniper berry. Deer, buffalo, antelope, and elk were the primary animals hunted by the tribe.

Horses were important in Jicarilla culture. Horse raids took place on Plains tribes, during which time women representing the men on the raid followed certain strict rules regarding dress, hygiene and eating habits until the men returned with the stolen horses.

According to the author, Jicarillas fought wars after an enemy had killed one of their own. The primary enemies were the Indians of the plains. If a Jicarilla scalped an enemy during war, it was an indication of their superiority.

The Jicarilla had two primary rituals: the personal ritual, and the traditional, “long-life” ritual. Opler says for the personal ritual, an animal believed to have “chosen” a child at his birth appears in the child’s dream and teaches him songs and rituals. According to the author, the second ritual had its roots in myth. These are several different types of rituals performed to ensure a fruitful and long life.

The kinship among the Jicarilla followed specific rules of interaction, according to Opler. “Cross-cousins,” for example, either take great liberties with one another (referred to as a “joking” relationship), or avoid each other completely. Other similar intricate rules apply to aunts, uncles, and grandparents.

After the death of a spouse, Jicarilla believed their spouse to be unclean until certain ceremonies could be performed. As for sexual relations, Opler said that women’s menstrual blood was considered dangerous to the man, as it was thought to oppose conception, while his semen sought it. A child could be considered part of many men. After their death, the Jicarilla’s family dressed and buried the body in rocks, then isolated themselves for several days.

This article certainly achieves what the author tried to accomplish. It was easy to read and gave an interesting and clear description of the Jicarilla tribe.

KRISTA CHAMBERS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Opler, M. E. A Smmary of Jicarilla Apache Culture. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):202-223.

The author’s objective is to summarize tribal life of the Jicarilla Apache, who regarded their territory to exist in Northern Mexico at the time of this publication. The Jicarilla Apache lived in two tribal bands with no cultural or linguistic differences between them. Only geographic location divided this warlike people as they often intermarried freely between the two bands, which comprised the tribe of “plains people” and “sand people”. The author dissects and explains the Jicarilla culture under sub-headings expanding upon each Jicarilla practice, tradition and ideology, clarifying background and the practicality of every Jicarilla action. Jicarilla Apache economy, war, ritual life and many other important aspects of their society are all examined adequately in this manner.

The majority of Jicarilla tribal actions described in this article are accompanied by ceremony or ritual as supernatural intervention is either called upon or warded off depending on the situation. “The keynote of the Jicarilla world conception is a tremendous enthusiasm for life”. In fact, all things ‘living’ are regarded to have an essence of natural power a force of energy that is immensely revered by the tribe. Tribal mythology is also culturally important to the Jicarilla Apache along with the use of language, face paint, clothing, song and dance, all of which are used in ceremony and often incorporated practically into daily life.

This article contains a simplified chart of the Jicarilla kinship system in which many specific titles are bestowed upon kin depending upon their sex and the biological link between the specific Jicarilla Apaches, which both determines the nature of the relationship and the behavior initiated between the kin. This comprehensive summary effectively conveys the complexities of Jicarilla Apache society and custom, eloquently illustrating the ethnographic research initially carried out in this region.

BETHAN WHITEHEAD Union College (Linda Cool)

Parsons, Elsie Clews Early Relations Between Hopi and Keres American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):554-560

Parson describes the early relations between the Hopi and Keres, and compares their traditions. She concludes that the only reason these traditions stayed alive is because the traits from these tribes were passed on to each other. She starts out by comparing the Hopi traditions with Western Keres and how they came to draw similarities and relations between each other.

The Acoma were people who settled below First Mesa and were said to be Hopi. They learned to speak Keresan. The people of the First Mesa were said to be Keresan. These clans on First Mesa immigrated during the Spanish invasion. As they immigrated they introduced dances such as the butterfly dance which is the Saint’s Day dance of the Rio Grande. They also introduced curing societies, said to have lapsed among the Hopi; however, during this immigration their language was lost. The tradition of Hopi- Keres relations was kept alive through ceremonies that lapsed among the Hopi, including songs of Snake-Antelope, Flute, and Singer societies which are said to be Keresan.

Because these ceremonies stayed alive, that meant even though the Keres lost their language during the migration period, some Keresan words were still used. One of the most significant words that was still used was Ka’toya. This term is linked to the snake Kapina societies of the Western Keres in many ways. The snake ceremony of the societies of the Western Keres is almost a replica of Hopi performance with the Kapina (spider) society associated with altar rituals.

These and many other traits identify Hopi Snake-Antelope societies as Keresan societies. Bear and lion imitations used by the Hopi at the snake initiation and impersonation of chiefs by antelope chiefs are characteristically Keresan. The author talks about how these and many other Hopi traits are indicative of early relationships. She supports this view with two hypothesis. The first hypothesis states that groups of Hopi migrated to territories of the Western Keres before Spanish invasion and carried rituals and clan structures with them. Second, the Fewkes Hargrave hypothesis goes further back in time and suggests that the town of Awatobi, which was destroyed by 1700, was inhabited by people of the First mMesa. Therefore is said when the Hopi lived below the First Mesa, several of the Hopi ceremonies were introduced from Awatobi.

The author accomplishes her objectives in this medium length article. She does a good job demonstrating evidence to explain his reasoning in this article. It was a very interesting article that I enjoyed reading.

KRISTEN WOLOSZYN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Parsons, Elsie Clews. Early Relations Between Hopi and Keres. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):554-560.

In this article, the author provides ethnological evidence to support hypotheses regarding Hopi-Keresan relations. She provides much evidence for the similarities between traditional ceremonies of both cultures, the closest being the Keresan-Hopi Flint and Flute societies and ceremonies respectively. The author was able to advance two hypotheses regarding the relations of these two societies. The first hypothesis holds that before the arrival of the Spanish invaders, groups of Hopi migrated to the Keres territory. The Hopi brought with them rituals and myths as well as the Hopi clan system. These cultural traits were molded into the social patterns of the Keresan population and were communicated back to the kindred of the Hopi that had remained behind during the Spanish invasion. The second hypothesis, termed the Fewkes-Hargrave hypothesis, is not contradictory to the first hypothesis, but rather is suggestive of earlier Hopi-Keresan relations. The hypothesis is based largely on the myth about the Town Chief of Awatobi, a Keresan town, who gives away two male and female clay figurines as collective human representations of the townspeople after the town was attacked. In addition, the author points out that many Hopi ceremonies are said to have originated in the town of Awatobi, suggesting early Hopi-Keresan relations in the town.

The article is difficult to grasp at times because of the many societies and ceremonies mentioned. Although the author’s objective is clear to the reader, she could have stated the evidence for her two hypotheses in a simpler, more direct manner.

MELISSA CISTOLDI Union College (Linda Cool)

Ray, Verne F. The Kolaskin Cult: A Prophet Movement of 1870 in Northern Washington.American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1):67-75.

Verne F. Ray in his article describes the rise, dominion, and cult movement associated with Kolaskin. Additionally, he mentions the fall of Kolaskin, his imprisonment and subsequent declaration to his people that all “he had taught them had been false, and the whole scheme had been a hoax to gain power.”

Ray didactically narrates Kolaskin’s life from his status as an ordinary townspserson to his days as a powerful and influential prophet. Ray describes Kolaskin’s spiritual awakening; the incurable illness that had placed him in a coma, and the day he miraculously regained consciousness. Ray mentions the immediate and growing attention that Kolaskin received: From the support of those who were present at the time of his recovery–who believed he had been chosen to be the new prophet, to those who gained faith because of his ability to predict and forewarn natives of apparent danger, the number of converts who joined his following increased with time.

Ray describes many of the cults’ practices; the weekly meetings, the no-tolerance policy against alcohol, stealing, and committing adulatory, the daily prayers to the new god “qwdantsu’ten” and the devotion of the seventh day to exclusive prayer and singing. He explains the pacifist philosophy that was an integral part of the Kolaskin Cult, and the mentality that “…friendliness and kindliness to others were considered virtues of the highest order.” Although Ray’s tone implies that he is very knowledgeable about the mechanics of the cult, he notes the lack of information available that would provide more accurate insight into the true practices behind the movement.

In his article, Ray cites the perspectives of two natives closely associated with the region and movement. They assert the validity and the impact of the cult, as well as provide insight into Kolaskin’s life and reputation as the new prophet. Ray recognizes both negative and positive responses that were exhibited towards Kolaskin. He describes Kolaskin’s prophecy as becoming a tyranny and the instances of rebellion from people who opposed the totalitarian rule that Kolaskin exerted over Whitestone, the land where his home and practice were situated.

Ray’s article is devoted to describing Kolaskin’s life and his contributions to a cult movement that influenced “native religious concepts and social organization”. He concludes by acknowledging Kolaskin’s continued influence over many members of the cult, and the efforts he made to fight for the Sanpoils—for the rights he felt were owed to them.

LAUREN TUCHMAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Sapir, Edward Internal Linguistic Evidence Suggestive of the Northern Origin of the Navaho American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):224-235

This article, by Sapir, addresses the issue of the Native American Navaho tribe’s origin. Sapir is operating under the belief that they did not have their original beginning in the American Southwest. He seeks to establish culturally indicative evidence that this tribe actually migrated over time from the northern regions of the country. The difficulty in discerning the validity of such a claim lies in the use of external evidence (i.e.–linguistics, Sapir’s area of specialty). In other words it is hard to tell whether the forms of words existed before the tribe migrated (if at all), or if they are a result of cultural diffusion from contact with Southern tribes.

Sapir offers evidence of some Navaho words which have changed specific meaning over time, and which show up in no other forms of Native American language. One example he uses, is the word “ade”, which means “gourd” or “gourd ladle”. He traces its original meaning to be “horn” (of an animal). This then would have changed to mean “ladle made of horn”, which then changed to signify “any ladle”. Eventually, this word came to mean “gourd ladle”, and then specifically the gourd Cucurbita, from which ladles were made (226). He then goes on to compare different dialects of the same (Southwestern) region, on the specific term for corn. All of the dialects, when interpreted, seem to indicate that the food was perceived to be alien to the environment which they inhabited. Eventually, over time the meaning came to be more symbolic than applicable, due to the passing of generations coming to consider it a staple food. Sapir proceeds to offer a few more examples of terms which are similar, yet distinctly different, from other Native American dialectical counterparts, and which seem to offer evidence of a migratory past in their connotation.

He concludes by summarizing that the Southwestern dialects he compares the Navaho to (Western Apache, Mescalero and Chiricahua Apache, Jicarilla Apache, Lipan, and Kiowa Apache) are all related (but subtly different), and that they are distinctly different from northern dialects. The two examples given previously suggest a past that is non-Pueblo Southwestern; and Sapir suggests that the tribe most likely migrated along the western plains.

Sapir offers fairly good rationale with his analysis of dialect, and provides sufficient examples of differing terms. The reading flows relatively smoothly, with good organization. However, he is unclear on the meaning/significance of a few key terms that re-occur, for example, Athapaskan. To the unknowlegeable reader, this provides a small source of confusion.

AGUSTIN PINA Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Sapir, Edward. Internal Linguistic Evidence Suggestive of the Northern Origin of the Navaho. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2): 224-235.

This article examines Sapir’s collection of linguistic evidence of the Navaho as compared to other tribal groups and attempts to shed light on the cultural history of the Navaho. Edward Sapir’s objective was to show “…an early association of the culture of these people [Navaho] with a more northern environment than their present one.” It was his belief that the Navaho originated in the north and they made their way south following the western plains into the Southwest.

For his analysis, Sapir studied four groups of Navaho words (gourd, corn, the verb for seed lies, and a specialized verb stem referring to sleeplessness) for their cultural and linguistic implications. Each of the four groups was analyzed for meaning and similar cultural definitions. Most of the essay examines numerous Navaho words for every possible meaning, origin, cultural implication, and semantic history. Sapir chose these four groups of words to make his point due to the sheer number of multiple meanings for each.

The author concluded that “There is important external linguistic evidence, distributional in character, to provide a prima facie probability of the northern origin of the Navaho.” The linguistic analysis of the four words with cultural connotations linked the Navaho to other cultures with northern origins. He also talks about other influences on the Navaho and their cultural antecedents such as agriculture and location.

The author’s objective gets lost in the course of the essay as one reads page after page of Navaho words that contain dozens of possible meanings and vague connections to other dialects. It is difficult to follow his reasoning and one begins to question how legitimate his evidence is. His summary even states “if we could find internal linguistic evidence in Navaho, of cultural implications” which raises doubt. His theory is intriguing but his evidence is not completely convincing.

KATIE SMITH Union College (Linda Cool)

Smith, Hubert J.B. Trudeau’s Remarks on the Indians of the Upper Missouri American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):565-568

Hubert Smith’s article introduces the reader to a portion of J.B. Trudeau’s journalistic observations of what is believed to be the Arikara Indians. The Arikara inhabited areas in the northern sections of the Missouri River, around St. Louis. Although the unabridged version of Trudeau’s observations includes material on a multitude of Arikara cultural practices, this article mainly summarizes the mores of Arikara marriages and interactions between males and females.

In the brief introduction by Smith, Trudeau is introduced as a trader for the Spanish Commercial Company of St. Louis. Smith relates that some of Trudeau’s observations have been omitted or edited. As such, the writings by Trudeau began at an unclear juncture where the reader is told that “They (the Arikara) have a singular polygamy among them,” referring to the marital practices of the Arikara.

Trudeau lists some of their “unique” marital practices. Men may marry a wife and proceed to marry that wife’s sister, usually in chronological order of their birth. Men have a liberal ease in divorcing wives, where women are more constrained in their ability to declare a divorce. In short, Trudeau expresses the notion that the Arikara are a patriarchal culture. However, as Trudeau makes apparent, the Arikara practice promiscuous sexual habits and are generally very loose in their definitions of marriages, as both men and women may give birth to children in several marriages. Lastly, Trudeau explains some of the methods by which Arikara women raise their children.

In terms of clarity, Trudeau’s remarks were indeed very clear and simply stated, as they were journalistic in nature. In terms of purpose and substance, there does not seem to be much analysis or comparison with other cultures in Trudeau’s writings. Rather, it seems Trudeau was merely recording his personal interpretations of the Arikara peoples.

DAN LINK Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Smith, G. Hubert. J. B. Trudeau’s Remarks on the Indians of the Upper Missouri 1794-95.American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):565-568.

In this terse article by Smith, the anthropologist tries to analyze a fragmented article by Jean Baptiste Trudeau of the Spanish Commercial Company of St. Louis. In Trudeau’s journals, Smith analyzed the trading routes and the Indians of the surrounding areas. Smith lists Trudeau’s contributions: 1) a description of the Upper Missouri, 2) a sequel to that description, 3) the opinions of the Indians as to their origin, faith, and ceremonies in religious matters, 4) the mode of making peace, smoking the great pipe, and dancing in different ways, such as the calumet dance, the sun dance, and the bull dance, 5) the conduct of the sexes toward each other and marriages, and 6) their wars.

One of the interesting traditions of these Indians is their polygamy. If a brave marries one woman, he is entitled to her younger sisters as well. Brothers can replace their siblings for the widowed wife. Divorce and remarriage are common. There is little or no jealousy between couples. Menstruation leads to a woman being isolated for a while.

This was a very unique article in that G. Hubert Smith did little but rewrite most of Mr. Trudean’s observations. Considering that most of the information in this article is second-hand, it is difficult to draw strong conclusions.

PAUL CORRIGAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Steward, Julian H. Shoshoni Polyandry American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):561-564.

The author of this article is looking at the patterns of polyandry among the Shoshoni Indians of Nevada. He discusses the possible correlation with an exc4ess of males in the total population produced by female infanticide. It appeared that there was an extraordinary simplicity of social structure which made the relationship of both sexes to plural marriage almost identical. Plural marriages were representative of an economic union. Woman’s gathering of pinon nuts and other wild seeds was equally important to the man’s hunting. Vegetable foods were a staple and preserved well, whereas hunted game was only occasional and limited in quantity. Low population density and the great distance necessary to forage for food, thinly spread over a large area meant that the people clustered in small communities of two to fifteen families each. Polyandry was usually fraternal; marriage with one’s cross cousin, or one’s pseudo-cross cousin was preferred. It was not uncommon for a woman to marry two brothers and the children call both fathers. It was a common conviction that one husband had some how always managed to be away hunting while the other was at home. To the extent to which this polyandry was a rapid alternation of spouses or a substitution by one man or brother for the other whom was away rather than simultaneously enjoying the same matrimonial privileges. Although the geographical limits of polyandry are not known, it seems to have centered in central and eastern Nevada and possible reached the Shoshoni of southern Idaho.

The author was very clear in his expressing his findings and his objective.

JOSHUA JONES Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Steward, Julian. Shoshoni Polyandry. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):561-564.

This article, by one of the leading anthropologists of his time, shows that the Shoshoni Indians show a high rate of polyandry due to the excess of males. This excess is caused by female infanticide. In this very detailed article, Steward shows statistics of polyandry from Spring Valley, Pine Creek Valley, Diamond Valley, and Little Smokey Valley. He shows the unusual way that the family accepts two fathers and is satisfied not knowing which is the biological father of the children.

Steward’s article is not very clear because he repeats himself a great deal. He never explains where his theories about polyandry might lead him in terms of further analysis. In fact, he never really describes his hypotheses or his final analysis.

PAUL CORRIGAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Taylor, Douglas. Additional Notes on the Island Carib of Dominica, B.W.I. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):462-468.

By visiting the Carib Reserve of Dominica in the British West Indies, the author is able to record the behaviors, mannerisms, customs, vocabulary, and physical characteristics of a group of Indians that descend directly from the first two groups of Indians encountered by Columbus.

The author does a good job in describing the physical characteristics of the Indians. He describes that the shade of one’s skin (to the extent the sun can affect a person’s skin shade) is often determined by that person’s occupation. The products these Indians make are quite diverse. The Caribs make their own fishing lines, handbags, wicker baskets, and shark oil for use in (primitive) lamps. These surviving customs of Indian origin are seen in the current Carib population. The author notes that some of them tend to not give out their names to strangers. In addition, Indian family surnames are not used, making the tracing of their genealogies very difficult. A newly wedded girl does not live with the parents of her husband. Instead they will live at her parent’s house, until he is capable of building a house for them. It is interesting to note that they believe death is not caused by sickness, rather it is brought upon by evil spirits. However, a major concern of the author is the scientific preservation of the Indians’ customs and ways of life. In the last seventy years they have lost most of their language and tradition, a fact attributed to interference from the outside, which makes it difficult for them to preserve their traditional practices. Therefore, it is necessary to record their customs and characteristics in a way that will be fairly reflective of the Carib people in case the inevitable occurs.

GEORGE MARATHAKIS Union College (Linda Cool)

Thomson, Donald F. Fatherhood in the Wik Monkan Tribe American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):374-393

The objective of the author is to dispute the widely held belief that all aboriginal groups have no idea of the connection between the physiology and sociology of fatherhood. Although other researchers claimed no social recognition among aboriginals of this relationship, Thomson uses his extensive studies of the Wik Monkan tribe to portray a culture with intricate structures of social relations based on reproduction and child-rearing. Located on the east coast of Cape York Peninsula in Australia, this group is characterized by their understanding of the relationship between intercourse, pregnancy, and fatherhood. Unlike modern science, Wik Monkans believe it is necessary to engage in multiple copulation to produce one child. However, tribal members notice the halting of a woman’s menses and swelling to be indications of pregnancy, as modern society does. Additional details and legends cited in this article better elucidate the point of the author.

In Wik Monkan society, publicly recognizing a woman’s reproductive status is impolite until her abdomen swells. At this time, she and her husband, as well as their extended families receive special names giving them a social connection to the unborn child. Both parents are subjected to rigid rules of conduct including what they may or may not eat, and the separation of the mother from all men at the start of labor. After being attended by women from both families during the birthing process, mother and child must remain away from the general tribe for up to a month in preparation of the presentation ceremony. This ceremony is elaborately stylized and symbolic of the rejoining of mother and infant to their society and families.

In addition to ceremonial recognition of the infant, the Wik Monkan people develop special terms showing the importance of both the physiological and social aspects of fatherhood. For example, a child only has one “pip punta wunpun”, or actual biological father. However, the same child may have many social fathers who carry obligations and responsibilities for the welfare of the child. A young mother, who has outlived her husband, will become wife to the father’s younger brother and is entitled to his protection. Younger brothers of the new father are already called “pip,” or father, by the child and portray the potential task of caring for their brother’s family in premature death. To those to whom the term pip applies, the child may show immense affection and love. Older siblings of the father, however, are shown respect and restraint, as they will never be potential fathers for the child, thus holding a different status in the family.

Not only does Thomson include extensive information about the actual ceremony of presentation, but he also gives excerpts from interviews conducted about various aspects of sexual and social relations within the Wik Monkan tribe. This article is well worth reading.

STEPHANIE SMITH Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Thomson, Donald F. Fatherhood in the Wik Monkan Tribe. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):374-393

Past arguments have demonstrated that Australian aboriginal tribes have no concept of a physiological bond between father and child, only a sociological bond is said to exist. Thomson in his article attempts to express that the native tribes of North Queensland, specifically the Wik Monkan tribe, are aware of a link between sexual intercourse and pregnancy. This tribe distinguishes the relationship of father and child through their complex kinship system, which is based on localized totemic clans with patrilineal descent. The generic kinship term for father is pip. A child can have only one pip wunpun, but many pip: the younger brothers of the pip wunpun (father).

The Wik Monkan are aware of the possibility of fertilization present in seminal fluid: “A woman cannot get a child for nothing”. They have less knowledge, however, about the physiological actions that take place during conception. They believe that repeated copulation is necessary to provide enough seminal fluid for the development of a child in the womb. When a woman is pregnant, the Wik Monkan pinpoint the same signs that doctors today use when identifying pregnancy.

During pregnancy the wife and husband are subject to many taboos, usually related to foods. When labor begins, the husband moves to the men’s single camp and the wife is moved to a shelter that is far from her usual home. During this time, her mother and sisters attend to her. After birth the child is given a naval name, and, if named after someone, the dried umbilical cord is carried around by the namesake, as a token of this special relationship.

Two weeks to a month after birth, a ceremony takes place where the mother presents the child to her husband. Symbols play an important role during the entire process of conception, childbirth and the presentation of the new mother and child. The mother and baby are painted, and when walking to the ceremony an old woman is behind them fanning them with the wing of a magpie goose, which represents the disassociation with the taboo place. When the father receives the child in his arms he rubs his scent on the head of the child.

Many taboos exist even after childbirth. All are for the benefit of the child of the married couple, so that he or she may remain healthy. The importance of following taboo guidelines and knowledge of fertilization all demonstrate the existence of paternity acknowledgement in the Wik Monkan culture. Interaction between pip and child demonstrate the importance of social relationship as well. Both the physiological and social relationship are very important in the Wik Monkan tribe, thus showing that a physiological relationship is acknowledged.

ANDREA M. TEHAN Union College (Linda Cool)

Tozzer, A. M. and A. L. Kroeber. Roland Burrage Dixon. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1): 291-300.

The authors of this obituary examine the life, interests, characteristics, and works of Roland Burrage Dixon. Dixon was born in 1875 and died in 1934. He spent his life in pursuit of greater knowledge of varying peoples throughout the world. He traveled extensively and conducted some field research, but placed more emphasis on the study of written sources for the attainment of his knowledge. He received his doctoral degree from Harvard in 1900 and became an active member of the faculty in the years following. Dixon’s primary interest in cultures was geographically and historically based. His continuous travels and his devotion to the study of written material resulted in a vast collection of his own published works.

A. M. Tozzer provides a detailed timeline of Dixon’s life, and describes his accomplishments and personality traits. Dixon was an independent ethnographer who traveled frequently, read religiously, and was devoted to his life’s work. “He adhered with great tenacity to a plan of life and a scheme of scientific research which he had laid out in his youth,” and he possessed “…intimate knowledge of ethnography” (294).

Kroeber presents a comprehensive and critical examination of Dixon’s work. He deems The Racial History of Man to be Dixon’s weakest work as a result of inadequate method and considers his papers regarding cultural, geographic, and historical comparisons to be his greatest works. Dixon was an important figure in anthropology because of his rare virtues, interests, and his passionate devotion to his profession.

ERIKA SHINDLER Union College (Linda Cool)

Tozzer, A. M. and Kroeber, A. L. Roland Burrage Dixon. American Anthropologist June, 1936 Vol.38: 291-297

Roland Dixon was one of the greatest Anthropologists of all time. To Tozzer and Kroeber, there is no one that can fill his unique place in the profession of Anthropology. Dixon was a Harvard graduate whom focused a lot of his fieldwork on the California Indian’s (beginning in 1899). But Dixon did not limit his studies to just the California Indians (ending in1907). He traveled all over the world to places such as New Zealand, Australia, China, and many other place’s in between. While traveling to these far away places he also learned their languages. Some of the languages consisted of French, Russian, many Scandinavian languages, and much more. Through learning, studying, and developing ethnographies of many cultures, the body of his work focused generally on the California Indians.

Throughout Dixon’s studies he also wrote books, “The Racial History of Man Kind” and “The Building of Cultures”. Dixon’s work was at times lacking of precision and structural form, due to the fact that he was not a trained philologist nor rigorously grounded in phonetics. On the other hand, he did though grasp the fundamental features correctly. Although it may seem all Dixon partook in was academic activities, he was more of an out-doors man. Dixon knew all there was to know, not only about Anthropology but also primarily about the outdoors. He knew how to survive on the land alone. He led a life of tranquility in his home in Harvard, Massachusetts surrounded by a forest and his plentiful gardens.

ASHLEIGH SEYMOUR San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch)

Von Hornbostel, Erich M. Fuegian Songs American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol.38(3):357-367

Fuegian music was scarcely known until 1908, when musical examples were recorded by Furlong on his visit to Tierra del Fuego. Publication of the study regarding these examples was delayed by the increase of materials available to study when Gusinde and Kippers recorded songs among the Ona, Yahgan, and Alakluff in 1922-1923. These new materials allowed for a broader basis for the conclusions that had been arrived at prior to their existence.

Duties and rights are almost equally divided among Fuegian men and women. Female shamans are not uncommon and use the same chants for the same magic purposes as the medicine men. Another characteristic of Fuegian songs is they lack meaningful words. The syllables that have been handed down with the tunes because of the original words could not be understood and were liable to be distorted.

Fuegian songs can be said to be characteristically American Indian. Rhythmic feeling is a feature both the Fuegians and American Indians share. There are features of Fuegian songs that offer exceptions to American Indian characteristics. The Yahgan and Alakaluf songs differ from American Indian songs in the manner of singing, melodies, and tendency to rise to an upper level from verse to verse. Von Hornbostel goes on to compare Fuegian songs with those of Southern Californian Indians, Andaman Indians, and Australian tribes as well.

I found this article difficult to summarize as well as follow. Von Hornbostel creates a confusing environment with the references he makes to musical examples, which are located in different books. These references proved to distracting while reading. He also uses musical terms such as “two-tone motive” and “consonant intervals” without explanations of their meaning. This makes reading difficult for those uneducated in musical terminology. My opinion is that he uses too many comparisons with other tribes/cultures and does not give enough straightforward information regarding Fuegian songs.

KELLY MARCIKIC Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Von Hornbostel, Erich M. Fuegian Songs. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38 (3):357-367.

The author focuses on the origins and content of Fuegian music in comparison to music from various other cultures. In Fuegian culture, duties and rights were fairly equally distributed. This equality is reflected in the music: there was little distinction between men’s and women’s songs. Von Hornbostel addresses the lack of meaningful words in Fuegian songs and suggests that the syllables are a result of original words that have been distorted over time. Von Hornbostel states that the manner of singing is of great importance in the character of Indian music. The general behavior contributes to the mood and elements of the song that distinguish it from other types of music. The author also places emphasis on the rhythmic feeling of the songs. He contrasts our usual notation of iambics with Indian rhythm, which lacks an upbeat. Von Hornbostel focuses on the narrowness of Fuegian music as a distinguishing characteristic and describes the ‘stair-pattern melody’ of Indian music. The music starts on the highest note with the most strength and gradually decreases.

The article gives a very detailed, descriptive comparison of different types of primitive music and songs. However, the extensive musical detail makes comprehension very difficult for a reader with limited musical background. The author concludes that because the music from varying cultures shares similar characteristics, the people of these cultures share the same origin. Although von Hornbostel presents a detailed argument and his conclusion makes sense, the origins of cultures cannot be traced solely through musical characteristics. There are many other essential factors contributing to the make-up of cultures.

ERIKA SHINDLER Union College (Linda Cool)

Weitlaner, Irmgard. A Chinantec Calendar. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):197-201.

The author gives an account of a six-week expedition the goal of which was to obtain linguistic and ethnological material about the area of North and Southeastern Mexico, which was, at that point, regarded as Chinantec tribal territory. Before the publication of this article, the region, its language and the many tribes people found there, were virtually undocumented. The article contains a map of the area explored, marking the places of habitation by their local names and the name of the predominant tribe that was found to be resident in that area, along with a description of the expedition route taken.

The expedition discovered a well-defined linguistic territory in this region. A previously unknown calendar was still in use in this area being remarkably different from the Maya calendar that was, before this discovery, recognized as the only known calendar to be used in Central America at that time. This new Chinantec calendar was found in three versions, all consisting of eighteen months each lasting twenty days. The months are listed with a phonetic description both translated and explained in reference to the actual agricultural use from which the divisions and monthly titles are derived.

Geographic discrepancies give rise to the three initial variations that are found through out the course of the first expedition and are documented here. However, a second expedition was launched soon after the first because of the interest it aroused, yielding more extensive findings than the first expedition. In fact the Chinantec calendars variations later rose to ten, although the seven additional variations were yet to be published in full at the time of this articles publication. Documenting the initial discoveries of the Chinantec calendar and the translations of them in this article meant the beginning of research dedicated to gaining “a better appreciation of the value of the Chinantec calendar”. Along with this interesting linguistic insight, the article also contains a series of eight ethnographic photographs taken of the inhabitants of this area and their habitat as it was before the ensuing and more intensive research was carried out there, a valid contribution in itself.

BETHAN WHITEHEAD Union College (Linda Cool)

Wyman, Leland C. Navaho Diagnosticians American Anthropologists April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):236-246

This article is about Navaho diagnosticians in the southeastern corner of the Eastern Navaho Jurisdiction, in the northeastern corner of McKinley County, New Mexico. Navaho diagnosticians are diviners usually called in if a medicine man is unable to cure or discover the reason for an illness. There are three types of divination recognized in this are: ndilnih or motion-in-the-hand, sq’nil’i or star-gazing, and ist’sa or listening.

Motion-in-the-hand is the most common form of divination and listening, once common, is now rare. Motion-in-the-hand is not a practice that can be learned or inherited, it is something that comes to one suddenly. It is usually acquired during a chant where there is some doubt about the diagnosis of an ill person. Someone watching may begin to shake, than he goes to the patient and tries to make a diagnosis. If successful he knows he has the power of motion-in-the-hand and for a fee he may go to a medicine man who knows the motion-in-the-hand chant, and learn from him the prayers and songs, but only in the winter. Wyman provides an example of a typical experience, as well as a detailed explanation of the steps involved in discovering an illness.

After motion-in-the-hand, star-gazing is discussed. Anyone may learn star-gazing, it is not something that just comes to someone one day. The complete ritual of star-gazing is actually more complicated than motion-in-the-hand, even involving the making of a sand painting. Often, however, a briefer version is used, this may be because the patient can not afford the complete ritual, an immediate diagnosis is needed, or the diagnostician does not know how to create the painting. An explanation of the complete star-gazing ritual is given by Wyman.

Lastly and briefly, Wyman discusses Listening and the legends concerning the origins of the various types of divination. Listening is a form of divination almost forgotten in the region studied by Wyman. It is an art that must be learned and its ritual is similar to star-gazing, minus the sand painting. Listening discovers the aliment from the characteristics of something heard, such as the roar of a bear, or thunder. If a child is heard crying, it is believed the patient will die.

This was a very good article on Navaho diagnosticians. It provides good information for anyone interested in Navaho forms of divination. I would recommend this article as a must for anyone interested in Navaho culture, especially the medical and divination aspects.

SHANNA CRUMMEL Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Wyman, Leland. Navaho Diagnosticians. American Anthropologist 1936 Vol. 38:236-246

This article is a follow up to a “more extensive study of Navaho divination and its practitioners” by Dr. William Morgan. Wyman describes in detail three Navaho forms of diagnosis by divination. Divination was used primarily for determining causes and cures for sickness, but could be used for other purposes such as locating lost or stolen articles. The author decided that due to the scattered tribes and the degree of variation found among them, he should report his finding of the forms of divination that he encountered.

Wyman obtained his information on divination from six sources in addition to “witnessing several performances,” including one given for him. His six sources included a man who spoke English and acted as an interpreter for three others, two middle-aged men who used motion-in-the-hand, a young man whose father practiced motion-in-the-hand, an elderly medical practitioner, and a man who used star-gazing. Wyman then offered a systematic report on the divination practices of motion-of-the-hand, star-gazing, and listening, the three types of divination recognized on the reservation where Wyman worked.

Each form of divination was broken down independently and a very detailed outline of the procedure was stated. Everything, including the form of payment, ritual events, prayers, songs and the final diagnosis, was broken down and examined in detail. Although he discussed each aspect in great detail, little comparison was offered among the divination forms.

The author found that his observations of the Navaho differed from other reports. He therefore wrote this article in response to the findings of these other reports. His objective was to increase knowledge of Navaho divination practices. The article is very description and procedure-oriented. The purpose was informative, not analytical. This objective was accomplished in a very clear, understandable way. Wyman’s account seems very reliable due to the extensive detail and background offered in describing each case.

KATIE SMITH: Union College (Linda Cool)

Wymand, Leland C. The Female Shooting Lifechant; A Minor Navaho Ceremony. American Anthropologist October-December 1936 Vol.38(4):634-653.

At the time this article was written, very little research had been done on the accounts of minor Navaho ceremonies. Only the larger, more popularized ‘special’ ceremonies have been researched. Although minor chants on most occurrences do not consist of large crowds attending, they are a part of the everyday life of the Navaho people. Wymand feels that because this is a daily event, these minor ceremonies offer a field of study, which contain ethnologic material bearing on the psychology of Navaho people. The author’s purpose is to present a detailed account of the much minor Navaho ceremonies.

The presentation of data is divided into various subtitles: preliminaries, the altar, first night, bathing, ceremony day, second ceremony night, post ceremonial, and discussion. Within each of these subtitles, the author provides a large amount of detail on the process. Listed ingredients of medicine, and comments on chants appear under select subtitles. Roles of each person involved in the ceremony (before, during, and after) are explained throughout the duration of the article. Symbolism of props, mannerism, and raw materials occur frequently and extensively throughout the entire paper. An example of this symbolism occurs in the preliminaries, as written that the patient is required to wear moccasins, and shell and turquoise beads. The symbolism behind these clothing items is because this apparel was made for Navaho in the beginning and thus marks the wearer as of “the people”. This labeling of the patient is needed in order for maximum results in returning to health.

With the underlying theme in the ceremony, ”coming to life”, Wymand makes sure to emphasize that both small, seemingly unimportant details and the large main steps in the ceremony both revolve around this theme. Their symbolic connection, Wymand feels, is very important to the understanding of the Navaho way of life. This is why the author provides his evidence in a very descriptive manner.

Wymand’s extremely detailed account of the female shooting life chant is well laid out and thorough. Because his purpose is to present an informative article on a minor Navaho ceremony, he definitely fulfills his objective. The article may present certain words that the reader may want to look up in a special dictionary of Navaho language, but if one does not wish to define these words, it does not prevent the reader from understanding the ceremony. Although this article is fairly simple to read, the reader must be focused to follow along, as there is an overwhelming amount of detail and symbolism.

SUSIE CAIN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Wyman, Leland C. The Female Shooting Life Chant: A Minor Navaho Ceremony. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol. 38(4):634-653.

The author wrote this article following his participation in a “minor Navaho ceremony” called the female shooting life chant. The ceremony was held in August 1935 and the chanter was a middle aged English speaking man. Fortunately for the author, this chanter was able and willing to recount the details of the ceremony at a later time. The impetus for performing the ceremony was a knee injury that the author suffered, which was healed by the man mentioned above. In such a situation, it is required that the healed person allows this ceremony to be preformed by the healer. The form of the article is essentially a description of the ceremony in very detailed terms for an unknowledgeable observer.

The author begins his description with preliminary preparations that include the place where the ceremony would take place, the clothing that must be worn by both parties and certain ritual restriction on the “patient” (i.e. the author). A spread of calico served as the altar and the following items were placed on it, in order from north to south: bull roarer (wood that makes noise), an arrow, a digging stick, a medicine stick, one of each of the previous three implements of the opposite sex (depending on the sex of the patient) eagle feathers, a whistle, and fine shaped arrow points. The first Bit’le or night ceremony takes place about nine p.m. with the healer, patient, family and any guests present. The healer, including the use of many different medicines, then performed many intricate ritual actions while chanting. This two-hour portion of the ceremony serves the purpose of “renewing the medicine applied to the patient.” The next morning the patient is bathed in a mixture of herb and medicines, and then sent outside to wait in the shade house until he is called for the day ceremony. After the day ceremony, a second night ceremony takes place in which more chants are recited and more medicines applied in ritual form. After the ceremonies are over, the patient must not wash until the next day so that the medicine has time to penetrate and cure the ailment. After applying what is termed a “ceremonial liniment” the patient dresses in fresh clothes and scrapes off the liniment, at which point he can continue his usual activities. After the description of the ceremony, the author gives three general motives for the practice, two of which were designed to make sure that the holy people and spirits knew what was happening and that the patient needed healing. The third motive seemed to be the knowledge that the medicine being applied would have actual therapeutic benefits for the injury or sickness. While a Western physician might discriminate between the two, the Navaho healer sees all three as beneficial in the same way to the patient and as a result, the three motives are all included under the heading of therapeutic.

CHRIS DINGMAN Union College (Linda Cool)