American Anthropologist 1933

Alexander, Hartley B. Francis La Flesche. American Anthropologist. 35(3) 328-331

American Indian history has been punctuated by many brilliant personalities and on Monday, September 5, 1932, another chapter within this voluminous work ended. Francis La Flesche died in the Omaha Indian community near Macy, Nebraska.

The trials and accomplishments of this highly influential figure in the Indian community embody unique qualities. Having descended from an European lineage, strongly influenced by Indian maternal relations, junior La Flesche steered away from the French or American life styles, consciously identifying with his Indian roots. Another distinguishing trait of La Flesche was his commitment and devotion to the Native American community. This life-long predisposition and orientation was clearly observable in his relentless undertakings to fight over-consumption of alcohol by his tribal people in Omaha, Nebraska, as well as supporting Indian youths in the mission schools. La Flesche stands out in the Native American community due to his high educational achievements and his literary and ethnographic contributions, aiding the non-natives in better understanding the cultural attributes of his people. His book, the Middle Five, is a sublime account of the trials and tribulations of Indian boys as they learn the cultural norms and customs of their community while at the interface with the larger mainstream society. In 1906, he received his degree in law from National University and continued his services to the Indian community by accepting a position in the Bureau of American Ethnology. The zenith of his career, however, occurred when his long- term collaborations with Alice Fletcher resulted in the publication of The Omaha Tribe, appearing in the 27th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Other major contributions of Dr. Flesche to the Indian cause are his studies of the Osage reported under the general title The Osage Tribe, to the 36th, 39th, 43rd, and 45th Annual Reports in addition to an almost complete dictionary of the Omaha language.

CLARITY RATING: 5
MOSTAFA MANDI California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Alexander, Hartley B. Francis La Flesche. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35:328-331.

This is a biography of Francis La Flesche, who died on Monday, September 5, 1932. He was born on December 25, 1857. Francis was the son of Estamaza “Chief Joseph” La Flesche, son of a French fur trader and an Omaha mother. Francis was sent to the Presbyterian Mission School, in Bellevue, Nebraska, as a child, but still participated in many native Omaha customs, such as the annual buffalo hunt. In his early twenties, La Flesche accompanied Standing Bear on a tour of the eastern United States. It was during this trip that Senator Kirkwood appointed him to a post in the Office of Indian Affairs. While attending his duties there, La Flesche received a law degree from the National University. He was later transferred to the Bureau of American
Ethnology, where he worked as an ethnological investigator until his retirement on December 26, 1929. During his career at the Bureau of American Ethnology, La Flesche published many valuable studies. The first series of studies, on which he collaborated with Alice Fletcher, concerned the Omaha tribe. The second series of studies dealt with “the ritual life of the Osage, a people near in kinship to his own” and are “the most complete single record of the ceremonies of a North American Indian people.” Alexander reports that La Flesche was admired and trusted by “Indians and white men alike.” He also says that La Flesche was modest, unassuming, humorous, forthright, and conscientious. Alexander claims that La Flesche was “never for a moment narrowed by any sense of race or racial prejudice.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
JASON T. SMITH University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Beyer, Hermann. A Discussion of the Gates Classification of Maya Hieroglyphs, 35: 659-694

The author, Hermann Beyer, has analyzed and examined a book by Mr. Gates. The book is titled “An Outline Dictionary of Maya Glyphs, With a Concordance and Analysis of their Relationship.” The book was written after thirty years of study of the Maya hieroglyphs. The author (Hermann Beyer) criticizes Mr. Gates book by explaining that Gates book was written well over twenty years earlier and Gates only added only a few phrases to modernize it. Beyer summarizes his criticisms as follows: “Mr. Gates begins the study of Maya hieroglyphs not with their oldest types as represented on the carved monuments, but with their latest as depicted in the codices. On the whole, the short treatise is faulty in methods, full of errors regarding well-known facts, and abounds in mistakes in cross-references,” (Beyer p 659). Beyer goes on to explain that Gates has only used the hieroglyphs of three Maya manuscripts. He also states that this method is inaccurate as it commences at the end of the history of the Mayans opposed to the more convention methods, which is nearer the origins of the Maya. Mr. Gates has excluded a large body of hieroglyphs, which would limit the detail necessary for serious work. Mr. Gates tabulation of codex glyphs is incorrect and he has used no clear system to differentiate between references. Beyer methodically goes through Mr. Gates text showing the incorrect interpretations of glyphs and codexs.

CLARITY RATE: 3
KATHLEEN MCCABE-MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Beyer, Hermann. A Discussion of the Gates Classification of the Maya Hieroglyphs. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:659-694.

In this article, Hermann Beyer critiques the work of Gates on Mayan Hieroglyphs. Due to what Beyer suggests is a flawed methodology leading to false classification groups, Beyer’s critique aims to prove Gates’ conclusions completely false as well.

He begins by accusing Gates of using hieroglyphs that are not the original, ancient glyphs, nor he claims, are they even close to these forms. Beyer suggests that Gates wrongfully groups together, in a collection for study, simple and compound glyphs. He then evaluates Gates’ bad judgement, which, according to Beyer, stems from his linguistic background that causes him to view the glyphs like spoken language rather than a writing system ideal for conveying single statements. Beyer then gives examples of many of the glyphs, the way Gates categorizes them, and, in contrast, the way he believes they should be grouped.

Beyer concludes by saying that Gates’ work is not scientific, but also sarcastically states that there are some good points in the piece. Gates’ work could be a good introduction for someone inquiring about glyphs, Beyer decides, after listing a few details that Gates got right.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
HEATHER BALLADARES University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Blumensohn, Jules. The Fast Among North American Indians. American Anthropologist 35(3) 451-469.

Blumensohn’s article is a succinct captured account of the objectives and rationale underlying fasting rites and practices among the North American Indian tribes. In particular, through citing many examples, the author brings into focus a vivid mental tapestry of religious and spiritual practices among the Plains Indians. Although he finds fasting a prevailing ritual of many tribes enervating a variety of occasions, there is no unifying predisposition that characterizes them all. The aspirations prevailing many adherents’ approaches to fasting could be classified as seeking purification, engaging in puberty rites, offering a form of human sacrifice, empowering oneself prior to waging war against enemies, or simply as an irrational religious rite.

To these prevailing attitudes, the Central Algonkian intent of establishing a personal relationship with the extra somatic ethereal phenomena stands in sharp contrast. Further, fasting and other self-mortification practices were practiced to win compassion from the gods. The specific cognitive conditions surrounding this general “pity me” approach to the supernatural forces and their behavioral manifestations, however, remain shrouded in mystery. Expressed in other words, if they had various methods of self-mortification at their disposal, why did fasting constitue a frequent option?

CLARITY RATE: 4
MOSTAFA S. MANDI California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Cressman, L.S. Aboriginal Burials in Southwestern Oregon. American Anthropologist. 1933(35):116-130.

Cressman’s article concerns itself with a series of Native American burials excavated in southwestern Oregon during 1930 and 1931. The article stresses that this site not be called a burial mound, as the term mound would imply a man-made funerary structure. The burials were unearthed in an area where a deposit had been laid down by the Rouge River. Although W.D Smith’s geology report tenuously asserts that the deposit dates to the Pleistocene, the nature of the river deposit suggests the possibility that contemporary floods may have disturbed the area, resulting in the intrusion of newer layers into older.

The remains of approximately twenty-two individuals were discovered, most of which were extensively deteriorated due to the wet conditions. Only one partially complete skull was recovered. The dentition of this skull exhibited both wear and pathology; the individual had eighteen rather than sixteen maxillary teeth. All of the remains were interred in the same manner. They were in flexed positions placed on the left side and facing west, with the head to the south. Each grave appeared to have been covered with a scattering of broken stone. Cressman postulates that this series of burials represents three separate strata, although this was not readily observable in the soil due to both water seepage and relatively recent agricultural disturbance.

The designation of the graves as pre-Columbian in origin was supported by the lack of associated items of European derivation. The culture type suggested by the accompanying artifacts was indicative of a relationship with the Northern California culture area. Cressman’s three distinct strata are identified simply by the pattern of current depth, which correlated with artifact type. The first stratum at a depth of seven feet included eight obsidian blades of red and black, found in pairs. The second at four feet was essentially lacking in any associated artifacts, and in the third, approximately two and a half feet below the current surface, were the remnants of shells, including pine seed shells, thought to be ornamental, and most significantly seven pipes made of serpentine and greenstone schist. Cressman concludes by assigning the three strata speculative dates, The first at 2100-500 BC, the second at around 500 AD and the third at 500-1200 AD.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
CAELI ANCONA University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

De Laguna, Frederica. Mummified Heads from Alaska. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:742-744.

In this article, Frederica De Laguna examines a finding of three mummified heads, one a woman’s, in a cave on an island in southeastern Alaska. The site, located thirty miles southeast of Petersberg, contained three heads in their wooden boxes and the fragments of three other boxes. But it was impossible to confirm that the fragmented boxes had held heads. Based upon the positions of the boxes, the degree of preservation of the heads, the differences in the preservation techniques and materials used to wrap the heads, and the differences in construction methods used to create the boxes, it appears that the site was a storage place used over a period of years.

De Laguna describes the placement of the heads and the methods of their preservation. She also provides a description of the accompanying matting, cords, and wooden boxes in which the heads were placed, as well as the beads found under the box that was determined to have been placed last in the cave. Photographs augment the detailed descriptions.

Drawing upon knowledge of the burial techniques of the local inhabitants and an oral history of the area obtained from a local Indian informant, De Laguna concludes that the heads belonged to members of the Wrangell who were killed during a massacre by the Kagwantan natives of Sitka. These heads probably were held by the Kagwantan. They were later redeemed by members of the Wrangell and subsequently buried.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
WENDY SHIMMIN University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

De Laguna, Frederica. Mummified Heads from Alaska, 35: 742-744

Six mummified heads were discovered by Mr. I. Myhre Hofstad and sons, in a cave located thirty miles from Petersberg, Alaska. Two complete boxes, wrapped in matting and corded, and the remains of four more boxes were found in the cave. The heads had long red hair, colored by the cedar boxes. The boxes and matting are typical products of the Northwest Indians. The cache of heads was found in Tlingit territory. The practice of head mummification was not a Tlingit practice, but may have been trophies of war. The six heads are believed to be women. The insides of the heads were cleaned out, and had been smoked, or dried. The heads were placed in cedar boxes and watertight matting was stitched together and wrapped around the boxes and then corded. The sixth and most preserved head was in a box that had evidently been deposited since the local Indians had contact with whites. Inside the sixth box, was a piece of wood about five inches long, shaped like a handle with the iron axe rusted away. Mummification was practiced by the Aleut and the Eskimo of Kodiak Island as well as Prince William Sound. The mummified heads may have been part of the Wrangell native massacre by the Kagwantan of Sitka. This massacre took place in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Dr. Krause Young expressed the opinion that these heads may have been redeemed by their relatives and placed in the caves by the Wrangell natives.

CLARITY RATE 3
KATHLEEN MCCABE-MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Dixon, Roland B. “Tobacco Chewing on the Northwest Coast.” American Anthropologist vol.35: 146-150

The author examines the evidence as to whether or not the Tlingit and Haida Indian tribes of the Northwest Coast of America chewed tobacco, given the name Nicotiana attenuata. The evidence he presents is based on what others have written about the question and his own perception of climatic conditions related to the growing of tobacco. First, there was no evidence that at the end of the eighteenth century any of the coastal tribes including those of Puget Sound used tobacco. Secondly, tobacco plants probably would not have grown in the moist and cool conditions of the Northwest. Instead, the plant that the natives were observed chewing with lime was probably a species of herb. In fact, Hoskins wrote that the plant he observed the natives chewing was probably growing with wild celery in a meadow. Also, Krause notes that the Tlingit formerly chewed the root of a species of Lupin that had narcotic qualities. The author concludes that perhaps some botanist familiar with the flora of the region will suggest what this unknown plant mistaken for tobacco might have been.

The author has presented circumstantial evidence that the tribes of the Northwest Coast chewed something other than tobacco. The article, however, is written in an awkward and unfocused style.

CLARITY RATE: 2
GAIL HURLEY California State University (Peter J. Claus)

Dixon, Roland B. Tobacco Chewing on the Northwest Coast. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35:146-150.

Dixon discusses the custom of chewing tobacco with lime by the Tlingit and Haida of the Northwest Coast. He notes that different interpretations of the use and significance of the use of tobacco by these tribes abound, but that there has not been much discussion over whether it was used at all. Dixon argues, through examination of historical accounts, native myths, and botanical data, that the Tlingit and Haida originally chewed a different, yet tobacco-like plant. Dixon declares that only one early account of the Tlingit and Haida, states that the plant that they chewed was actually tobacco; rather, they refer to plants that appear to be tobacco or have effects similar to tobacco. The one account that explicitly refers to the plant as tobacco, claims that it grew wild in the area. However, Dixon was “told by botanists that Nicotiana attenuata would not be likely to grow in such surroundings.” Dawson also draws from two Haida myths for his arguments. Both myths refer to the seeds of the mystery plant as being of a respectable size. Since tobacco seeds are about the size of dust particles, Dixon concludes that the myths could not be referring to tobacco. Dixon does not come to any definitive conclusion on what the plant actually was, but suggests that it may have been a species of Lupin.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
JASON T. SMITH University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

iv align=center style=’text-align:center’>

Field, Henry. The Antiquity of Man in Southwestern Asia. American Anthropologist January-March, 1933 35(1): 51-62.

In this article, Henry Field addresses the cultural and biological evidence regarding ancient humans in the Middle East. According to Field, the skeletal evidence reveals Aurignacian and Neanderthal specimens in various areas of the Middle East. Field concludes from archaeological evidence that the earliest inhabitants of the Middle East were paleolithic in culture, and later evolved neolithic culture.

From archaelogical data regarding ancient flora and fauna, Field extrapolates that the climate of the Middle East was previously more favorable for habitation; he further supports this assertion with the data regarding the wide spread of human remains. He hypothesizes that the land was widely inhabited until the climate became more arid, similar to contemporary conditions in the Middle East, but that during the climate change settlement patterns changed so that people lived along water sources or became nomadic. Field concludes that the modern Bedouin populations descended from the ancient populations that became nomadic at the time, based on their skeletal morphology. He also asserts that the settlers were conquered and enslaved by Sumerians.

Field’s data includes tool specimens from Syria, North Arabia, Palestine, Egypt, and Eastern Africa. He also mentions skeletal data from Palestine and East Africa. Most evidence in the article is related to material culture, with less support from biological finds. Biological data includes human, animal, and plant remains from the above-mentioned countries.

This article is often unclear due to the changes in terminology since its authorship, especially regarding the geographic area but also in the field of biological anthropology.

CLARITY RATING: 2
MEGAN GOLDSTEIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus).

Golomshtok, Eugene “Anthropological Activities in Soviet Russia” American Anthropologist vol. 35: 301-327

This article was written by an American Anthropologist from the University Museum, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The aim was to outline the anthropological findings in Soviet Russia, where the findings are located, and how the findings were discovered. In addition, he describes the anthropological organizations that were active at that time, how they were gathering data, and how interactions with American anthropologists might take place. He gathered his information by visiting Leningrad for a few months, and this article was based partly on literary sources and interviews with several Russian anthropologists.

First, he describes the functions of scientific institutions, such as the Academy of Sciences, and lists collections in several museums including the State Hermitage in Leningrad. Next, he reviews field work that was conducted by particular Russian anthropologists. Then, he describes in detail the most important scientific results and findings from 1933 going back far as the Neanderthals; in fact, he shows pictures of Neanderthal bones, Palaeolithic statuettes, and mummified horses. He concludes by stating how scientific exchanges take place throughout Russia and hopefully can take place between Russian and American institutions, individuals, and journals.

The aim to describe anthropological findings and the state of anthropological research was accomplished. However, the methods for exchanging and disseminating information are somewhat vague, probably because specific details could not be described at that time, and in fact were not implemented until the 1980s. The article is somewhat ponderous, and its focus could have been improved.

CLARITY RATE: 4
GAIL HURLEY California State University (Peter J Claus)

iv align=center style=’text-align:center’>

Gorodzov, V. A. The Typological Method in Archaeology. American Anthropologist January-March 1933 Vol.35(1): 95-102.

In this article, Gorodzov endeavors to systematize the application of the typological method in archaeology. According to Gorodzov, before the typological method is applied, one must understand the forces which create change in forms of material culture. These forces are causality, evolution, borrowing, and the differential survival of forms of material culture. Causality refers to the fact that artifacts are the result of changes from previously existing forms, and are directly tied to those forms. Evolution is the process by which these new forms emerge out of the previous forms. Borrowing is the implementation of new forms of material culture that exist in other cultures with which the culture in question has contact. The differential survival of forms acknowledges that multiple forms of culture often exist to fill the same function, and that one of these will take precedence over the other, possibly to the exclusion of the latter. According to Gorodzov, understanding these forces aids in the execution of the typological method.

The typological method entails the categorization of specimens of material culture into increasingly specific classes. These classes include categories, groups, genera, and types. Categories are the first, most general division, which should be made according to the function of the specimen. The next division into groups is determined by the material with which the item was made. Genera and types are both sorted according to the form of the object, with genera pertaining to the general form and the type being more specific. Due to the variability of material culture, determining types may be difficult, and decisions regarding categorization into types may be subjective. Due to this difficulty, Gorodzov advocates giving description of the typological categorization, including distribution in time and space.

Gorodzov compares the typological method in archaeology to taxonomy, supporting the presented methodology with a demonstration of biological typology. Furthermore, Gorodzov demonstrates the application of the method with examples from archaeological data.

CLARITY RATING: 4
MEGAN GOLDSTEIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus).

iv align=center style=’text-align:center’>

Hough, Walter. The Origin and Development of Metrics. American Anthropologist 35 (1): 443-450.

The emergence and development in the notions germane to methods of measurement as regards to length, area, weight, capacity, numbers, direction, time, and geographic location is the topic addressed in this article. The author advances the assertion that the exploration of this topic is as salient as investigations in the “invention” of language, both inextricably bound with the evolution of human culture. Moreover, it is argued, these concepts evolved first by resorting to the human body as the primary reference point.

Relying on conjecture based on utility and informed by data from tribal societies of recent past, Hough reasons by way of analogy and simile, tracing the origins of ideas surrounding measurement techniques. As significant as he finds this endeavor, he admits that at times the beginning and intermittent steps in the refinements of methods are clouded with ambiguity. Three such examples are the concepts of capacity, sense of direction, and spatial and temporal position.

Some other forms of measurement, however, render themselves well to deductive reasoning and comparative analysis of historical records. For instance, weight measurements could not have arisen had there not been any primitive tools, which necessitated the utility of the concept of balance. One case in point is the enormous Chellean ax, which had to have balanced the concepts of a heavy blow with a swift recovery. A more primitive notion, one of higher value to the evolution of culture and its foundations was that of length. This, Hough argues, utilized as its unit the length of human anatomical segments, incurring minor variation throughout the early human populations.

CLARITY RATE: 2
MOSTAFA S. MANDI California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Hough, Walter. The Origin and Development of Metrics. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:443-450.

This article is a speculative inquiry into the evolutionary path of humanity’s acquisition of a system of measurement. Hough equates the development of measurement with the origin of language and the mastery of fire as a vital step toward the conquest of culture over nature. He assumes a slow process, instigated by both “primitive” human needs and the development of the necessary technology. Various contemporary categories of measurement are examined: weight, length, direction, capacity, time, location in time-space, and numbers. Of these, Hough deems length the oldest form of measure, being an extension of early humans’ own body dimensions. The survival of terms of measurement derived from body dimensions is discussed, such as units of length based on arm, hand, and foot size, as well as on space. Regarding direction, “primitive man” is said to have begun with only two points of reference, sunrise and sunset. Hough claims that humankind, through the development of culture, has lost the instinctual sense of direction that is possessed in the animal world. The process of reformulating a system has been a slow one. The development of complex systems of agriculture and exchange are thought to have prompted the necessity of the concepts of area, weight, capacity, and to some extent numbers themselves. Area is attributed to relatively advanced cultures because the territorial boundaries employed by early humans consisted simply of perimeters demarcated by natural land features. While the idea of the limits of weight and of balance were early concepts, necessary for the making of weapons, the measurement of weight was not possible until the suspended beam came into use. True measure of capacity, as opposed to the rudimentary concepts of empty and full, was the result of technological necessity arising in the areas of agriculture, transport and exchange. The development of perception of time and the consequent system for its measurement is presumed unknowable. Again, the system is thought to have reached its pinnacle with the adoption of agriculture, which necessitates a system of measuring the long-range time periods of months and seasons. Hough calls an understanding of location in time-space a requirement of any sentient human or primitive culture, but notes that “it is suspected that this consciousness has not permeated the whole human race of yet” (p.449). While some concepts that led to the formulation of a system of measurement began with the musings of very early humans, Hough sees a direct correlation between the adoption of an advanced system and an increase in the technological complexity of cultures.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
CAELI ANCONA University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Hough, Walter William Henry Holmes. 35:752-764

William Henry Holmes was born in December 1, 1846, and died April 10, 1933. After a superior education, Holmes studied drawing. He subsequently studied art in Germany in 1879-1880. His first job was as an illustrator for the Smithsonian. In 1872, he became the field illustrator for F.V. Hayden, and then in 1874, he became assistant geologist. Assigned to the survey of the San Juan region of Colorado, in 1875, he was one of the first to illustrate the cliff dwellings and pueblos of this region. He wrote his first report based on the ancient remains of the San Juan culture. His artistic skills can be seen in the first volume of the Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1879-80). In 1882, he was appointed Curator of Aboriginal Ceramics in the U.S. National Museum. In 1889 he was transferred to the Bureau of American Ethnology of the Smithsonian. Holmes disagreed with the European theories of chipped Paleolithic implements. His studies demonstrated that all the American chipped stone implements labeled paleoliths were only rejects of the natives due to flaws and not suitable for finished implements. Dr. Holmes stated that there are no American Paleolithic implements. In 1898, he was awarded the Loubat prize by Columbia University. In 1897, Dr. Holmes served as Head Curator of Anthropology in Chicago. He later returned to the Smithsonian in 1897, accepting the Head Curator of Anthropology in the US Museum. In 1902, he was appointed Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology and brought out the first volume of the Handbook of the American Indians. In 1920, he was made Director of the National Gallery of Art.

CLARITY RATE: 3
KATHLEEN MCCABE-MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Hough, Walter. William Henry Holmes. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol.35:752-764.

This is a biography of William Henry Holmes who died on April 20, 1933. Holmes was born on December 1, 1846 and ventured into the sciences, particularly anthropology, geology, and archaeology, as an artist. He studied art in Germany and worked for the U.S. Geological Survey from 1872 to 1889 as a field artist contributing to papers and reports. In 1874, Holmes took the position assistant geologist and depicted western landscapes. His portraits of the Grand Canyon are considered geological classics. He later worked in the pueblos and dwellings of the San Juan region of Colorado.

In 1882, William Holmes became Curator of Aboriginal Ceramics in the U.S. National Museum and in 1889 became employed by the Smithsonian’s Bureau of American Ethnology where he determined that some American implements considered Paleolithic were in fact modern. The implements showed no signs of use and were found to be merely discarded chips. Holmes worked as Head Curator of Anthropology in the Field Museum in Chicago and as professor of Anthropic Geology at the University of Chicago when he explored the Yucatan and contributed to a volume on the ruins of Mayan civilization.

William Henry Holmes returned to the Smithsonian as Head Curator of Anthropology in the U.S. National Museum and became the Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1902. He resigned from that position in 1909. In 1920, Holmes became Director of the National Gallery of Art and worked there through the rest of his life.

This biography lists many honors that Dr. Holmes received and describes him as an avid mountain climber for whom two mountains were named. He was first to climb several peaks in the Rockies. Holmes was a man of repute both for his work and for his leisure.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
JOLIE A. PRÉAU University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Jones, W. B. Archaeological Field Work in North America During 1932. American Anthropologist. 35 (3) 483-509

The Committee on State Archaeological Surveys of the Division of Anthropology and Psychology of the National Research Council has compiled the summary reports of archaeologists’ field works in North America in 1932. These synopses communicate the types of fieldwork performed and their conclusions in a succinct manner. More comprehensive treatments of the same topics may be found in media publications. A cursory examination of submitted reports and budgetary circumstances indicate that last year was an inauspicious period for fieldwork. Hence, more projects were implemented in laboratory conditions. The following list contains the names of supporting organizations as well as those supplying summary reports.

Alabama, W. B. Jones, Alabama Museum of Natural History

Alabama, Peter A. Brannon, Alabama Anthropological Society

Alaska, Walter Hough, U.S. National Museum

Alaska, Charles E. Bunnell, Alaska Agricultural College and School of Mines

Southwestern Alaska, J. Alden Mason, University Museum, Philadelphia

Arizona, M. W. Stirling, Bureau of American Ethnology

Arizona, Byron Cummings, Arizona State Museum, University of Arizona

Arizona, Odd s. Halseth, Phoenix Archaeological Commission

Arizona, Harold S. Gladwin, Gila Pueblo

San Francisco, Harold S. Colton, Museum of Northern Arizona

Arizona, Earl H. Morris, Carnegie Institution of Washington

Arizona, J. L. Nusbaum, Laboratory of Anthropology

Arkansas, S. C. Dellinger, University of Arkansas

Alabama, W. B. Jones, Alabama Museum of Natural History

California, Arthur Woodward, The Los Angeles Museum

Southern California, Malcolm J. Rogers, San Diego Museum

Southwest California, M. R. Harrington, The Southwest Museum

In addition to the above, the following states also reported field research activities: Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, and Wisconsin.

CLARITY RATING: 5
MOSTAFA MANDI California State University, Hayward Peter J. Claus)

Kroeber, A.L. “Process in the Chinese Kinship System”. American Anthropologist vol.35: 151-157

The author’s objective is to describe in detail how the Chinese assign specific names to family relationships, and how their system is a “rich” system compared to our “deliberately impoverished” system in America and Western Europe. “The Chinese obviously remain interested in kinship, whereas we want to refer to it as sketchily as possible”. Many examples are given with Chinese words for specific family relationships. A few examples will be given. “T’ang” denotes cousins who are children of brothers, and “Yi” denotes cousins who are children of sisters. “Tsu” denotes third parallel cousins in the male line. Paternal and maternal uncles and aunts are distinguished from one another, as well as paternal and maternal grandparents. The author makes the point that this distinction between kinship in the male and female lines is not made extensively in our system. In fact, he states that the Chinese have 270 terms for a great many relationships, which is much greater than the number of our terms. For instance, “t’ang ti” denotes “the father’s brother’s son younger than ones-self”. “Apart from the seniority which the Chinese term expresses, we cannot possibly, even with expletive auxiliaries, specify this particular relative.” The author lists about 75 different Chinese words for different family relationships.

The author accomplished his objectives in this detailed article that must be read very slowly and carefully for an understanding of the particular relationships being described.

CLARITY RATE: 3
GAIL HURLEY California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Lesser, Alexander. Cultural Significance of the Ghost Dance. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:108-115

This article deals with the spread of the Ghost Dance among the Pawnee Indians in the late 1800s. Rather than a description of the dance itself, author Alexander Lesser draws on the ethnographic work of James Mooney to elaborate on the cultural significance of the Ghost Dance for the Pawnee. Lesser attributes great significance to the social-economic context in which the spread of the Ghost Dance took place. He describes a period in which “the final destruction of native culture was well advanced.” The most destructive influence of white colonization, according to Lesser, was the annihilation of the buffalo herds. “With the disappearance of the Buffalo,” writes Lesser, “the economic stability and security of the Indian tribes vanished.” Further, intertribal warfare had been made illegal and tribal hunting had but disappeared, leaving the tribes with little function. Alongside changing conditions that were the result of outside forces, Pawnee culture was also declining because of the traditional method for passing on knowledge, which demanded the young be taught directly by elders. Any part of a ritual not taught by an elder to a young person was considered irrecoverable. Lesser explains that as conditions changed, it became difficult for elders to demonstrate rituals and ceremonies to the young. The rate of knowledge lost to death was highly accelerated and most traditional ways died.

The Ghost Dance brought hope. “It promised a destruction of the invading white man, a return of the buffalo and old Indian ways, and a reunion of the Indians and their deceased forebears.” The Ghost Dance allowed the dancers to have visions in which they would see a “ghost”, an old custom that had passed with the deceased without being taught. In this way, space was created in Pawnee ideology about the passing of knowledge that allowed for a semi-political renaissance and recovery of Pawnee culture.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
MELISSA L. BURCH University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Loeb, E.M. Patrilineal and Matrilineal Organization in Sumatra: The Batak and The Minangkabau. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol.35:16-50.

Loeb’s article focuses on the social organization of the Batak people with some comparison to other groups in Sumatra. The Batak are a patrilineal people and the men preserve family lines. Because of this, Batak women are of lower status. Loeb gives a detailed account of the practices of the Batak, with only a few references to the Minangkabau, who are matrilineal. Thoroughly discussed are the Batak government, villages and land rights, inheritance, kinship terms, marriage structures (including courtship, engagement, ceremonies, and divorce), treatment of children, and the woman’s position.

The Batak government is democratic and the villages are ruled over by radjas. Batak villages consist of six or seven houses, holding three to eight families each. There are also council houses and different buildings primarily for work. Each marga or sib (group of kinsmen) has land rights and rents to the members of its group. There are specific rules of inheritance that extend to the Batak men but not to the women. Loeb gives a list of Batak terms relating to kinship. Loeb then goes on to explain the complex practices and restrictions on marriage, descriptions of who can and who cannot marry, and the different reasons for it. Then he itemizes the special relationships between the members of the families. There are certain customs regarding pregnancy and childbirth, including certain taboos that are observed. Children are treated very well and have great freedom through their adolescence and it is not until a woman marries that she must work, but when she has children her life becomes more difficult. While in theory a woman is bought and sold as a material object, she is well protected and often gets her opinion into the council house.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
ENID PATTERSON University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Lowie, Robert H. Crow Prayers. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:433-442.

Robert Lowie, reporting on fieldwork done in 1931, shows through examples of Crow Indian prayers how the Sun is often invoked and plays a major role in the majority of these prayers. He explains that even when a specific reference to the Sun is not stated, another supernatural being will be represented, which is in some way related to the Sun. For example, “Old-Woman’s Grandchild,” a favorite hero of the Crow, is in fact the son of the Sun, who usually transforms into the Morning Star.

Lowie gives an example of a prayer said by a man who has been fasting and then cuts off a finger joint, offering it to the Sun. The next prayer involves Medicine-crow, who is going to seek a vision and faces the Sun while praying. Another prayer dictated by Yellow-mule is translated, which involves the use of extra feathers tied on a horse. Lowie views this as an offering to the Sun in place of flesh.

Lowie goes on to cite other examples of Crow prayers that do not invoke the Sun. Instead, these prayers contain references to supplementary powers, which in fact have no relation to any mythological figure. In this way the Indians apply supernatural power to any part of the world around them such as willow trees and charcoal. Lowie states that these objects become powerful for a short time, and later revert back into inanimate objects after being utilized in a prayer.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
REBECCA ERATH University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Lowie, Robert H. “Erland Nordenskiold”. American Anthropologist vol.35: 158-164

This is a brief biography of Dr. Nordenskiold who was born in Stockholm in 1878, and became a well known ethnographer. From personal contact with Erland Nordenskioll, and from reading his book “comparative Ethnographical studies”, Robert Lowie describes how Nordenskioll with his perfection in cartographic technique demonstrated significant positive correlations between the geographical environment and culture. His early books of travel embody useful notes on social custom, religious belief, and mythology, and in his latest phase, matters of primitive faith and world-view definitely attracted him. After spending time traveling in Central and South America and from a sober examination of evidence, he described how culture flowed in both directions. He steered a middle course between an outdated evolutionism and an extravagant diffusionism. This approach, as well as his sympathetic approach to the natives became the heritage of a school, and assured its leader, Dr. Nordenskioll, a niche in the history of Americanist research. Dr. Nordenskiold lectured throughout the world, including the University of California.

This short article is easy to read and gives enough information to enable the reader to from an image of a careful and thorough ethnographer who was a real human being who enjoyed interacting with his students and peers.

CLARITY RATE: 5
GAIL HURLEY California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Lowie, Robert H. Erland Nordenskiold. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:158-163.

Robert Lowie’s obituary of Nils Erland Herbert Nordenskiold focuses on Nordenskiold’s life accomplishments and scientific achievements as an archaeologist and ethnographer. Lowie writes very admiringly of Nordenskiold as a professional colleague and as an acquaintance.

Erland Nordenskiold was born in Stockholm on July 19, 1877 and died on July 5, 1932 while on expedition to South American, when he was taken ill with intestinal trouble and malaria. Nordenskiold graduated in 1898 in geological and paleontological studies. After many expeditions to South America, he shifted his interest from natural history to culture. In 1913, he was appointed “intendent” of the Gothenburg Museum. He received an honorary doctorate from the University of Gothenburg, where he also had a professorship. He held the position of General Secretary of the International Americanist Congress in Gothenburg in 1924. In his lifetime, he published numerous books on different indigenous groups in South America. His scientific achievement is displayed in his book Comparative Ethnological Studies. The perfection of his cartographic technique, according to Lowie, has never been surpassed. Nordenskiold incorporated archaeological results as well as ethnographic fieldwork into his research.

Nodenskiold was admired professionally and personally. Lowie states that Nordenskiold had a modest personality and the graciousness of a man of the world. He never disguised his fondness for the people he studied. He is remembered as a leader in the history of Americanist research. Nordenskiold’s legacy to anthropology is his methodological approach to fieldwork and his sympathetic approach to the natives.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JAZMIN LIZARRAGA University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Lowie, Robert H. “Queries”. American Anthropologist vol.35: 288-296

The objective is to question several hypotheses or ideas espoused by other anthropologists. STABILITY is questioned from the viewpoint of Professor Boas who stated that “it is exceeding improbable that any customs of primitive people should be preserved unchanged for thousands of years.” Lowie asks, “What conditions make for stability? What conditions determine fluidity?” EVOLUTION AND THE KULTURKREISLEHRE is questioned in terms of the “organic bond between cultural phenomena”. Several rambling statements imply that an example would be between woman inventing cultivation and because of this, a matrilineal society develops. The question is: would the matrilineal society develop independently of woman inventing cultivation? IRREVERSIBLE DIFFUSION is questioned in terms of when does diffusion between cultures go back and forth between higher and lower cultures and not just from the higher to the lower? CONJECTURAL HISTORY is questioned in terms of “whether Professor Radcliffe-Brown sometimes makes guesses as to why and how parts of culture change, and which of its features precedes others”. LAW is questioned in terms of whether “a law works in certain specific but unspecified conditions? In other words, are we to consider it a law than societies sometime develop clans and sometimes do not?” Lowie states this is obvious and not a law, just as Newton’s law is not that bodies either fall or rise. L’ENVOI is questioned in terms of when does one learn from one’s predecessors?

The author poses some interesting questions, but the writing is awkward and quite convoluted. Instead of stating something simply and directly, Lowie states it in a way that will confuse and bewilder the reader.

CLARITY RATE: 2
GAIL HURLEY California State University (Peter J. Claus)

Lowie, Robert H. Queries. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:288-296.

This piece probes into some of the inconsistencies and problematic areas in anthropological thought as perceived by Robert Lowie. Using a wide array of examples from many parts of the world, Lowie explains the inconsistencies he sees and calls for further clarification by certain authors and theorists.

First, Lowie calls into question the concept of stability of cultural traits. He begins with a criticism by Franz Boas of Elliot Smith’s theory with regards to stability. Boas champions the probability that a cultural trait changes over time. Lowie questions this probability. The clarification desired is for further definition of stability and fluidity, and whether or not conclusions of any historical depth are possible without the assumption of stability. Next, Lowie grapples with the work of Father Wilheim Schmidt. Lowie holds that Schmidt claims his position to be anti-evolutionary, while simultaneously using very pro-evolutionary concepts in his discussion of kulturkreiss.

Irreversible diffusion is then challenged. Five theorists are named who operate with the assumption that diffusion occurs irreversibly from a “higher center.” Lowie outlines several examples in which diffusion flows mutually between societies. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown’s work is twice the subject of inquiry. Radcliffe-Brown’s rejection of the validity of conjectural history is questioned while Lowie explains how Radcliffe-Brown uses conjectural history in his explanations of kinship in Aboriginal Australia. Questions about the guesswork involved in theorizing ensue. Lowie questions the importance Radcliffe-Brown places on sociological law. Lowie states that some of Radcliffe-Brown’s laws are too vague to be considered laws.

The conclusion of this article is intended for the younger generation of anthropologists. Included are thought-provoking questions and tips on where one may find sources of information.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
ALLEN JULIAN University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Mead, Margret. More Comprehensive Field Methods. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:1-15.

In this article, Margaret Mead stresses the need for departure from “armchair” ethnography to a form that makes use of more comprehensive and uniform field techniques. She begins her argument by pointing out that most current ethnography is only focused on the ceremonial aspects of culture, that is, “the conspicuous, the conventional and the bizarre” (p.2). Mead says that this approach to ethnography consequently ignores the nonformalized aspects of culture. She believes that one must concentrate on the nonformalized and formalized aspects of culture, because ethnography cannot be done correctly without the study of all parts of the culture.

Mead extensively draws on examples from her fieldwork in Samoa, Manus, Dobu and Baisma (and, in particular, her fieldwork with children in these areas) to illustrate her concept of the proper ethnographic form. Throughout, Mead identifies criteria for proper fieldwork, which include: (1) The ethnographer must have a grasp of the native language of people being studied; (2) the ethnographer must have an understanding of the history of the peoples being studied; (3) the ethnographer must dedicate enough time to properly engage in the study; and (4) the ethnographer must have a course or plan of action and be prepared for unique problems that will occur along the way.

Mead thinks that it is only from this more in-depth form of ethnography that one will ever truly be able to produce a comprehensive picture of the culture in question. To compromise nonformalized aspects of culture in the pursuit of only the ceremonial aspects of a culture will render the study incomplete.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
ANITA K ENGLISH University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Mead, Margaret. More Comprehensive Field Methods. American Anthropologist January-March, 1933 Vol.35(1): 1-15.

In this article, Margaret Mead discusses the subject matter which ethnographers should address through fieldwork. According to Mead, ethnography should address not only the explicit, formalized parts of culture, such as ceremonies or taboos, but also the implicit, unformalized facets, such as attitudes and interaction. Mead asserts that a particular aspect of culture may be explicit or implicit in different cultures; furthermore, its importance within the culture does not correlate with whether it is formalized or unformalized. Therefore, implicit facets of culture should be studied with the same emphasis as explicit aspects of culture.

In order to study these unformalized aspects of culture, Mead recommends becoming familiar with the culture as a whole, then focusing on the specific aspects of culture which relate to the ethnographer’s aims of research. This requires an extra time investment in a singular community, and additional participation including fluency in the language of the community. These methods allow the unformalized aspects of culture to be observed repeatedly, including their inevitable variation.

In her discussion, Mead presents examples of fieldwork which address explicit aspects of culture and demonstrates how those aspects might be better understood with supporting evidence from implicit facets of the culture as well. Mead also gives examples from her own fieldwork which illustrate the application and results of the participant-observation model she is recommending. One significant advantage she describes is the ability of these methods to discriminate the de juro mores of a society from the de facto praxis: one can discover in what respects the ideals of the culture are upheld in everyday life and in what circumstances and for what reasons they may be abandoned.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
MEGAN GOLDSTEIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus).

Michelson, Truman Narrative of an Arapaho Woman. American Anthropologist 35: 595-610

The author requested that Jesse Rowlodge obtain a narrative from a local Arapaho women in July of 1932 near Geary Oklahoma. The informant was not mentioned by name, only that she was 77 years old at the time of the telling of her life history.

(Summary of narrative) The narrator’s father had only one wife who was her mother. There were seven children in her family. The family moved frequently by means of ponies. Older women and children rode in the “travois” and heavy objects were hauled. Until the narrator was ten years old, she was allowed to play unrestricted with boys her own age. When she became older, her bedding was placed on the west side of the lodge and she was chaperoned constantly. Until she was married, she always slept with another girl (chum). Toys consisted of rag dolls, small squaw-saddles, doll cradles, and small tee-pees. The narrator learned to ride her own pony when she was quite small. Her share of the work consisted of helping with the wood gathering. At fourteen she learned beadwork, tanning hides, and porcupine quillwork. Ear piercing was performed when she was quite young. At a Sun Dance a Sioux Indian pierced her ears. Her father gave the Sioux his best riding pony, a pack of several robes, goods and a silver bridle. The narrator’s mother was a doctor who used many herbs, roots, bark, leaves, and seeds fortreatment of various illnesses and disease. On her behalf, brother accepted an invitation to marry a young man, whom she did not know. She agreed to the marriage because her brother thought he was a good man. Her husband died when their first child was one year old. She remarried two years later. She had three daughters by him. He also died. Her third husband asked the narrator to become a plural wife. She refused, and became a “widow” once again. She did marry again and had four more children. He died eight years before the narrative. The narrator expressed her appreciation of her good fortunes and her and kind husbands.

CLARITY RATE: 4
KATHLEEN-MACCABE MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Michelson, Truman. Narrative of an Arapaho Woman. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:595-610

This article presents an annotated transcription of the story of an Arapaho woman’s life. This seventy-seven year old woman recounts the everyday activities, games and responsibilities of her childhood, as well as the rules and precautions governing young women’s interactions with men. She goes on to tell of her sequence of marriages, births, and periods of widowhood. Michelson explains that this narrative was recorded by a third party, named Jesse Rowlodge, though he neglects to explain who Rowlodge is. Throughout the piece, Michelson inserts ample annotations. These annotations clarify, among other things, whether the activity or detail being described by the woman is an institutionalized practice among the Arapaho, or simply particular to this woman’s story. The article lists many of the important ethnological works that had been written about the Arapaho up to that time.

CLARITY: 5
MELISSA L. BURCH University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Morice, A. G. Carrier Onomatology. 35: 632-658

During the period A.G. Morice, O.M.I., was a missionary among the Carrier Indians, (the De’ne’s of British Columbia), he collected name lists. Carrier tribes’ use of names, included personal names used in common, and informal terms denominating individuals, and hereditary vocables, or titles. The Carriers had no name-giving ceremonies apart from the festivities connected with the assuming of hereditary titles. Four categories of names are analyzed in his essay. (1) Names that referred to some particularity, an accident or incident in life, or a bodily or mental characteristic of the individual. Names were given usually in early youth. A child could be named at birth by being given the name of a deceased relative. The grandmother, grandfather, father, or friend of the family acted as sponsor and gave the child one of sixteen names. (2) A few personal names would refer to unusual circumstances connected with birth or after-birthday, of the child. All personal names are verbal nouns. Some names like Kwa, Taya, Te’pa(woman), E’lmok (do.), Keizi (do.), seem to be meaningless. A different class of Carrier Personal names originated in dreams, and consequently contained an element of mystery, if not sacredness, much prized by the natives. (3) A Rev. Juan Nobili, S. in 1846, bestowed a third category of common personal names upon the children he baptized. (4) A fourth class of Carrier proper nouns was attached to individuals based on nicknames, given as a rule, because of their resemblance to animals or objects.

CLARITY RATE: 3
KATHLEEN MCCABE MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter J Claus)

Morice, A.G. Carrier Onomatology. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol.35:632-658.

A.G. Morice served as a missionary among the Carrier Indians of the De’ne’s of British Columbia. He gathered data on the names and naming processes among the Carrier. His essay introduces these names and attempts to evaluate the processes involved. Morice asserts that “the manner in which…unsophisticated people designate their fellows individually…should not be neglected by the Anthropologist”. Morice looks at the different types of names and categorizes them as common, hereditary, and gendered. He also evaluates the geographical names of the country.

While the naming process among the Carrier is historically informal, the formation of names, according to Morice, is based on various circumstances. Common names are seen to originate from four different fronts and he provides many names to illustrate each category. First, some are given in response to “some particularity, an accident or incident in life, or a bodily or mental characteristic of the individual”. These names can be given in response to a characteristic of infancy or at birth. And still, some of these names are seen by Morice to have no meaning. Second, Morice alludes to Carrier personal names of “a different class”. These names are formed by dreams or visions. Third, a set of names exists in relation to the Carriers historical experiences with religious missionaries and their christening rituals. Finally, some carrier names are given in describing the likeness of a person to an object or an animal. This may reflect on a totemic relationship.

Hereditary names exist among the Carrier and are associated with moments of prestige and positions of privilege among the men. The women’s names are also mostly based on heredity, but they do not hold the same prestige as the men’s names. In addition, Carrier Indians have “quite an array of personal names which designate only women, and can be at once recognized as such through their ending,” for example, “-nan”.

The geographical names of the country are documented and described in great detail by Morice. The names of the geographical features of the Carrier territory seem to be based on local traditions, mythology, history, and encounters between the Indians and outsiders such as explorers and missionaries.

This look into Carrier Onomatology categorizes the different ways in which Carrier Indians partake in the naming process of individuals and the geographical features that surround their daily lives and experiences.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
NICOLE TAYLOR University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Nomland, Gladys Archaeological Site of Hato Viejo, Venezuela. 35: 718-739

The archaeological site of Hato Viejo, Venezuela is one km north, 79 degrees west of the bifurcation of the Codore River with Quebrada El Jebe, in the district of Democracia, State of Falcon, Venezuela. Recent erosion exposed the site where the Indians (no tribe name given) lived and interred their dead in ceramic urns. Dr. H.F. Stanton, M.D. first documented the discovery, then later Mr. L.W. Henry and Dr. J. O Nomland. The material collected was from a midden site and from burial urns found 45 to 60 cm below the ground surface. Artifacts included: skeletal remains, stone tools, and vast quantities and qualities of pottery. A portion of the pottery consisted of crudely made ware, which was plain and modeled. These ceramics contained the burial remains of the Indians. Crude pottery was also “killed” and placed with the bodies. Finer pottery, found on the site, was made generally of better workmanship, complex, and painted. Plastic modeling is common to all wares except black-on-red. The modeling consists of shapes that include realistic and grotesque, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic heads, raised incised nodes, and meandering rolls of clay situated on the rim, neck and upper equatorial zone of the vessels. Painted designed included geometric and rectilinear with semi-curvilinear patterns. Pottery from this site closely resembles ceramics from the islands of Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire. The authors compare the stone implements, and pottery designs to also show similarities to implements and pottery found in Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire. The similarities are based on the plastic modeling, design elements, and position of the painted area. No conclusions were drawn since no stratigraphy was established.

CLARITY RATE: 3
KATHLEEN MCCABE-MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter J Claus)

Nomland, Gladys Ayer. Archaeological Site of Hato Viejo, Venezuela. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:718-741.

This article describes the findings of the archaeological site of Hato Viejo, Venezuela. H. F. Stanton, a field physician for a major oil company, first discovered artifacts that were exposed due to recent erosion in the area. Stanton, as well as L. W. Henry and Nomland, two geologists, collected all data and materials for this article in January 1930. The pottery and stone tools unearthed are repeatedly compared to those found in sites from the islands of Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire.

Because of “the various metate fragments in the collection” (p.719), it is speculated that the inhabitants of Hato Viejo took advantage of the abundant supply of water to grow maize. Also, remains of deer and large rodent-like animals are noted. A midden site and burial urns indicate wide use of mollusks, fish and “otoliths of various shapes and sizes” (p.719) for food. Burial urns containing pieces of, or whole, adult and child skeletons are described. The frequency and complexity of wares are illustrated in great detail.

Notes on the clays that the pots and urns are made from and where the clay originated, the paint, and the intensity of firing, precede the descriptions of the different wares. The most rudimentary wares are represented first. The category of unslipped, unpainted ware consists of plain gray-brown and red types. Plain gray-brown includes bowls, jars, a funeral urn and a stove censer, nine pieces in all. Some of these vessels are corrugated necked, while others are punctated. Red ware showed hardly any signs of use, so it was more than likely employed for ceremonial purposes only. The more complex pottery is slipped ware. These are gray-brown and red types as well, but have better mixed clay and are more thin-walled than the unslipped unpainted. The final type, the painted ware, consists of six color combinations: black-on-white, red on terra cotta, red-on-buff, maroon-on-cream, black-on-red, and polychrome. All of these types differ in make-up and design, and all appear to be native to the site, with the exception of the black-on-red. Nomland speculates that this was probably a piece that had been traded.

The most abundant tools discovered at the site were axes and hammers. However, also found was a well-made grinding stone, a pestle, and many pieces of polished stone. The pieces are all said to “indicate a high degree of skill in stone work” (p.739). While the archaeologists were able to place the pottery and stone tools in a sequence from less to more advanced, no conclusions are drawn as to when the aboriginals may have inhabited Hato Viejo, because no significant stratigraphy had been done at the time.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
CANDICE WIDEN University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Osgood, Cornelius Tanaina Culture. 35: 695-716

The Tanaina were a tribal group located in the Cook Inlet in the northern extremity of the Alaska shoreline from the Aleutian Islands to Clarence Sound. There are six remaining villages, three on the east coast of the inlet – Seldovia, Kenai, and Eklutna; Typonek on the west coast; Susitna village on the Susitna river; and Iliamna village on Iliamna river. The language of the group was Athapaskan. The culture had a comparatively evenly distributed social culture characterized by an exogamous moiety organization. The culture shared traits from within the group such as the position of partnership, religious customs, the potlatch, and rank of women. The Tanina also had a dual class system based on wealth. Resources use was dependent on land animals, fish and local vegetation. Clothing consisted of sewn fur pants, parkas (some with hoods), skin windbreakers, and under garments of tanned skin and fur clothing. Footwear (knee bear skin and fur boot) was often attached to clothing. For transportation the Tanainas used: kayaks (or bidarkas) made out of cottonwood, and birch-bark and an outer skin, made up of ten sealskins sewn together. Snowshoes were also used for transportation. To secure shelter, the Tanina built structures called barabaras, semi-spherical ledges, and lean-tos. The influence of Eskimo material culture is evident in the addition of sea-mammals to the food supply in the Lower inlet, Eskimo type out garments, the dance house, the kaiak and umiak, harpoon with floats, the sinew-backed bow, the stone lamp, and the absence of birch bark. These influences have probably occurred in the last few hundred years.

CLARITY RATE: 3
KATHLEEN MCCABE-MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Osgood, Cornelius. Tanaina Culture. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol.35:695-717.

This is a study of the Tanaina people who live around Cook Inlet of Alaska. The research concentrates on two main objectives. The first is to study the six main villages of the Tanaina, which are also broken down into subdivisions. The second objective is to explain Tanaina culture prior to European settlement that occurred in the late 1700’s.

Osgood states that environmental factors had an undeniable influence among the culture of the Tanaina people. Food, clothes, shelter, transportation and tools varied between villages. The Seldovia (lower inlet) had access to salt water where the Susitna and Iliamna (both inland) had access to fresh water only, creating a vast difference in resources. The climates also varied, creating a difference in the landscape. The Eklutna (upper inlet) had a vast supply of birch bark that was used as a cover for a variety of forms of shelter, it was also used to build canoes. On the other hand the Seldovia (lower inlet) did not have access to large quantities of birch bark, so instead they used grass thatching and spruce boughs, as might be expected living on a salt water coast line the Seldovia (lower inlet) also integrated skins into their daily lives, using them for clothes, covers for shelters and covers for their kaiaks and umiaks. Another influence on the variation found between the villages, was Eskimo contact. The Seldovia (lower inlet) and the Iliamna (inland) both had direct Eskimo contact, explaining why these two villages that exhibited great variation due to environmental restrictions also had similarities in “material culture”. These two villages had a similar style of dress, and common hunting tools not found among the other villages.

There were also a number of similarities found among the Tanaina. Their society was based on a moiety organization, made up of matrilineal sibs or clans. They also lived in a two class society. The upper class included wealthy members and their close family, while everyone else fell into the lower class called ultcakas. The two class system of the Tanaina was not permanent, in other words a member of the ultcakas could marry into the upper class. The village itself was comprised of a number of houses spread around the chief, making what was called a barabara. In each barabara women had a great deal of control. They were in charge of all the food and had the final say in the marriage of their children. Potlatches were also common among all Tanaina, although ritual aspects varied. The Tanaina believed in many gods and devils. It was also believed that when a person died his breath went up into the sky while his body stayed underground.

Due to European settlement by the early 1900’s it was estimated that the Tanaina population had decreased by almost 3/4. This fact alone makes this research incredible. The article in its entirety is able to bring to life a culture that has experienced many pressures to not only change but in a sense to disappear. I recommend this article because in a clear, concise manor it reveals the complex challenges the Tanaina faced to survive and the way that their culture was built around the resources to ensure survival.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
LISA JORDAN University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

O’Neale, Lila M. A Peruvian Multicolored Patchwork. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:87-94.

The author’s aim is to show the advanced technique of the craftswomen of Peru. O’Neale displays their abilities by diagramming their patchwork in tunic making. She comments that although patchwork normally implies “a stitching together of fabric portions already woven” (p.87), these women loomed all of the pieces themselves. Examples of such craft can be found all over Peru, but O’Neale chooses to focus on a Supe Middle Period site called San Nicolas.

O’Neale notes that most tunics are sewn in one of three ways. The first type is a single web of many rectangles of patches. In this case, a kelim tapestry slot is placed on top for a neck opening. A second type is put together in two parts and then sewn in front and back. Also, some tunics have sleeves added to the top, making a third classification. The types of yarn needed to do each stitch is noted. She then explains the kelim technique, as well as how one can observe the depth of technical skill of the weaver.

The color distribution of a Supe tunic is explained. Each yarn is listed and coded according to its color and shade. Then the codes are diagrammed to show vertical and horizontal rhythm in the pattern. A particular pattern that comes up in some seventy different tunics is one of a cat. According to O’Neale, “Each cat motive is subdivided into seven distinct color areas, no one of which is ever merged with any adjacent area” (p.92). A figure of what a typical feline representation looks like is given, and then O’Neale goes into detail as to how the colors are broken down in each and how the color sequence is maintained.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
CANDICE WIDEN University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

O’Neale, Lila M. A Peruvian Multicolored Patchwork. American Anthropologist January-March 1933 Vol. 35(1): 87-94.

In this article, O’Neale describes multicolored patchwork weaving from Peru, focusing on a single specimen from Supe. She asserts that although Peruvian patchwork appears similar to the type of artistry that sews previously manufactured pieces of fabric together, it is actually entirely woven. The blocks that give the appearance of patches are intricately woven into a pattern on the loom. Often the patterns are geometric, but animal and human figures are also found. O’Neale states that Peruvian patchwork weaving requires great skill and a well-developed aesthetic sense. This assertion is based on the use of a single string of yarn for many functions within weaving, and the existence of complicated patterns of color.

O’Neale analyzes the features of the specimen from Supe and discusses the probable techniques used to make those features. The specimen is a tunic which exhibits a high level of complexity, even when compared with other Peruvian patchworks. The yarns used are of great variation in size, and is more complicated in design than most Peruvian patchworks. It is composed of twelve rectangular portions of fabric sewn together. It is important to note that these portions are not the defining features of this specimen as a Peruvian patchwork, as described above. Rather, the Peruvian patchwork technique is found on four of these sections. Other sections are manufactured using a tapestry technique. The four patchwork segments contain a total of eighty patches and a sequence of seventeen colors. The patches are joined together by a technique involving the interlocking of a strand of yarn. The patches are decorated with a feline figure, each of which is identical in design and composed of seven blocks of color in different areas of the body. The colors are not identical for each figure, however.

O’Neale demonstrates the skill and artistry of Peruvian patchwork with this specimen, while admitting that it is an especially complex example.

CLARITY RATING: 3
MEGAN GOLDSTEIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus).

Parsons, Elsie Clews Some Aztec and Pueblo Parallels. 35: 611-631

After the author read Bernardino de Sahagun’s (a Catholic priest) “A History of Ancient Mexico,” translated by Fanny R. Bandelier, Vol. I, 1932, she was struck by numerous parallels between the ancient Pueblo and Aztec cultures. Her arguments are predominantly based on her own research, de Sahagun’s, book, and anthropological experts of the day. Her first argument compares the fact that both cultures, Aztec and Pueblo, impersonate gods. Priests of both cultures perform impersonations or persons play the parts of gods periodically throughout the year. These impersonators performed ceremonies without masks. Parsons believes that masks were not predominately used by the Pueblo cultures or the Aztec cultures only after the Spanish influence. Similarities between the two cultures are further illustrated by a comparison of the Aztec rain gods (Tlaloc, or rather Tlaloco) and the Hopi Cloud youths, and Zuni Uwannami rain chiefs. These gods are associated with the cardinal directions associated with mountaintops. The healing powers of the Kachina cult of the Zuni are compared to the Aztec Tlalocs cults in their ability to cure diseases. Dancing to cure sickness is also compared in the Hopi cultures and the Aztec. The author compares numerous other traits of both cultures: after-life beliefs, burial ceremonies, funeral rituals, appearances of priests, drowning, water serpents, human sacrifice, blood sacrifice, offerings, road-guarding by snakes, gum-paper, clan designs, petroglyphs, rites of intoxication, ritual games, and comparisons between Aztec ceremonies dealing with fire.

CLARITY RATE: 1
KATHLEEN MCCABE-MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Prokofjew, G. Proto-Asiatic Elements in Ostyak-Samoyed Culture. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:131-133.

Prokofjew discusses ethnographic data collected while on a three-year sojourn in the Tasow Tundra. The data consists of “ethnographic, folkloristic, and linguistic” material about the Ostyak-Samoyed (p.131). His analysis of the Ostyak-Samoyed attempts to demonstrate that they differ greatly from other Samoyedic groups. The analysis “demonstrates affinity with the Keto (the so-called Yenisei Ostyak) of the Nishne-Imbazk group” (p.131). Prokofjew believes that “Ostyak-Samoyed of Turuchansk thus constitute a tribe that falls culturally into the Proto-Asiatic category, while linguistically Samoyedic” (p.131). He believes this connection to be the result of a common ancestral home in southern Siberia. He points out that this close union may be observed in some locations to the present day.

Prokofjew provides many examples of the similarities between Ostyak-Samoyed and Keto culture. He uses these similarities to show how the Ostyak-Samoyed differ from other Samoyedic groups. He uses fishing techniques, hunting techniques, and reindeer breeding as some subjects for comparison. He also describes similarities in clothing and shelter type between these groups. Prokofjew also makes observations regarding Ostyak-Samoyed kinship and shamanism. He points to ideas of former totemism and disease conception in making useful comparisons of these groups. He ends by suggesting similarities between Keto and Ostyak-Samoyed shamanistic practices.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
MATTHEW C. GRIFFIN University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Roys, Lawrence. The Maya Correlation Problem Today. American Anthropologist 35(3) 403-417.

The primary focus of this article is to depict the implications of two analytical methods to find the Christian correlated dates to Maya date 9.16.4.10.8? The ultimate question deals of course with the time gap between separating the Christian and Mayan zero points. The application of the Spinden method to the 9.15.0.0.0. time period of the Old Maya Empire has concluded that it correlates with October 22nd , 471 A . D. The second method is that of Goodman, whose application calculates the same Maya date as equivalent to August 22nd, 731 A. D., (+/- 1-2 days). These computations, however, have not been deemed as conclusive and remain contentious. In order to corroborate the accuracy of the calculations, scholars have resorted to Mayan hieroglyphic texts, comparing celestial observations with temporal regularities. The resolution of these discrepancies and clarification of the Maya calendrical and celestial principles could aid in hypothesis testing in solving other relevant archeological problems. The author further recommends that future studies approach the complexity of the problem by dividing it into its fundamental constituent elements. Moreover, any solutions should be conveyed or demonstrated in a language and form that is comprehensible to the erudite and non-anthropologists.

CLARITY RATING: 4
MOSTAFA MANDI California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Roys, Lawrence. The Maya Correlation Problem Today. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:403-417.

Roys explores the question of the Christian equivalent for the Maya date 9.16.4.10.8 and he attempts to answer the question by determining the exact relationship between the two systems of recording time positions. He critically reviews two, then-contemporary solutions, with results that differ by 260 years. Both of the solutions are based on data from post-conquest material. Roys claims that the discrepancy between the solutions can be attributed to the obscure and contradictory nature of the evidence found in the postconquest material. The “Spinden Correlation,” which utilizes records from the Book of Chiliam Balam of the town Tizimin, the Chronicle of Chacxulubchen, and Bishop Landa’s record, places the typical Old Empire date 9.15.0.0.0 at Oct. 22nd 471 A.D. The “Goodman Correlation,” based on the Chronicle of Oxcutzcab, places the date within a day or two of Aug 22nd 731 A.D. Roys also reviews attempts made to reach a solution based on material from classic Maya sources alone. He explains the possible problems with each solution. Roys believes that, by analyzing generally accepted interpretations of the Maya calendar, tests can be devised for as-yet unaccepted hypotheses. He suggests that none of the solutions provides a conclusive answer, but asserts that, while the problem is yet unsolved, useful advances can be made if this complex problem is broken up into many individual problems that can be handled separately.

CLARITY RANKING 1
Jane B. Stubbs University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Speck, Frank G. Ethical Attributes of the Labrador Indians. American Anthropologist 35(4) 559-594.

Close examinations of cultural characteristics of Montagnais-Naskapi of the Labrador Peninsula by the author reveal the personality traits and behavioral habits distinctive of this community. Founded on non-religious values and personal ethics, these traits are legacies of past traditions and customs, springing from inner impulses to balance an interdependent relationship with the community. This delicate equilibrium embraces the demands of the individual and the utmost prosperity of the social system. In imparting his analysis of the cultural aspects of this group’s personalities, the author reports his observations in several categories. These are: (1) Banishment for inappropriate conduct; (2) Demeanor in life and in the face of adversity; (3) Perspectives on Living; (4) Deserting the elderly; (5) General comportment in relation to women and children; (6) Honesty and sincerity; (7) Hubris; (8) Seeking secluded vs. gregarious environments; (9) Benevolence; (10) Vengeance; (11) Discretion in seeking leisure; (12) Participation in communal activities; (13) Anthrophagy; (14) Poise in diverse social conditions.

CLARITY RATING: 5
MOSTAFA MANDI California State University (Peter J. Claus)

Speck, Frank G. Ethical Attributes of the Labrador Indians. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:559-594.

This article is an ethnographic account of the Montagnais and Naskapi peoples of the Labrador Peninsula, North America. Speck conducted fieldwork in the area between 1912 and 1932. References are drawn from accounts by anthropologists, clergy, military personnel, loggers, traders, and others. Most often, earlier written accounts offered very different interpretations of the inhabitants of Labrador than those by Speck. He attempts to explain the discrepancies between these accounts.

The ethical life of the people is the main focus of the article. Speck describes these cultures as “face-to-face” societies. Descriptions of cultural traits are given under headings such as: ostracism for misbehavior, attitude toward life and hardship, honesty, veracity, arrogance, solitude, altruism, revenge, temperance, cooperation and hospitality, cannibalism, and attitude toward social circumstance.

The “character” of the Montagnais and Naskapi had been portrayed unfavorably in earlier written accounts. Speck’s account portrays people more favorably. Montagnais and Naskapi are described here as being very honest people, with much emphasis on treating others well. Speck holds that these people have achieved a high ideal for moral development. Personal rights of the individual are mutually dependent with the highest welfare of the social group. Comparisons are drawn between Labrador and European societies. Speck attributes contrasts between them to differences in organization.

There is also a great deal of information describing relationships that existed between Labradors and Europeans. These relationships were often exploitive in nature. Forces of acculturation are described vividly and insight into culture change is given. Naskapi and Montagnais responses to changes are also documented.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
ALLEN JULIAN University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Spinden, Ellen S. “The Place of Tajin in Totonac Archaeology”. American Anthropologist vol.35: 225-270

This lengthy article describes in detail the archaeological features of the pyramid called Tajin that is situated a few hundred feet above sea level in northern Vera Cruz, Mexico. One of the objectives of the article is to relate the pyramid and its associated structures to the Totonac culture that existed at about the same time as the Mayan culture in Chchen Itza and Palenque. The pyramid was discovered in about 1785 and briefly visited many times since. In this region in 1933, a tropical forest covered an ancient city, except for the main pyramid. The people in the region still speak the Totonac language that was used when the ancient city flourished. The civilization apparently emerged in about 700-800AD, and achieved its major growth in 1100-1200AD, until about 1500AD when it was probably overrun by the Aztecs. The author does not make this very clear, however. The primary emphasis is on describing in detail architectural structures, alters (related to human sacrifice), ball courts, pottery, art (including reptilian motives), and mounds. These archaeological details are shown to be similar to those discovered in the Mayan culture. Tajin was a great capital and secluded center where Mayan and Mexican objects and ideas came by water-way and marshy roads, or down mountain trails. The art was placed on temple walls in stone where it became a goal of the pilgrimages dear to every Indian.

The article accomplishes the objective, but it was somewhat unfocused and difficult to follow.

CLARITY RATE: 3
GAIL HURLEY California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Spinden, Ellen S. The Place of Tajin In Totonac Archeology. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35:225-270.

Located in Vera Cruz, Mexico, the Tajin pyramid features evidence of Totonac culture’s influence on the surrounding area. Some details found can be accredited to the Aztec, Huaxtec, and Olmec civilizations, but for the most part are believed to have derived from Totonac culture. The current people of the area still speak Totonac. The findings this article uses are mainly based on architecture, sculpture, and pottery.

Niches, probably influenced by the Maya, characterize Totonac architecture. Neatly plastered niches were incorporated with balustrades, altars, sealed doorways, stairways and sometimes painted red. Roofs are usually flat. Ball courts are more interesting and important parts of architecture as where as other cultures. Ruins of Tajin and at other areas in northern Totonac may have evidence of Toltec expansion. Sculptures include palmate stones, sculpted drums, and several types of animal and human characters depicted as performing various tasks. Details show the sculpture to be Toltec or later and are common with those in surrounding areas. The standout is the use of the typical Totonac double line wherever it can be implicated. Most of the work is believed to come from the thirteenth century.

Pottery awaits more excavation, though two types that can be attributed to Totonac culture come in an assortment of colors and feature the double-line motif as well as other similarities to the sculpture. The art forms at Tajin indicate that it was an old, great capital city that is justified by its accessible placement between the Tecoulrla and Natla rivers open to Mexican and Mayan trade. Travelers brought with them new ideas from other civilizations and carried off memories to influence other parts.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
ERICA L. CLARK University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Sprengling, Martin. “Scapulimantia and the Mongols” American Anthropologist vol.35: 134-137,

The author with the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago apparently wants to draw attention to phrases in a book, the Scholia, that he was editing. The Scholia was written about the old testament by Barhebraeus in about 1272. Barhebraeus, a Christian, was a scholar appointed to a Mongol court in the Middle East. Srengling’s article is very confusing and obtuse, with the first two-thirds of the article rambling on about Hebrew and Arabic words that have some reference to soothsayers and fortune tellers. Then, he mentions the terrible Mongol conquest of Baghdad (1258) and misdeeds of the Mongols against Christians and Moslems. Quoting from Sprengling, “More than once Barhebraeus would see the Kamen, who after Mongolian manner sought for the secret and the concealed from the shoulderbones of sheep”. As the reader wonders where the article is going, the author states “In the Joseph – Potiphar’s wife story he cites as a practice of the Mongols, that they gave wives to their eunuchs.” Then, Sprengling mentions that Barhebraeus curiously introduces this in his biblical notes, and goes on to state that two ancient Oriental scholars attest the practice of scapulimancy in the Western Mongol Empire. So at last, one may conclude that Sprengling wants to draw attention to Barhebraeus and others mentioning, in about 1250, that Mongols had eunuchs protect and/or “entertain” their wives, apparently called “scapulimancy”, a word the author never defines. The author finally returns to soothsaying by stating “Barhebraeus brackets scapulimancy with soothsaying from members of the human body.”

This is one of the most unintelligible and obscure articles I have ever read.

CLARITY RATE: 0.5
GAIL HURLEY California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Sprengling, Martin. Scapulimantia and the Mongols. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35:134-137.

Sprengling focuses on a passage in the Scholia on the Old Testament written by Barhebraeus in the thirteenth century. Barhebraeus interprets the word “jadu’e” as meaning “those who do soothsaying from the members of human bodies and from the shoulderblades of sheep.” However, Syriac interpreters and lexicographers interpret the word as meaning something much more general, such as “soothsayer” or “fortune teller.” Sprengling examines why Barhebraeus might use such a specific definition of “jadu’e.” Sprengling claims to find the answer in Barhebraeus’ Storehouse of Mysteries. With the invasion of Baghdad, the Mongols spread their influence into the Arabian Peninsula. Since the Mongol conqueror Hulagu had a Christian wife, Christian influence in the region also intensified. This Christian influence brought Barhebraeus into the Mongol court as a physician. It was during this period that Barhebraeus was exposed to “the Kamen, who after the Mongolian manner sought for the secret and the concealed
from the shoulderblades of sheep.” Sprengling also comments that “two Oriental scholars attest the practice of scapulimancy in the Western Mongol Empire at very nearly the same time that the Westerner Rubruquis gives an account of it as he had observed it in the Far East.” Thus, Sprengling concludes that Barhebraeus used such a specific definition of “jadu’e” because of his recent observation of scapulimancy in the Western Mongol Empire.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JASON T. SMITH University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Stern, Bernard . “The Letters of Asher Wright to Lewis Henry Morgan” American Anthropologist vol.35: 138-145

Morgan, who wanted specific information for his book, Ancient society, wrote to Reverend Wright asking him questions about the Senecca Indians, with whom he lived for several years before he was forced to leave in 1846. Wright knew the Indians very well, and even spoke their language. He also got specific information by interviewing old Indian men. The first letter stated that the members of different clans were frequently buried together. It also gave examples of the matrilineal organization of the clans, with the clanship always following the mother, never the father. The second letter discussed pumpkins, winter squash, and tobacco. The Indians by not using the word “o-weh”, which meant “real”, indicated that squash and pumpkins were not indigenous in their region. In contrast, using “o-weh” with tobacco indicated that a variety of tobacco plant was the real “Indian tobacco”. In the third letter, Wright described how each clan had its own chief, and titles usually went from uncle to nephew on the mother’s side. In addition, the old women of the clans had a lot of power because they could approve or veto actions of the councils, within and between the clans. When a man died his effects went to his mother and brothers and sisters, never to his wife or children because they belonged to another clan. Intermarriage with members of the same clan was forbidden. The nearest relative of a murdered victim took revenge, and the murderer never resisted the execution.

These and other “facts”, reasonably well presented, should be of interest to those studying Indian culture.

CLARITY RATE: 4
GAIL HURLEY California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Stern, Bernhard J. The Letters of Asher Wright to Lewis Henry Morgan. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:138-145

This article, edited by Bernhard Stern, is a series of letters from Reverend Asher Wright, who was a missionary among the Seneca Indians, to Lewis Henry Morgan. Morgan had been adopted by the Hawk clan of the Seneca as a result of his efforts to help them fight against the theft of their lands by the Ogden Land Company and was in the process of preparing his book Ancient Society. Morgan wrote to Reverend Wright in order to check some of the data for his book. Stern believed the letters themselves were worthy of publication in full, because of the data they contain that supplement Morgan’s selected use of them in his work.

In the first letter, Reverend Wright is responding to an inquiry by Morgan concerning the characteristics of clans. Wright begins by describing the ancient burial practices of the Seneca, indicating that he “find[s] no trace of the influence of clanship in the burial places of the dead” (p.139). The Reverend explains that in the past, the members of different clans lived together more frequently than they now do, so that in fact a large portion of the dead in earlier times might have all been from one clan. The Reverend’s letter concedes that funeral ceremonies were partly affected by clanship in that members of nonblood clans were expected to do the work of organizing the burial and carrying the corpse to the grave. Similarly, Wright indicates in his letters that he knows of no ceremony, religious or otherwise, that pertains only to one particular clan, and that it seems members of different clans participate in all activities together indiscriminately. In a second letter, Wright appears to be responding to a question posed by Morgan about the foods that were indigenous to the Seneca region before the coming of whites. Wright says his sources affirm that “Indians had corn, beans, and squashes before they knew anything of white people” (p.141). He also elaborates on the origins of other foods in the Seneca diet in this letter. In the final letter presented, Wright recounts a legend told to him by a Seneca elder, which tells the story of the origins of the division of the Iroquois people into clans of different names.

This article also discusses the matrilineal descent system of the Seneca for the passing on of names and property. It also presents some of the rules for intermarriage and mutual obligation between clans.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
MELISSA L. BURCH University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Strong, W.D. “The Plains Culture Area in the Light of Archaeology” American Anthropologist vol 35: 271-287

The author from the Smithsonian Institution describes what archaeological studies have revealed about the plains culture, and suggests that there is a lot more archaeological work to be done. He focuses on the archaeology in Eastern Nebraska extending westward to the foothills in Eastern Colorado. By examining artifacts, such as pottery, rubbing stones, arrowpoints, fishhooks, bracelets, and houses in different excavated layers, he has traced the relationship between the prehistoric and historic Indians. During the prehistory period, pure hunting cultures dominated with men hunting an extinct species of bison, followed by a period with the introduction of the horse and extinction of the bison. Between these two, which mark the beginning and the end of the Plains Indian history, there was a third period when horticulture played at least an equal part with hunting. Prior to the coming of the horse, the village tribes prevailed, and afterwards, the border tribes or late invaders held the balance of power. The author stresses that the Great Plains offers an extremely promising field wherein the closely coordinated researches of historians, ethnologists, archaeologists, and geographers should throw a flood of light upon the antiquity and development of man in the New World.

The article is somewhat diffuse and unfocused, but I did get the impression from the details presented, that much has been learned and will be learned from archaeological studies about the diffusion of culture between the people who inhabited the different regions.

CLARITY RATE: 3
GAIL HURLEY California State University (Peter J. Claus)

Strong, W. D. The Plains Culture in the Light of Archaeology. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:271-287.

In this article, W. D. Strong proposes to briefly outline the results of recent archaeological research in Nebraska to complement the ethnographic and geographic data contributed by Wissler and Kroeber regarding the prehistory and protohistory of the Plains Indians. Strong asks whether or not the pre-Caucasian mode of life was horticultural and sedentary, or if it was based primarily on hunting and thus nomadic? Do the Dakota or the Pawnee most closely

represent the aboriginal culture before Caucasian intrusion? He proposes to answer these questions based on archaeological evidence.

Strong presents an exhaustive study of the Nebraska artifacts, giving explicit descriptions of the ceramic culture, mode of shelter and burial practices. He includes a table entitled “Apparent Sequence of Culture in Nebraska,” which shows the relationship of historic times and geographic locations to each culture discussed. He concludes that the pure hunting cultures dominated the Nebraska landscape during the time of the prehistoric hunter of extinct bison, and again after the introduction of the horse. Between these two episodes, there was a period in which horticulture played an equal role with hunting in the economic life of the Nebraska Indians.

Strong offers research evidence that the Dakota mode of life typified the Nebraska area after 1650 and that the old Pawnee type was predominate before that time. The Pawnee ceramic artifacts proved to be more abundant, complex and incomparably better finished than the historical Pawnee site. Strong thus draws the same conclusion as Wissler and Kroeber. The introduction of the horse reversed the cultural values of the Plains tribes. This article emphasizes the need for archaeological research in the Dakotas, Nebraska, Kansas and Oklahoma, in order to complete the prehistoric record of the Great Plains.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
JOYCE ASKEW. University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich).

Taylor, Paul Making Cantaros at San Jose Tateposco, Jalisco. Mexico, 35:745-751

San Jose Tateposco is a small village located in the Municipio of Tlaquepaque, adjacent to Guadalajara. The main occupation of San Jose Tatteposco, in addition to small-scale farming, is the making of pottery. Tribal origins are unknown, and tribal organization and indigenous language obliterated. Six ceramic products, in various sizes, are made by the local villagers: (1) cantaros, or constricted-mouthed water-jars; (2) ollas, or vessels of round, wide-mouthed type; (3) lebrillos (also called lavamanos), round bowls (4) tecomates, bowls with globular bodies (5) macetas, or flared pots for plants, and (6) tinajar, like ollas with large handles and tall perpendicular neck. Three grades of clay are used to make the pottery: (1) heavy clay in two colors red and brown (tierra colorado) and brown with black spots (tierra colorado or bermeja), (2) lighter grade class (tierra blanda) is a much darker and smoother clay and is gray in color. Revuela is a mixture of tierra tiesa and tierra blanda. The clay is mined locally. The mixtures of clay are pounded with repeated blows to pulverize the clay. The clay is then winnowed. The clay is then prepared for molding by adding water and kneading. Textales are made from the mixtures and set aside. Various pots are made by clay coils, which are smoothed by the palm of the hand as the potter revolves around the pots. Paddles are also used as well as clay talache (tool of fried clay). Pots are formed and left to set for five to ten minutes; it is then inverted and elevated. The potter continues the shaping and eventual painting of the pots. The next day, pots are fired in a Horno (furnace). The pots are stacked with seven to eight dozen canataros. The foundation of the furnace is a ring of large stones, above which adobe is used. Two burro loads of very light brush and dried heavy weeds are used to fuel the furnace. The pottery is removed when cooled, usually the day after the firing. The upper cantaros come out a uniform brick-red color; the lower ones are blackened in spots.

CLARITY RATE: 3
KATHLEEN MCCABE-MARTIN California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Taylor, Paul. Making Cantaros at San Jose Tateposco; Jalisco, Mexico. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35:745-751.

This a purely informative article where Paul Taylor writes about how a tribe in “a small village, [San Jose Tateposco], situated in the Municipio of Tlaquepaque, adjacent to Guadalajara” make their own pottery. According to Taylor, “[the tribe] consists of person’s who are almost entirely of Indian ancestry, with a small admixture of Spanish blood.” While the tribal origins are unknown, the “traditional occupation” of the villagers is “the making of pottery.”

According to Taylor there are six types of pottery produced in Tateposco: constricted—mouthed water-jars, vessels of round—wide mouthed type, round bowls which widen from the mouth to the top—used for washing, large bowls for carrying seed, flaring pots for plants, and a vessel with large handles. The water-jars are considered to be the most important.

Taylor also describes the different types of materials used in making the pottery and he gives a vivid view of the process of making the pottery. There are three types of materials used in the process of making the pottery: a heavy clay, a softer—smoother clay and a clay which is a mixture. The actual process of making the clay involves several stages and several days of preparation before a piece of pottery is completed; only about 12 pieces can be made at a time.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JENNIFER TRIGUEROS University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Titterington, P.F. “Has the X-ray a Place in the Archaeological Laboratory?” American Anthropologist vol. 35: 297-300

The author from St. Louis, Missouri attempts to demonstrate that taking pictures of objects with x-rays can reveal characteristics of archaeological artifacts that would not be seen with the naked eye. First, he shows x-ray pictures of arrowheads and pipes. The pictures of flint arrowheads show some concentrations of iron, and pictures of pipes show some blocked stem holes. Neither of these characteristics would be seen with the naked eye. Also, the author mentions that x-ray pictures might be used in detecting restorations in pipes that were painted over with intent to defraud.

Several x-ray pictures of potsherds, pottery found in Missouri and the Lake Michigan area, are shown. The pictures illustrate that regions in pottery in which iron is concentrated can be seen. Several of these concentrations of iron ore appear like small BB shots or a coarse grit. These characteristics would not be seen with the naked eye.

Details are given of the x-ray energy used, exposure time, and distance from the x-ray machine, including how the conditions need to changed depending on the thickness of the pottery being examined. The author hopes that he has been able to demonstrate that the techniques and interpretations of using x-rays should be developed so that the x-ray will have a definite place in the archaeological laboratory.

I think that the author has done a reasonably good job in illustrating his point, and the article is fairly well focused.

CLARITY RATE: 4
GAIL HURLEY California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Titterington, P.F. Has The X-Ray A Place In The Archaeological Laboratory? American Anthropologist. 1933. Vol. 35:297-301.

This article is designed to answer whether or not the x-ray can help give answers to archaeological questions. The x-ray is being used here to help archaeologists see things that are not visible to the human eye. Since the x-ray has been used in other fields outside of medicine, it only seems right to experiment with it in archaeology.

A flint spade was put under x-ray analysis, and it established a widespread system of opaque shadows. This shows that there was more of the foreign material in the sample than could be seen on the outer surface. Fifty spades, hoes, and big flint pieces were inspected. Twelve of these showed isolated opacities. Arrowheads and knives were next to be inspected and there were no areas of increased density. From this inspection it seems that opacities do not occur in the stratified flint, but do not occur in the coarser-grained nodular flint. Twelve different pipes were inspected. The x-ray shows an unfinished stem-hole in one end, a completed stem-hole in the other end, and the hole in the bowl. The broken drill point doesn’t show due to its lighter density than the matter from which the pipe is prepared. The x-ray can also pick up frauds. Restored areas on one of the pipes showed in the x-ray that the paint is adequately thick to cast a thin filmy shadow.

According to Titterington “… the x-ray will have a place in the archaeological laboratory as it has in some other laboratories”. The archaeological pieces that were observed in this article helps prove that yes, the x-ray does have a place in the archaeological laboratory.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
CHRISTOPHER J. SCHIMMECK University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Tozzer, Alfred M. Biography and Biology. American Anthropologist 35(3) 418-432

The author of this article reports his reviews of numerous biographies of eminent personalities in history, citing many examples of attempts by biographers to find genetic links in their lineage. Tozzer identifies three kinds of tendencies, which might be categorized in the genetic, behavioral, and philosophical fields. Such characterizations as he tendency of the mind he accidental possession and wo contrasting natures illustrate the three scenarios, respectively. Tozzer causal investigations of authored biographies of such monumental historical figures as Shakespeare, Franklin, Lincoln, Leonardo Da Vinci, Plutarch, Maurois, Napoleon, Galton, and Darwin have identified writers who have felt propelled to attribute their subjects brilliance to one of the above three causes. Woodrow Wilson biographer concludes: He, himself, was inclined to attribute the imaginative side of his nature to an Irish element in his origin. This and many other cases demonstrate a predominance of tendencies to seek the first category of rationale or genealogical support for the strokes of genius. If this line of reasoning is pursued, frequently the patrilineal links acquire more precedence over the matrilineal lineage. If other siblings are of mediocre traits and achievements, however, the biographer hereditary assertions encounter a formidable challenge. Another dimension of the genetic argument of transmission of intelligence extends into the broader context of racially inherited traits. Farther territories in this realm are charted when the subjects occupations were similar to others in their ancestral lines. Some examples of the second category .e., environmental– root causes of genius mental attributes are Leonardo da Vinci and Henry Adams.

The article culminates with the conclusion that there is no scientific evidence for hereditary or environmental transmission of any of our mental traits.

CLARITY RATE: 4
MOSTAFA MANDI California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Tozzer, Alfred M. Biography and Biology. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35: 418-432.

Alfred M. Tozzer’s article discusses the use of heredity as a means of explaining the personal characteristics of the subject of the biography. Biographers look to the ancestors of the subject and attempt to assign each trait of the subject to a particular ancestor, race or religion, which can lead to very distant associations and conflicting interpretations. Tozzer uses many examples from biographies to illustrate the methods used by biographers. With these examples he explains why they lack scientific support and can be conflicting. He notes that the paternal ancestors are usually favored over maternal, and if neither can provide an explanation for the fame and character of the subject then biographers resort to explanations based on the environment in which the subject was raised. Finally, he states that according to science, mental traits cannot with any certainty be derived from either gene or environment. Therefore, it should be the goal of anthropologists to suggest more careful scrutiny of the scientific facts in the writings of the lives of the great and near great.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
HANNA VERLANDER University of New Orleans (David Beriss).

Tozzer, Alfred M. Zelia Nuttall. American Anthropologist. 35 (3) 475-480.

Zelia Maria Magdalena Nuttall interest in archaeology was inspired by reading Lord Kingsborough superb multi-volume research on Mexican antiquities. This childhood curiosity continued to unfold and blossom into a passion for Mexico, Mexican early history, and its archaeological investigations. In 1884, she and her family visited the country of her dreams. This was her first visit to Mexico where she stayed for a year and spent five months working for the National Museum. During these months, she assembled a collection of Teothuacan terracotta heads, on which she based her first published paper in 1886.

Having lived in Germany for sixteen years from 1886 to 1902 and traveled extensively to other destinations in Europe, she spent forty-seven years as the Honorary Assistant in Mexican Archaeology at the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. he Fundamental Principles of New and Old World Civilizations stands as her largest contribution to the field of archaeology, which was published in 1901. Other contributions include: The Island of Sacrificios, recovery of lost or forgotten manuscripts such as apotecan Manuscript, odex Magliabecchiano XIII. 3, and rake manuscripts. She has been also credited as the first archaeologist who distinguished archaic culture from other sub-disciplines of archaeology. The support for this recognition stems from her discovery of a unique type of figurine in 1902, which is hypothesized to have been made by cultural traditions existing prior to Aztec civilization.

CLARITY RATING: 5
MOSTAFA MANDI California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Tozzer, Alfred M. Zelia Nuttall. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:475-481.

In this obituary, Tozzler describes the life and many accomplishments of Zelia Nuttal. He explains her love for Mexican history and archaeology as well as her interest in plants. He begins the biographical summary with her schooling at Bedford College and a marriage to a fellow anthropologist interested in linguistics and folklore. However, the marriage did not last and she soon became more involved in her own work.

It was at this point that she became an assistant at the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. Here, her interests were in Mexican linguistics and archaeology. While studying at the museum she wrote two books. The first, The Fundamental Principles of New and Old World Civilization, discussed astrological signs and worship. The second, The book of the life of the Ancient Mexicans, was based on the Zapotecan manuscript that she was able to present to scholars. Tozzler then describes Nuttall’s love of botany. At a home once belonging to a conquistador that she bought in Mexico, she collected seeds of native plants for cultivation and herbs for medicinal purposes.

Tozzler expresses his appreciation for her personality. He considers her to have opened up doors in Mexican Archaeology.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
HEATHER BALLADARES University of New Orleans (Jeffrey David Ehrenreich)

Turney-High, Harry. The Bluejay Dance. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:103-107

This article is a detailed description of a dance performed yearly by the Salish people of Montana. The author describes the Dance of the Bluejay as the primary expression of the hopes and woes of the Salish. For this ceremony the snow and debris are removed from a special piece of land and a Medicine Lodge is erected. The ceremony is lead by shamans of the Salish, called quasquay. Each quasquay has a guardian animal, called his sumesh, which he will invoke and pray to during the ceremony. “When the time for the ceremony has arrived,” writes the author, “all members of the tribe who have some ailment to be cured, some ambition to be fulfilled, as well as those who are merely interested, assemble in the sumesh lodge.” There is dancing for two nights and some curing of illnesses by the quasquays. At this point, the quasquays become possessed by the spirit of the Bluejay and begin speaking in tongues, making Bluejay sounds and running wildly in birdlike fashion throughout the lodge. By the beginning of the third night, the quasquays come back to their senses and are given some water from a particular source. The quasquays again doctor the sick, more powerful now after having been seized by the Bluejay. On the fourth and final night of dancing, some young men are instructed to cut a small evergreen tree, which is in turn set up in the middle of the lodge. People pray and make offerings to the tree and the tree is wrapped in a blanket and hidden out in the wilderness where no one is meant to find it. The article ends with an amusing story of an incident where an old man who was not a quasquay succeeded one year in making everyone believe he had brought much needed Chinook winds to end the severe winter.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
ELISSA L. BURCH University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Voegelin, Ermine W. Kiowa-Crow Mythological Affiliations. American Anthropologist. 1933 35(3): 470-475.

In this comparative study of mythology of Kiowa and five other Plains tribes the objective is to arrive at explanations underlying their similarities. This line- by-line analytical approach of narratives seeks to identify corroborating evidence for the following two hypotheses: (1) The similarities are due to diffusion from proximity of neighboring tribes; (2) Common elements and characteristics are attributable to shared historical ethnicities. Were there sufficient myths for this extensive study? In the intermediate stages of the investigations, it became evident that the volumes of narrative data for comparative analyses of northern and southern derivatives of Kiowa mythology were scant. Hence, the results are only consistent with the Kiowa and Crow traditions southeast of Butte City, Montana

For an objective investigation of evidence for potential historical links between these two traditions, a tabulation protocol was adopted. Having divided up the similar mythological narratives into separate sentences, the methodology utilized a point system, assigning one point for identical elements. Those elements that resembled each other yet are identified as variations of the same idea, were given half a point. Moreover, radically divergent components were eliminated from final scores. Evaluations were based on total points. In conclusion, the researchers attributed the mythological similarities to regional influences not any historical connections.

CLARITY RATING: 5
MOSTAFA MANDI California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Voegelin, Erminie W. Kiowa-Crow Mythological Affiliations. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol.35:470-474.

This article summarizes a study carried out to determine whether similarities between Kiowa and Crow myths result from a regional Plains influence or from a particular alliance between the two tribes. The author explains the methodology used to make this determination, offers a couple of specific examples of myths to show the rating system used, and concludes that the similarities in myths is due to a general regional influence.

Voegelin uses Kiowa myths and compares the details to tales of a total of five Plains tribes, including the Crow, in order to test whether there is a greater similarity between Kiowa and Crow myths than between Kiowa and the other five Plains tribes’ myths. Specific details of the myths are listed and rated according to whether there is an exact match in the detail, a variation of the detail, or no similarity in the particular detail between tales. The two myths used as examples in this article are “How They Stole the Sun and Placed it; How the Kiowa Became Paramount” and “White Crow hides Away the Animals and is Tricked by Sendeh and Spider Old Woman.” The five Plains tribes used in the comparison with the Kiowa are Crow, Arapaho, Gros Ventre, Blackfoot, and Cheyenne, with all of whom the Kiowa had contact. After adding up all of the ratings of similarities, the author concludes that there are enough similarities between each of the tribes’ tales and the Kiowa’s myths to determine that a Plains influence is at work and not a particular Kiowa-Crow alliance.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JOLIE A. PRÉAU University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Warner, Lloyd W. Kinship Morphology of Forty-One North Australian Tribes. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35: 63-.

In this article Warner reviews the kinship morphology of 41 tribes of North Australia. In particular, he concentrates on the kinship structures, terminology, and subsections of these different groups. To classify the kinship of the Australian Aboriginal tribes, he uses the British structural-functionalist Radcliffe Brown’s classification system. Throughout the article, Warner assumes that his reader is familiar with kinship terminology, as well as the geographic landscape and tribes of Northern Australia. He frequently refers to charts and graphs to clarify variation in kinship patterns.

In the first section, Warner outlines the four main types of kinship structures and discusses the kinship terminology they use. The Gun-wing-gu practices a typical Kariera symmetrical cross-cousin marriage system, while the Wan-der-ung have a Arunta type structure. The Murng-in practice an asymmetrical cross-cousin marriage called Murngin. The last group, the Larakia, have been said to have an “un-Australian” kinship system, but Warner says that his research indicates it may just be a simpler version of the Murngin. He indicates a number of times that his sources may be unreliable in this last case due the disruption of the cultures by white settlers and the old age of his informants.

Throughout the article, it is not uncommon for Warner to take the reader through a maze of relationships to explain kinship terminology. The “mother’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter” is a fairly typical example. In the second section of the article, the different subsections of these groups are explored in more detail, breaking down what subsections use what kind of kinship classification systems.

Most of Warner’s article is descriptive, but he does include some analysis of his data as well. In it, he emphasizes that while many anthropologists have looked at the extended family in Australian cultures, he wants to stress the restricted family forms that make up a central part of the social structure. Looking at the kinship structures in Northern Australia, a pattern emerges: when a woman marries, she continues to keep her own “Family of Orientation” but her children will take on the lineage of her husband. This affiliation does not negate a strong connection to her husband’s lineage as well.

CLARITY RANKING: 1
RACHEL BREUNLIN University of New Orleans (David Beriss)

Warner, W. Lloyd. Kinship Morphology of Forty-one North Australian Tribes. American Anthropologist January-March, 1933 35(1): 63-86.

This article examines various types of kinship structure in Northern Australia. According to Warner, four types of kinship systems exist. These are the Gun-wing-gu, Wan-der-ung, Murng-in, and Larakia types, each of which was named after one of the tribes with the kinship structure the name describes.

In the Gun-wing-gu type, kinship is defined through two patrilineal lines, one through the father and one through the mother’s father. Symmetrical cross-cousin marriage of first cousins is preferred, meaning that the ideal mate for a male is his mother’s brother’s daughter or his father’s sister’s daughter. In the Wan-der-ung type, kinship is traced through four lines of descent, both patrilineal and matrilineal. In this system, symmetrical cross-cousin marriage of second cousins is preferred: the ideal mate is one’s grandparent’s opposite-sex sibling’s grandchild. In the Murng-in type, ancestry is traced through seven lines of descent, and asymmetrical cross-cousin marriage of first cousins is preferred. In asymmetrical cross-cousin marriage, a male’s mother’s brother’s daughter is the ideal mate but his father’s sister’s daughter is prohibited as a mate. The Larakia type, which may not be fully constructed due to a lack of data, is patrilineal in descent and uses asymmetrical cross-cousin marriage.

Warner states that in Northern Australia, moieties group families into four or eight systems with exogamous marital rules. Exogamy is already determined by taboos relating to kinship structure; therefore moieties largest function is the extension of kin and social responsibilities that are associated with kin. Warner notes that the extended family is less significant than the immediate family (which is defined differently depending on the kin structure) and cautions that the extensive research on moiety systems in Northern Australia may obscure that fact.

Warner’s assertions are based on genealogies that he collected in the field. Other than once mentioning informants, Warner does not describe the methods with which he collected this data.

CLARITY RATING: 3
MEGAN GOLDSTEIN California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus).