American Anthropologist 1926

Clements, Forrest E., Sara M Schience, and T. K. Brown. A New Objective Method for Showing Special Relationships. American Anthropologist October-December, 1926 Volume 28(4):585-604.

In this article, the authors propose a completely objective method for handling anthropological data. This method relies on statistics to not only show relationships between different cultures, but also to show the probability of the shared traits showing up in both cultures by chance, as opposed to being shared information.
The particular traits are broken down into their smallest, most specific forms. The cultures that are sampled for the traits are then scored a 1 if they have the trait and a 0 if they don’t have the trait. If there was no data collected in a particular culture for a particular trait, then it is scored an “x” for the trait. This numerical representation of traits allows for them to be dealt with mathematically.
After that, every culture sampled is paired with every other culture sampled, so if there are 6 cultures, then there will be a total of 15 pairs. Inside each of these pairs of cultures the traits are organized into four groups (cells); (A) traits present in both, (B) traits present in culture 1 but not culture 2, (C) traits present in culture 2 but not culture 1, and (D) traits that are not present in either.
Once trait organization is conducted, it becomes possible to calculate not only the number of similar traits, but also the probability that those similarities are purely chance occurrences.
The article includes formulas that are used to find the theoretical number of traits that each organized group (A, B, C, and D) would contain if the similarities between the two cultures were due to chance alone. We can then obtain the difference between the actual frequency and the theoretical frequency of traits of each cell through subtraction. Then we square that difference to remove any negative signs in the equation. By dividing the
squared difference in frequencies by the theoretical frequencies, we obtain the “cell square contingency” for the particular cell. All of the numerical values in each cell (corresponding with groups A, B, C, and D) are added together.
Column “n equals 4” of Table XII in Karl Pearson’s Tables for Statisticians and Biometricians is then applied to this final number to get a standardized number. The standardized number can only be a number between 1 and 0. So the number of shared occurrences of traits between the two cultures can always be translated into a number that can be used for cross comparison with another standardized number that represents a study with a much larger or smaller sample size. The standardized number represents the probability that the similar distribution occurred by chance. And if we know the probability that such a similar distribution occurred by chance, we can subtract that number from 1 and get the representation for the probability that the distribution occurred as a result of factors other than chance.

This method gives a set of numbers that allow for objective analysis with regards to the distribution of particular traits across cultural lines.

ERIC DEATHERAGE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Clements, Forrest E., Sara M. Schenck, and T.K. Brown. A New Objective Method for Showing Special Relationships. American Anthropologist October- December, 1926 Vol. 28(4):585-604.

This article explains how the authors converted Ralph Linton’s monograph on “The Material Culture of the Marquesas Islands” into a new table that allowed Linton’s data to be interpreted more objectively through the use of statistics and probability. The original monograph compared the “material culture” of six different Polynesian islands: Marquesas, New Zealand, Hawaii, the Society Islands, Samoa, and Tonga. In creating the new table, the authors divided each cultural trait discussed by Linton into more specific items, expanding Linton’s ninety-three-trait list into a list of two hundred eighty-two items. The authors then assigned a numeric value to each item. The presence of a trait in a culture was represented by a score of one, the absence of a trait was represented by a score of zero, and a trait with no data was represented by a score of x.
This new format allowed the authors to examine very specific differences and similarities between the islands and mathematically prove that similar characteristics between groups were not necessarily due to shared information.
By comparing all the possible pairs of cultural groups (using a cell-block method), the authors not only calculated the probability that shared characteristics were based on chance, but also calculated excess agreements and disagreements. By comparing the probability that shared characteristics were based on chance to the number of excess agreements or disagreements between two cultures, the authors could tell the validity of high excess figures.
Based on their calculations, the authors found that there were two basic kinds of cultures in Polynesia, one based in Samoa and Tonga and the other based in Marqueas and New Zealand. Ultimately, the author’s argued the importance of objectivity in analyzing ethnographic data.

KELSEY RENNEBOHM Barnard College (Paige West)

Clements, Forrest F., Sara M. Schenck and T.K. Brown. A New Objective Method for Showing Special Relationships. American Anthropologist October-December, 1926 Vol.28(4):585-604.

This article takes as its starting place the need for more exact methods of treating cultural data and suggests a specific methodology to achieve the goal of greater objectivity in the treatment of such data. The authors apply an extension of the standard “means square contingency” statistical tool to correlate the data contained in Ralph Linton’s monograph, “The Material Culture of the Marquesas Islands,” pertaining to the material culture of six Polynesian groups. The study makes the data supplied by Linton available to non-specialists and permits independent ethnological conclusions to be drawn based on trait possibilities.

The basic methodology involves breaking down various traits into simple units and then scoring each trait as present, absent or no data available. The methodology makes it possible to show the special relationships, or, put another way, the areas of similarity and dissimilarity, within the general category of Polynesian culture. All common elements are disregarded and the actual frequency of trait appearances is compared to the frequency that would be present if chance were the only force operating in the distribution of the data. It is then possible to rank agreements and disagreements in traits along a spectrum in which chance is a more or less potent factor.

The goal of the study is largely formal. While it reaches certain ethnological conclusions concerning two varieties of Polynesian culture that appear to differ considerably, the principal purpose of the study is to demonstrate the practicality and objectivity of the authors’ methodology and, secondarily, to suggest to specialists in Polynesian ethnology areas for further study and areas in which existing data is weak.

SUSANNE CHIAPPA Columbia University (Paige West)

Davidson, D. Sutherland. The Basis of Social Organization in Australia. American Anthropologist July-September, 1926 Vol. 28 (3): 529-548.

Davidson starts out by noting that in his day the Australian aborigines captivated the interest of ethnologists. He states that they have a very complex social structure. Researchers have described this, but they have almost totally overlooked “the material culture and economic aspects of Australian life” (529). The problem that Davidson addresses is the argument over the many theories pertaining to the origin and advancement of their social configurations. The author states that scholars often come to an agreement only to withdraw into chaos.

Davidson argues that additional ground rules need to be established in order to arrive at a scholarly understanding. Many scholars of the past, according to the author, have dealt with the problem of social organization. They have produced a structure that Davidson suggests has an unstable basis. They failed to start at the bottom. They started at the problem and worked forward, instead of finding out about the history of the problem.

According to ethnographic evidence, there are four class systems in the aboriginal society: the eight-class, the four-class, the two-class, and the no-organization class (533). Davidson believes that the eight-class evolved out of the four-class, the four-class evolved out of the two-class, and the two-class started with no organization. The author then describes, in as much detail as was available at that time, nine different social groups. The main characteristics that are common in all nine groups are:

They are subdivided into family units.

Kinship runs through the male line.

They are patrilocal.

The local group has a headman as a leader. This position is hereditary only if the son shows signs of ability.

They have medicine men who sometimes are the same as the headman.

The government consists of a council of elders.

The elders are the headmen and the older, more experienced men of the group. The “old theory” was that the social organization started with the two-class system, but Davidson suggests that the social structure began with no organization.

TANA HIBBITTS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Davidson, Sutherland. The Basis of Social Organization in Australia. American Anthropologist March, 1926 Vol. 28(1): 529-548

Davidson is primarily concerned with the material and economic aspects of Australian life. More specifically, he distills the controversy surrounding the development of the various social patterns in Australian culture. He claims that the fundamentals of the different Australian tribal structures need to be deconstructed in order to resolve these conflicting arguments.

The primary argument that Davidson disagrees with, says that Aboriginal Australian tribal structure has its roots in an original 2-Class social system. Davidson believes that the original Australian tribe had no class division whatsoever, and that subsequent class divisions (including a 2-Class social structure) all stem from an original classless state.

Davidson uses both, the geographical location, and the different class division, of tribes, to explain how Australian culture developed. Examination of the similarities between different classless tribes, as well as, the similarities between classless tribes class-based tribes clarifies where exactly the origins of Australian culture reside. He observes in different classless tribes: Kurnai, Yuin, Geawegal, Chepra, Yerkla-Mining, Narrinyeri, Narrongel, tribes of South West Victoria, and costal tribes of Peninsula Country of the Northern territory.

Davidson summarizes the basic similarities amongst all the classless tribes: Each is in an isolated area of the country, they are organized into local groups (usually defined by familial relationships), trespassing (within local groups) is forbidden, tribes continue via patralineal descent, there is a leader (headman), and a council of elders. Davidson looks at the extent to which the structure of the other class systems (2-Class, 4-Class, and 8-Class) resembles those of the classless system. He discovers that all of them, regardless of their different social strata, have very similar social structures in place. These similarities include, well-defined boundaries (based on the division of the tribe into familial groupings), the presence of a headman, and an established council of elders. Based on those results, Davidson concludes that clearly, the no-class group is the earliest form of Australian social organization, and it prevailed in Australia before the factors of class organization developed.

DANIELLE CHERRICK Barnard College (Paige West).

Davidson, Sutherland D. The Basis of Social Organization in Australia. American Anthropologist. 1926 Vol.28(3):529-548

Davidson criticized some prior studies done by anthropologists in Australia and says that they have made possibly incorrect conclusions about the class systems governing native Australians. Native Australians have different societies with basic class structure. Some have two classes, some have four classes, some have eight classes, and some have none. It was accepted among Davidson’s predecessors that the two-class system is ancestral, and the four-class system developed from it. Then the eight-class system developed form the four-class system, and the no-class system developed from the eight-class system. Davidson revises these views and claims that the no-class system developed first, and the others evolved afterwards, with a progressively increasing complexity.

He closely examines the classless groups of Australia and talks about all of them, noting that although they have their differences, they are very similar to one another if the same characteristics are looked at across all tribes. He examines such characteristics as inheritance, family organization, marriage, and treatment of land. He concludes that the tribes examined are very similar in their organization, and thus must have had a common origin.

He then examines the same practices in the tribes which have two-, four- and eight- class systems. He notes that they all share similarities with one another and with the no-class tribes, and that the class system seems to be overlaid on the underlying no-class system. He concludes by saying that the no-class system has characteristics, which are universal, and therefore is probably the ancestral system.

Davidson writes in a very straight-forward and clear manner, and has a very organized way of presenting the material, separately examining each tribe and listing its characteristics. In his analyses he relies heavily on the facts from fieldwork which others have gathered, and quotes several anthropologists, and it is not even clear if he had been to all of the places he describes himself.

LIZZA PROTAS Barnard College (Paige West)

De Angulo, Jaime. Two Parallel Modes of Conjunction in the Pit River Language. American Anthropologist January-March,1926 Volume 28 (1): 273-274.

This article is an explanation of the volition aspect of the language used by the Pit River Indians. According to the author, in this language there are two forms for every descriptive conjunction. There is a form used when describing any action that does not fall into the voluntary category and a form that indicates not only the action, but also that the act was voluntarily conducted by the individual who acted. Also playing a role in the distinction between voluntary and involuntary actions are tonal patterns and, sometimes,
internal vocalizations of the radical. Incorporated into this description of volition and non-volition is the concept of time represented within this language. It is included so that the reader can further understand volition as it is represented in the past, present, and future tenses.

ERIC DEATHERAGE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

De Angulo, Jamie. Two Parallel Modes of Conjugation in the Pit River Language. American Anthropologist, 1926. Vol. 28: 273-274.

The main focus of the article by Jamie De Angulo is on how “everything” in the Pit River language can be expressed in two kinds of ways. The first way describes the action, and the other way indicates volitional intent. For example, the expression “I run” can be translated sahomi, if simply describing the action, or if it is used with volitional intent, such as to indicate purpose, will, or desire, it is translated as lahoma.

De Angulo also states that for every descriptive conjugation there is a corresponding volitional conjugation. These are distinguished from each other by the use of prefixes and suffixes, and also by tonal patterns and internal vocalic changes. Next, she explains, “Tense is not used relationally, but only as a derivational concept expressed by the suffixes –ni for the past, -gu for the future descriptive, and by the prefix ma- for the future volitional.” (p. 273) Finally, De Angulo describes that when you express “incipiative” action the words are pronounced in a volitional manner, rather than a descriptive manner. On the other hand, the descriptive form is used and the action is in the future.

What the author is trying to point out is the importance of volition for the Pit River Indian. The interesting thing in the Pit River language is the orientation of concepts in which the character of the action is determined by the presence or absence of volition. The tense or timing of the action has nothing to do with the two modes of conjugation.


De Angulo, Jaime. The Background of Religious Feeling in a Primitive Tribe. American Anthropologist April, 1926 Volume 28(2): 352-360.

This article is an argument against the idea that monotheism was the basis for religion in primitive society. De Angulo uses the culture of the Pit River Indians as an example of a primitive culture that, while extremely religious in all its parts, is in no way monotheistic.
He begins his argument by showing the reader that the Pit River Indians fit the profile of the type of people that the term “primitive” was meant to identify. As evidence of their primitiveness, the author states that the culture lacks nearly everything that was seen at the time to be civilized or leading to civilization. These characteristics included totemism, social organization, secret societies, religious ceremonies, a priesthood, and taboos. Also, their tool use and subsistence strategies matched the common understanding of the level of culture attributed to the term “primitive.”
After a short discussion about the term “primitive,” stating that “primitive” people should not be understood as less intelligent or of lower status than “civilized” people, de Angulo continues with his original argument against a monotheistic basis for primitive religion. The article states that although the Pit River Indians have no religious ceremonies, they do have religious beliefs that are intermingled with every aspect of their lives.
In the Pit River culture there is an idea of power as inherent to all living things and that this “power” allows the possessor to do extra-ordinary things. Power can also be translated as luck, medicine, and poison because they are not mutually exclusive ideas in Pit Indian culture. It is then understood that, because luck is power, gambling would be the predominant religious experience of this society. De Angulo proceeds to show how this idea of power, which includes all of the characteristics that in English would be
separated into the different ideas of luck, power, poison, and medicine, is of primary importance to shamanistic practices of the Pit River Indians.
The shamanism of the Pit River Indians does not concentrate on ceremonial rituals. In fact, no two shamans conduct their medicine in the same way. Instead, it is the natural power of particular animals called upon by the shaman that causes the healing or other shamanistic event to occur.
Although the animals are important to shamanism, they are not venerated as one might venerate a god. These animals are considered no more sacred than any other living thing, because all living things contain power. The religion of the Pit River Indians is not to be understood as worship of anything. It is, instead, a relationship between the Pit River Indian and life-power.
Therefore, monotheism, or any deity worship for that matter, plays no part in the religion of Pit River Indians. And because the Pit River Indians fit the category represented by the term “primitive,” monotheism is not the basis for all primitive religion.

ERIC DEATHERAGE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Jaime De Angulo. The Background of the Religious Feeling in a Primitive Tribe. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28: 352-360

Jaime De Angulo’s main aim is to try to contradict the notion that monotheism is the major form of the religion of the “primitives”. In order to achieve this goal, author gives an example from the religious practices of the Pit River Indian tribe, who do not conform to the generalization given above. Through the research and observation of the life of the tribe the author was able to come to some conclusions about the society of Pit River Indians. The life of the Pit River Indians can be considered very simple; they live close to nature, they are not farmers, on the contrary they are hunters and gatherers. The tribe doesn’t posses any concept of centralized G-d or even a figure of G-d. Even though animals are sacred to the people none of them are considered G-d, and all animals are equally sacred in the eyes of the tribe. Even though they do not have a well-defined notion of G-d, their lives are full of religious practices. They value power, which to them is the same thing as luck. Therefore luck as well as gambling is sacred and the best gamblers are not only possessive of power but are revered. Shamans, people that are able to connect to the other world, usually “talk” to spirits with the help of the interpreter. The latter’s job is comprised of repeating what shaman says out loud with a different intonation. Interpreter serves as a connection between the world and the shaman. Even though the Pit River Indian tribe has religious practices, definition of what is sacred as well as religious beliefs and traditions, it can be said that the concept of G-d to them is very unorganized, that is there doesn’t exist one well defined image of G-d. Thus we can say that the tribe doesn’t practice monotheism.

The author explains the observations and conclusions through numerous examples from everyday life of the tribe. The evidence is the clearest when author quotes directly from the members of that society. Clear and understandable language in addition to abundant examples and explanations make the article easy to read and understand.

LENA PANOK Barnard College (Paige West)

Gifford, Edward Winslow. Miwok Lineages and the Political Unit in Aboriginal California. American Anthropologist April, 1926 Vol. 28 (2): 389-401.

Gifford attempts to explain the practical use of lineages among the Shoshonean people of California. He believes that lineages were once independent, politically self-governing entities, rather than purely social groups based on their ethnicity or way of life. Gifford focuses on the Miwok people of the Sierra Nevada territory of Central California, but also includes information about a variety of other Shoshonean people, such as the Cahuilla, Serrano, Diegueno, and the Cupeno, to name a few. Gifford explains that his concept of lineages is easily comprehensible, when genealogical information is gathered and lineage relationships are understood. However, this information is not always easily accessible, considering that some of the information could have been forgotten or lost over time due to the white man’s “pressure.”

According to Gifford, the Miwok, while functioning communally on a moiety level, also organized themselves into lineages, which operated on a political level. Genealogical relationships among the Miwok were based solely on male lineage or patrilineal descent, called nena. On the other hand, nena also meant the native home of their lineage ancestors. The nena, or male lineage, had a main chief descending in direct line from father to the oldest son. Each lineage was exogamous in that they married outside their own lineage. Since the Miwok were a patrilineal culture, only the women married into the lineage. Each lineage inhabited their ancestors’ home or in other words owned that piece of land. Besides the women who were married into the lineage/nena, only the male, his offspring, and his descendants through the male line resided in one area, the nena. However, the majority of land around them was accessible to any lineage/nena in search of food by way of hunting or gathering; this was an all-encompassing oral law and understood by every lineage/nena.

Gifford believes that these genealogical and social pieces of information prove that the Miwok, a Shoshonean lineage, was once a self-governing political unit. He continues to demonstrate his line of reasoning by observing and remarking on the lineage similarities once used by other Shoshonean peoples, such as those I named above, in comparison to the Miwok. However, he does comment on their differences as well.

Gifford expands on his theory by commenting on the evolution of these lineages from one independent political component to combined lineages working as a political unit, and then to village/civilized life. He often used examples to back up his claim of lineage evolution. Such examples include the merging of lineages due to white pressure, enemy trouble, or better environmental quality. Though some of his examples were theories rather than facts, he still provides the reader with an understandable timeline of the transition from independent political lineages to village-like societies, where lineages no longer control and categorize groups of people. By explaining this evolutionary process, it is easier for the reader to comprehend that Shoshonean peoples once relied on lineages as self-governing political units, which over time merged into village communities. Thus, lineages were no longer needed as political entities and were used only for social organization.

BROOK MCCRACKEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Gifford, E.W. Miwok Lineages and the Political Unit in Aborinal California. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:389-401

In this article, the author describes the Miwok of Sierra Navada region in terms of their social organization patterns. The term used to describe the Miwok kinship system is referred to as the patrilineal joint family. This term has two meanings; it alludes to the male lineage pattern as well as the ancestral home where the lineage first developed. The Miwok are connected through a geneological relationship. Each lineage is a political group made up of all its members living in the ancestral home. The ancestral dwelling consisted of the male members of the lineage, their wives and their children. Although each lineage held an area of land, the majority of the land was unclaimed. In 1848, the Americans arrived in the Sierra Miwok territory. This began the process of transforming the lineages into villages. Due to Caucasian pressures, the Miwok were driven from their ancestral sites. Many people from several unrelated lineages were brought together to form a new political body, the village community.

The author makes the point that in the present day, the lineages of the Miwoks are solely social groups. Although decades have past, each individual remembers his or her place of origin and paternal ancestry. This memory is celebrated by a performance at a ceremony. The Miwok situation can be compared to the Desert Cahuilla of Southern California and the Serrano of Southern California. Each of these groups share common ideas which preserve the memory of the past political independence of each lineage.

The author successfully demonstrates that in the past, lineages existed as both self-governing political units and as parts of larger political bodies. The author accomplishes his objectives in this well organized article.

ALDA ACCILI University of British Columbia ( John Barker)

Green, Laura C. and Martha Warren Beckwith. Hawaiian Customs and Beliefs Relating to Sickness and Death. American Anthropologist January – March, 1926 Vol. 28 (1): 176-208.

In this article the authors record descriptions and examples of Hawaiian customs and beliefs concerning death, the soul after death, omens of sickness and death, and the treatment of the sick.

They begin with customs concerning treatment of the body after death. When a Hawaiian commoner passes away the body is cleansed with salt water and dressed before any wailing may take place. Wailing announces the death and calls other members of the community into the household of the deceased. When a chief or person of high rank dies his bones are considered to hold power and bring luck to anyone who may possess them. Because of the value of these bones someone must hide them; in many cases that person must sacrifice his own life to protect the whereabouts of the bones.

After death, the soul of a Hawaiian may abide in one of three places: a volcano, the ocean, or the dry plains. The place where the soul goes depends on which god they worshipped during life. Occasionally the soul of the deceased may become angry and it is then called a Lapu or evil ghost of the dead. The Lapu may take on a shadowy form, be heard in a whisper, be felt in the form of a warm breath, or chase a person. Certain foods and drinks attract Lapu when they are carried at night. Hawaiians also believe that the sprit of the dead stays in the area of the body for some time after death and that it is possible to bring the person back to life.

There are several omens of sickness and death to Hawaiians. Sometimes a sickness or death can be brought about by sorcery or imitative magic. Many occurrences may warn of the coming of such events. For example, it would be a sign of death if a child were to roll himself in a mat while playing because this is a common practice in burial. There are separate signs associated with the death of a chief. For example, if a rainbow is seen that is broken at one end it is a sign that a chief will become ill or die.

Treatment of the sick relates to the belief in these omens and in sorcery. Hawaiians are known to use herbs, massage and various natural cures in treating their sick. If these do not succeed the illness is ascribed to an angry god, spirit, or to sorcery. One must avoid angering the gods which may be done in a variety of ways including failing to avoid object or activities that are sacred to the gods. To gain forgiveness of sins and possibly cure these illnesses one must pray and go through a sacrificial rite called Pani. If an evil sprit has taken the body by possession and is causing illness one must hire a Haka, a person with whom the gods will communicate, and this person would expel the possessor and the afflicted person would be cured.

STACI GATES Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Green, Laura C. and Martha Warren Beckwith. Hawaiian Customs and Beliefs Relating to Sickness and Death. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:176-208

In this article, the authors describe Hawaiian burial customs. When a person died, relatives washed and dressed the body. Saltwater was used because of its power to purify and preserve. According to ancient Hawaiians, saltwater was the wai kala or “water of forgiveness.” The lower part of the body was wrapped in bark cloth in order to form a palu or skirt. The body was dressed in a kikepa which consisted of two strips of bark cloth which wrapped around the back, chest and shoulder. The body was kept for two or three days before being buried. The relatives and friends of the deceased would show their respect by chanting and wailing. In the past, injury was performed to the body such as knocking out teeth, tattooing the tongue or scarring the body. A feast was prepared by the family when there was a death.

The authors explain that after death, the soul has three places where it resides. These places are in a volcano, in water or on dry plains. The dead live in an underworld called Milu. The authors discuss how Hawaiians also believe in omens of sickness and death. For example, it is a sign of death for children to roll themselves up in mats when they play because ancestral chiefs were often buried like this. The authors suggest that these omens are signs from the gods. There are several taboos in Hawaiian culture. The authors give several examples of these taboos.

Hawaiians use herbs, massage and prayer to heal the sick. Ku and his wife, Hina are worshipped as the gods of medicine and are invoked when herbs are gathered. If natural treatments do not work to heal the sick, sacrifices are made to the gods.

The authors display their vast knowledge of Hawaiian customs in an interesting and understandable article.

ALDA ACCILI University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Gunther, Erna. An Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony. American Anthropologist October-December, 1926 Vol.28(4):605-617.

In this article, Gunther explores the presence of a ceremony marking the arrival of the first seasonal salmon among North Pacific Coast Indians. The migration of salmon upstream to spawn marks the beginning of the fishing season for Native American groups in this area. It also signifies the end of the near starvation conditions that these individuals endured until this time. What the author concludes from her research is while most of the tribes studied use salmon as an important part of their diet, the presence of a ceremony is not universal.

There are four main tribes mentioned in the article who participate in the first salmon ceremony. While each tribe differs slightly in the actual rituals employed at this time, all follow the same basic rules. These rules include treating the salmon with respect, sharing the meat with particular members of the tribe, reciting prayers, and following specific rules for preparing the meal. Some surrounding tribes also have ceremonies for the first salmon of the season but the ceremony might be as simple as consuming the fish.

The author states that the ceremony is not found among all the tribes on the North Pacific Coast even if salmon is a main staple of the region. The location of the tribe did not determine whether the people participated in an elaborate ritual. Those who had no ceremony were scattered throughout the region and around those tribes who had a ceremony.

Gunther also examines the similarities between the salmon ceremonies and ceremonies that are used to mark the first fruit or first bear of the season for other Native American groups. These ceremonies are strikingly similar and show that the reason given for such rituals is the respectful attitude toward the food source and the desire for more to come in subsequent seasons.

The presence of taboos surrounding salmon is more widely accepted than the rituals themselves. Most tribes that utilize the fish as a dietary supplement follow strict guidelines for the disposal of the bones in order to guarantee the return of the fish. Also, most tribes believe in a correlation between salmon and twins. However, they differ on the exact way they are correlated. Some believe that twins of the same sex are reincarnations of salmon. Others believe that twins can call salmon to specific rivers.

The article seems to prove that salmon and the ceremony itself were an important part of many tribes in the American Northwest. The specific ways that the salmon affect their tribes differ from tribe to tribe but the similarities imply that all the tribes are linked in their history with regard to salmon.

REBECCA HENDERSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Gunther, Erna. An Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:605-617

This article discusses the ceremony which marks the beginning of the first salmon run of the season. When the salmon run up river to spawn, the fishing season begins. This is a common ceremony shared by many North West Coast First Nation groups. The ceremonial features are similar throughout the area. Salmon plays an important role in the First Nation culture; it is the principal animal food source, it plays an important role in mythology and several taboos surround it. Many rituals are performed for salmon. The author describes four first salmon ceremonies; the Tsimshian, the Kwakiutl, the lower Lillooet, and the Snohomish. The author includes a detailed map of the different tribal areas. Each ceremony involves prayer, song, dance, and a feast of cooked salmon. The beliefs surrounding salmon are expressed in mythology and taboo. Most often mythology describes ceremonial behavior. The First Salmon ceremony is widespread and although the expression varies somewhat from tribe to tribe, the basic idea is the same.

The author believes that the main concept of the First Salmon ceremony originated in one tribe and spread through contact with neighboring groups. The author presents this information in an organized article.

ALDA ACCILI University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Hallowell, A. Irving. Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. American Anthropologist January-March, 1926 Vol. 28(1): 1-175.

This article looks at “primitive” peoples of the northern hemisphere and their relation to the animals of their environment; specifically their relationship to the bear, as it appears in their magico-religious beliefs.

Hallowell begins by explaining the two basic approaches mankind takes in dealing with the natural environment. The first is utilitarian, in which man exploits animals for food and other uses. This also includes domesticated animals that are exploited for their services or products, such as milk. The second is psychological, how man himself views his relationship to the animals. This includes folk beliefs, and also customs of primitive cultures surrounding these animals. He points out that in Euro-American societies the folklore about the animals is coupled with an “assumed superiority” over them, thus allowing the utilitarian viewpoint to be foremost in our culture. Hallowell questions the origins of man’s concepts about animals, but says there is “no satisfactory answer” to this question because the available data which most people use to form their theories is incomplete.

Hallowell then goes on to explain the method behind his investigation. He has done comparative studies of many northern hemisphere peoples, focusing on beliefs and customs associated with the bear. In doing this type of study, he hopes to find an answer to the question of the origin of psychological beliefs about this animal. Hallowell divides the cultures he studied into two areas: North America and Eurasia. The North American cultures include the Eastern Woodland area, the Southeastern area, the Mackenzie area, the Plateau area, the Plains area, the North Pacific Coast area, the California – Great Basin area, the Southwest area, and the Eskimo area. Eurasia is divided into Northeastern Siberia, Central Siberia, Western Siberia, Finns, Lapps, and the Gilyak and Ainu.

Hallowell begins his study by focusing on the animal. He examines the geographic distribution of the bear within his study area, and what species are present. He then looks at the hibernation habits of each species, and what folk beliefs about that species and its habits are held by the associated cultures. Next, he looks at the common elements of bear hunts as practiced by each of these cultures. He looks at the weapons and methods used by each culture, and the taboos associated with the hunt.

Then Hallowell examines the customs and ceremonies held by each culture associated with hunting the bear. He starts by identifying the linguistic terminology used by the cultures to describe or identify the bear. Many cultures use familial terms, especially grandfather. The ceremonies associated with the bear hunt include calling the bear out of its den and apologies given to the bear for the necessity of killing it. Post-mortem ceremonies also involve taboos relating to the preparation of meat and disposal of remains.

Hallowell concludes that the history of bear customs originated with an ancient boreal culture associated with the pursuit of reindeer. This culture then spread throughout Eurasia, and later into North America, most likely following the migration and growth patterns of the animal itself.

This article was well written and informative, with fascinating data and analysis; however, the amount of information covered in this small a space caused a slight lack of clarity. Had the article been longer, with more space given to explanation of the data, I believe it would have been easier to digest. As is, it needs at least two readings to fully understand.

MELISSA HALE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Hallowell, A.I. Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. American Anthropologist January, 1926 Vol.28(1):2-175.

Hallowell presents, in his dissertation, a comparative survey of the role of the bear in the cultures of a variety of peoples living throughout the Northern Hemisphere. He draws information from the practices of what he refers to as “Indian” or “primitive” peoples and uses that information to compare and contrast different groups as well as different regions, such a North America as opposed to Siberia or Eurasia.

Hallowell argues that many such societies practice some form of animalism and are closely connected to the species of animals found in their natural environment. This connection arises from two factors, a utilitarian need for food and other materials derived from animals, and a psychological element. This latter aspect describes the beliefs and practices that surround an animal which are often nearly religious in nature. He enters into a short discussion on the nature and origin of these practices. However, he ends this discussion by coming to the assertion that there are many generalizations concerning animalism and that this is limiting as each form is unique.

The bear, Hallowell argues, differs from other animals in that all of the cultures he has incorporated into his study give great importance to this animal. This may be, he suggests, due to some distinctive characteristics of the animal, such as its perceived resemblance to man as well as hibernation. Bears are hunted using particular methods, and although the favored method may differ regionally, there is nearly always one technique that is considered to be the most appropriate. This technique often involves using spears or axes, even when guns are available. The manner in which the carcass is handled is of equal, if not greater, significance. Speeches or prayers are often spoken or presents offered. It is clear that all the groups used in this survey have great reverence for the bear and wish to appease its soul by treating the body with honor. The skinning of the bear and the treatment of its parts and the feasting upon the animal’s boiled or roasted flesh are also practices surrounded by a great many rules and taboos. For instance, among the Asiatic Eskimos the head and skin of the slain bear are positioned within the house in the place of honor and are, for five days, paid constant attention and respect. Bear ceremonialism often involves or creates a sexual dichotomy. An example of this can be seen in the practices in Western Siberia, where the women cannot look into the eyes of a bear nor can they ingest the head, heart, or paws of the animal.

Hallowell concludes his study by attempting to develop an explanation for the significance of the bear, which exists over a wide geographical area. He dismisses the propositions that the bear’s “man-like” appearance or its economic value are responsible for the reverence it is paid. This, he argues, is because there are some areas that are inhabited by bears but where the peoples do not exhibit particular or differential respect for the animal. He concludes, rather, that the practices of bear ceremonialism share a single origin and became distributed over a large geographical area. It was after this dispersal of a common custom of bear ceremonialism that the individual practices became modified, achieving the level of differentiation Hallowell has observed.

LAUREN D. BLOOM Barnard College (Paige West)

Harrington, M. R. Alanson Skinner. American Anthropologist April, 1926. Vol. 28(2): 275-280.

The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, of New York suffered a tragic loss with the death of Alanson B. Skinner, a beloved ethnologist of American Indian studies and writer on archaeology in the state of New York. He died in an automobile accident while on a trip to North Dakota August 17, 1925, to collect information about the Sioux Indians for the Museum.

Alanson Buck Skinner was born in Buffalo, New York, on September 7, 1885. He attended college at Columbia University and at Harvard. In 1907 Skinner began working for the American Museum of National History in New York, leaving in 1915 to work for the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. In 1920 Skinner became Curator of Anthropology for the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, but in 1924 he returned to the Museum of the American Indian, where he remained working until his death.

Skinner was a very avid reader with a wonderful memory. Skinner probably possessed the most detailed knowledge of the Central Algonkian tribes and the Southern Siouan peoples who are similar in culture to the previous tribes. Skinner concentrated most of his studies on material culture, social organization, mythology, and religion. Skinner attained many accomplishments throughout his life, but he will be best remembered as an ethnologist. Skinner mostly wrote about the Menomini tribe of Wisconsin. He also published many books and articles on other tribes such as the Sauk, the Potawatomi, the Iowa, the Cree, the Plains Ojibway, the Saulteaux, the Eastern-Dakota, the Lenape, the Winnebago, the Seminoles, the Ponca, the Wyandot, the Jivaro, the Seneca, the Ioway, and the Bribri of Costa Rica.

Skinner deeply loved Native Americans although he had no Indian ancestry of his own. When he married his wife, Dorothy, a member of the Wyandot tribe, he received the Wyandot Deer clan name of Tronyetase, meaning “Round the Sky.” Skinner was also formally adopted by the Menomini under the Thunder clan name of Sekosa, or “Little Weasel,” a nickname that remained for most of his life.

Skinner was a cheerful individual with a great sense of humor and a radiant personality who had no troubles making a friend wherever he would go regardless of color or culture.

JESSICA ZIMMERMANN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Harrington, M. R. Alanson Skinner. American Anthropologist April, 1926. Vol. 28(2): 275-280.

In this article, M.R. Harrington eulogizes Alanson B. Skinner, an anthropologist who studied and wrote on American archeology and the lives of American Indians. Skinner died in an automobile accident in North Dakota on 17 August 1926 while on a collecting trip among the Sioux Indians. At the time of his death, Skinner was a member of the staff of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation.

Alanson Buck Skinner was born in Buffalo, New York on 7 September 1885 and educated at Columbia and Harvard. In 1907, Skinner became a member of the staff of the American Museum of Natural History in New York City; in 1915, he joined the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation; in 1920, he became Curator of Anthropology in the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee; and in 1924, he returned to the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. Although he studied and wrote on American archeology, particularly in New York State, Skinner will best be remembered for his ethnographic work, according to Harrington.

Skinner’s ethnographic work focused on the native tribes of North America, including the Sauk, the Potawatomi, the Iowa, the Cree, the Plains Ojibway, the Salteaux, the Eastern Dakota, the Central Algonkians, and the Southern Siouan. His specialty, however, were the Menomini of Wisconsin by whom he was formally adopted and named Sesoka or “Little Weasel.” After his marriage to Dorothy Preston Skinner, a member of the Wyandot, Skinner received the Wyandot Deer-clan name of Tronyetase or “Round the Sky.” Despite some early dabbling in physical and linguistic anthropology, Skinner was most interested in studying the material culture, social organization, mythology, and religion of his subjects. The extensive bibliography appended to his obituary attests to the exhaustiveness of his effort.

According to M.R. Harrington, Skinner’s work was infused with a sensitivity that reflected his concern for, and admiration of, his subjects. For this reason, among others, the death of Alanson Buck Skinner was a tragic loss to his family, his colleagues, and the indigenous people of North America.

SETH CAFFREY Columbia University (Paige West)

Herskovits, Melville J. The Cattle Complex in East Africa Part 1. American Anthropologist January-March, 1926 Vol. 28(1): 230-272.

Herskovits identifies a culture complex of cattle in East Africa in this article, which is divided into two sections. He begins by discussing how diffusion has created a culture area, a geographical area where a certain cultural behavior exists. The two views associated with this idea are referred to as the Graebnerian method and the American method. The Graebnerian method, German in origin, uses the term kulturkreis for culture area. This method defines the kulturkreis as anywhere the same behavior exists, regardless of context, so that the cultures that exhibit that behavior must share the same origin. The American method, as applied to Native American classification, considers similar-looking behavior to be a culture area only if they share the same beliefs about that behavior. The author makes the point that the Graebnerian method is not valid and that the American method is the most legitimate.

After discussing the concept of a culture area, the author applies the American method to similar cattle ownership behaviors in East Africa. He defines the geographic area as stretching from the lower White Nile east to the Indian Ocean and south to South Africa. He also lists about forty main tribes located in this area. Then, starting from the north of the area, he gives the basic beliefs of each tribe concerning their cattle. For example, Herskovits mentions the Nuer, and how their wealth is judge entirely by the amount of cattle and sheep they possess. He discusses the language of the Suk and how it reflects their attitudes toward cattle. Among the Busoga, a man’s ownership of cattle determines what authoritative positions he may hold. The attitudes in the north are very similar, but toward the center of the region beliefs concerning cattle lose some of their consistency. Then, in the south the attitudes are similar to the north again. The author cites this trend as evidence of the path of diffusion. After presenting all the evidence concerning these tribes and their attitudes toward cattle, Herskovits returns to his original idea of a culture complex. He asserts that the evidence is substantial enough to justify that East Africa is a culture complex, as defined by the American method.

LARISSA L. EVEN Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Herskovits, Melville. The Cattle Complex in East Africa (Part ii). American Anthropologist April, 1926 Vol. 28 (2):361-388.

It is a common occurrence in many cultures around the world for there to be a “bride price” or some sort of compensation, to the father of the bride, paid by the bridegroom. This article focuses on this custom in the tribes of eastern Africa.

Informants maintain that there is no ownership implied with the bride price. It is usually given to the parents of the bride to assure her good treatment by her husband. For if her husband mistreats her and she leaves he loses his wife and the dowry he paid her parents. The bride price may also be compensation for the loss of her presence and work ability to her parents. In some cases it is said to be compensation for what it cost for her parents to raise her.

A complex system of laws governing this custom has developed and is known by all members of the society. These laws include such things as the amount of the dowry, terms of refund, and what is to become of the bride price under many different circumstances such as adultery and divorce.

Cattle play a very important role in marriage for most tribes in East Africa. Cattle are part, if not all, of the bride price for all cultures where cattle are available. Daughters are often more valued than sons in these societies for their potential bringing of wealth. In most cases marriage is not considered legal until some amount of cattle has changed hands. In some places where cattle are not available, or those involved are too poor, sheep and other trade goods are substituted.

For some societies children are betrothed at or before birth. The father of a boy will go to the father of a girl, bringing him a small about of cattle to seal the deal. Once the boy is grown he must pay the rest of the bride price before he is allowed to marry the girl.

The amount of the dowry given for a woman varies greatly depending on the financial and social status of the individuals involved. Most of the time the father helps his son pay his first bride price. Then, if the son is to take more wives he must pay the dowry. Often the brothers or uncle of the man may help him gather the required bride price and in that case the woman becomes wife to the group. In poorer regions the boy is responsible for gathering the bride price himself, which may take from 18 months to two years. In some cultures influence from whites has made money take the place of cattle in the bride price custom. It is also standard that the larger the dowry given for a woman, the more she feels her husband wants her and the greater her personal prestige.

Cattle are often given to the woman as a present from her family when she is married. Cattle are an integral part of almost all rituals in East Africa. They are exchanged and slaughtered at the various ceremonies involved in the wedding process.

Cattle also play a very important, and complex, role in divorce. If a woman leaves her husband because he is mistreating her, he may lose his wife and his cattle. If a woman leaves her husband for another man often that man is responsible for the repayment of the dowry. The situation becomes more complex when there are children involved. Usually when a woman leaves she takes her children with her. If the bride price is not refunded to the husband he has full right to the children and in many cases the right to any children the woman will bear in the future. If the woman dies, does not perform her wifely duties, or does not have children the husband may send her back to her family and demand that his cattle be returned or that he is sent one of her sisters instead. The bride price is, by law, usually repaid by the person determined at fault in a divorce or not repaid at all if the husband is determined to be the guilty party. Based on the circumstances, the process of divorce gains complexity exponentially.

JASON LEE Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Herskovits, Melville J. The Cattle Complex In East Africa (Part 3) American Anthropologist July, 1926 Vol. 28: 495-527.

This article covers a wide range of factors showing how cattle are intertwined in everyday life and ritual in several East African tribes. He documents how cattle are involved in birth and death rituals, marriage, rules of inheritance and compensation, etc.

Herskovits begins by giving several examples of how cattle enter into birth rituals and ceremonies. He states that even though the cow may not be directly related to a certain ritual, it still may be indirectly in the form of cow dung, milk and so on: ” While they (cattle) are not so closely connected with birth as with marriage, yet if the use of milk and the imposition of milk taboos on the mother before the birth of the child, the use of cow dung and cattle skin may be taken into consideration”(p. 494). The article shows different ways cattle are thought of as important and are brought into many aspects of daily life other than subsistence. An example that Herskovits gives comes from the Wawange tribe. A woman who gives birth to twins is said to be so unlucky that she must be secluded, for if she happens to look at a cow her unluckiness would diffuse from her to the cow, rendering the cow dry and unable to give milk (p.498).

The cattle complex, Herskovits explains, is most evident in death ceremonies. The ways cattle play a part in deaths of significance are many. The article gave a clever example of how cattle played a part in a death among the Kafirs: “The cows were left un-milked so that their disconsolate lowing will support the wails of the women and add to the general air of desolation at the death of their master”(p 494). At the funerals of chiefs cattle were sacrificed in great numbers and graves were lined with the skin of cattle. In some cases men were sewn up into freshly flayed bovine skin.

The article goes on to explain rules of inheritance concerning cattle and how cattle are used as currency or compensation. Herskovits is very clear and meticulously descriptive.

RICK ANDREWS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Herskovits, Melville J.. The Cattle Complex in East Africa (Part iii). American Anthropologist month? 1926 Vol. 28: 495– 528

Herskovits’ article is a basically a broad regional survey, which focuses on manifestations of “the cattle complex” – basically anything to do with cattle – in birth and death rituals, inheritance law, milk and grass taboos, and law in general (in that order). Herskovits makes use of a plethora of activities, many from other ethnographers, to make his point. Unfortunately, the claim of his argument is the title, and as for his argument’s structure, he does little to develop it, except for offering pages and pages of examples, three or four lines from a “tribe” and then three of four from another. The only claim he seems to make is that cattle are everything, they are the medium of wealth, and the unit of payment that dominates most exchanges, inheritances, and fines.

In pages 494 through 499, Herskovits presents scores of different accounts and rituals of East African peoples revolving around birth many of these activities have some element relating cows and fertility. Some examples: The Nandi bury the newborn’s placenta in the cow-dung heap of the village. The Banyoro only permit the nursing mother of a newborn boy to drink milk from cows who have lost their calves; however, if a girl is born, the mother may drink all milk without distinction.

Pages 499 through 506 deal with a similar multitude of death rituals. Here, though, there is an articulated claim: “Almost every observer states that, cattle being wealth, there is great reluctance to lose any of them. It would argue their great significance, therefore, when one sees again and again, especially in burial ceremonies, the almost prodigal consumption of their meat.” (page 506)

Then, cattle being defined as wealth, Herskovits moves into another rambling list of loosely related inheritance laws from many different groups, noting the emphasis on division of cattle, livestock, and widows, and the different responsibilities and obligations placed on the survivors in each ethnic group. Pages 506 – 516 occupy inheritance, then pages 516 through 525 concern themselves with the taboos and rituals surrounding milk and grass, as associates of cattle. Special vessels are necessary for milk. Obviously the variety of practices from people to people is fantastic, for examples, taboos on mixing milk and meat, or the favoring of soured milk. Some restrict pre-pubescent children to do the milking, others forbid men or menstruating women from contact with milk-cows.

Hersokvits’ summary concerns itself with the law in East Africa, and how most tribes commonly have their worst punishments for cattle-thieves, and that reimbursement if often 3 or 4 times the number cattle stolen. This is related to the quote above, emphasizing that cattle equal wealth.

ERIC J. POSNER School of General Studies, Columbia University (Dr. Paige West)

Herskovits, Melville J. The Cattle Complex in East Africa. American Anthropologist, 1926 Vol.28: 633-664.

In this article, Herskovits differentiates the culture-area of East Africa from surrounding regions. He explains why the tribes of the surrounding regions were not included within the East African culture-area.

Herskovits describes a culture-area as being an empirical grouping of tribes that manifests similar cultures. He asserts that East Africa is a culture-area because of the cattle complex exhibited by the cultures included within the region. But although cattle are the dominant element in the culture of these peoples, this is not enough to distinguish East Africa as an area. It is a series of traits brought about from the cattle complex and that show an inter-relation, which sets apart the region as a culture-area.

Herskovits compares the culture of East Africa to the cultures of the tribes of the surrounding regions in order to show that they are indeed distinct. In comparing East Africans with the Bushmen, the Hottentot, the tribes of the Congo, and Arab tribes, he uses such traits as the existence of cattle, the role of cattle in the society, the role of women, and social and political structure, in order to make comparisons and differentiations. He asserts that the Bushmen are easy to distinguish from the East Africans because they have no cattle customs and no agriculture. The Hottentots are not so easily distinguished because they have cattle, and the cattle are very important to them, but the general organization of the communities are different. The tribes of the Congo have no cattle, and although the Arab tribes do have cattle, camels are valued more highly to them.

Although the existence of cattle is a prerequisite to be considered part of East Africa, just because a tribe has cattle does not mean it has the same culture. There are many other traits that must be similar in order for it to be considered as part of the culture-area. Herskovits believes that this concept of the culture-area, as exhibited by the differentiation of East Africa through the cattle complex, can be used to differentiate other culture-areas not yet denoted.

MISHA ROBYN Columbia College (Paige West)

Herskovits, Melville J. The Cattle Complex in East Africa. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28: 633-657.

The Cattle Complex in East Africa talks about finding the one cultural trait that links a certain area of habitation, with its surrounding neighbors. For example, this article focuses on several areas in Eastern Africa, including the Sudan, Congo, and the Hottentot and Bushmen groups. Though these areas in Africa may not be culturally similar in every respect, the cattle complex is one trait, which links the areas within Eastern Africa as a whole.

The cattle have become the dominant element in the cultures of the African people. However, in order to name a culture-area, having one main trait isn’t everything. “It is the extent to which this trait has gathered about it a complex of other traits which makes possible the mapping of an area” (Herskovits 652). In the case of the cattle in Africa, it can be linked to many of the other events that occur in daily life, which is why it can be said that there is a cattle complex in Eastern Africa. For example, cattle is viewed as wealth, it is the only acceptable dowry used during marriage, it is the only proper animal feasted upon for special ceremonies, it is associated with sex or occupational taboos and related to special milk customs. Just because cattle are found in Eastern Africa, it does not conclude that the cattle represent a particular area. There must be a series of traits, as outlined above, which show a relationship amongst each other.

Consequently, a culture-area is “an empirical grouping of tribes which manifest similar cultures; that, being descriptive, it is a picture which does not necessarily include time-depth” (Herskovits 657). The area should have related cultural settings, but the elements of the complexes do not have to be fixed. So, though cattle are found throughout Eastern Africa, one cannot automatically assume that all cultures around East Africa are similar. The fact that there is a cattle complex in Eastern Africa illustrates that the continent as a whole shares a common cultural trait, but that their cultures, in general, do not have to be related.

YUMI CHO Barnard College (Paige West)

Herskovits, Melville J. The Cattle Complex in East Africa (part 4). American Anthropologist October-December, 1928 Vol. 28 (4): 633-657.

This article is about cattle and how they are the basis of wealth in East African culture. Cattle are the focus of East African culture because people in this part of the world are pastoral nomads, and as such cattle are their means of survival. Another major role of cattle is in the form of ceremonies. For a dowry, cattle are the most cherished gift that a husband can give to his new wife’s family. In some of the cultures that Herskovits looked at a cow is commonly slaughtered to signify the end of a marriage ceremony. In the event of a divorce or if the wife fails to produce any offspring for her husband then the repayment of the cattle is the primary issue.

Herskovits also compares the cultural importance of cattle to surrounding areas. He mentions the Bushmen whom he describes as “hunter gatherers.” The Bushmen do not depend on cattle as a means of subsistence, therefore their culture is completely different from that of the people who live in East Africa and rely on cattle to survive. Instead of having cattle, the people of North Africa have camels, and Heskovits talks about the similarities that exist between these two distinct groups.

The argument that Herskovits is trying to make in this article is that people with cattle or animals that play similar roles to cattle all share common cultural characteristics. This can be seen in the marriage ceremonies, milk drinking ceremonies, and division of labor taboos. At the end of the article Herskovits makes the generalization that the more a culture is dependent on something, in this case cattle, the more that culture will revolve around that something.

MITCH DOWNING Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja).

Kidder, A. V. A Sandal from Northern Arizona. American Anthropologist October- December, 1926 Vol. 28 (4): 618-632.

In this article the author described a sandal found in a cave of the Chinlee system in CaZon de Chelly. Kidder explained that there are two classes of sandals found in the caves and cliff dwellings of this region. First, there are those made of cedar bark, yucca leaves, and other coarse materials; second, those woven using tightly wound cords. The sandal which is the focus of this article is of the second type. It is a scallop-toed specimen associated with the post-Basket Maker culture which existed between the Basket Maker culture and the Pre-Pueblo culture.

According to Kidder, the sandal was in good condition. It appeared to have been worn out and was most likely purposely discarded by the owner. The sandal measured 9.75 inches long and 4.5 inches wide (at its widest point). The wear patterns suggest it was worn on the left foot. It is also asymmetrical, which may have been an attempt to shape the sandal for the left foot, which is rare in this type of footwear.

Kidder studied the method of weaving utilized in the creation of this sandal by unweaving it, in essence, reversing the process used to create it. The sandal was elaborately decorated using dyed materials in the forward and mid sections, and a raised pattern in the rear area. The raised pattern most likely served to thicken the sandal for extra wear and to provide added traction. The raised pattern contained over a thousand knot like loops.

According to Kidder, this sandal was an average example of its type. Thirty-five feet of three-strand yucca cord and 848 feet of fine apocynum string were used in its manufacture. The weaver utilized nine methods of weaving and dyed a large portion of the materials.

Though the sandal was handsomely decorated, Kidder believed it was made for everyday use because sandals of its kind were found plentifully in the region. The author believed the careful design of the sandal was due to pride in craftsmanship or possibly magical faith.

STACI GATES Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Kidder, A.V. A Sandal from Northeastern Arizona. American Anthropologist October-December, 1926 Volume 28(4): 618-632.

This article is an ethnographic dissection of a pair of sandals found in a cave of the Chinlee system, in Canon de Chelly. A.V. Kidder analyses the sandals’ shape, decoration, and string components while paying special attention to how they were woven. Kidder explains that the toes were where the first warps were knotted. Consequently, the analysis is broken into segments of the sandal that also begins at the toes, followed by the forward zone, the middle decorated zone, the rear zone and the terminal tie.

The article contains numerous diagrams that depict the different methods employed for weaving the sandal. Kidder’s detailed exhibits describe nine weaves that were used in the sandal. Twilled twined weave over pairs of warps, twilled lock weave over pairs of doubled warps, plain weave and double-wrap knot were the common methods that created the structure and physical form of the sandal. The Middle Decorated Zone is given close attention as it has the most elaborate patterns on the sandal. Twenty-two black and brownish alternating lines woven with left-to-right crossing and then right-to-left crossing produce an intricate checkered pattern.

Kidder describes the sandal as an average specimen. Kidder points out that even the most basic sandal requires an extensive amount of labor required to. The amount of string required was 35 feet of yucca warp, 424 feet of weft and 848 feet of fine apocynum string. The process of extracting the fiber from leaves or stalks, then cleaning, combing and spinning the fibers by hand would have required a large effort for the preliminary work that had to be done. Kidder poses the question of why so much work was put into decorating the section of the sandal that could not be seen under the foot and would get dirty the quickest. In a single sentence, Kidder offers the explanation of pride in craftsmanship or magical beliefs as the reasons for this means of construction.

KORWIN CHIU Columbia College (Paige West)

Kroeber, A. L. Culture Stratifications in Peru. American Anthropologist. April, 1926. Vol. 28 (2):331-351.

Kroeber’s article deals with the findings of a 1925 archaeological expedition to Peru. It shows the relationship of certain pre-Hispanic Peruvian cultures. It is a preliminary account of the full data presented to the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago in 1926.

The article is divided into two parts. In the first section Krober discusses two of the ancient cultures in the valley of Lima, the Sub-Chancay and the Chancay. He shows how the pre-Inca and Inca cultures influenced the Sub-Chancay and the Chancay in their pottery. He discusses the differences and similarities in the pottery and how it is found in relation to burial mounds, pyramids, and surrounding shelters. Also in this section he discusses how mummies are buried, their posture, and their deformities. He gives some very detailed examples of the stratification of the sites. With the information this expedition discovered there is now more proof that the fishing population may have had a high poverty rate and was more primitive.

The second section is about his findings in the CaZete Valley and the differences and similarities with the Lima area. Here he discusses the types of pottery found and what their influences were. In this area, there seems to be a greater Nazca and Chincha influence. He also gives details about burial sites, shelters, and mummies. He then goes into more detail about the deformations found in the skulls. It is believed that heavy frontal deformation is associated with Sub-Nazca culture. Another deformation found was a light occipital deformation, associated with Late Chincha.

This article would interest individuals who are familiar with pre-Hispanic Peruvian cultures and stratification of burial remains and pottery types found in this area. It would be very easy to read for people who have some knowledge of pre-Hispanic Peruvian cultures and pottery types. If the reader does not have much knowledge of Peruvian cultures then some sections may require some rereading.

ERIK GUSTAFSON Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Krober, A.L. Culture Stratifications in Peru. American Anthropology. April, 1926 Vol.28: (331-351).

The article’s focus is on the pre-Hispanic Peruvian cultures.
The associations are discussed based on explorations taken place in 1925 for the Field Museum of Natural History of Chicago. This information is available in a publication of the Field Museum. Kroeber’s analyzes different aspects of the way the people live and their cultural practices.

The archaeological accounts begin by discussing the Sub Chancay and the Chancay, two ancient cultures in the valley of Lima. The comparison of pottery, the details of the pyramids, the way mummies were buried and their irregularities, and the deposition of material in successive layers is the basis of Kroeber’s dialogue. He notes the influence of the Inca civilization on the two cultures and the cultural importance that the Inca culture has on the Sub Chancay and the Chancay.

Kroeber then shifts his focus from the Sub-Chancay and the Chancay to the Canete. He compares the different cultures and the different discoveries of the Canete as compared to the cultures of Lima. The Canete is based more on Sub-Nazca and Late Chincha traits. The details in practices of burying, mummification and again stratification are noted.

The paper has rich in-depth analysis of each pre-Hispanic Peruvian culture and allows the reader to contrast the different practices that occurred in these cultures. The synthesis of each society and its traditions is important in helping the reader define each culture. Kroeber uses extensive detail from his finding in portraying different objectives of each culture and how each pre-Hispanic culture was formed.

MARCELA CALIDONIO Columbia University (Paige West)

Kroeber, A. L. Culture Stratifications in Peru. American Anthropologst. 1926. Vol. 28, 331-351.

Kroeber’s article gives a detailed account of a 1925 archeological examination of mummies in a variety of pre-Hispanic Peruvian cultures. He begins by examining the various kinds of pottery in Lima. The Chancay have a characteristic, unspecialized “Black-on-white” ware. Kroeber examines the various places that this type of pottery has been located and where the less sophisticated “sub-Chancay” has been found without going into too much detail on the implications of the locations of the different types.

Kroeber then goes on to discuss the mummies that were found with the two types of pottery. The sub-Chancay pottery is near mummies typical of the Ancon area: the adults are seated and have false heads, while the children are vertical and usually nearer the surface, which suggest that these burials occurred closer to the Hispanic period than did the others. Variations on this type of ware are found in other locations, but pure Chancay pieces are usually only found in what are speculated to be wealthy gravesites. Incan pieces are extremely rare, only to be found in very specific areas. Kroeber then moves on to examine a second type of cemetery in this area, one found on a hacidena. Uhle has termed this type of pottery “Proto-Lima” and Kroeber employs this classification. These employ colors, and are characteristically large, heavy jars. The mounds of the cemetary are elongated pyramids. The bodies are found about four meters underground, and the pottery is usually at the head of the mummy. Kroeber hesitates to definitively date these sites since the sherds of Proto-Lima pottery might be only coincidental. Here, he draws on Uhle again, in an attempt to match possible social class with the depth and accompanying pottery of the mummies found in the area.

In Canete, about one hundred miles south of Lima, Kroeber examines a ruin with about ten pyramidal masses. There was no Incan pottery, although some characteristic plates were found in three instances. Kroeber hypothesizes that this area entered into Incan influence relatively late, or close to the Hispanic period. The bodies were not mummified, although the graves of the rich had already been exploited and thus could not be examined. The pottery Kroeber terms “Late Chincha,” which is characterized by three colors, with characteristic shapes and poor quality. There are many black, amorphas vessels as well, and jars are often found within the bodies.

Kroeber thus elucidates similarites between the pottery and the characteristic treatment of bodies to show the spread of Incan influence throughout this area in Peru before the arrival of the Spanish. While there are some elements that are general, and show a shared background, the variety proves helpful in showing when an area likely came under Incan authority.

ARIEN O’CONNELL. Barnard College (Paige West)

Linton, Ralph. The Origin of The Skidi Pawnee Sacrifice to the Morning Star. American Anthropologist July-September, 1926 Vol.28 (3):457-466.

The Sacrifice to the Morning Star has a great deal of importance to the Pawnee. Linton gives us a brief summary that he has taken from the writing of Dr. G. A. Dorsey. The Morning Star ritual takes place only when Mars is the Morning Star. A man is said to have a dream that the star told him to capture a girl from another village. Then the dreamer would go to the keeper of the Morning Star bundle, which is the sacrificial costumes, and ask for the bundle. He would take a small group of volunteers to a near-by village and capture the girl. This girl was to be the sacrifice to the Morning Star. While the girl waited Dr. Dorsey says that the girl is “respected and treated with kindness.” The girl was not to be touched by any of the men in the village except the leader of the war party and the chief. If she was touched by a man that man was to offer himself and the girl would be set free if he died before the sacrifice. There are several days of cleansing events that take place, such as painting, burning private areas of the girl, and smoke purifying. Through all of this the Pawnee tried to hide the fate of the girl from her. They believed that doing this would be a good omen. In the end of this sacrificial ceremony the girl was strung up on two horizontal boards on top and bottom and boards in the four cardinal directions. She was then killed with an arrow in the heart and hit with a war axe on the head. The chief would cut her breast open and smear his face with the girl’s blood and soak meat in her blood for the gods to eat. In this ritual Linton states, “some of its features were probably of foreign origin, yet its underlying concepts and most of its rituals were in perfect accord with the general body of Skidi beliefs and practices.”

He attacks the arguments of Spinden and Wissler, who try to associate this ritual with the Aztecs and diffusion from Mexico. Linton goes on to affirm his stance by presenting information on the Pawnee and their use of heavenly gods. He states that if there was diffusion from Mexico it was at a very early time.

Linton describes the differences between the Pawnee and the Mexican rites. He refers to the fact that among the Pawnee there is a double impersonation, while among the Aztecs there is only a single impersonation of the gods. Linton also shows that although once thought otherwise, sacrifice was common among northern Mexicans. He then associates the Morning Star ritual with the diffusion of sacrificial rituals in the Mississippi Valley region and how the Pawnee traditions may have diffused due to significant similarity in the clubbing practice of the ritual.

In conclusion, Linton states that similarities between the Pawnee and Mexican rites just have to do with common traits and have no real association with one another.

GEORGIA F. MERRICK Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Linton, Ralph. The Origin of the Skidi Pawnee Sacrifice to the Morning Star. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:457-466

In this article, the author’s objective is to describe the sacrifice of a captive girl to the Morning Star. This was a tribal ceremony performed only in the years when Mars was the morning star. The Morning Star would appear to a man in a dream and would ask him to capture a victim. The tribe would attack an enemy village and capture a girl. A ceremony preceding the sacrifice would last for four days. The girl was purified with smoke, painted red and dressed in black regalia. On the fifth morning of the ceremony, the victim was killed. Two men led the girl to the place of sacrifice and tied her hands and feet to bars on a scaffold at the moment the Morning Star rose. When the Morning Star was seen, two men touched the victim’s armpits and groin area with flaming brands. An arrow was then shot through her heart. A priest opened her breast with a knife and rubbed his face with her blood. The priest also dripped some blood onto dried meat which was an offering to the gods.

The author states that the Morning Star sacrifice is a feature shared by the Aztec culture. However, the use of the scaffold, the touching of the victim with flaming brands, the opening of the thoracic cavity and the offering of blood have not been accounted in other tribal ceremonies. There have been instances of this type of behavior in a method of prison torture among the tribes of the lower Mississippi Valley. The author infers that the Star cult and scaffold features of the Skidi most likely originated through contact in the Mississippi Valley. Due to the fact that there is a similarity between Aztec and Skidi ceremony rituals, the author believes these traits most likely had the same origin.

The author successfully presented this information in an understandable and thought-provoking article.

ALDA ACCILI University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Loeb, Edwin M. The Creator Concept among the Indians of North Central California. American Anthropologist September, 1926 Vol. 28 (3): 467-493.

Edwin Loeb’s article looks at creation myths among various tribes in north central California, focusing on the Pomo Indians. He studied Pomo religion and mythology during the winter of 1924-1925. Although all of the information that Loeb gathered came from the Pomo, and on the whole include the same mythical characters, the information he obtained varied greatly both religiously and philosophically. Therefore, Loeb felt it necessary to describe the cultural background of the Pomo in order to fully understand the mythological aspects of their religious beliefs. Loeb goes on to explain the cultural setting(s) of the different areas of California inhabited by the Pomo. The reader can then get a better sense of how the different regions came up with their own myths, despite all being a part of the Pomo people.

An example of the differences in mythological stories among the Pomo is that the Northern Pomo believe Coyote to be the creator, while the Eastern Pomo believe that Marumda created the world. Loeb tells the story of each of the creation myths he gathered from his informants, however, he does not give the name of each story and only refers to them by number. Creation stories I and II were gathered from Boston, a member of the coastal Central Pomo. These stories deal with the figure of Coyote. Story III was collected from William Benson, who gathered information from the East Pomo, hence, this story deals with Marumda. Each story explains the way in which the world came into being—including all of its inhabitants, especially humans. Loeb stresses the fact that despite all of the stories being gathered from the Pomo, they provide different aspects of their peoples’ idea of creation. Each region has its own story to tell, concerning how the world came into being.

Loeb’s article would be of interest to those who enjoy Native American culture and to those who value the importance of creation myths. Loeb provides a fascinating piece on the Pomo of northern California and presents the reader with a newfound knowledge on how creation stories can vary within a group of people.

LEONA WESTOVER Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja).

Loeb, Edwin M. The Creator Concept Among the Indians of North Central California. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28: 467-493

In this article, Loeb describes three creation myths of the Pomo First Nation groups. Material was collected in the winter of 1924 in order to examine the religion and mythology of these California tribal groups. The author explains that three myths were obtained from the same linguistic group. Although each myth contained similar incidents and characters, they differed in mood and philosophy.

Among the Pomo groups of northwestern California, there is a belief in a single supreme creator. He is the “culture hero” named Kumush, who is well-known for killing several monsters of the mythic world. It was Kumush who gave people their artistic abilities. Kumush shares several characteristics with the all-powerful Greek god, Zeus. In southern California, the group believes that the world was created by Father Heaven, Mother Earth and the “Dying God.” According to Loeb, southern California groups believe in creation through the process of transforming a pre-existing object into another object. An example of this would be the transformation of a stick into a man. In northern California, there is a belief in actual creation. In the south, there are no secret societies, no priesthood and no elaborate mythology. In the north, there are secret societies, a priesthood and elaborate creation myths. Loeb discusses the connection between the priesthood and elaborate mythology.

The author successfully describes the differences among creation myths of the same linguistic group. He accomplishes his objectives in an interesting and well-organized article.

ALDA ACCILI University of British Columbia (John Barker)

MacLeod, William Christie. On Natchez Cultural Origins. American Anthropologist July, 1926 Vol. 28 (3): 409-413.

MacLeod believes that diffusion played a key role in the development of Natchez culture. Certain peculiarities that exist in many societies in Central America are prevalent in Natchez society also. Not only do the Natchez share similarities with other cultures to the distant south (as far as Peru) but they possess these traits in an area where they do not exist in neighboring societies. MacLeod concludes from this point that the culture traits were “passed” on to the Natchez from Central America through southern Florida by way of the Antilles.

Macleod gives several examples of similarities between Natchez and certain cultures in Central America such as the Aztec and the Michoacan. Among the similarities the strongest is the mortuary killing of servitors. In Central America victims were stupefied with drink sometimes for days and then killed by various means. In one case that Macloed gives a victim is given drink for three days. When the man finally passed out he was buried alive with his deceased master. The Natchez too would find it necessary to kill the servants of a deceased member of the royal family. The Natchez would narcotize a victim with tobacco pills. The example given is of a women who is ceremoniously brought to a sacred place by her relatives and given the pills with water. After she swallowed the pills she soon began to vomit whereupon a deer skin was placed over her head.

MacLeod suggests that the customs described above all stem from what the Natchez called the allouez, a servant to the royal family of Natchez. These servants are all picked and killed upon the birth and death of a royal family member, in the same manner as cultures from Central America.

RICK ANDREWS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Mac Leod, W.C. On Natchez Cultural Origins. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:409- 413.

In this article, the author describes several traits of the Natchez culture which illustrates genetic similarities with several cultures of Central America. The author presumes that the linkage between these cultures occurred by way of the Antilles. The author demonstrates these similarities between cultures by focusing on the stupefaction of mortuary victims. The practice of the stupefaction of mortuary victims has been carried out by several groups in the central and northern parts of America. Adult mortuary victims were stupefied in many different ways before being killed. In Peru, people were inebriated before they were put to death. In the Isthmian region of Central America, some victims were intoxicated during a funeral ceremony which lasted two days and then were buried alive while unconscious. Victims of the Michoacan region in Mexico were stupefied with alcohol and then clubbed several times. The Mixtecs of Oajaca made their victims intoxicated and later strangled them. In the Natchez culture, mortuary victims were given a narcotic drug before they were strangled. The victims were forced to swallow pills of tabacco. These pills were ingested with a small amount of water so that the tabacco would dissolve in the stomach of the victim and cause unconsciousness.

The author also presents information about household servants of the royal families in the Natchez culture. These servants were put to death at the same time their royal masters passed away. This custom was also practiced by other groups of Central America including the Yucatan Maya and the Aztecs of the Valley of Mexico.

The author describes similarities among different cultures of Central and North America by presenting evidence on the stupefaction of mortuary victims. The author clearly defends his argument in a well organized and interesting article.

ALDA ACCILI University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Oetteking, Bruno. Rudolf Martin. American Anthropologist April, 1926 Vol. 28(2): 414-417.

This article is an obituary of German anthropologist Doctor Rudolf Martin, who died on July 11, 1925. Bruno Oetteking does an outstanding job of recounting the life of Rudolf Martin, listing his achievements, positions he held, and the importance of his work to anthropology.

Oetteking thoroughly outlines Martin’s life from the day he was born up until his death. He explains not only that Martin provided great work in his field, but also how he later began to stress the importance of physical exercise in German schools, which was very much ahead of his time, as well as a love for the arts. Oetteking also maps out Martin’s work in physical anthropology, beginning as a research assistant at several institutions, up until he became a professor at the University of Zurich. He later resigned his position at the university and went to work in Paris, where wrote “System der Anthropologie und anthropologischen Bibliographie,” which was a forerunner to his work Lehrbuch der Anthropologie. This manuscript was the first comprehensive study in physical anthropology, and remained an extremely valuable reference for physical anthropologists for many years. The author also shows how Martin overcame adversity during the First World War when he became a refugee from France. He was sent back to Germany, where he was asked to hold the chair of anthropology at the University of Munich, thus he was able to keep up his work in physical anthropology. Martin devoted the last period of his life to studying the effects of the war on the next generation. He also wrote various works calling for an enhancement of emphasis on exercise for German youth during this time. Martin held his chair at the University of Munich until his death in 1925.

JAY HANEWINKEL Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Oetteking, Bruno. Rudolf Martin. American Anthropologist January, 1926. Vol. 28:414-417.

This article is an obituary for the late anthropologist Rudolf Martin. Written by devoted pupil Bruno Oetteking, the article highlights Dr. Martin’s lifetime accomplishments and honorable merits. Born on July 1, 1864 in Zurich, Switzerland, Dr. Martin was formally educated in the universities of Freiburg in Baden and Leipzig. Eventually, he established himself as a privatdosent for physical anthropology in 1891, a professor extraordinarius in 1899, and the director of the Anthropological Institute in 1905. In 1911, however, Dr. Martin resigned his Zurich professorship due to waning health and the necessity of directing his entire attention to completing his work, the Lehrbuch. As the first comprehensive representation of the science of Physical Anthropology, the Lehrbuch de Anthropologie is just one of many magnificent works created by Dr. Martin. During the later part of his life, Dr. Martin was called to the chair of anthropology in the University of Munich, a position he maintained until his death on July 11, 1925.

Described by Oetteking as a “patient and amicable” teacher, Dr. Martin is not only portrayed as an admirable scientist but also as a man who was compassionate about his work as well as his students. The simplicity of his truthful interpretations, the careful reasoning behind his explanations, and the sincerity of his expressions all contributed to his success as a trustworthy professor and scientist. The author writes this obituary with gratitude for all the scientific achievements and respectable traits of Dr. Rudolf Martin.

CAROL CHEN, Columbia University (Paige West)

Parsons, Elsie Clews. The Ceremonial Calendar of the Tewa of Arizona. American Anthropologist January – March, 1926 Vol. 28 (1):209-229.

In this article, Parsons outlines the major annual celebrations of the Tewa people of First or East Mesa. All of these “holidays” take place within two seasons; “summer,” lasting from March through November, and “winter,” lasting from November through March. This is the first of many dichotomies in the Tewa culture to which the author sees fit to draw our attention. In the detailed description of each celebration, Parsons outlines the time of year in which the ceremony takes place, the duration of the observance, who is allowed to participate, the individual rituals involved, and finally, the purpose of each celebration.

In the process of recounting each ritual, Parsons points out the similarities and differences between the Tewa and corresponding Hopi rituals. In doing this, she is trying to illustrate her theory that the Tewa of First Mesa adopted or assimilated many of their own ceremonies from those observed by the Hopi. Parsons believes that the Tewa of First Mesa, while adhering to the dichotomous system of their relatives of Northern Tewa, have been greatly influenced by the ceremonial practices of the Hopi during the last 300 years, especially the kachina ceremony.

Parsons’ argument is based on her observations of the Tewa of First Mesa and the Northern Tewa nations on two separate visits, during which time she lived with a Hopi woman who was married to a Tewa man. This family served as her primary informants; in addition, she used many trips to the Tewa townships, with her Tewa informant, to supplement her research. The strongest evidence in support of Parsons’ theory has to do with the transformation of the Tewa of First Mesa from a curing society (unfamiliar to the Hopi) to one of maternal familial trusteeship (similar to the Hopi) upon their arrival to the area.

This article would be valuable to anyone who has an interest in the Native Americans of the Southwest, especially having to do with their ceremonial/ritual practices. It details many of the specific ceremonies, illustrating their importance to the reader.

MICHELLE LISS Southwest Missouri State University (Bill Wedenoja)

Parsons, Elsie C. The Ceremonial Calendar of the Tewa of Arizona. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:209-229

In this article, the author’s objective is to describe the Tewa of East Mesa who arrived among the Hopi before the end of the 18th century. The author collected ceremonial data during two visits to Sichumovi and Northern Tewa. Parsons includes a calendar of ceremonial events. The author describes several ceremonies which occur throughout the year such as the T’ant’aii or Winter Solstice Ceremony, which included three days of fasting and the War ceremony, which was held on one night of the January moon. Parsons also depicts the Kauto’po which was a Hopi ceremony which included the whipping of children. The author discusses the Katsina Dance, which was performed in order to bring rain. The ‘Yu”yuki was a daytime dance held towards the end of February in which the members of the clan would whip each other. This was practiced in order to give men strength and make them brave. The Tiyogeo or Seasonal Transfer Ceremony was an event in which the Town Chief would observe the stars during the March moon. The T’ibit’ant’oloan or Summer Solstice Ceremony is another occasion in which a messenger would bring flowers to the Town Chief who would put them away to plant in the spring in order to insure that there would be more flowers for the following summer. Parsons also explains the harvesting ceremonies which occur in late October and include prayers to the Sun.

Parsons makes distinctions between Hopi and Northern Tewa ceremonies. Although there are similarities, there are several differences in the rituals. The author clearly describes each ceremony of Arizona.

ALDA ACCILI University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Teeple, John E. Maya Inscriptions: The Venus Calendar and Another Correlation. American Anthropologist July, 1926 Vol. 28(3): 402-408.

In this article, Teeple argues that the calendar used in the Mayan Empire was dependant on Maya inscriptions and codices as well as astronomical phenomena. These astronomical phenomena include the observations of Venus’ visibility, and ellipses of the Sun and Moon. Through a series of mathematical processes, Teeple shows how Maya inscription in the Dresden Codex relates the Venus calendar to our calendar. He carefully reasons the conversion and equivalence of 65 Venus years of 584 days each to 104 days of our 365-day years (402).

From his studies of the Mayan calendar, Teeple agrees that if the Mayans thought that each Venus year was equal to 584 days, then there would be five possible dates in which the Venus year could end. However, from the inscription, he shows that there were two sets of five-month dates. Teeple interprets the four day difference between the two sets of dates and calculates that such error in the calendar occur every 61 Venus years. In addition to reasoning this error, he offers a way to compensate for the error and introduces a method to calculate the starting zero date in the Venus calendar.

Teeple feels reasonably sure about the accuracy of the interpretation of the Venus calendar in the Codex. He says that the inscriptions, after taking into account the four-day difference every 61 years, agree with our calendar dating. Aside from evidence gathered from the Maya inscriptions, early writings also mention about the ellipse of the sun and the moon and how they contribute to the connection between Mayan and Christian dates. By comparing actual ellipse dates with hypothetical dates, Teeple shows how their close agreement supports the accuracy of the Maya calendar. He believes that if a knowledgeable astronomer were to study this topic closely, exact correlating dates can be determined.

KAREN CHAN Barnard College (Paige West)