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American Anthropologist 1922

Anonymous. James Mooney. American Anthropologist April, 1922 Vol. 24(2): 209-214

James Mooney, the son of Irish immigrants, was born in 1861 and grew up in Richmond, Indiana. He went to public schools and also taught school for two terms. Mooney became fascinated with Native Americans through his job at The Richmond Paladium. His dream was to go to Brazil and study cultures there. Instead he met the founder of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Major J.W. Powell, who offered him a position. He worked at the Bureau of American Ethnology from 1885 until his death in 1921. Mooney researched the Native American tribes of the Southeast and Great Plains, his main focus being the Cherokee and the Kiowa. He contributed to the completion of the “Handbook of American Indians” through the list of Indian tribal names that he compiled before working for the Bureau of American Ethnology. He also prepared exhibits for expositions in Spain and in the United States. Mooney was a member of several anthropological and historical societies and was one of the founders of the American Anthropological Association. His Irish heritage was also of interest to him. He wrote articles on the subject and also played a big part in the formation of the Gaelic Society of Washington in 1907.

Mooney was commended for the personal interest he took in his subjects of study. He was highly respected as an ethnologist and considered an expert on the Cherokee and Kiowa and other tribes in the Plains area. The day after his death the ethnologists and anthropologists of the Bureau of American Ethnology and the United States National Museum and the officers of the Smithsonian Institution adopted some resolutions. J.N. B. Hewitt, the chairman of the committee on resolutions, signed them. These resolutions reflect the sorrow at the loss of James Mooney as a friend, colleague and fellow citizen. He published extensively; fifty-seven of his works were listed.

AOIFE KEENAN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Baer, John Leonard A Prochlorite Bannerstone Workshop American Anthropologist October-December, 1922 Vol. 24(4): 438-440.

This is a description of an aboriginal bannerstone workshop located on the bank sof Susquehanna River in Lancaster County, PA. It is located a mile and a half downstream from a bannerstone workshop on Mt. Johnson Island. This island site was described in the October-December 1921 American Anthropologist. The bannerstone workshop and the lower site used prochlorite stone while the island site used slate in the making of bannerstones.

The author concludes that the island bannerstone workshop “worked slate into convenient forms” with most being “carried to smaller workshops and finished” and that the lower bannerstone workshop had received numerous unfinished prochlorite specimens from larger workshops near the site of the material.

The site of the workshop and location to prochlorite quarries are described, along with production methods and photographs of the specimens. The nearest known site for prochlorite is five miles down the river from the lower site and there are “no positively aboriginal prochlorite quarries identified.” The prochlorite “were chipped roughly into shape,” the softness of the material making this easier than what was needed to produce slate bannerstones. The process of manufacturing at the lower site appears to have been the same as the island site.

From the briefness of the article it is hard to determine if the author’s conclusions are valid or if he has obtained enough information or uncovered enough sites to draw such conclusions.

SHAUN GODWIN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Baer, John Leonard. A Prochlorite Bannerstone Workshop. American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol. 24: (438-441).

The author’s objective is to discuss the significance of the aboriginal prochlorite bannerstone workshop that is located at the east bank of the Susquehanna River, Pennsylvania. In this discussion, he compares the workshop to a larger one on the nearby Mt. Johnson Island, which was mentioned in the October-December 1921 edition of American Anthropologist. He argues that the smaller site is unique because almost all of the specimens found at the workshop are made of prochlorite rather than slate.

Before drawing any conclusions based on this contrast, the author describes some of the qualities of each material. Prochlorite, he suggests, is an appealing choice for toolmakers because it is soft and therefore easy to work. Also, he suggests that the shiny black crystals give the final product a particular aesthetic appeal. Slate, on the other hand, is a much more solid material to work with and thus requires one to tediously chip away at the rock in order to shape tools. Based on these material differences, the author argues that prochlorite is likely a more appealing choice for the toolmakers.

In another comparison, the author draws attention to the island workshop where most of the unfinished specimens had well-defined centrums, and were made of slate. In the lower workshop the majority of specimens were made of prochlorite and had an abridged top with no prominent centrum. To help illustrate this, the author includes a black and white photograph of twelve prochlorite bannerstones and shaping tools. Given the comparative nature of his article, it would have been useful had he included visual examples of slate tools.

By briefly comparing the two sites, the author concludes that the unfinished slate specimens found at the island workshop were worked into convenient portable shapes and then brought to smaller workshops to be refined. By contrast, at the Susquehanna workshop the unfinished prochlorite specimens had been transported from a larger workshop that was located closer to the source of material. Supposing that these conclusions are true, the author does not attempt to describe why this is so and therefore his final declarations might be viewed as the starting point for further research.

EVE MOREAU University of British Columbia (John Barker).

Battle, Herbert B. The Domestic Use of Oil Among the Southern Aborigines. American Anthropologist April-June 1922 Vol.24(2):171-182.

In this article the author discusses how the Southern Aborigines used oil and fat. He tells where they obtained all their oil and fat and how they get it. The author believes that the uses of oil applied by the Southern Aborigines could not have been other than primitive, because “their mode of living would not admit of any advanced uses of these substances, or even full knowledge of the simplest properties which they possessed.”(173) He believes that what they learned was due to self-evident facts which came to light in their daily lives.

There were oils and fats of animal origin, and oils and fats of vegetable origin. The oils and fats of animal origin mostly came from the black bear. This animal stored a lot of fat in the summer so if they hunted in the right season these bears produced a large amount of oil and fat, as well as meat for food. The oils and fats of vegetable origin almost exclusively came from native trees such as the black walnut and hickory nut. The black walnut tree was the most desirable of all oils because of its good quality.

The author also describes how the Indians obtained these oils and fats from the nuts and animals. There were three ways that the oils and fats were obtained: rendering, extraction, and pressing. Rendering is separation by boiling or steaming. Extraction is when liquid solvents are used to dissolve the oily or fatty materials. Pressing, the standard way in the present time, is taking the meats or kernels and either being pressed whole, rolled, or ground.

The author then goes on to tell how the oils and fats were used by the natives. The author believed that there were several uses and lists them in order of importance. The most important was use as food. Secondly was use as paint. They used paints to satisfy their desire for display and oils were used as a base for the paint. Third, they used it in the making of leather or the treatment of skins. The Natives preserved the skins of wild game for their own uses. Fourth, they used it for bodily health. They rubbed the oil on the body in order to make the skin supple and healthy. Fifth, in order of importance, was its use in hair dressing. Lastly, although the author states that there is no direct authority for this statement, he believes that it was used for the rubbing and polishing of ornaments and implements.

This article contains a lot of information and is very clear.

NAHALA BUYCKS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Battle, Herbert B. The Domestic Use of Oil Among the Southern Aborigines. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):171-182.

The author describes how oil was obtained, processed and used by Native Americans historically in the southern United States. He discusses the chemical composition and properties of oils and fats, their origin in nature, methods of preparation and their various uses.

The chemical composition and physical properties of oil and fats are defined (Oils and fats are not treated separately due to their inherent similarities). Some oils absorb oxygen from the air and harden to produce drying, non-drying and semi-drying oils. These are used in different applications; drying oils are used in paint, for example. It is possible to use caustic of soda or potash to obtain glycerin and soap. Native Americans, however, did not process oil in this way and were only aware of its obvious uses.

They obtained oil and fats from animals, primarily the black bear. They also acquired it from vegetable origins, namely from the black walnut, hickory nut and live oak acorns. To separate the oil from organic materials there are three possible methods: rendering, extraction and pressing. Native Americans used the first method, whereby the nuts are boiled and the melted oil is scooped off the water’s surface. A wooden mortar was used to crush corn and a “hammer-stone” used to crack nuts. This labour was performed by women and children.

Oils and fats were used, in order of importance, as follows: Firstly, as food. Oil was also sold as a commodity to European traders. Secondly, in paints. Oil served as a binder to make paint permanent. Paint was used in ceremonies, for personal adornment and on various artifacts, like pottery. Thirdly, in leather making and the treatment of skins. Oil preserved skins, making them soft and pliable. Its fourth use was for bodily health, as it made skin supple and healthy. Another related use was in hair dressing to grease hair back when going to war. Finally, oil may have been used to rub and polish tools and ornaments. Wooden bows were kept flexible with bear fat, for example.

This article is well structured and uncomplicated. The author’s objective is merely to describe the material aspects of oil in a ‘native’ context and thus is solely concerned with oil’s technological significance. He draws on a number of secondary sources to supplement and illustrate his discussion.

ANTOINE GIRAUD University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Beckwith, Martha W. Hawaiian Riddling. American Anthropologist July-September,1922 Vol.24(3):311-331

This article discusses a form of an ancient Hawaiian contest of skill called riddling. Riddling is both a test of mental skill and training. It is a difficult game of riddles though rhyming is not always necessary and sometimes all it takes to win is to use a play on a particular word in the riddle. Beckwith makes the point that though it seems like a simple word game, in the past it was played by chiefs and people who were seen as heroes. The other interesting piece of information she presents is that the stakes were usually as important as the people who played the game; sometimes losers paid with their lives.

Hawaiian riddling is a complex game although at first glance it may not seem that way. The article gives numerous examples of the riddles that are used. The object of the game is to counter the riddle with another riddle or verse. The answer must parallel the first as closely as possible in order to present an analogy. Beckwith presents an example that helps to explain one of the ways in which a player uses a play on phrases to win. The story is of a man who was dared to shoot ten rats with one arrow. He shoots nine rats and a bat. When he is accused of losing the challenge he quotes the verse:

“The bat in time of calm

Is your younger brother, O rat!”

Therefore he wins the contest. These types of examples are given throughout the article.

Beckwith also writes about how these riddling games are viewed by the people of Hawaii along with those who participated. Since the practice of riddling was performed in ancient times there are many stories about great heroes and chiefs that outwitted their evil opponents. Another popular theme is that of players winning against their opponents and therefore avenging the death of a loved one. The fact that death was a common fate of the loser makes the game important and the winner seem like a hero and someone who is extremely wise because they managed to escape death. These riddling games are complicated and intricate. One surprising fact that Beckwith mentions is that both men and women could teach the skills needed to participate. Women are mentioned throughout the article. It is uncommon in ancient societies for women to be given such an important role in an event that requires mental skill and knowledge.

This article was basically an easy read though, the explanation of the actual game itself was difficult to understand at first. Once I got the basic gist it became interesting. The article has many examples of fables that are told in Hawaii of ancient riddlers. This makes the article more fun to read.

AMY KROON Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Beckwith, Martha W. Hawaiian Riddling. American Anthropologist July-September, 1922 Vol.24(3): 311-331

This article by Beckwith explains a ancient past time activity called riddling which was once practiced by prehistoric civilizations in the Hawaiian islands. The structure of riddling closely resembles heroic fables already recognized throughout the world, and throughout time. My first impression of riddling was that it was a test of wit in the form of question and answer, but as I read further, riddling was a wit contest also known as betting called hoopaapaa (this translates into “the art of disputation”). The riddling is a form of metaphorical play on words that is designed to stump the contestants. The object is that the chief is to seek out anyone to challenge his wit, that will eventually displace him in his court. The contestants who were unable to answer the riddle correctly knew they must suffer it’s high stakes. The article lists a series of stories and situations concerning riddling where the contenders only chance at victory is to have a good knowledge of words, and a very active wit. The point of Hawaiian riddling is, not only must the contender realize that the game is not merely to answer the riddle, but instead, add a metaphor or introduce a pun. In other words, the object is that the opponent come back with a parallel riddle with acute similarity as the first, as well as an analogy. In this article, Beckwith is able to give specific evidence to support her point. A specific example listed was the challenge of Kaipalaoa pg 325. Here Beckwith shows evidence that riddling is “tests, not riddles at all but merely a lists of things to which the test is to add another.” Beckwith supports this research with informant knowledge that had been collected from Hawaii on her behalf. She also had the aid of an authority in Hawaiian vernacular, and was able to translate these particular riddles used in the article.

This article was basically an easy read. I did find that the stories were confusing because of the metaphors used, and it reminded me of reading scripture. Otherwise, I thought the author was able to get her point across clearly.

LENA MALAVENDA University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Benedict, Ruth Fulton. The Vision in Plains Culture. American Anthropologist. 1922 Vol. 24: 1-23

In this article, the vision quests of the Plains Indians are discussed. This includes the styles and rituals that are standardized elements of the vision quest, as well as those that are unique to a tribe or geographic region. Unlike the ritual tradition seen to the East and West of the Plains, these tribes will use vision throughout maturity in addition to its role in the rites of passage for adolescents (for others it has only the latter function with the aim of obtaining a guardian spirit). There are three widely distributed patterns which can be looked at when characterizing the vision quest in the Plains: (1) the infliction of self-torture; (2) the lack of laity-shamanistic distinction; and (3) the attaining of a guardian spirit.

The importance and severity of self-torture during a vision quest varies throughout the Plains. In the Western region there is little connection between the two; although there is the presence of each in the society. In the Southern Plain the presence of self-torture hardly exists at all, it serves no ritual function. However, in the case of the Northern and Eastern Plains there is a strong connection between the quest for visions and the use of self-torture. Furthermore, in all cases of self-torture, the sun, for no apparent reason, is involved.

The second generalization involves the lack of a laity-shamanistic distinction in the pursuit of a vision. This can be seen in cases (like in the Western Plains) where all men are expected to go out at least once in their life to obtain power from the spirits. However, this does not hold true in all cases. In the Pawnee of the Eastern Plain there was a distinction between the laity and non-laity as well as subdivisions within the non-laity regarding the visions they could receive.

The final generalization concerns the acquisition of a guardian spirit. On the Plains there is no tribe where this is the only purpose of the vision. Although all men were expected to fast at least once in order to obtain an individual guardian, the vision was continuously sought throughout maturity in relation to various situations.

Taking into account the variations of ritual tradition found in the Plains, it becomes evident that there is a great diversity present in the Plains in the vision quests of the many tribes.

VANESSA PALSENBARG University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Benedict, Ruth Fulton. The Vision In Plains Culture. American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1): 1-23.

Benedict’s article compares the pursuit of visions among the Plain cultures to the generalizations about them. She identifies three characteristics which have come to define the vision quests of the Plains culture. They are self-mutilation; the lack of a shaman class and the attainment of a guardian spirit. Benedict states that these generalizations, while applicable to other cultures, does not fit in describing the pursuit of visions of the Plains cultures.

The first generalization, self-mutilation, has been recorded in different Plains cultures, but not as a means to secure a vision. The exceptions are the Cheyenne and the Dakota. Benedict argues the Cheyenne only began self –mutilation in 1850 as an adaptation of the Blackfoot’s use of it for religions experiences, leaving just the Dakota to fit the first generalization.

The second generalization or lack of a shaman class is the result of adult members of the community being embedded with spiritual power attained by visions, thus rendering a shaman unnecessary. Benedict shows how cultures still retained the class and the most defined shaman class structures are that of the Dakota and the Pawnee, both of which have in-class hierarchies.

The last generalization is that of the vision being used to attain a guardian spirit. Benedict states that every tribe on the Plains felt the attaining a guardian spirit to be more important than the pursuit of visions. This is because people would pursue visions on many occasions during their life, such as mourning, war and social initiations. During these occasions a guardian spirit was not acquired. In other cultures the vision is secondary or not needed at all in the obtainment of a guardian spirit.

Further complexities in the roles of the vision in culture is shown by Benedict. She tells us that the Blackfoot buy and sell visions and the Hidsata use it to gain their inheritance.

Benedict concludes that generalizations created by “topical studies imply a false sense of simplicity on a on the rich variety of actuality.” (20)

I liked the article despite the further complexities which seem to be a tangent. Where it not there the clarity would be 5.

PRESTON HILL University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Cushing, Frank Hamilton, J. Walter Fewkes, and Elsie Clews Parsons. Contributions to Hopi History. American Anthropologist July-September, 1922 Vol.24(3):253-298.

Four different articles are presented, giving accounts of the same Hopi village at different points in time, beginning in 1883 and ending in 1920. The goal of combining these narratives was to give “successive views of one of the most conservative Hopi Pueblos,” Oraibi, through the different experiences of three ethnologists.

Frank Hamilton Cushing first went to Oraibi in 1883 in an attempt to trade with the people. He first describes the town and the dwellings, which are small and vary depending on the season. He also spends time describing the furnishings and social structure of the Oraibi Hopis. Cushing notes that out of all the Pueblo Indians, the villagers of Oraibi have preserved the traditions of their ancestors the longest.

Cushing then moves on to describe his attempt at trading at Oraibi. They demonstrated a very hostile attitude towards him, showing a blatant distrust of white men. After a considerable amount of arguing back and forth, Cushing was allowed to stay the night at the pueblo, and succeeded eventually in trading a few items with women and children.

In 1890, J. Walter Fewkes visited Oraibi pueblo, which is the largest pueblo of the Hopi. Fewkes describes the ceremonial traditions of Oraibi, including the Snake Dance and the sacredness of eagles. White people were not allowed to attend religious ceremonies, and were ordered to stay away from the pueblo. For this reason, Fewkes was not able to directly observe a religious ceremony. He also describes the aboriginal method of opening hostilities, using representations of the Hopi war gods.

Fewkes describes the split of Oraibi into two distinctive groups, which he names the “friendlies” and the “hostiles.” They split from Oraibi and created two new towns, named Hotavila and Pakabi. This split resulted in the desertion and eventual ruin of Oraibi; something, which Fewkes predicts, was a common occurrence with the history of pueblo migration.

Elsie Clews Parsons visited Oraibi in 1920, and agreed with Fewkes that the division of towns had most likely been occurring for centuries among Indian pueblos. Parsons believed the Oraibi split to be a consequence of contact with white culture. Throughout her article, Parsons describes the complex clanship system of the Hopi, which consists in simple form of maternal families loosely connected as clans. Using charts and examples, Parsons explains how the clans acquired their animal-derived names, and their significance.

In the final article, Parsons gives a brief description of the clans, kivas, and offices and ceremonies of the Shömo’pavi, who inhabit a town to the southwest of the Oraibi area. Together, these four articles give a fairly complete description of the lives of the people of Oraibi, and the changes they underwent from 1883 to 1920.

STEPHANIE WEST Indiana U. of Penn. (Miriam Chaiken)

Flom, George T. A Recently Discovered Stone Sculpture in Oland, Sweden. American Anthropologist,1922 Vol.24: (441-447).

The author’s main objective is to determine the meaning of the decorative cups on a Bronze Age grave monument, found during T.J. Arne’s 1917 expedition to Oland, Sweden. Flom argues that the cups represent sun-symbols, and therefore are significant to the “magic” burial rites of this pre-historic culture. In addition, he compares these symbols to others found on ancient burial sites in other locales, and then proposes that sun-worship is a universal phenomenon of ancient societies.

Flom constructs his first argument- that the cups represent sun symbols- through a detailed description of the ornate burial stone found at the grave site. For instance, he describes the granite monument, which dates back to the 16th and 15th-century BC, as being incised with a large sun-symbol as well as plastered with 150 tightly placed round cup-depressions, as can be seen in the photographs included. These cups, as Flom points out, cover only the south side of the stone, which prematurely leads him to define them as sun symbols and therefore ceremonially significant. In his words, “they may, to be sure, be connected with some magic rite in which the cups were rubbed with fat or blood…” (444). Whether or not this is true, Flom fails to provide any supporting evidence for this hypothesis.

In support of his last main argument, Flom compares, although not in detail, the Oland site to places such as India, Britain, Switzerland, Ireland, France and so on, to support his idea that sun-worship, in some form or another, has been a universal practice among the ancient Indo-European people. Furthermore, he argues that different sun depictions reflect different stages in cultural evolution. For example, the cup is the earliest representation of the sun and therefore indicates a primitive stage of culture, whereas a four-spoked wheel indicates a more advanced and civilised culture.

EVE MOREAU University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Flom, George T. A Recently Discovered Stone Sculpture In Oland, Sweden. American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1): 441-447

George T. Flom’s journal discusses a carved stone monument, located on a grave in Oland, Sweden, that was excavated by T.J. Arne in 1917. What’s interesting about this trapezoidal-triangular shaped stone is that it is carved, covered with small, round cup-depressions on the narrow side and it also contains figures including horses and a ship on the broad side. According to Arne, the grave and the incised stone date back to the 16th-15th centuries BC, which makes them belong to the second period of the Bronze Age.

According to Flom, the cups are believed to represent the sun, whereas the other figures, such as the horses and the ship, being close to the grave, are associated with death. The 150 round cup-depressions are placed close to each other, and Flom has suggested that their positions indicate that they weren’t cut at the same time, but over a long period of time on many occasions. They were most likely carried out during magic ceremonies at the grave, rubbing the cups with blood or fat. Another interesting observation that Flom mentions regarding the position of the cups is that they were all cut on the same narrow side in relation to the figures cut on the broad side. This suggests that they were intentionally placed in this position to face the South and to have a deeper meaning upon the presence of the sun’s rays during the magic ceremony.

Finally, Flom discusses the meaning of the cup in the rock-tracings. He states that it is found among many sun-worshiping Indo-Europeans, including the Scandinavian North, England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Spain, Switzerland, and India, and is associated with the figures that appear to be sun-symbols. But there are various sun-symbols that may represent different stages in such cultural evolution. Flom gives an example of two stones, one from Scotland and one from Ireland, that differ in their sun-symbols. The Irish stone consists of a rayed circle that symbolizes the radiant sun, whereas the Scottish stone includes a single figure of a cup-depression. From this example, Flom concludes that the cup represents the earliest sun-symbols, and it is followed by the circle or ring figure, and finally evolves into the four-spoked wheel, which represents a more advanced stage of a culture.

SAOUD MARDINI University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Grinnel, George Bird. The Medicine Wheel. American Anthropologist. July 1922 Vol.24:299-310

The author’s objective is to examine the Medicine Wheel and it functions. Grinnel begins by explaining that the medicine wheel is located on top of Medicine Mountain, in Wyoming and is known by many Indians and few white men. The Medicine Wheel consists of a circle of loose stones. In the middle is a stone hut from which stones radiate out like spokes. The stone hut had been used during religious ceremonies and occupied by various medicine men of different tribes. Situated at just above 8700 feet, the wheel has a diameter of approximately 80 feet. “The arrangement of these stones justifies the term wheel, and the word medicine obviously refers to the mystery or ‘medicine’ which enshrouds it” (300).

The Indians used this area during ancient times. Running up the mountain is a clearly old and worn trail, which is visible for two or three miles. Even though there are no signs of recent use, the wheel was attended heavily in the past. Although many of the Indians (in 1922) have not seen the wheel they know a great deal about it. However, none could tell anything about the wheel’s construction. Some say that the Medicine Wheel resembles the “ground plan of the Cheyenne Medicine Lodge” (309). The Medicine Wheel has even had a book written about it entitled The Sheep Eaters which is a book that describes information about the wheel.

The author accomplished his objective in this over-explained piece. This easy to read article would have been nearly perfect, however the author goes into too much detail. There are some excellent photographs and drawings of the wheel and its formation.

ADAM COHEN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Grinnell, George Bird. The Medicine Wheel. American Anthropologist July, 1922 Vol.24: 229-310.

In this article the author discusses the Medicine Wheel. The Medicine Wheel is a stone monument in Wyoming, in which the stones are arranged in a way that resembles a wheel. There is an inner circle of stones as well as an outer circle, or rim of stones and rows of stone similar to spokes on a wheel. The monument is located on the shoulder of a mountain on the northern side of Medicine Mountain, in the northwestern corner of the Big Horn National Forest. The author describes at great length the appearance of these stones, and even includes some exact dimensions of the monument. To more clearly explain the pattern of the wheel, an illustaration is included in the artcile as well as some interesting photographs of the site.

The author provides not only information about the measurements and dimensions of the monument, but information regarding the history of the wheel as well. At the time that the article was written, there was relatively no evidence of recent use by the modern populations. However, the worn trail suggests that in ancient times many people visited the area. The area was a place of religious ceremonies and many of the Cheyennes believed that it was an old Cheyenne Medicine Lodge. The author includes testimony and opinions of various Indian tribes on the function of the wheel. Similarities in the belief that the construction was an old Medicine Lodge existed in tribes that had close relations with the Cheyenne.

The article illustrates that more research needed to be done on the history and use of the wheel. It became apparent that many of the present (1922) Indians were unfamiliar with the monument and that the older generation needed to pass on all of the information they had on the construction. The article is well-written and easy to follow, however, the extremely detailed dimensions are somewhat exhausting and unnecessary.

TRACIE KILNER University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Hewitt, J.N.B. James Mooney. American Anthropologist April, 1922 Vol.24(2):209-212.

James Mooney was born in Richmond, Indiana on February 10, 1861 to native Irish parents. When he was 18 years old, he became actively involved in the “Land League”, for which group he was an organizer and officer. At the age of 19, Mooney began working in the Richmond Paladium where he did typesetting as well as worked in the editorial rooms.

Early on in his life, Mooney became interested in the lives of Native American people. He was so interested in these people that he “walked many miles” to obtain books and other reading materials pertaining to Native Americans. It was his passion, and he spent his whole life on studying native people.

In the course of his life, Mooney moved to Washington, D.C. This is where he met Major J.W. Powell, the founder of the young Bureau of American Ethnology. In 1855, Major Powell offered Mooney a position as an ethnologist under him. Mooney retained this position until his death in 1921.

Mooney did extensive studies on the Native people of the Great Plains and the Southeast. However, he also studied other “trans-Mississippi” tribes. He complied a list of the names of Native tribes, which was later used in the “Handbook of American Indians”.

Mooney was also a founding member of the American Anthropological Society of Washington. He was vice president of this group from1909-1910, and he was President in 1914 and 1915. He was also a member of various historical societies. Mooney also researched the country of his ancestry, Ireland, and many of the customs and language of his parents.

The author of this obituary was obviously fond of James Mooney. There are nothing but favorable words about him. Hewitt (the author) saw Mooney as a caring and compassionate man, who would try to help any person or group whom he felt was being exploited or not being given their “just due”.

This is well-written. It is clear and enjoyable to read for its positive aura. The author gives a thorough background on the subject, and also puts some emotion into it.

JESSICA BISHOP Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Houghton, Frederick The Traditional Origin and the Naming of the Seneca Nation. American Anthropologist January- March, 1922 Vol 24(1):31-43

The author of this article attempts to explain the origin, as well as the naming of the Seneca Nation. He also gives some background on Europeans’ and traders’ encounters with the Seneca and other Iroquoian tribes.

He first gives a brief origin story told by Mary Jamison, who had been kidnapped by two Shawnee and adopted and raised by two Seneca women, and recorded by a Mr. Seaver. According to her story the Seneca broke from the earth from a large mountain at the head of Canandaigua Lake. They named themselves “Ge-nun-de-wan” or “Great Hills” and were called “The Great Hill People”, which is the actual definition of Seneca.

There are several versions of the Seneca origin story. The author makes note of a few of them; however, the one told by Mary Jamison is the one widely accepted. It is noted by the author that the story itself can be divided in two, giving both the origin of the people as well as the origin of their name. The hill the Seneca claim to have come from is known today as Bare Hill; within the Seneca story, they tell of their surroundings being bare of an timber. According to Houghton, there was no historical nor archaeological evidence indicating Bare Hill was the Seneca’s place of origin, or any Iroquoian for that matter. Houghton explains that several sites bearing resemblance to the Seneca origin story have been explored, but no evidence has been found.

The origin of the Seneca Nation is also covered in the article, though it is known that Seneca villages existed in pre-European times. This topic is a brief one but leads into talk of Europeans first encounter with Seneca and other Iroquoian tribes. As the paper comes to a close, Houghton ends with what he feels is the English origin of the word “Seneca”, a crude combination of the Dutch names “Sinnodowane” and “Sonnotowans”.

The author writes an interesting paper that is easily understood. It gives a fascinating look into the origins of the Seneca and first European contact with them.

The author understands his subject and uses good examples. This article is good for anyone looking into Seneca origins.

SHANNA CRUMMEL Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Houghton, Frederick. The Traditional Origin and Naming of the Seneca Nation. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24:31-43

The aim of this article is to examine the traditional origin of the Seneca Nation and provide some of the names by which they have been known. In relation to the tradition there are two points which must be addressed, first is the origin of the nation (the origin of the Iroquois) and secondly the separation of the nations of the Confederacy. The traditional origin of the nation tells of an event where the Seneca broke out of the earth at a great, treeless mountain located at the head of Lake Canandaigua. They were preceded by a race of “civil, enterprising and industrious people” (pg. 34) whose name was derived from the hill. The Seneca village on the top of this ancestral hill was surrounded by a great serpent that killed any who dared escape. The serpent was finally killed by a boy and as its dead body rolled down the hill it destroyed all trees in its path (even today the hill remains treeless). The survivors of this event fled in terror forming the five nations that now make up the League. The first part of the story also ties into the origins of the Seneca name. Their tribal name, Genundewa, was derived from their emergence from the great hill (Genundewa is translated as ‘Great Hill’). Their current name of Seneca derives from Dutch interaction with the Algonkian people. It is a term the Algonkian use when referring to all Iroquoian nations to the west of them. When the English succeeded the Dutch, they continued the use of this term and it became so firmly fixed that it was eventually even used by the Seneca themselves. It was made the official term when they were incorporated into the laws of New York as “The Seneca Nation of Indians”.

VANESSA PALSENBARG University of British Columbia (John Barker)

MacCurdy, George Grant. The First Season’s Work of the American School in France for Prehistoric Studies. American Anthropologist. 1922 Vol. 24: 61-71

This article follows the first term of the American School in France as they visit sites and museums throughout the area surrounding La Quina in Charente. The students were able to participate in a variety of digs ranging in time from eight weeks to mere afternoons at a site. They were able to experience sites from various times, settings (e.g. caves) and relevance in the area. Drawings of recovered artifacts are interspersed with the text although there is no in-depth discussion about the use or meaning of the artifacts. Pictures of the museums and sites visited by the students are also provided, complimenting the visual descriptions of various locations provided by the author. As each site or museum is mentioned in the article, there are references to the esthetic and cultural relevance of the location, not only for the artifacts found within, but also the founders of the museums and the methods of display being utilized. There is also reference to the importance and contributions made by the many Archaeologists and Professors that come in contact with the students throughout their excursions. At times, this article has the sound and feel of a travel magazine following a group of tourists as they discover the beauty and history of a small region of France. The descriptions provided in the article go beyond scientific relevance and into the esthetic advantages which some sites enjoy while still providing important information about students experiences. The true importance of this article lies in the fact that this was the first year that this program existed. It was a new approach for the school in the study of Prehistory and this article goes to demonstrate the success of this venture.

VANESSA PALSENBARG University of British Columbia (John Barker)

MacCurdy, George. The First Season’s Work of the American School in France for Prehistoric Studies. American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol.24: 61-129

The article itself was a detailed description and summary of the first term of the first year of the American field school in France. The base for the field school was La Quina in Charente. However, the students traveled and explored many other sites. The article listed the areas in which the students studied and how much time they spent at each site. There was a discussion of the different activities the students were involved in such as digs and cleaning materials. There were many important visitors that visited with the students during the school and the article names them and their involvement with the students. It also described interesting artifacts they saw or discovered such as cave paintings, animal bones and other artifacts. At the end of the article MacCurdy briefly touches on the room for improvement of the field school. The article is a great overview of the field school and its major activities. It goes into detail about many fascinating sites and contains a great deal of interesting information about Prehistoric humans.

After the article there are several book reviews and a series of subsequent articles about an array of subjects. They appear to have no relevance to the article or to be a part of the article. However, one of these subsequent articles was written by MacCurdy. MacCurdy’s subsequent article is about a skull found at Broken Hill in Rhodesia. He discusses the appearance of the skull, where it was found and its possibility of being a variant of the Neanderthal. After these articles there was information about the twentieth annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association. At the annual meeting the field school was discussed. Following the information about the meeting there were notes on major events that happened in 1922 such as deaths of esteemed anthropologists, research information, awards, etc. Then there was a listing of the American Anthropological Association members. Though the information discussed above was not part of the article, it tied into the article in some way.

NICHOLE JACKSON University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

MacLeod,William Christie. The Family Hunting Territory and Lenape Political Organization.American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol. 24: (448-464).

The author’s main objective is to discuss the social order of the Algonkian and Delaware tribes located along the Delaware River Valley prior to European colonisation in the 1800s. His main argument is that the hereditary hunting territory was the basis for their social organisation, and therefore they were a predominantly a non-agricultural and autonomous people.

The argument is constructed through a detailed investigation of letter-type documents that were sent between European governors during times that land was being negotiated. For example, in 1651 Stuyvesant, a Dutch leader, located a fort at the mouth of the Delaware River, although the Swedes had occupied the land for some time. To justify his invasion, Stuyvesant presented a written statement to the original Native American possessors, so that they would sell or donate their land to the Dutch. This prompted the Swedes to write protest-type letters claiming that they were entitled to the land due to a purchase made in 1638.These documents are particularly useful to MacLeod because Native Americans prior to this time, negotiations were made orally. Because of these written records, the author was able to understand how the Delaware and Algonkian people lived prior to the invasion of their territory and the snuffing of their culture due to disease and the use of firearms against them.

As a result, MacLeod effectively discovers that the features of the hunting territory were such that ownership was a family matter. In this social order, the family head was in charge of all land transactions, a widow and his children had rights to family inheritance, and the family had autonomy over land and therefor could do with it as they pleased.

EVE MOREAU University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker).

Macleod, William Christie. The Family Hunting Territory and Lanápe political organization.American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol.24: 448-463.

Macleod is presenting an explanation that the basis of social organization of the tribes of the Delaware River is hereditary family hunting territory. The author combines research done by Speck and Sir. Wm. Johnson, along with other evidence from land transactions and myths. The tribes used as evidence include the Algonkian of eastern Canada, the Wampanoag, the Massachusetts, and the tribes of the Delaware River Valley the Unami and the Unalachitgo Lanápe. The article gives evidence through examples of land sales made by the head of the family who had inherited the hunting land. Many of the transactions between the Swedes and the tribes appear to be forged from lack of markings made by the head family member of the land in question. The transactions with the English appear much more complete and even have markings from the children of the family who owns the land as insurance that there were witnesses that might still be alive if the deed was disputed. There is also a creation story about the Sky Holder dividing up the forest for each clan. Macleod goes into a long explanation of a transaction for the sale of land that occurs early in 1651 to Stuyvesant. This explanation includes many names of sachems and witnesses and attempts to show the politics within each tribe. The conclusion from this was sachem Peminacka could not sell a piece of land because it belonged to the family of adeceased sachem, so as the surviving heirs they owned the land. This article was very long for what it was trying to accomplish. There were many Indian names that had little significance to the whole thesis. This article appeared to be a combination of other people’s research and conclusions.

STEPHEN MARTIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Mills, William C. Exploration of the Mound City Group, Ross County, Ohio American Anthropologist October-December, 1922 Vol.24(4):397-431

Following the initial and historically important studies of Squier and Davis of the Mound City Group in Ohio, William Mills follows up with his own inquiry as to the importance of the mounds. Not only are these 24 mounds vital on a prehistoric scale, but also the portrayal of the mounds by Squier and Davis has made them historically important as the first studies of their kind. Later surveying of the 12 remaining mounds, after the more recent construction of army barracks on the site, focuses on Mills’ desire to either confirm or repute earlier interpretations. The author goes into much detail as to the orientation, size, and cultural composition of mounds 7 and 9, in particular, and the burials therein, to gain a new view of previous suppositions. Mills discusses past and current findings in the mounds in the form of numerous copper artifacts, shell and bone beads, obsidian tools, ornaments and flint knives as well as numerous other specimens. Also, the evidence of what Squier and Davis thought to be sacrificial “altars” was again identified within all of the mounds. Remnants of a melted metal, thought to be copper, were sometimes found within these “altars” and surrounding areas of each mound as well.

In short summary of the arguments here, it is first important to list the assumptions of Squier and Davis and then a response from the author. Regarding the idea that the people who built the mounds engaged in human sacrificial practices and that they are likened because of this to contemporary inhabitants of Mexico and Central America, Mills responds that there is no evidence of such practice. He contends, however, that these so-called “altars” of sacrifice were used as crematory basins for normal burial practices, but yet there is no existing evidence of human sacrifices. Evidence was given in the example of cremated remains found in burials containing pieces of the fractured fire basin nearby, substantiating Mills’ disagreement with the accepted idea of sacrifice. In addition, Squier and Davis claimed that stratified mounds did not contain burials but Mills found burials in each mound. This oversight occurred because Squier and Davis did not search through the whole mound, but focused on the center of each. Last, previously it was thought that copper as well as human sacrifices had been melted in sacrificial fires, but Mills disagrees, claiming that the melted substance found was not copper, but possibly copper arsenide, which may be melted at a lower temperature. Also suggested is that both remains and copper arsinyde were transferred by nearby crematory basins and deposited into burials, instead of burning the remains in the same mound basin as they were eventually situated.

The argument between information gathered by previous excavators and the author is presented clearly and is interesting as well as informative.

STEPHANIE SMITH Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Mills, William C. Exploration of the Mound City Group, Ross County, Ohio. American Anthropologist, 1922, Vol. 24: (397-431).

The author’s main objective is to challenge the previously accepted supposition concerning the significance of the Mound City Group, which was proposed by Squier and Davis after their “partial” excavation of the site in 1846. They maintained, with little supporting data, that the mounds were strictly for human sacrificial purposes and therefore the prehistoric builders must have been related to Mexican and Central American peoples. Mills, however, contests these claims on several accounts based on his more thorough collection of data.

Mills constructs the majority of his arguments firstly by quoting long and descriptive passages from Squier and Davis. For example, when discussing Mound 8, Mills quotes extensively from his predecessors in order to point out the shortcomings of their work. In one lengthy quote Squier and Davis assert that the basin-like receptacles were altars upon which human sacrifices were performed. Mills points out, however, that these locales were most likely burial sites because, although the bones were charred, there was little evidence to suggest that anything else in the area had been exposed to fire. Mound 9, on the other hand, was extensively charred. This leads to a concluding point- that the prehistoric peoples of this area were cremated at Mound 9 and the remains were then transported to Mound 8 to be buried.

The remainder of the article continues in this systematic fashion. In addition, the author includes a map of the surveyed area as well as several black and white photographs of artifacts that were found.

EVE MOREAU University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Parsons, Elsie Clews. Contributions to Hopi History. American Anthropologist July-September, 1922 Vol.24: 283-298.

As a result of contact with white settlers, the Hopi town of Oraibi was split between those that followed the traditional ways of the culture and those that wished to integrate the white culture into their lives. The Hopi social system consisted of maternal families which were connected with others through a larger common group or clan. Parsons explained that loyalties were stronger within maternal families than between them, so when the split occurred and families moved away from Oraibi, they left with their maternal families regardless of clans. Therefore the maternal families had the ability to regroup into different clans without conflict.

On September 28, 1906 the more traditional, anti-American group left Oraibi to establish Hotavila, about six miles to the northwest. These people wanted to return to their simpler way of life and therefore discarded any trace of the white culture. However, four years after the founding of Hotavila, a progressive group had formed. Banished by the conservatives, this pro-American group tried to return to Oraibi, but was not welcome there either. These People then founded their own town two miles from Hotavila called Pakabi (place of reeds). Parsons presented a table that listed the clans of each town as given by her informant. This table was used to show that migrations were in fact by maternal families and not by clans.

The second part of Parsons’ article gives a short description of the neighboring town of Shohmo’pavi. The clans in this town, as in the others, were named after legends. The town had five kivas where ceremonies were held. Each kiva was associated with a certain clan and a clan could have more than one kiva if their clan grew too large. Each town had a set of officers who were in charge of certain ceremonies. A few of them were the Crier chief, War chief, and Sun-watcher. Because the obligations of some of the offices were very heavy, some were given terms of service of four years. Parsons informant noted that, being from another town, he had not heard of the rotations in office and was very surprised at the customary differences between towns.

DAVID KENNY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Phillips, George Brinton The Composition of Some Ancient Bronze in the Dawn of the Art of Metallurgy American Anthropologist April-June, 1922 Vol.24(2):129-143

In this article, the author is interested in various ancient cultures’ artifacts which display their knowledge and mastery of the process of bronzing. This process involves the mixing of copper and tin into an alloy metal, used for various objects. His specific interest (or argument) lies in determining the quality of each culture’s workmanship, to deduce which groups had the greatest knowledge of the process. Phillips has gathered a collection of twenty-four artifacts, from various specialists, museums, and curio dealers/shops. The cultures from which he gathers artifacts include: Ancient Egyptian, Greek, Phoenician, Ceylon, Russian, English, Korean, Japanese, Chinese, Etrurian, the Yucatan area, Creten, Tibetan, and Incan. As is seen in the previous list, Phillips has a very wide selection of cultures, each with a varying number of artifacts to study. These artifacts include utensils, tools/weapons, art work, mirrors, and various other fragments of objects. In support of his evidence, he gives tables for each artifact which display the amount of copper and tin present, as well as other impurities such as iron, lead, phosphorus, cobalt, zinc, water, gold, silver, arsenic, and antimony. He speculates that these could be present due to impurities present in the ore, the intended use/consistency of the object, or simply ignorance on the part of the metal worker. At the end of each brief summary, Phillips offers comments as to the quality of work done by each group based on the purity of mixture. He concludes that the areas of North and Central America do not appear to have experienced a Bronze Age. The chemical breakdown of each artifact was performed by Dr. D. L. Wallace, of the University of Pennsylvania.

In conclusion, the author presents a well organized, and very clear article. His inclusion of the makeup of each artifact, as well as some brief blurbs about the culture in general are helpful in understanding his argument.

AGUSTIN PINA Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Phillips, George Brinton. The Composition of Some Ancient Bronze in the Dawn of the Art of Metallurgy. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):129-143.

In this article, Phillips describes several bronze artifacts from various locations and presents an analysis of their metallic composition. He begins by sketching a brief chronology of the earliest evidence of bronze manufacture in the old world. He then makes some basic inferences concerning the base metals (primarily copper, tin, lead and iron as well as arsenic and antimony) found in the material evidence. These inferences include brief speculation on the origin and availability of some metals as well as the possible use of a certain metal in a bronze alloy.

The remainder, and by far the majority, of the article presents the data. The bronze artifacts examined were obtained from the private collections of archaeologists, museums and in some cases “reputable” curio dealers. A diverse collection of artifacts, ranging from bronze nails to ornamental mirrors from Egypt, Greece, Phoenicia, Ceylon, Russia, England, Korea, Japan, China, Etruria, Crete and Tibet are analyzed. He also includes data from Yucatan and South America. The measurements of each artifact is given as well as a brief morphological description. The metallic composition of each piece is tabulated with relative percentages of each base metal. In some cases microphotographs are provided for a close look at the artifact’s surface structure. When possible, the author comments briefly on the significance of the proportional differences. In cases when there is a high percentage of copper and negligible amounts of other metals he dismisses these small amounts as impurities, claiming that the artifact is not “true bronze”. On this basis Phillips concludes that Central America did not reach a bronze age, while parts of South America did.

There is no discernible thesis in this article, and Phillips is content with merely presenting an exposition of his data. His miscellaneous comments and inferences are concerned only with each artifact and there is no analytical thread linking the data together (besides from the obvious fact that they are all bronze). To be fair, as the artifacts are examined with no regard for their archaeological context, any analysis will be limited by default.

ANTOINE GIRAUD University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Regan, Albert B. Medicine Songs of George Farmer. American Anthropologist July- September, 1922 Vol. 24(3):332-369

Regan’s purpose in writing this article was to share the translation of the songs of a medicine man that he became acquainted with while doing research among the Bois Fort Indians of Minnesota. The author was able to persuade the medicine man, George Farmer, to translate his writing and the author then copied his notes.

There are a total of twenty-four songs translated by George Farmer included in this article. Each song has a word for word translation, and many of the songs also have an explanation for clarification. In many of the songs there are frequent references to the use of the konapamik shell, which is “shot” by the medicine man to the heart of the person seeking treatment. The konapamik shell is later described as a cowry shell. The author reports that the cowry shell is sacred to the Bois Fort Indians. There are also recurrent references to wildlife in the songs, especially the bear, such as “looking for bear tracks” (333), “the black bear with the crooked tongue is going to shoot me” (341), and “the principal bear god is walking down this way” (344). The author describes that, along with the songs, many of the dances used in healing ceremonies also incorporate wildlife, and the healers wore animal skin medicine bags. In certain songs, the dancers wore a ” black bear skin with a long tongue extending out of the mouth which was pointed toward the non-dancers” (341).

In the article, the author frequently mentions the presents brought to the medicine lodge by person seeking treatment. These presents appear to have been gifts to the gods, and were displayed throughout the center of the lodge. The author does not know how many presents the person brought when seeking treatment, but felt that they are a significant part of the healing ceremony as they are positioned in the “medicine line” (350).

Finally, the author describes in more detail the actual Grand Medicine Lodge, the ceremony and protocol of the healing, and the cultural meanings behind these ceremonies. The reader acquires an excellent understanding of the healing practices of the Bois Fort Indians. The explanations facilitate a mental picture of the events that took place in these ceremonies.

DEBORAH ROELS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

iAmerican Anthropologist July- September, 1922 Vol. 24(3): 332-369.

Regan’s article is a group of translated songs from a medicine man named George Farmer. Aside from being a medicine man, he was also an Indian Policeman of the Bois Fort Indians. Farmer kept records of all his songs and during a visit to his house, the author here found them and got permission to copy Farmer’s notes. Each song is recorded in full, broken down and translated word by word, then there is a free translation of what the phrase means. The free translations helped a great deal when trying to understand this article.

George Farmer worked out of a medicine lodge. The sick members of the Bois Fort Indians would visit the lodge whenever they were ill. They would come bearing gifts. These gifts were to be offered to the gods for what I think was to give them incentive to help heal the ill. The author does not mention what purpose the gifts actually serve.

After the gifts had been displayed, Farmer would perform his songs and dances with other people that were in the lodge. Nature and especially wildlife are mentioned quite often in the songs, which means that nature was a strong section in the Indian’s lives. People would dress in bearskins and hold feathers during the dances. Lake Superior is mentioned in several of the songs also. One of the healing methods used most often that came up in many of the songs is the konapamik shell. The konapamik shell was basically a shot to the heart of whoever was ill. Sounds a bit scary.

The last few pages of this article speak of how the new medicine man, or woman, is chosen. It speaks of the group of people who perform the healing acts. They are termed a “Grand Medicine order”. Religion plays a large role in the acts of these men and women. These men and women also go through an elaborate initiation process that they prepare for their whole life (since they are chosen for their job at birth by the previous medicine man).

CHRIS MARCINOWSKI University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Reichard, Gladys A. The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative Art. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):183-208.

Reichard argues that “primitive” people have a structured plan or design in mind when creating art, and that the patterns inherent in their work is not a result of chance. She supports her hypothesis by elucidating the patterning in various examples of decorative art. She also suggests a tentative reason for the existence of these complex patterns.

The author’s investigation into art is prompted by Charles Mead’s observations of designs in Peruvian textiles that follow “definite mathematical laws” (183). She asserts that we cannot judge “primitive” art by our own western standards. The aesthetic effect is defined as what is pleasing or satisfactory in terms of the artist’s sensibility. Furthermore, when considering symmetry in art, we must take the artist’s creative idiosyncrasies into account. For example, if a piece of work is asymmetrical or irregular, it may be a case of misjudgement or error on the artist’s part.

In her analysis of specific pieces of art, Reichard looks for “rhythmic units” (an intentionally repeated pattern of colour or design). She describes and illustrates each example. Firstly, she examines some Thompson River necklaces consisting of stringed beads of various colours and sizes. It is found that there was an unequivocal purpose in their design. Any irregular or anomalous cases are ostensibly a result of misjudgement, an inability to handle the artistic technique, a lack of materials, or simply due to beads breaking off and leaving the necklace asymmetrical. Secondly, she looks at Thompson River wearing apparel (sinew and bead fringes on the sides of bags, pouches, dresses, coats or leggings). She discerns an element of “play” in the work, possibly the result of experimenting with patterns while working and with no concrete vision of the end product in mind. A similar case is found with her third example of Thompson River embroidered stripes. Lastly, she examines the coat-bands of the “Russianized Natives” of Siberia (decorated bands on the borders of fur coats). Here she finds a focus on a consistent design with a simple colour arrangement. She sees this as the result of a pre-determined plan, not the result of play.

The reason for the existence of complex patterns in the art discussed is not clear. With few exceptions, the artist works within established stylistic conventions. Stylistic elements are “played with” and adapted from previous works. The aesthetic effect, expressed through symmetry (or the deliberate deviation from it), is the underlying principle. In concluding, Reichard calls for more cross-cultural comparisons as well as interviews with the artists themselves to determine their motives and establish a chronology of their work.

ANTOINE GIRAUD University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Reichard, Gladys A. The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative Art. American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol.24(2): 183-208.

Reichard presents evidence to show that the handiworks of “primitive” people show definite planning before their creation in order to achieve a desired aesthetic effect. She states that she is looking for “order in supposed chaos” and chooses to study articles in which it is difficult to recognize a pattern of rhythmic repetition. For her intents Reichard examines 105 designs of beadwork and embroidery on clothing and jewelry from the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia and compares these with designs on coat bands produced by natives of Siberia.

Reichard makes clear that the aesthetic effect that she is looking for is one that is satisfying to the person making the article and his or her own social group, even though it may not be pleasing to the outside observer. She also establishes that symmetry in art is dependent on point of view when looking at an object thus revealing that different people have different definitions of symmetry. By these two acts Reichard is trying to convey that one must be careful not to judge one culture’s artwork by his or her own standards and instead try to understand it from the artist’s point of view. Understanding this it then becomes possible to see complex patterns or “rhythm” in the artwork of “primitive” people that otherwise would have gone unnoticed.

The evidence presented from the Thompson River Indians consists of beadwork on necklaces and bracelets; beadwork and fringe on dresses, belts, and leggings; and embroidered stripes on dresses. In her analysis of the beadwork on necklaces and bracelets, Reichard finds definite rhythm in effect that reveals a plan in the beadwork design. Reichard found a great deal of “play” in the production of the fringes on apparel. She also noted that when viewed from the perspective of how they would be worn they were appeared to have no design but when viewed as they were when constructed a definite design could then be detected. Thus the artist’s perspective is once again emphasized as being important when analyzing artwork. In her examination of the embroidered stripes on dresses she found that there was again a high degree of “play” in their construction, probably owing to the artist’s virtuosity and desire for effect.

Reichard also examines the central portion of fur coat borders produced by “Russianized” natives of Siberia. She found that these too offered examples of a carefully pre-planned design that was in the artist’s mind before construction began.
In addition to her detailed discussions of the articles examined, Reichard also provides diagrams and illustrations to illustrate the placement of beads and other construction materials. Through careful analysis she shows that “primitive” people begin their artwork with a pre-determined aesthetic effect as their goal. Any deviations from this effect are due to lack of ability or resources, error, or carelessness.

SARAH JUNKE University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Roberts, Helen H. New Phases in the Study of Primitive Music American Anthropologist April-June, 1922 Vol.24(2):144-160

The author wants the reader of this article to understand the importance of studying music, when trying to understand a culture. Roberts believes that music holds the key to revealing religious beliefs, and the history of how these beliefs might have developed. She particularly focuses on the primitive music in North America, that is the Indian music. This music contains short phrases, and frequent repetitions. In every major event of significance in their lives, music is present. Roberts asserts that: “whatever phase of the life of the people we choose to study, we finds additional light through the songs which have come to be associated with it.” (146). To fully study and compare music the author believes we cannot merely hear the melody, but must read over the written notes, paying particular attention to their structure.

Roberts then presents examples of different Indian songs, showing their notation, and discusses the significance of when they are sung. She then compares songs from different tribes; she comes to the conclusion that distinct connections in musical structure could very well represent and come from a sharing of ideas between different cultures. She then reasserts her opinion on concentrating on the structure, and dismisses focusing on other qualities of music such as off-pitch singing. She states that most of the material they have to study is taken from the elderly, who know the songs best, yet have very poor pitch control. She also disagrees with the idea that: “Indian music as yet is unformed and if left to itself would eventually have worked its way into the condition of European music, with its even, two-and-two balancing of phrases, its stilted forms, and its harmony.” (158). She believes that this is an unjustifiable assumption, and is comparable to stating that all languages will someday conform. She concludes his article by again emphasizing the importance of scientifically studying music to understand Indian culture.

This article is well organized, and it is easy to grasp Roberts’ theories and main points. Her arguments are presented in an organized fashion and he provides enough evidence to support them. Nevertheless, someone without a musical background may find some of the passages hard to understand, and Roberts could have done a better job defining some of these musical terms.

HEATHER MCISAAC Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Roberts, Helen H. New Phases in the Study of Primitive Music. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):144-160.

In this article, Roberts argues that Native American vocal music has an idiosyncratic, yet discernible pattern which can be recorded and used in comparative studies. In any artistic endeavour the artist’s creation is far more significant than the materials used to achieve it. Music can be included in this rubric. Roberts advocates a movement away from a technical, classical (European) type of music analysis to a more elementary exposition of structure. Native American vocal music has a unique design and structure and cannot be judged solely by western standards.

Roberts stresses the importance of the study of Native American vocal music. Songs used in religious rituals or to accompany other significant events remain little changed over the generations. History is revealed through the oral traditions of music. In order to perceive the similarities and differences between the structure of songs, however, it is necessary to reduce the music to its bare outline. This aim is achieved by plotting the songs onto quadrille paper (a technique pioneered by Frances Densmore). These simple plots are devoid of confusing detail and are instantly comprehensible to musicians and non-musicians alike. Roberts provides several examples of Pawnee ceremonial songs plotted in this way. It is found that by studying a song’s general structural plan, well defined patterns emerge. Roberts asserts that these structural patterns may eventually provide a basis for identifying different groups within the culture. Thus far no generalizations or comparisons of music in an entire culture area has been attempted and no systematic study undertaken.

The author does not concur with the view that Native American music would have evolved into a European music style. She then points out some characteristic elements of the music, such as its freedom of expression and absence of fastidious rules. She notes that in the Native American tribe there are no specialized musicians per se, music composition is a general practice.

Roberts’ appeal for a more methodical and scientific approach to the study of “primitive” music is emphasized throughout this article. She argues well for the merits of the uncomplicated song plotting method and its use in a possible stylistic categorization as persuasive as similar categorizations of material culture (such as pottery and textiles).

ANTOINE GIRAUD University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Roys, Ralph L. A New Maya Historical Narrative American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1):44-60

The work done by Ralph Roys on “A New Maya Historical Narrative” was to illuminate an important episode in Maya history that had previously gone unnoticed. Roys discusses, through translation of original text, the overthrow of Chac Xib Chac, governor of Chichen Itza, by Hunnac Ceel, ruler of Mayapan.

Roys translates from five original sources, each discussing the events that transpired. According to the sources, Chac Xib Chac, governor of Chichen Itza, came to an understanding with the ruler of Itzamal. As Itzamal was not part of the confederacy between the cities of Chichen Itza, Mayapan, and Uxmal, Hunnac Ceel, ruler of Mayapan, became angry, and in a conspiracy with Mexican allies, conquered Chac Xib Chac on 8 Ahau. At this time, thirteen Katuns (lords? territories?), were destroyed.

The five sources that describe these events were important to Roys because he believed that they represented the first new material published in many years that could be added to Maya history. Another related source used by Roys describes how Hunnac Ceel came to be the ruler of Mayapan, and how the destruction of Chichen Itza came to be seen. Roys first explains the custom of sacrifice, whereby multiple victims are thrown into a great cenote in Chichen Itza at sunrise. If the gods were “propitious”, one of the victims would survive to deliver messages from the gods and receive high honors from the people. Hunnac Ceel was one of these survivors. According to the text, rulers traveled from tribe to tribe within the city, gathering those who would be thrown into the well. “They began the arrival of those who were thrown (into the well). Then they began to cast them into the well in order that their prophecy might be heard by the ruler…there was Caiuch Hunnac Ceel. Caiuch was the name of the man who raised his head at the mouth of the well at the south. Then he was taken up and then came forth the declaration of the prophecy…Then began his being respected as a lord…Then began the introduction of misery into Chichen Itza…8 Ahau was…when the reign came to pass. Then the change of the Katun was declared and the change of the ruler was declared” (54-55).

This was an extremely difficult article to understand. The use of nearly direct translation from the ancient text, even with footnotes, made it difficult to follow. Though the point was clear enough, the terminology went for the most part undefined, and the sequence and meaning of events was difficult to ascertain. It is for this reason that I must give this text a low clarity rating. However, even as this is so, it is important to state that had it been written in a different format, perhaps without the use of direct translation of the language, the flavor of the original work would have been lost, and the article would have been ineffective.

JULIE SCHWARTZ Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Roys, Ralph L. A New Maya Historical Narrative. American Anthropologist. 1922 Vol.24 44-60

The goal of this article is to cast new light on the overthrow of Chac Xib Chac and the conquest of Chichen Itza by Hunnac Ceel, the ruler of Mayapan. This is one of the most important episodes of Maya history and the author analyzes this event using a passage in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel (a passage, which had escaped notice up to this point). According to the author, the overthrow of Chac Xib Chac occurred in 1200A.D. “when Chac Xib Chac, the ruler of Chichen Itza, came to some sort of an understanding with the ruler of Izamal who was not a member of the confederacy. The city of Mayapan seems to have resented this and its ruler, Hunnac Ceel, with the aid of Mexican allies, defeated Chac Xib Chac and conquered the city of Chichen Itza.” (pg. 44) There are five main sources for this information, all of them published and translated in Brinton’s “Maya Chronicles” (short quotes are provided from each, however, the sources themselves are not mentioned). An additional source is Bishop Landa whose information better accounts for Mexican names mentioned in Brinton’s publication. After this background information is presented, the article deals directly with the passage from the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. There is both a translation and the original text provided for the passage. The author discusses the most relevant excerpts from the text before the translated passage begins. As well, there are footnotes throughout the article that help in understanding both the passage and the methods used in its translation. There is no concluding statements following the untranslated version of the text, the reader is left free to interpret the data on their own.

VANESSA PALSENBARG University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Shuller, Rudolph. The Ethnological and Linguistic Position of the Tacanan Indians of Bolivia. American Anthroplogist. April-June, 1922 Vol.24 (2): 161-170.

The author’s objective in the article, in his own words, is to present “within a moderate compass, a clear picture of the ethnological and linguistic position of the Tacana speaking tribes” (161-162). The author describes the Tacana tribes as residing in between the “lower eastern slopes of the Andes and the River Beni” (162) in Bolivia. He lists several distinct tribes speaking the Tacana Language, including the Pamaino, Pasaramona, and the Guariza. Throughout the article he compares the Tacana tribes with neighboring tribes such as the Moseteno and the Andean; the latter he claims were highly civilized and influenced the Tacana speaking people. Before starting the ethnography of the Tacanan people, he describes their physical characteristics. He describes them as being “regular and cheerful” with a “strong build” and a “short and somewhat flat” nose. Of the eyes he says they are “horizontal and expressive” with the hair “long and black” (163).

The article is highly descriptive, covering many aspects of the Tacana speaking tribes’ lives. The first aspect the author addresses is that of habitations. The author describes the Tacana tribes as living in large houses often occupied by twenty or more families. He also describes other aspects of the tribe’s lives including their weapons, industries, marriage, social status and disposal of the dead. According to the author the Tacana use weapons such as the bow and arrow, slings, knives and daggers. He attributes the Tacana speaking tribe’s people participating in many industries of material culture. Of marriage the author explains that women are purchased from their fathers for the price of “an ax or two”. However, if the terms of purchase are not satisfactory to the suitor, the woman can be captured for marriage. The author describes the Tacana tribe’s people as being polygamous, with a hierarchy centering on the chieftain, who inherits his position. He describes the cacique as having all the power, able to treat the rest of the tribe as he pleases. The dead the author describes as being buried in their huts.

The author also gives a description of the Tacana tribes’ god, Baba-Bu-Ada, as being the creator of “heaven, the sun, the moon and the stars”. He also alludes to other gods such as the god of the fire, and the god of health. The idols of these gods they keep in a house of worship, where they perform their religious ceremonies. The women, however, are not allowed to enter the temples because they are considered impure.

The author’s general ethnological description of the Tacana speaking tribes is clear, however, he frequently uses terms and ideas that he assumes the reader is already acquainted with. In that sense, the article can be hard to understand at times, such as the end where he uses the terms exogamic-maternal organization, or exogamic paternal organization. He fails to inform the reader the meaning of these terms; therefore the significance of them in relation to the Tacana tribes is hard to understand.

ALLISON BOISVENU Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Schuller, Rudolph. The Ethnological and Linguistic Position of the Tacana Indians of Bolivia. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):161-170.

In this article, Schuller describes the technology, social organization and ideology of the aboriginal tribes living in North-western Bolivia in order to place them within a general classificatory scheme. Schuller draws on the accounts of missionaries and explorers to furnish his exposition on the Tacana. He points out that a dearth of information on these people has hindered ethnological classification. Apart from sketched vocabularies, no linguistic texts have been recorded, and the available ethnographic literature has not been consolidated.

Schuller lumps fifteen distinct tribes in the study area into the “Tacana linguistic group”; he provides its location and territorial boundaries. Information from missionary reports is provided. Father Cardús describes the Tacana in terms of complexion and height as well as facial and body features. Father Nicolás Armentia elaborates on their temperament: “jolly, but extremely lazy” (pg.163). He makes some superficial observations on their diet, raft transportation, house types, weapons and agricultural work. Pertinent ethnographic facts gleaned from the Father’s account include a sexual division of labour, polygamy, hereditary chieftaincy and the practice of burying a dead person in his own hut.

Schuller appreciates the difficulty of obtaining unbiased information on religious beliefs from missionaries. He does, however, identify the primary deity, Baba-Bu-Ada, who rules the universe with several other lesser gods. Further details are provided by explorers’ accounts, including a description of three different types of idols worshipped in “temples”. It is also noted that women are excluded from religious practices and that feasts and planting seasons are celebrated with dancing.

Schuller then summarizes his somewhat sparse and disparate data under several classificatory headings, namely: habitations, navigation, fishing, weapons, dress and personal adornments, industries, musical instruments, fire-making, marriage, social status, religion and ceremonies, and disposal of the dead. He also attempts to summarize the relationship between material culture and ideology. For example, under the heading “Exogamic-maternal organization”, he explains how necklaces of perforated boar teeth are supposedly related to moon mythology. The moon is worshipped as the “ancestress” of the tribe and is indicative of a matrilineal social organization. In his concluding comments, he points out some Andean influences on the material culture of the Tacana. His main conclusion is that several “totemic and exogamic tribes with maternal descent” amalgamated to form the Tacana.

In this brief paper, the author selects and edits the information he needs from the scant literature available in order to support his classification of the Tacana. Interpretation is kept to a minimum, and Schuller focuses on presenting the ‘facts’ recovered from secondary sources.

ANTOINE GIRAUD University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Wallis, Wilson D. Medicines Used by the Micmac Indians American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1):24-30.

Wallis spent the summers of 1911 and 1912 speaking with members of the Micmac tribe settled in Pictou Landing, Nova Scotia, about the remedies they use to treat disease. It is unclear if his informants were healers within the tribe or just people familiar with the remedies used to treat particular diseases. Wallis was interested in recording diseases recognized by the Micmac and the medicines used to treat them in order to construct a list of medicines used by the Micmac.

The information gathered by Wallis was reviewed by Dr. Wilson Wood, a faculty member of the Medical School of the University of Pennsylvania, who added his own commentary on the value of the cures mentioned. His commentaries stem from a western biomedical perspective that is based on empirical evidence. For instance, the majority of the remedies used by the Micmac to stop wounds from bleeding are said to contain tannic acid, as explained by the doctor, which when applied locally will tend to stop or reduce blood loss by constricting blood vessels. However, the Micmac also believe that some of the remedies listed could be swallowed to alleviate internal bleeding as well. Dr. Wood criticizes this by stating, “The natural inference among the ignorant that they would also be beneficial in hemorrhage from the lungs is without foundation” (26). This statement dismisses such remedies as worthless, never taking into account the psychological benefits that may come from the ingestion of such remedies.

Wallis also fails to provide insight into the origin of the medicinal remedies used by the Micmac and how they are administered to the people. It is clear that some of the remedies for disease are used in conjunction with ritual to heal. The cure for tuberculosis of the lungs is a prime example of this. The remedy listed begins with, “When getting tuberculosis move around the outside and do not spit on the floor” (26). Why they must walk around outside without spitting on the floor goes unaddressed, simply treated as part of the remedy to be followed. Wallis is clearly focusing all of his attention on the ingredients and nothing else.

The article is clearly constructed and easily read. If the reader is looking for a recipe book of Micmac remedies to treat disease, this article is perfect for them.

SARA A. FELLOWS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Wallis, Wilson D. Medicines Used by the Micmac Indians. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24: 24-30

This article by Wilson D. Wallis is comprised of a list of diseases and their treatment by the Micmac Indians. Wallis gathered the information included on the list during the summers of 1911 and 1912 through the use of native informants from the Micmac tribe at Pictou Landing, Nova Scotia. This information was then examined by Dr. Wilson Wood from the faculty of the Medical School at the University of Pennsylvania. His task was to study the material in order to establish the value of the cures being employed by the Micmac. Dr. Wood’s observations are included throughout the article, identified by their presence in brackets. It is stated that many of the diseases as well as many of the remedies are of European origin.

The descriptions of the remedies include not only the ingredients, but some basic instruction for preparation as well. Diseases covered range from slight maladies such as earache or weak/sore eyes, to severe illnesses such as tuberculosis and smallpox. Dr. Wood’s comments discuss the validity and the probable cause of success in some of the methods used by the Micmac (such as the presence of beneficial chemicals). There is also some reference to similarities in treatment with other cultures found throughout the world.

In the conclusion, it is stated that not enough information was provided by Wallis to allow Dr. Wood to make a complete assessment or fully understand all of the treatments used (due to indefinite information being provided by the informants). Also, most of the practices are based on superstition and that by following some, there would be more harm done than good. There are some similarities found in the methods employed by the Micmac and “more civilized peoples”, but it is evident to Dr. Wood that although similar, those of the Micmac are crude in comparison.

VANESSA PALSENBARG University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Willoughby, Charles C. Feather Mantles of California. American Anthropologist October-December, 1922 Vol. 24(4):432-437.

Charles Willoughby credits the narratives of earlier explorers for our knowledge of the “elaborate mantles or blankets of feathers” (432) that Indians all across this country made in the past. In this article, he describes in great detail one such blanket. Lucy H. Eaton of Boston donated the blanket he is describing to the Peabody Museum of Harvard University in 1913. William Alden Gale, who had obtained the blanket around 1821 in California, had given the blanket to her father. The author describes a technique whereby feathers, which have been removed from their shafts, are woven into the threads of fabric. A diagram of the technique is contained in the article.

Willoughby comments on what he calls a “close duplicate” of the above-described blanket in the National Museum in Washington. In the museum’s catalogue, it states that the Wilkes Expedition obtained it in northern Washington. This is an assumption with which Mr. Willoughby takes issue, using his knowledge of the technique and pattern used and the words of one of the men on the expedition as evidence that the blanket is from the Sacramento Valley in California.

There is one other example of this kind of blanket-making technique in the American Museum of New York. Willoughby believes that this, too, came from California. He cites them all as examples of very high quality featherwork and he believes that all of them are products of the Maidu Indians of the Sacramento Valley in California.

This article is very descriptive and easy to follow. Willoughby effectively makes his point about the creators of the blankets being the Maidu.

SHERRY BRUMGARD Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Willoughby, Charles C. Feather Mantles of California. American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol. 24: (432-438).

The author’s main objective is to describe the construction of a few Native American feather mantles that were collected by early explorers of the United States, particularly in California. He sorts the mantles into two distinct categories based on their production rather than function. In the first group the feathers are fastened to a grid-like fabric in such a way that reflects the how feathers might overlap in nature. In the second group, the feathers are woven together in three distinct ways, which he illustrates by classifying them into three subdivisions. In the first division, mantles are woven together after feather skins have been cut into strips and then twisted into warp cords. In the second subdivision, webs from feathers are stripped and then wrapped around warp cords prior to weaving. Lastly, the mantles are made of a mixture of mammal hair (belonging to dogs or mountain goat) and the down of waterfowl that are then woven together.

To compliment the author’s descriptions, he includes two black and white photographs of feather mantles, which he states were “probably made by Maidu Indians of Sacramento Valley” (432). These two mantles are housed at the American Museum of Natural History and the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. In addition to the photographs, Willoughby includes a detailed drawing that outlines the construction of a mantle. The last point worth mentioning is the inclusion of two quotes made by early North American explorers- Charles Wilkes and Du Pratz, which are useful to gain a sense of how these mantles and their producers were understood by early European colonialists.

Although Willoughby’s article is clearly written, the content is at times vague and his assumptions tend to be loosely substantiated. Furthermore, he fails to describe the context in which the objects were made, as well as their function and significance to the First Nations people. This article is useful, however, for gaining a sense of how the mantles discussed were assembled in areas of the Sacramento Valley.

EVE MOREAU University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)