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American Anthropologist 1921

Baer, John Leonard A Preliminary Report On The So-Called “Bannerstones” American Anthropologisst October-December, 1921 Vol.23(4):445-459.

The author’s objective is to describe in detail the “bannerstones” left by primitive men in and around their camps and buried with their dead in eastern North America. Baer describes the objects somewhat resembling the drilled stone axes of the Old World. However, he argued that these artifacts are usually too soft a material and too delicate workmanship to be weapons and or tools. The material used for making bannerstones was usually slate, ribbon or colored slated, shells, steatite, shale, serpentine, diabase, granite, quartzite, jasper, crystallized quartz, rose quartz or any other stone which was capable of taking on a high polish and reflecting brilliant or pleasing colors. A large percentage of bannerstones was made of slate, green or banded being preferred to the common gray variety. The most common form of the bannerstone is long, thin, tapering, symmetrical wings, diverging from a mid-rib, through which a cylindrical hole has been drilled longitudinally. The time required for making the specimen is itemized as follows: pecking, 3 hours; scraping, 1 hour; rubbing and polishing, 3 hours; drilling, 3 1/2 hours. The author goes on to explain that ten hours is not much to a primitive man. Whatever the types of bannerstones might have symbolized, the author was convinced that they were to be mounted on handles and used ceremonially

The author was very clear in his various descriptions and drawings of bannerstones.

JOSHUA JONES Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Baer, John Leonard. A Preliminary Report on the so-called “Bannerstones.” American Anthropologist 1921 Vol. 23: 445-459.

The nexus of this article is the function of the pierced and polished stone blocks resembling Old World paleolithic stone axes which were found in eastern North America, known as “bannerstones” (445). The author essentially concurs with the mainstream opinion among archeologists at the time that these stones were used for ceremonial purposes. This speculation rests upon observations of the physical characteristics of the stones, including the types of rock the specimens were made from and their morphology, as well as their relative abundance among known archeological sites.

Shale, shell, quartz, flint and slate seem to have been the most common types of rock from which the bannerstones were carved. The specific appearance and fissuring characteristics of these materials suggests that their manufacturers were quite scrupulous in their selection of material, and therefore that the finished objects were of significant value, according to Baer.

Secondly, the physical dimensions of these stones, including the presence of holes presumably designed for mounting them onto staffs, and their fine finish, also lends credence to the contention that they held symbolic value because the labor required to shape the final product would have required skill, patience and concentration, according to the author. Moreover, such discrimination would not have been necessary in the crafting of tools for more common, frequent and labor-intensive activities such as hunting, butchering and woodworking, for instance.

And finally, the lack of abundance of bannerstones in the known archeological record at the time, in relative proportion to arrowheads, knives, axes, celts and pipes, found in eastern North America, also suggests that they were indeed precious objects in that they are rare (449).

The reader will note that Baer’s main argument is not based on empirical evidence; it is entirely speculative. No reference is made to the archeological context in which the bannerstones were found, a specific group with which they may have been associated, or any sort of social model. The author simply presumes they were manufactured by the “primitive men” of eastern North America who valued them highly and therefore used them for ceremonial purposes, based on the fact that they are rare, finely crafted, and made of particular types of stone (445).

ARTHUR AYERS University of British Columbia (John Barker).

Chapman, John W. Tinneh Animism American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):298-310

The purpose of this article is to prove the important principle by Dr. J. Warneck regarding the religion of the Battacks of the Indian Archipelago and to show the importance of his proposition that “Animism is the key to an understanding of…all that is commonly called heathen superstition” (298). Chapman makes comparisons to show that the Tinneh and the Battack may have the same rituals or observances, but the reasons behind them are different. For example, both cut the hair and place food on the grave when a relative dies, but the Battak does this for fear of the dead while the Tinneh is grieving.

Dr. Warneck’s deduction that the soul is “an elixir of life, a life-stuff, which is found everywhere in nature,” (301) will be used because it has contradicted nothing about animism among the Tinneh or the Battak. Animism can be defined as the widespread belief in spirits and souls. The Tinneh and the Battak have many similar beliefs concerning the nature of the soul. Both believe that souls are ascribed to animals and inanimate objects and that souls may have influence upon one another. This can be seen in that certain things are forbidden to certain people. An example would be foods. Hunters shall eat a bear’s heart to obtain courage and children must not eat rabbit’s heart for it will make them timid. The Tinneh and the Battak share the belief that the soul may leave the body for a time. This occurs when the soul is frightened, cranky, in dream, or death. Therefore it is easy to see mortuary customs exist to protect the souls of the living.

One clear difference between the Tinneh and the Battak is the idea of a Creator, or God. The Tinneh refers to the Creator as Grandfather or as the Raven. It is customary to tell the story of the Creator to the little ones as a means of comfort. The Battak, however, have little knowledge of the Creator. The Creator is not worshipped or feared. The Creator is in contradiction with the Battaks’ own beliefs.

This article was easy to read and to follow. The author’s purpose was fulfilled, although he did not include much about the religion of the Battaks. This article also had interesting examples of practices and rituals of animism.

KELLY MARCIKIC Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Chapman, John W. Tinneh Animism. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):298-310.

Chapman proposes to evaluate statements previously made by Dr. J Warneck on the topic of the religion of the Battacks of Indian Archipelago, with regards to the religion of the Tinneh of the Lower Yukon. The objective of the article is to examine and analyze the ethnographic material of the Tinneh culture and examine it in relation to previously attained information on the Battacks religion. According to Warneck, animism is the key to understanding the connotations of religion within a cultures spiritual discourse. The ethnographic information allows for a cross-cultural analysis on the systematic structures of religion. The author examines the Tinneh and Battack’s conceptualizations of religion, their conceptualizations of the soul, and their views on animism. The Tinneh and the Battacks believe in the preexistence of the soul, the future of the soul, and the existence of a soul in inanimate objects. The representation and conceptualization of animal spirits within the two cultures contain similarities. The systematic structure of the relationship between the two groups exist within a parallel.

The author also notes the cultural similarities in the laws of taboo. Conceptualized taboos and laws concerning cultural activities, such as death and child-rearing, also contain similar connotations within the two cultures.

The author provides a well written, informative article. The article should be read carefully for a complete understanding of the complexities existing within the cultural parallels.

REBECCA PALMER University of British Columbia. (John Barker)

Collocot, E.E.V. The Supernatural in Tonga. American Anthropologist. October-December, 1921 Vol.23(4):415-444.

The author’s purpose is to present the spiritual customs of the Tongan people, who reside on islands that the author calls the “Tongan Group”. (p.415) The main island of this group of islands is Tonga. The author examines many aspects of Tongan religious and spiritual culture. The author presents this culture as being full of “tabus”. The word tabu means something sacred and untouchable, and sometimes represents social laws to which most Tongans adhere. For instance, regarding pregnancy among Tongans the author states, “the expectant mother must not put any sort of girdle or necklace about her neck, lest in labor the umbilical cord becomes entangled round the child’s neck.” (p.418) A comparable definition of tabu from our culture would be superstition, except Tongans take tabus more seriously, with social life revolving around them.

Tabus regarding the structure of Tongan society have to do with their chiefs and kings. These rules forbid “an inferior to touch his superior.” (p.420) They consist of not eating the leftover food of a chief or touching his head. These rules show the hierarchical structure of the society, with the consequences of breaking tabus being things such as a sore throat.

The roles of tabus also extend to death and preparation of bodies. Only Togans with superior rank than that of the deceased may prepare the body for burial. In the case of a chief, with no superior, the hands of the individuals who prepare the body are viewed as “tabu”, and they are not allowed to feed themselves for several days.

There are also tabus surrounding fishing. An example is the tabu against anyone “to step over a fishing net whilst it was being made.” (p.429) Another example is the belief that houses must be shut up and the hearts of the friends and relatives of the fisherman harmonious or he will have bad luck in catching fish.

Another conception of religion of the Tongans is “mana”. The author gives several examples of mana interpreted to mean the inevitable death of a king or chief. Among these manas are branches breaking off trees, prolonged rainy weather, and fog. These are all interpreted to mean a chief is going to die soon.

The author also shows the diffusion of European, Christian culture with that of the Tongans. An example of this is when the Tongans practice the European custom of wearing black to funerals, along with the old custom of wearing a “ragged mat”. (p.424) He gives many examples to show the influence the European cultures had on the Tongans.

The article was mostly clear, with the author sometimes losing track of the subject from the beginning of a paragraph to the end. The spiritual beliefs of the Tongans were easy to understand; however, the location and background information on the people was not provided.

ALLISON BOISVENU Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Collocot, E.E.V. The Supernatural in Tonga. American Anthropologist October-December, 1921 Vol.23(4):415-444.

This article provides a snapshot view of the ritual and spiritual beliefs of the people the author refers to as “The Tongan Group” of islands. (p. 415) He spends most of his time discussing “tabu” and “mana”, with smaller sections about “witchcraft” and “possession”.

The author defines “tabu” by comparing it to “the holiness by which our English Bibles render the Hebrew qadosh, the mysterious perilousness and unapproachableness which surrounds mystic power.” (p. 415) He also mentions that the “Christianization” of the Tongan people has led to new sets of tabus such as keeping Sunday as a “tabu day.” (p. 417)

The author breaks down tabus into several categories. These include, among others, birth and puberty, social tabus, and fishing. For example, in the birth and puberty section he states “the pregnant woman must allow no temptation to steal, as the child is sure to bear the mark of the theft … in 1920 a woman bore a child whose hands were deformed as though the fingers were cut off. She was questioned, and confessed that during her pregnancy she had stolen and cut up a fowl.” (p. 418)

In the second major section of the article, the author defines mana as “the mysterious forces in operation.” (p. 433) He once again calls upon a biblical reference to expand on this definition, comparing mana to “a wonder or miracle.” (p. 433)

The mana section is divided into smaller categories such as omens and apparitions. An example of a Tongan omen is “the crowing of a cock in the afternoon (perhaps early evening) is a harbinger of evil unless he is answered by another cock.” (p. 435)

The two other main sections, witchcraft and possession, are considerably shorter than the first two and are not divided into any sub-categories. Witchcraft is described as “man’s effort to gain magical control over his fellows” (p. 441) and possession as something “associated with a demonic visit.” (p. 443)

Overall, this article was clearly written with many examples used to explain the Tongan beliefs. The euro centric views of the time do show through, however, with the ample biblical references and the author’s discussion of the Tongans as “primitive man” as opposed to “civilised and scientific man.” (p. 416)

JAMES HAGY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Dixon, Roland B. Words for Tobacco in American Indian Languages. American Anthropologist January-March 1921 Vol.23(1):19-49.

In this article the author is disagreeing with Professor Wiener, who challenges the original idea of the use of tobacco and “seeks to show, primarily on linguistic grounds, that not only are the words for tobacco over a large portion of the New World of West African Negro origin and ultimately derived from Arabic, but that the tobacco plant itself and the custom of smoking were unknown here until they were introduced by the Negro slaves brought over by the Portuguese and Spaniards.”(19) The author believes that any question of the use of tobacco in America in pre-Columbian times is answered by Professor Wiener using only archeological data and no amount to evidence that certain words for tobacco were of African origin could avail to prove the foreign introduction of the plant.

The author describes many of the examples that Professor Wiener presents in his volume. He states “not only is there little or no foundation for the belief that American Indian words for tobacco are derived from Negro or European sources, but that the author of the theory could hardly have arrived at his conclusions, if his investigation of the whole question had been less superficial and more sound in method.”(20) The author believes that “similarities between words in unrelated languages naturally suggest borrowing, but this can not be regarded as proven, until analysis of the words has shown that they are not.derived from quite different stems, and the resemblance is thus only fortuitous.” (20)

One example given is the Southeastern group including the Uchean and Timuquanan stocks, the word for tobacco in the former being i, in the later hini. (21) The author says “there is no certainty of any resemblance between the two forms and the only suggestion of similarity with the neighboring stocks is the case of the Creek, hitci.” He goes on to give many more arguments against them.

The author argues his point well in this article, but it is very confusing with all the different words discussed.

NAHALA BUYCKS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Dixon, Roland B. Words for Tobacco in American Indian Languages. American Anthropologist 1921. Vol. 28:19-50.

This article concerns the problem Roland B. Dixon has with Dr. Wiener’s study attempting to support through linguistic analysis that words for tobacco in the new world were really of West African origin, brought over by explorers and slaves. The thesis of this article is to prove that Wiener’s analysis is not properly founded and to look more closely at word stems in Native American languages to prove that tobacco already existed and became its own phenomenon in the Americas.

The author argues that Wiener’s investigation not only went against the current archeological evidence, but it overlooked many important and well-known facts regarding Native American languages. Additionally, he claims Wiener wasn’t well informed about the topic of Native languages in general. Dixon discusses word lists from several Native American languages to show how there is little to no evidence to support the introduction of tobacco by Spaniards. He looks at the age of a particular language, the roots of the words, and the location of different Native American languages spoken in comparison to where supposed European contact took place. He concludes that there is no reason to believe that Native Americans didn’t already have tobacco, including their own words for it.

Dixon’s analyses undermine Wiener’s linking much significance to Drake’s voyage of 1579 to California to support his claim that words for tobacco are from European/African roots. According to Wiener’s source, natives of the region called tobacco tobah or tabah. He then claims this as evidence that Spanish and Portuguese visitors former to Drake’s visit introduced tobacco and its name. In actuality, Drake landed in an area where the word for tobacco was properly documented as kaiyau; Drake was mistaken. Dixon points out that Wiener had overlooked this fact, and to connect kaiyau with tobacco is quite awkward and challenging.

However, it is geographically unclear which place Dixon is exactly talking about if one doesn’t have extensive geographical knowledge of the Americas and where Native American populations resided. Dixon also begins each argument with a long string of linguistic data, making it difficult to establish a connection between these words and the point he is trying to make. In general, this article is not very well organized and it id hard for the average reader to understand. Nevertheless it is a well-supported and thorough argument against Wiener’s linguistic analysis that tobacco didn’t exist in the Americas until introduced by explorers or slaves.

SUZANNE ALTON, ALLYSEN SANCHEZ, REBECCA SCHOENTHAL Northern Illinois University (Giovanni Bennardo).

Frachtenberg, Leo J. The Ceremonial Societies of the Quileute Indians. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3): 320-352.

In this article Frachtenberg provides a rich description of the central features of the Quileute ceremonial societies and rituals associated with the winter ceremonial complex. She further elaborates on those elements that are distinct and unique to the Quileute and those that have been inherited from other tribes. It is obvious that the author subscribes to a diffusionist explanation of cultural trait acquisition. He states, “while most of the tribes of the North Pacific coast may have had secret societies and attending rituals of their own, they borrowed the main features of winter ceremonials either directly or indirectly from the Kwakiutl” (321). He believes that this process of acculturation is best shown among the ceremonial societies of the Quileute Indians.

Before he describes the rituals connected with each of the five ceremonial societies he outlines those elements such as membership, duration and paraphernalia that appear to be common features of each society and ritual. He then goes on to detail what occurs during each of the societies’ rituals, starting with the initiation of the novitiate followed by a detailed timeline of each days ceremonial events, at which point significant differences between the rituals are highlighted. Each society is treated separately, in the following order (in relation to its importance in Quileute society): the Tlokwali or Wolf Ritual, the Tsayeq or Fish Ritual, the Hunting Ritual of the Hunter Society, the Ritual of the Whale-Hunters’ Society and the Ritual of the Weather Society.

In the conclusion the author discusses the origins of the ceremonial societies in greater detail pointing out that of the five Quileute societies, four have been adopted from adjacent tribes (three from the Makah, one from the Quinault). Of the three inherited from the Makah tribe, two of these had their actual origins in Kwakiutl culture. The author believes that the vast divergences in the practice of rituals are the result of more pronounced diffusion. Essentially, as traits pass through different tribes from the original source they morph and alter to a greater degree based on the fact that acquisition comes from a secondary source as opposed to the original. The author concludes that the majority of the ritual features of the Quileute are derived from external sources, but certain features such as the “professional element”(whereby each society is regarded as professional organization with only persons in the same occupation belonging to it), are believed to be so unique as to justify the assumption that they represent native, not borrowed, ritual elements. Other ritual features related to myth and geography, both understood to be “native” to the Quileute, are also discussed in the conclusion.

This article would be useful to those interested in diffusionist theory and its application to ethnographic study. It also contains a great amount of rich, detailed ethnographic data in the sections outlining the ritual events of each society.

MICHELLE ROGERS University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Frachtenberg, Leo J. The Ceremonial Societies of the Quileute Indians. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23 (3): 320-352

This article began by indicating the importance of winter ceremonies in the tribes of the North Pacific Coast. The author mentions that they are almost as important as the potlatch to the Kwakiutl.

Frachtenberg’s article focuses specifically on the Quileute Indians and their ceremonials. Frachtenberg’s research mentions that Boas noted in his work with the Kwakiutl that the Quileute Indian ceremonies main components come from the Kwakiutl tribe. The Quileute Indian tribe shows this “process of acculturation” (321) most clearly.

The article then lists the rituals of the Quileute Ceremonial Societies: the Wolf Ritual, the Fish Ritual, the Hunting Ritual of the Hunter Society, the Ritual of the Whale Hunters Society, and the Ritual of the Weather Society. All of the elements that are common to all the rituals such as paraphernalia, steps, times of year and purposes are then talked about in detail. Then the author proceeds to describe in detail all aspects, meanings and motivations of each of the rituals and the society memberships.

The conclusion of this article points out that the details of the rituals are to give a “bird’s eye view” (347) of these societies’ social and cultural compositions. Frachtenberg’s article was not only extremely detailed about Quileute Indian tribe’s Ceremonial Societies, the complexities of meaning in their rituals; it was also very illustrative of the affect of acculturation.

GRETCHEN GOODRICH University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Houghton, Frederick The Need of Archaeologic Research in the Middle West American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol.23(2):180-182

The author’s objective in this article is to trace the western migration paths of the Iroquoian nations beyond the points that have been studied. There have been two results from the archaeologic fieldwork in Western, New York, Northern Ohio, and southern Ontario. One, there are established characteristics of Iroquoian culture for those areas which include Seneca, Erie, and Attiwandaron. Two, these nations were not indigenous in that territory but had entered by migration, and that migration was from the westward. However, through systematic attempts to determine migration paths of the Seneca and Attiwandaron, the paths have been traced back southward, eastward, and westward. The attempt to trace these migrations westward beyond the points mentioned has failed because of the difficulty of obtaining authentic information about the archaeological remains beyond. There has also been difficulty in examining in necessary detail, the extent of territory from Lake Erie to London, Ontario. In this article the author attempts to explain the migration paths beyond the points studied from Lake Erie to London, Ontario, and the solution to tracing them.

The author makes a point that there is evidence of migration paths eastward, which have been manifested by archaeological remains of Iroquoian origin. Evidence that this exists was found by an author named Mr.Langford. He found sites on the Kankakee River, which had almost every characteristic of an Iroquoian site. To overcome the difficulty of obtaining authentic information about archaeological remains, accurate information was needed about the character artifacts found on these sites, which are in Northern Ohio, Canada, Northern Indiana, Illinois, and Southern Michigan. The author concludes that there should be accurate information about the character of the artifacts found on these sites, which leads the reader to wonder how this information can be accurately obtained. As the article goes on the author includes information on how there are territories west of the Detroit River with many sites known only to local collectors and with artifacts which determine Iroquoian origin. If these artifacts became available from these collectors, more data could be added to the migration paths of the Iroquian nations. The recognition of Iroquoian culture would be easy to identify because the characteristics are well known and marked, obtaining the artifacts from collectors would be the solution to tracing these paths.

This short article was easy to read and very concise. It was quick and to the point. The author did a good job relaying evidence and information to support his point.

KRISTEN WOLOSZYN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Houghton, Frederick. The Need of Archaeological Research in the Middle East. American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol. 23(2):180-182.

The objective of the article is to examine the Native migration patterns within the Great Lake, Michigan, and Ohio region. The article focuses on the need for an increase in archaeological surveys within the Mideastern United States. According to Houghton, the reconstruction of migration patterns proved to be problematic due to a difficulty in establishing authentic cultural information. The author states his attempt to trace the migration patterns of the Attiwandarons westward from pre-European archaeological sites to London, Ontario and St. Thomas. The sequence could not be established west of this area due to the lack of available archaeological and ethnographic information on the region. The article includes a reconstruction on the migration patterns of the Seneca, Erie, and Iroquois people from the New York region, to the area of the Great Lakes. The author also reports on the origin and migration patterns of the Wyandot people. Houghton claims the Wyandot people were the descendants of tribes of Huron, Attiwandaron, and Tionontadis People. Displaced by the New York Iroquois, the remaining tribes banded together to form a new group. An analysis of the cultural diffusion within the group allowed for the reconstruction of the settlement and migration patterns of the area.

The author stresses the need for further anthropological work within the Great Lakes region. An increase in archaeological and ethnographic information would assist in the reconstruction of cultural diffusion and migration sequencing.

REBECCA PALMER University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Jenness, Diamond. The “Blond” Eskimos. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):257-267

The main concern of the author is Mr. Stefansson’s conclusion about the Copper Eskimos inter-mixing with the Europeans based on their light skin complexions, hair texture and eye color. Jenness attempts to show comparisons between the Copper Eskimos and Hansen Eskimos from East Greenland. The Hansen are considered a pureblooded Eskimo culture. The Copper Eskimos and the East Greenland Eskimos had similar resemblance, therefore there is no evidence of race mixing, according to the author.

Mr. Stefansson supported his theory by researching the Eskimos’ external features, trying to prove they had European blood in them, because of the slight blondness in some of their facial features. Eskimos similarities were noticed from Greenland to Alaska. They also had different physical features , including curly hair and long black wavy hair. This lead Mr. Stefansson to suggest inter-mixing of the races.

The types of evidence used to support Mr. Stefansson’s claim were based on Eskimos inter-marrying creating a half a dozen tribes within themselves. Stefansson denies the possibility of a pure race, because some Eskimos had skin lighter than his and eyes that were slightly blue and gray. Jenness believes, however, they are a pure race. The author researched facial physical characteristics of the Copper Eskimos and compared them to the Greenland Eskimos. There were measurements taken from the nose, to the length of the head, and even the size of the eyes. He even measured 82 males and 70 had eye color from light brown to dark brown. Jenness states the greenish of Eskimos’ eyes was right of the iris of the eye and often only in the elder’s eyes. The author use evidence of blue green eye color, arguing eye color is not substantial enough to support the idea of race mixing. Some had lighter hair color than the others did, including their moustaches and beards. There were a few with red and light colored hair, according to the author. Some were even as fair as Scandinavians, but there was no proof of race mixing.

Although Stefansson supports his argument with the specifics like measurements of the Eskimos’ eyes, the color ranges of their eyes, and the shape of their heads, Jenness believes the Coppers Eskimos were pureblooded therefore contradicting Stefansson theory. In support of his claim Jenness noticed that different Eskimos groups had some of the same features. They were built differently depending where they were from but characteristics were similar.

The article was easy to read, but at times I would get confused about whose point of view I was reading, the author’s or Mr.Stefansson’s.

TANEE ELSTON Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Jenness, Diamond. The “Blond” Eskimos. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol. 23 (3): 257-267.

In this article Diamond Jenness refutes Mr. Stefansson’s claim that the “blond” Eskimos of Victoria Island display physical characteristics consistent with the belief that traces of the old Norse settlers who disappeared from Greenland in the course of the fifteenth century can be found among their present population. Jenness argues against Mr. Stefansson’s theory which postulates that Eskimo-European hybridization has occurred based on the fact that blue eyes, light brownish to red hair and curly hair texture are found among this group. As the “ethnologist” included in the southern party of the Canadian Arctic Expedition between 1914-1916 Diamond Jenness took the physical measurements and observed the physical characteristics of 82 men and 42 women native to Victoria Island and the mainland south of this island. He systematically supported his argument, that this group represented as pure a form of Eskimo race as any other branch, using the data he collected, which included observations of: hair color, hair texture, eye color and eye shape, along with cephalic index and height measurements. Although Jenness was the resident ethnologist on this expedition, this article is falls within the discourse of physical anthropology.

Jenness combines and compares the results of his own observations with those of external sources to strengthen his hypothesis. First, Jenness states that the unusual, small portion of light-eyed individuals found among his sample population could be accounted for when eye disease, age and repeated attacks of snow blindness were considered. These medical explanations for light-eye coloring were suggested by Dr. Neuman, the health officer of the Bureau of Education in northern Alaska. Implicit in this article is Jenness’ belief that an individual with light colored eyes resulting from European ancestry would outwardly display other more European-like physical characteristics. He does not find these European traits among his light-eyed sample group. He comes to this conclusion by: observing the variation in eye shape among the light-eyed individuals and noting that the variation did not appear to differ from any of the other native groups in northern Alaska. He also found that there appeared to be no correlation between light-eyed Natives and Natives with light hair or skin. Finally, he continues to advance his theory through the use physical data by comparing the height and cephalic indexes of the Ammassalik Eskimos of East Greenland, regarded as “a pure and unmixed Eskimo tribe without any ostensible traces of foreign elements”(264), with those measurements of the Victoria Islanders. Differences between the two groups proved not to be of any statistical significance.

According to Jenness’ data one can’t differentiate the Victoria Island Eskimos in any way from other branches of their race or lend support to the theory of Scandinavian or even European admixture among the group. It should be noted that Jenness doesn’t adhere to the scientific rigor expected of present-day experimental study. For example, minimal information is dispensed regarding the demographics of his sample population and some observations appear to lack experimental objectivity, such as the use of his skin tone as a reference point to measure the skin tone of other Natives.

MICHELLE ROGERS University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Kroeber, A. L. Observations on the Anthropology of Hawaii. American Anthropologist 1920 Vol. 23: 129-137.

Following the First Scientific Conference of the Pan-Pacific Union held in August of 1920, Kroeber offers his personal observations on the ethnographical data accumulated thus far in Hawaii.

He first reiterates the consensus among Anthropologists that ethnology and archeology need to be studied in parallel as all but one culture of the Hawaiian Islands had material remains corresponding to it, a fortunate circumstance unique only to Hawaii and the American southwest.

Also, given the virtually century-long presence of missionaries in the area, Kroeber contends that accumulating new ethnological data in the area would be a difficult task, as indigenous music at the time, was the only cultural facet which had not been “self-disemboweled” by the natives and studied in great detail by the missionaries. He thus admonishes that extensive data needed to be recorded before this last relic disappeared from the face of human history.

But the nexus of Kroeber’s discussion is racial and psychological anthropology. Race, according to Kroeber, is defined as inherited biological characteristics that are modulated over time by physical and social environment. Behavior therefore manifests itself, in theory, as a function of a combination of the three. However, in light of insane asylum studies, Kroeber remains ambivalent as to the validity of this theory, and suggests that further scientific research is needed to prove which of the three is the primary agent affecting behavior.

Subsequently, manifest behavior could serve to rank racial groups into an evolutionary hierarchy. By emulating the “civilized” behavior of Europeans, social ills such as insanity would occur with decreasing frequency among the inferior races with prolonged exposure to higher culture. The reader will note that the term “race” was used synonymously with “culture” and “people,” all of which should be studied nomothetically. This article is thus essentially a recapitulation of the state at which anthropology has arrived in solving “race problems”.

ARTHUR AYERS University of British Columbia (John Barker).

Kroeber, A.L. Observations on the Anthropology of Hawaii. American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol. 23(2): 129-137.

In 1920, Kroeber visited Hawaii for the first time to attend the First Scientific Conference. While in Hawaii, Kroeber made observations about the diverse people who lived there and noted them in this article. Kroeber focuses on four areas: “Ethnology and Archaeology,” “Racial and Psychological Anthropology,” “Insanity,” and “Language.” Under each category, Kroeber illustrates areas of research that would be unfruitful and areas he feels should be explored.

Under ethnology and archaeology, Kroeber emphasizes that archaeology on the islands would be “mechanical and barren.” Kroeber goes on the state that without archaeological data ethnology would be “unnecessarily intangible.” Kroeber states that this is the case because of the large amount of ethnological data available. Kroeber does feel, however, a study of the art of Hawaiian music would be worthwhile and that the “songs and chants” should and can be collected from the elders.

In the next section, racial and psychological anthropology, Kroeber suggests two areas of research. First, Kroeber states that Hawaiians are a “highly special race” and Hawaiian evolution should researched. Second, he urges “psychologist of race” to pursue research of the island’s inhabitants because of the nonracial tendencies.

On the topic of insanity, Kroeber investigates and suggests further investigation on the unbalanced population of the insane on the islands. Kroeber notes there is a higher percentage of insane in nationalities where there are less women of that nationality in Hawaii. Kroeber questions if this is due to intermarriage and the offspring’s “hereditary disposition,” or is it in the “cultural ideals.” Kroeber also points out high rate of syphilis and suggests the hospital to look into its effect on the insane.

Unlike the preceding sections, in the section on language Kroeber does not bluntly suggest any future research. Kroeber does note that no Polynesian language has been recorded phonetically. Kroeber also mentions the “vitality” of the language as almost all Hawaiians speak it and many words and phrases “have entered the vernacular English.”

NICOLE L. FALK University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Lothrop, S.K. The Stone Statues of Nicaragua. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):311-319

Nicaragua is the home of a certain style of stone statues. These statues have very distinct features that set them apart from other statues in the region. However, the author of this article is investigating why their appearance is so similar to statues found in other areas of Central and South America. Many anthropologists have hypothesized about the mysterious similarities but it is in this article that the author suggests that there can be only one logical reason. There are three main purposes of this article. The first is to provide a clear description of the aforementioned statues. The second purpose is to postulate what culture can take full responsibility for creating these statues. Lastly, the purpose of the article is to pinpoint how the people of one independent culture managed to influence other cultures to construct such similar statues.

The description of the stone statues is clear and definitive of a specific style. These statues are always comprised of both human and animal features. Usually, a human figure is posed with an animal perched on the shoulders, an animal head resting on top of a human head, or a human figure that is in conjunction with an animal. The statues commonly are decorated with gorgets and stand with arms folded across the chest. This style indicates a style affiliation that appears regionally from Guatemala to Costa Rica.

In the question of idol similarities, Lothrop presents a list of possible creators of what are collectively called Nicaraguan stone statues. The possible cultures responsible for first constructing the statues are the Maya, the Nahua, and the Chorotega. Lothrop goes on to eliminate two of the three possibilities. In consideration of time frame and land travel, the Maya and the Nahua are canceled out, which leaves the Chorotega culture accountable for these stone statues.

This is a concise article that is both informative and interesting. The author states several purposes early in the reading, and adheres to them throughout the article. The argument, the evidence for support, and the conclusion are all clearly stated.

ALLISON GOFF Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Lothrop, S.K. The Stone Statues of Nicaragua. American Anthropologist July, 1921 Vol.23:311-319.

The article uses the stylistic comparison of statues that are located in
Nicaragua to those found in other areas of Middle America as the basis of a
theory of population migration proposed by Lothrop. Lothrop describes seven statue typologies–the three most importance being: a human figure with an animal clinging to its back, a human figure with the head of an animal, and a human figure with an animal head-in the jaws is a human head. He then differentiates these motifs from their Mayan and Mexican counterparts by articulating that the typical style of those regions contains
an animal body with a human head in its jaws, while the Nicaraguan motif always contains a human body. Lothrop establishes through specific examples of statues that the Nicaraguan statuary styles were distributed from southern Mexico to near the Mayan city of Copan, located in what is today the Republic of Honduras. He links the figure found neat Copan to a group of statues found in the highlands of Guatemala due to its posture…and links these statues to figures as far away as Costa Rica. This hybrid statuary is found at Copan on the fourth and fifth stelae, stone pillars used for commemorative purposes, and are dated at 452 and 523 A.D. From this, the author infers
that the statue makers must have occupied the Copan region before the arrival
of the Maya. On these artistic comparisons Lathrop bases his conjecture that all the statues similar to the basic Nicaraguan types he described are produced by one group of people; the Choretega. He observes that no one but the Choretega has occupied the expanse of sites in which the statues are found. Further, he explicitly states that the statues could not have been made by the Maya or Nahua because neither group ever occupied lands encompassing the full extent of the artistic evidence. From this, Lothrop proposes a complex hypothesis of “Middle American” migration in which the Maya drove the Choretega out of Honduras, A second and third migration of tribes forcing the Choretega further and further north, and concluding with the Nahua migration
south. However, this theory should be carefully reexamined due to its strictly archaeological basis.

AMBER SHANE University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Lowie, Robert H. A Note on Aesthetics American Anthropologist January-March, 1921 Vol.23(1):170-174

The author’s objective is to find out if the aesthetic tastes of the Crow and Shoshoni Indians can be typed by tribe. Lowie acknowledges that if he were to figure out why Crow use isosceles triangles rather than right triangles, it would prove difficult. It may point more to personal preference. A triangle with all equal sides may be placed with different angles. It is the placement that constitutes the aesthetic value. Because of this, Lowie compares the parfleches of the Shoshoni and Crow. The central rectangle is characteristic of the Shoshoni parfleches, but not solely. Some Crow have a central rectangle and some Shoshoni do not. This similarity is due to the proximity of the tribes and their shared use of parfleches compared to most tribes’ non-use. Lowie then raises the question, “whether the borrowing tribe has transmuted the borrowed feature in consonance with its own aesthetic predilections and wherein such modifications consist” (171). Lowie measured all the sides and averaged the ratios of length and width. Some measurements are not one hundred percent accurate due to fading and shrinking of rawhide. These inaccurate measurements are minute. There was one case where measurement was not possible. Lowie aims not to draw any earth shattering conclusions from such a small test group. He wants the subject to be broached, though. He thinks similarities between the tribes will imply kinship. The Shoshoni have a preference for wider rectangles in the central position and alternatively, Crow prefer narrower rectangles. Lowie describes his findings as tentative and suggestive. He urges that other shapes be examined, also. A complete study of aesthetic reactions will be as important as determining tribal differences.

This article is a little unclear. He does not mention the purpose of studying aesthetic preferences until the third page. I question that purpose. He admits that no conclusions can be made from his small, informal experiment. I wonder what the point is, then.

Salena K. Kountz Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Lowie, Robert H. A Note on Aesthetics. American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol.23 (2): 170-174.

In this brief five-page article Robert Lowie proposes that differences in the aesthetic geometrical preferences on material items may prove to be an additional set of features for differentiating cultures. While attempting to determine the artistic style of Crow parfleches as compared with that of other Plains tribes he applies the principles of aesthetics; the branch of exact psychology endeavored to determine what forms of a particular geometrical category are most pleasing. Problems arose in his comparison of Crow and Shoshoni parfleches in that preferences for general shapes (triangles, squares, circles and rectangles) were not clear-cut and absolute within a number of specimens from a single group. For example, it would not be possible to state that Crow design uses isosceles triangles; great variation in type and presentation of triangles would occur on a given artifact. To remedy this situation Lowie compared a single figure in the same position, the rectangle in the center of the decorative area of a parfleche; thought to be trait characteristic of the Shoshoni, but also shared to some extent by the Crow. The ratio generated by comparing the length of the triangle with the width become the number used for cross-cultural comparison (two tables are included detailing both the raw and refined data).

His anthropological question is whether the borrowing tribe has transmitted the borrowed feature in “consonance with its own aesthetic predilections and wherein such modifications consist.” It is suggested that relative similarities and differences in aesthetic form can be used as a measure to determine closeness of kinship. The data implies that there is a preference of the Shoshoni for relatively wider rectangles in the central position compared to that of the Crow. Lowie believes that it would be vain to draw any far-reaching conclusions from the data due to the small number of cases he was able to procure. He is confident that had he secured more data on Crow parfleches that he, “would have definitely decided the closeness of their kinship with those of the Shoshoni.” This article outlines a new area of study, which Lowie believes would be of particular interest to field-workers (or those with direct access to material items), that would generate information ascertaining the connection between the aesthetic reaction to geometrical forms and the determination of tribal differences.

MICHELLE ROGERS University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Matsumoto, H. Notes On the Stone Age People of Japan. American Anthropologist January-March 1921 Vol.23(1):50-76.

This author’s objective in this article is to describe the findings of archaeological studies in Japan. He also aims to classify the findings into the stages of the Stone Age people living in different regions in Japan.

The author names the regions in which he and others discover human remains in Japan. He also describes the way pottery designs changed and how the changes help classify the time during the Stone Age when the pottery was crafted.

The author uses the styling techniques discovered on unearthed pottery to decide what stage of the Stone Age the pottery was made. For example, he says that the earlier Stone Age is the “period of bas-relief pattern of curve and spiral design.” He says the pottery was “very common, coarse, and rough.” This differs from his interpretation of upper mediaeval Stone Age pottery, as this era produced “thin, fine and very nice” pieces, which were well developed.

Matsumoto also uses burial techniques in different regions in Japan to compare different eras of the Stone Age in Japan. Depending on the tilt, position, number buried, and decoration of the bodies, along with the area in which they were found, the author classifies them into eras.

The author points out that many of the skeletal characteristics of the Stone Age people in Japan are similar. However, he says there are a few differences in the skeletons between sites. The common characters are found in the vertebrae and proportion of forearm to upper arm, for example.

Matsumoto uses the differences between the skeletons found to classify racial types. Matsumoto says that because of his and others’ studies, four racial types have been recognized in modern Japan: Ishikawa, Okayama, Chizuken and Satsuma types. These types can be traced to their origins because of their skeletal features, compared to those found from the Stone Age.

This article was fairly difficult to understand because of the technical medical terminology. It was also hard to understand what areas the author was speaking of, which was fairly important to understand the article, without seeing a map of Japan.

KRISTA CHAMBERS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Matsumoto, H. Notes on the Stone Age People of Japan. American Anthropologist 1920 Vol. 23: 50-76.

Within the context of human history, the author seeks to prove from which racial group the modern Japanese evolved. To substantiate his argument, he draws upon archeological evidence from the decorative patterns of “stone age” pottery, burial rituals, teeth modification rituals, and the morphological characteristics of human skeletal remains, all of which were found at seven sites within the Japanese archipelago. The combined evidence is then fitted into an evolutionary schema which places the “genuine ancestors” of the modern Japanese, both distinct from the modern Ainu and the Neolithic Europeans, as slightly more advanced than the former and slightly more primitive than the latter.

Implicit in this evolutionary cognitive schema, comparable to the European evolutionism of the time, however, is the assumption that these races can be classified primarily according to physical characteristics. Thus, the concept of “race” as Matsumoto understands it is based on biological criteria and any other evidence used to rank cultural groups serves only as additional support.

Hence, to begin with, Matsumoto argues that the evolution of decorative pottery design was “degenerative” in that it followed “the law of economy of labor and time,” also known as “Dollo’s Law,” in which these designs followed a gradual and consistent linear progression of refinement. The author uses this archeological evidence to classify the different periods of Japanese prehistory into four periods: the earlier stone age, the mediaeval stone age, the later stone age and the Hanibe-Iwaibe period, or earlier metal age. Furthermore, the distinctiveness of the patterns, he argues, suggests that most of the pottery types found to date were made by the true ancestors of the modern Japanese and that racial (physical anthropological) evidence would further confirm this. Beforehand however, data from burial rituals is examined, although the analysis remains strictly descriptive. A similarly brief analysis of teeth modification rituals then follows, where the author stipulates that only “races with primitive culture” of which the modern Ainu are excluded, performed these rituals.

Thus, the principal evidence for his main argument comes from physical characteristics; in this case, the morphology of cranial and post-cranial human skeletons found at the seven sites. Based on specific physical differences in relation to modern day Ainu and neolithic European skeletons, Matsumoto classifies the ancestral Japanese specimens as a distinct category. He then subdivides it into the Aoshima, Miyato dwarf, and Tsukumo tall types. The latter two are associated with two modern day “racial” types: the Ishikawa and Chizuken types, respectively. The Miyato dwarf, and Tsukumo tall types, he argues, constitute the two missing links in a “great racial chain,” namely the “Aino-Caucasian,” forming the ancestral line of the modern Ainu, which, according to Matsumoto’s theory, would be the last surviving racial group that was not assimilated by a third racial type, the Okayama. This type is thought to be the last racial line to “arrive” onto the Japanese archipelago, and most importantly, the group to found the modern Japanese Empire. Thus, the Aino-Caucasians, comprising the Aoshima, Miyato dwarf, Tsukumo tall and modern Ainu types, would be slightly inferior to the modern Japanese (who arose from the Okayama type and overtook the Aino-Caucasian), who in turn would be slightly inferior to the Europeans, on a sort of evolutionary hierarchy of mankind.

Reading of this article demands substantial concentration, as it is ambiguous at times whether the Ainu are ancestors to the modern Japanese or whether the latter originated form a separate “racial” lineage.

ARTHUR AYERS University of British Columbia (John Barker).

Moore, B. Clarence. Notes on Shell Implements From Florida. American Anthropologist January- March 1921 Vol. 23(1):12-18.

In this article Moore discusses shell implements found in Florida. The main focus is on the Southwestern coast of Florida, mainly between Mound Key and Lossman’s Key, and the field season of 1920.

The article focuses on different conch shells and the implements made from these shells. The shell implements range from small to large with small to large holes found on the shells. The holes are found at different sections or parts of the shell. These holes are there for the handle to enter the shell. This whole process of putting a handle on the shell is known as hafting. These shells become tools once they are hafted.

Moore also discusses that some of the holes found on the shells were not used for hafting. Instead the holes were made remove the animal from the shells. The aborigines would eat the meat of the different conch shells. These holes found for removing the conch are small and are on the top of the shell.

Some of the shells found were sent to a Mr. Charles C. Willoughby, who knows about hafting. The article includes Willoughby’s observations of the shells sent to him. Willoughby concludes that the shells fall into two different groups – those with a single hafting perforation and those with a double perforation for hafting. All of the holes whether single or double are found in the outer whorl of the spiral body of the shells. Willoughby also believed that some of the smaller holes were used for removing the meat. Willoughby describes the difference between single and double perforation and how the implements are made and used. Double perforation is for larger tools or heavier shells. The handles are attached to these shells by use of a raw hide thong. The thong is securely wrapped around and through the holes in the shells to hold the handle in place.

Overall, I found the article to be fairly easy to understand. The reading went rather smoothly. The use of diagrams of the shell implements was very helpful in understanding the article.

AMANDA DEKARSKE Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse).

Moore, Clarence B. Notes on Shell Impediments from Florida American Anthropologist January-March 1921 Vol.23(1):12-18.

The objective of the article is to deliver archaeological information on the regional characteristics of Florida shell impediments, including their cultural use and the techniques employed for their manufacturing. The shells discussed within the article are of two types: horse-conch and conch. These specimens are native to the state of Florida, and are rarely located outside of the region. Moore focuses on the shell middens of Southwest Florida where he has noted the occurrence of middens vast in both numbers and quality. The article contains a detailed analysis of the use of shell implements, including sketches of their form and structure, constructed by Charles C. Willoughby. The shell implements were used for a variety of subsistence activities. The larger, heavier conch shells were noted as having one or two small perforations for the attachment of a handle. The perforations may also have been the product of secondary manufacturing, as the tool may have functioned in the manufacturing of other tools.

The author examines the cultural relevance of shell implements. The use of shell tools for subsistence use allowed for the American Natives to adapt to their local environment. Variations of the impediments provide the data for an examination of cultural regionalism. Tools developed for the extraction of shell fish contain visible regional differences. The author also briefly examines a cross-cultural analysis of the aboriginal people of the West Indies, in relation to the utilitarian function of the impediments. Subsistent activities, such as shell fish extraction, rely upon the use of similar impediments as those of the Florida region. Through cross-cultural analysis, Moore is able to reconstruct the systematic function of the shell tools.

The article describes the variations of shell implements through a basic analysis. The article, though short in length, provides the reader with a descriptive analysis of the shell implements within the Florida region.

REBECCA PALMER University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Moorehead, Warren, K. Recent Explorations In Northwestern Texas. American Anthropologist January-March, 1921 Vol.23(1):1-11

The purpose of this article is to describe the excavation process, the artifacts that were found, and introduce a hypothesis concerning who left their homes behind. Moorehead spends a large portion of this article describing the land, which he and his team spent many years of surveying and excavating. Moorhead and his team of archaeologists excavated sites located in the Arkansas valley, which includes regions of Oklahoma, Kansas, and Texas. At this site, many important specimens were collected and recorded. Among the archaeological finds are two restored vessels, numerous metates, grinding stones, arrowheads, knives, and bone tools. At several of the sites in the Arkansas valley Moorhead found several buildings of stone structure that were constructed similarly with the same type of material. Such findings encouraged Moorhead to excavate further into the state of Texas.

The expeditions of 1920 provided Moorhead and his excavators with ample amounts of work. Many of the discoveries have allowed a map of sites and people to be created, and serves as a useful tool in tracking the history of the region. Toward the end of the article, Moorhead proposes that because of certain archaeological finds, it must not have been the Pueblo-Cliff Dwelling people whom migrated throughout the region and left specimens behind.

Overall this article is written clearly. It is a major description of the archaeological findings of several teams in a very vast land. Moorhead tends to move into discussion about a new valley or separate excavation sites with almost no segue. The article, although clear and descriptive, is difficult to read without referring to maps or recalling boundaries in the region.

ALLISON GOFF Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Moorehead, Warren K. Recent Explorations in Northwest Texas. American Anthropologist January-March, 1921 Vol.23(1): 1-11.

The author’s objective is to examine the archaeological evidence in support of pre-European migration patterns in Northwest Texas. The recovery of cultural materials from the Canadian Valley region promoted inquiry into the nature of their origin. Early analysis of archaeological material from the surrounding regions did not coincide with these new finds. The artifacts were of a different nature, yet proved to be similar in context. Moorehead concluded that the culture within the area was unique, and not a continuation of the Mississippi Valley tribes as had been previously prescribed. The people of the Canadian Valley were concluded to have been descendants of the tribes of Buffalo County Plains People. The author concludes the culture which settled in the Canadian Valley region were the Pueblo-Cliff Dwelling People. The movement westward promoted cultural developments and technological changes. The excavation of settlement sites allowed for the examination of regional variations of habitational patterns. The people abandoned their nomadic societies of the valley by adopting the use of stone architecture. These stone buildings were noted in the excavation of the Landerin Ranch, forty miles North of Amarillo. Similar stone structures were also noted on a westward movement towards the Canadian Valley. Changes and developments within the tool assemblages and pottery displayed a notable shift from the general culture of the Mississippi Valley tribes to the People of the Canadian Valley. The displacement of cultural material, along with the development of technology, allows for the representation of a cultural shift.

The author achieves his objective through the use of cross-cultural analysis. The evidence presented in support of Moorehead’s argument is well developed and strategically organized.

REBECCA PALMER University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Murray, Louise Welles. Aboriginal Sites In and Near “Teaoga,” Now Athens, Pennsylvania.American Anthropologist April-June 1921 Vol.23(2):183-214.

Teaoag, now Athens, Pennsylvania, has been occupied or frequented by aborigines as long as they have lived on the Alleghany River. The burial sites at Athens have furnished the best-known artifacts for the study of the Andaste (archaic Iroquois). It is here in Teaoga where much information can be gathered and analyzed to help lead to new ideas as to the whereabouts of the aborigines. Murray’s purpose in this article is to give the results of explorations of various collectors to assist in the progress of knowledge along archaeological lines.

The author presents to the reader the discussions and deductions to be drawn from the discoveries dug up at Teaoga. Murray lays out this evidence site by site. Each site has artifacts that the author presents in full. From Teaoga, remains of various cultures as well as from different time periods have been found. Not only does she present this information, but also she simultaneously assigns many of the remains to the culture that they belong. This process of analyzing the artifacts and labeling its tribal origin helps to formulate ideas as to where the tribes lived and what kind of contact they had with one another. Besides human skeletal remains, other artifacts that were found include: chisels, knives, celts, pottery, rhyolite blades, gorgets, game balls, war clubs, mullers, rubbing stones, tomahawks, and pipes. Of this examination of collected artifacts, a large percentage of the remains come from burial grounds.

In addition to Murray’s goal which is to give the reader information of the material remains found at Teaoga, he also strives to emphasize the process and care of discovering artifacts. Murray strongly feels that archaeological material should be collected only for two distinct purposes, first to increase knowledge, and second to illustrate and diffuse knowledge.

Murray thus accomplishes her goal because she presents an abundance of artifact information and provides the reader with the underlying ideology that material remains must be looked at in depth and used to increase the information available.

The vocabulary used is simple, but because the author is presenting a large amount of artifacts that come from various times, serve various purposes and belong to various cultures, this essay is somewhat overwhelming and a little bit hard to follow along.

SUSIE CAIN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Murray, Louise Welles. Aboriginal Sites in and Near “Teaoga,” Now Athens, Pennsylvania: Part 1. American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol.23 (2): 183-214.

This article details the archaeological history and material culture items found in Teaoga and the surrounding areas (now Athens, Pennsylvania). This area was once thought to have been a strategic geographical location for indigenous populations by reason of the junction of the Chemung and Susquehanna rivers located here. Regarded as a key to the northern territory of Pennsylvania it provided a natural watch town where many important Native American trails converged. Murray pulls together information from: recent monographs concerning the area, results of the research of Lewis H. Morgan Chapter of Rochester, a survey of the material in the Tioga Point Museum and all available private collections to furnish additional criteria concerning the prehistoric occupation of the area. The author admits that prehistoric material items uncovered here are more culturally “inferior” than those of the Iroquois, but she is “not quite ready to agree” with the suggestion that the river played a more important part in historic than prehistoric times. The information presented suggests that Taeoga was a permanent center (or at least a rallying point) during many periods. In the 10-12 mile area being discussed (a few outlying sites are also mentioned) it is shown that many sites previously thought to be detached proved to be connected in the sense that they were occupied, in a repeated manner, at different periods, at different levels and by different peoples. Analysis has shown that traces of culture from the following groups, representing different periods, has been found: archaic Algonkian, Andaste (archaic Iroquois), late Algonkian with Delaware predominating but possibly including Shawnee, and later Iroquios (including many tribes that had become subject to them such as the Siouan Catawba and Tutelo).

The author admits to having no special training in the area of archaeology and in giving the results of the explorations of various material collections she relies upon photos (12 included in article) to “assist in the progress of knowledge along archaeological lines.” Much of the article is a description of the excavation history in the area, with a particular focus of 1916 Susquehanna Archaeological Expedition which happened to take place on part of the writer’s land. She went over the ground with the men and was present during much of the excavation work. This article will be of primary use to those individuals interested in an archaeological understanding of the area. The burials, pottery, animal remains, fire locations, tools and ceremonial and decorative items are all detailed in terms of location and historical significance.

MICHELLE ROGERS University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Murray, Louise Welles Aboriginal Sites in and Near “Teaoga” Now Athens, PennsylvaniaAmerican Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):268-297

The author’s objective is to catalogue the various artifacts that have been found or excavated in and around what is now Athens, Pennsylvania. Though the author may not have been involved in many of the discoveries herself, she takes great pains to detail the implements found and give appropriate credit for the findings. Murray also uses these discoveries and the research of others to draw conclusions as to what the artifacts may have been used for and who the inhabitants were who may have used them. This is accomplished by taking the reader on a trip surrounding the area and detailing all findings and excavations that have occurred over the years. Even though many of the artifacts have been separated and removed from their original locations Murray does a good job of assembling many different collections into as much of a cohesive picture as possible.

Most of the discoveries are of Algonkian, Iroquois, and Andaste, origin and range from pottery to stone tools to decorative implements taken from graves, erosions, and ancient fortifications. Throughout the article extensive photographs are presented to help the reader better understand and picture just what implements were found and the author continuously refers to them as their descriptions are given. Though the author does a commendable job detailing the extensive findings of this area, she ends by cautioning, “it is increasingly evident that we have only lightly touched the borderland of scientific investigation and visualized for the reader but a small part of the available artifacts” (296).

This relatively lengthy article is easy to read and gives extensive examples of the artifacts found in and around Athens, Pennsylvania. The author does an excellent job attempting to determine the cultures that once inhabited this area.

PATRICK HICKEY Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Murray, Louise Welles. Aboriginal Sites in and Near “Teagoa” Now Athens, Pennsylvania. Part 2. American Anthropologist, July-September, 1921 Vol. 23(3):268-297.

The author’s objective is to describe the aboriginal sites of Teagoa within an archaeological context. This article is the author’s second essay in a two-part series on the occupational sites near Athens, Pennsylvania. The article describes an archaeological survey of the sites excavated and does not include an ethnographic sketch of the area. The author examines the sites in terms of their cultural remains, not within their cultural context. The artifacts recovered from the sites are listed in terms of their physical material, colour, shape, and speculated use. Murray also mentions several museum collections recovered from the area. For example, the author describes in detail information on John Coveleski’s museum collection which she notes as pre-Algonkian. The localized material of the artifacts, and the lack of Iroquois characteristics, allows for the collection to be placed within a chronological cultural context. Murray examines the occupational sequence within the area, noting possible subsistence and agricultural patterns. Other occupational activities are also briefly mentioned, such as the possibility of trade at specific sites. The comparison and contrast of the material culture provides the basis for the reconstruction of the archaeological sequencing. The article examines the sites in relation to their material collections and their spatial location.

The article focuses on the regional dispersal of archaeological remains. The article includes a pictorial representation of the surveyed area which assists the reader in establishing the location and proximity of the sites. The map is an important element for understanding the sequence of the article.

The article is average in length and contains several pictorial representations. This article must be read carefully for a complete understanding of the archaeological survey.

REBECCA PALMER University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Parsons, Elsie Clews Further Notes on Isleta American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol. 23(2):149-169

Parsons aims to define and elaborate on the customs, social structure, ceremonials, and rites of passage of the Native American Isleta. She compiled notes during a visit to Isleta and during interviews with an Isleta woman. She notes the common fear among all pueblos of revealing native ways lest some supernatural harm arise. Thus, collecting these notes was a cumbersome task at times.

Parsons starts off by giving a detailed list of kinship terms among the Isleta people. She states the importance of the father’s sister in name-giving and in dance ceremonials. Parsons then describes kinship nomenclature of Sandia, a settlement thirty-two miles east of Isleta, as a means for comparison.

Parsons moves on to describe and definine Isleta clans. She was informed of “divisions that are theoretically oriented and associated with corn of different color” (153). Parsons could not verify earlier lists of Isleta clans that other people had made in prior years. She gives a table with different lists of clans and states that a new form of classification has probably overcome an older form. She adds that Spanish influence has probably broken down the old clan system and given rise to a division based on directional distribution. Parsons relates a similar situation among the Zuni rain priesthoods, where the four clan heads go into a retreat of four days to fast and pray.

Parsons then describes two ceremonial moieties, the Black Eyes and Red Eyes, to which the children of a family are divided between through order of birth. Each group has its own chief, and its own estufa, or square, non-detached room. A third estufa is called Round House and it is used to dance in at Eastertide and in the Spruce dance of February. Thirty-nine or more men wear the usual body decorations and sing and dance for two days. Parsons’ informant states that the dance was only for amusement, although some prayers may be said to the dancers. The wilawe are present at the dance and are painted like the dancers except they have no horns. Their duty is to pick up dropped items and to pile up gifts that are given in the estufa so that each dancer can take one.

Parsons then tells of the chief, and the curing society recruited through sickness. She gives a detailed description of ceremonies and rituals performed throughout the year.

Parsons describes the naming of Isleta children as taking place on the fourth day after the child is born. Children get their Spanish names upon baptism in the church, and get their third Indian names when they are a year old or less. For marriage, the boy writes a letter and a man takes it to the girl’s parents. The girl’s relatives are summoned and they decide if they want to accept the proposal. Then a church service is performed.

When there is a death, the corpse is buried so that the head lays to the south. The purpose of this specific posture is to allow the dead to rise and enter the church. The burial occurs the day after death, and water is poured over the grave.

This article is interesting and very informative about native customs among the Isleta people. It is very easy to read and understand.

JUSTIN LEBIECKI Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Parsons, Elsie Clews. Further Notes on Isleta. American Anthropologist 1920 Vol. 23: 149-169.

This article is almost entirely descriptive and non-argumentative. In the following order, the author describes the kinship terms, clan nomenclature, moieties, round house dance rituals and ceremonial rituals, birth and naming, marriage, and burial practices of the Pueblo people inhabiting Isleta, New Mexico. Only in the case of clan nomenclature, marriage and entitlement, does she tempt explicit interpretation; she conjectures that the respective indigenous practices had been superseded by Spanish directional distribution.

It is quite likely that the author is part of the Boasian school of historical particularism, as she went to the field to gather data herself, and directly interviewed informants, rather than relying on secondary information from emissaries. The Pueblo people are historically situated, conceptualized diachronically, and described in their own terms, rather than being seen as a “primitive” and isolated, representing an early stage of human evolutionary history, which was quickly disappearing and needed to be quickly studied, as was often the case at this point in the intellectual history of anthropology.

Rather, the reader senses that the beliefs and practices described persist, albeit covertly, as the author mentions a “fear of revealing Indian custom” among the Pueblo (149). No reason is given as to the impetus for this fear, although colonial influence could be suspected.

Moreover, the richness in descriptive detail reveals that the daily lives of the Pueblo constitute a smorgasbord of indigenous and non-indigenous culture. For instance, comparisons are made between similar customs practiced by neighboring tribes such as the Navaho and the Hopi with respects to the Round House and Spruce Dance. Also, there is a clear presence of Spanish (contemporarily Mexican) cultural and Roman Catholic influence, pertaining to clan nomenclature, ceremonial events, marriage, birth, and death rites. And finally, mainstream American influence appears in legal matters concerning entitlement and marriage, as well as in mentioning the proximity of Isleta to modern infrastructure such as railroads and government offices. Thus, the Pueblo culture exists dialectically between indigenous and non-indigenous, past and present.

ARTHUR AYERS University of British Columbia (John Barker).

Schuller, Rudolph. The Linguistic and Ethnological Position of the Nambicuara Indians.American Anthropologist. October-December 1921. Vol. 23(4): 471-477.

The author’s objective is to distinguish the Nambicuara Indians as members of the Caribe-aruac linguistic family. The Nambicuara Indians inhabit the southern tributary of the Amazon River in Brazil, as do other members within the Caribe-aruac linguistic family. Tribes of this family commonly refer to each other as “elder sisters”, “younger brothers”, “young boys”, and “grandfather”. A short description made by Roquette Pinto was said to describe the customs and culture of the Nambicuara which were seen as similar to other members of the Caribe-aruac family; however the author claims that the common practices of a people have no bearing in determining a linguistic family.

The author provided linguistic as well as ethnological evidence to support the addition of the Nambicuara into the Caribe-aruac family. Dr. Seler claims that the Nambicuara belong to the Tapuya-stamme family simply because they do not use hammocks. The author refutes Dr. Seler’s position on the basis of clear linguistic evidence, which shows clear similarities between the Namibicuara language and the languages of the Caribe-aruac family. Also, the “accumulation of sounds entirely heterogeneous” in the Tapuya-stamme family is not found in the languages of both the Nambicuara and the Caribe-aruac “dialects”. Furthermore, the author contrasts the cultural achievements of the Nambicuara with that of the Cren-Cran Indians in the Tapuya-stamme family. The Cren-Cran were said to represent “conditions of early prehistoric South America”, while the Nambicuara were clearly “the products of a higher civilization”, where the use of beehive huts used for shelter mark the distinction between the two tribes’ advancements. All evidence presented clearly shows the Nambicuara’s relationship with the Caribe-aruac family and a disassociation with the Tapuya-stamme family.

This short article clearly proves the hypothesis put forth. However, seemingly harsh criticisms of Dr. Seler and a poor presentation of background information prevent this article from being convincing.

KEVIN BULGER Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Schuller, Rudolph. The Linguistic and Ethnological Position of the Nambicuara Indians. American Anthropologist 1921 Vol. 23: 471-477.

In this article Rudolph Schueller classifies the Nambicuara Indians as being near the “Caribe-aruac” linguistic family (477). This conjecture is based principally upon evidence from unpublished linguistic material in the Museu Nacional at Rio de Janeiro and from ‘scientific’ evidence published by a Dr. Seler, and Dr. Roquette Pinto, curator of Anthropology at the National Museum. Schueller’s argument is constructed upon two theoretical, and one methodological premise, and the evidence he cites is adapted to these suppositions.

The first theoretical premise is that all cultures represent a particular stage in human evolutionary history, and can be classified in rank order. For instance, he refutes the argument made by Dr. Pinto and Dr. Seler that the Nambicuara belong to the Cren-Cran linguistic family, rather than the Caribe-aruac, because the latter are “unquestionably, the products of a higher civilization”: their language, technology, art, procurement systems, and settlement patterns more closely resemble the European homologues, which naturally rank at the top (476).

The second theoretical premise, implied both in the citation above and in the title of the article, is that cultural categories overlap. In effect, an evolutionary linguistic classificatory family can represent the developmental stage of a cultural group as a whole, because all aspects of culture are thought to correspond to an equivalent stage of evolution. By this logic, the Nambicuara are more ‘civilized’ than the Botocudos, the Cayapo and the Camecran tribes because the Caribe-aruac linguistic family respectively represents a higher stage of evolution than the Cren-Cran (476). Schueller therefore appears to be guided by the theory of psychic unity and unilinear evolution.

The methodological premise is that Schueller did not do any fieldwork and instead relied on data accumulated by missionaries and ‘scientific’ experts such as Pinto and Seler, for his analysis. Therefore, his arguments are best regarded as speculative conjecture (475).

ARTHUR AYERS University of British Columbia (John Barker).

Setchell, William Aboriginal Tobaccos American Anthropologist October-December, 1921 Vol.23(4):397-413

Many plants now cultivated have come from the Americas and were introduced into Europe soon after the discovery in 1492 by Columbus. Included among these plants are maize, potatoes, and tobacco. Evidence confirms that tobacco was non-existent outside of the Americas. Tobacco was used over all of the Americas excluding the far southern and northern regions. Evidence also shows that narcotic use spread quickly and widely, once introduced by a few Native American tribes, across the Americas.

Most widely known is the pink-flowered Nicotiana tabacum and its origin is uncertain, as it is not known to grow in the wild. The yellow-flowered Nicotiana rustica is a native of the Americas, although early on was thought to be native of the Old World.

Setchell goes on to describe other species of tobacco and where they originated. His arguments generally imply that early evidence was not as specific to the regions these tobaccos were used. His current evidence shows that most regions are much larger than what was earlier thought. Otherwise, this article is descriptive of aboriginal tobaccos and their uses.

I found this article to be uninteresting, wordy, and difficult to read. However, if one is looking for a lot of information regarding different species of tobacco, its origins, and its use by Native Americans this article should prove to be useful.

KELLY MARCIKIC Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Setchell, William Albert. Aboriginal Tobaccos. American Anthropologist October-December, 1921 Vol.23(4): 397-413.

In this article the author uses botanical evidence as the primary method of investigation to prove that tobacco plants, used by many Native Americans for ceremony and ritual, had their origin in North and South America. He believes that the large number of species of Nicotiana is the strongest indication that a non-American origin of these plants is highly unlikely. The presence of tobacco is evident on a great part of both continents: an area that extends from the State of Washington to central Chile in South America. He asserts that botanical evidence has been over-looked by current writers on the topic who favor explanations based on linguistics. The language theory (which is not fully explained in the article) apparently supports the notion that Negro Slaves brought tobacco to the Americas from Africa.

To support his American-origin theory of tobacco he focuses his discussion on the fourteen species of Nicotiana that grow wild or in a cultivated form in the Americas. First he discusses, Nicotiana Tabacum, the best known species of tobacco, of which there are five sub-species. These five sub-species are then divided again into a very large number of varieties. The multitude of forms displayed earmarks it as an old and widely cultivated plant, which supports the conclusion that it has been in the Americas for many generations. Nicotiana rustica, which he believes to have originated in Mexico, is highlighted next. He compares 17th and 18th century descriptions that European explorer’s made of the tobacco used by Native Americans to present-day species and concluded that they were the same. This also highlights the length of time tobacco has been present in America. His depth-of-time argument was furthered by the discovery that the tobacco plant figured in Native myth and symbolism.

The remaining part of the article concerns itself with the Petuniodes-section of the genus Nicotiana of which there are twelve species or varieties that occur in North America. Particular attention is given to the location in which each species is presently found, because these present tobacco locations correspond to traditional Native cultivation areas, suggesting a long historical presence in the area. In this section of the text the author points out which types of tobacco have been associated, historically, with certain tribes in the United States.

It should be noted that the author spends a good portion of the text detailing the phenotypic characteristics of each species and variety mentioned. This information appears to be extraneous, as it does not link directly to the author’s argument. It seems that emphasis on aesthetics represents the author own personal interest in tobacco. For over 15 years he has made every effort to obtain the seed of any possible tobacco species found in aboriginal use and grow it in the botanical garden at the University of California.

MICHELLE ROGERS University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Todd, T. Wingate. Egyptian Medicine: A Critical Study of Recent Claims. American Anthropologist October-December, 1921 Vol. 23(4):460-470.

In his essay, Todd accomplishes exactly what his title implies; he examines the different subdivisions of medicine within ancient Egyptian medicine, and discusses claims recently posited by scholars in the field. He begins his discussion with a brief explanation of the nature of Egyptian medicine, and the intricate link between medicine, religion, and magic. He brings up this point to refute claims by some that the Egyptians possessed superior knowledge of the causes of diseases, when in fact evidence points to more spiritually based healing methods. In the instances in which the ancient world linked diseases to material causes, these explanations remained supernatural as well. For example, one belief centered on the idea that illness and death could be caused by worms or snakes. Todd wrote, the minimal transition undergone by the Egyptians from “the earlier animistic to the later materialistic interpretation….[provides evidence] that this period in human thought was not conducive to any real progress in medicine as many have claimed…” (461). He also introduces the relationship of the Greeks and Romans to Egyptian medicine through evidence recorded on papyri.

Todd splits his discussion of claims about Egyptian medicine into eight subdivisions; specialization in medicine, Greek medicine (a brief section, which Todd deems to long to be covered in his paper), therapeusis (the treatment of disease), obstetrics, surgery, ritualistic practice (primarily circumcision), dental surgery, and anatomy. Most of the evidence he cites comes from papyri and the documentation of travelers to the region, most notably Herodotus. In the sections on therapeusis, surgery, dental surgery, and anatomy, he dedicates himself to disproving claims that Egyptians possessed superior medical knowledge by citing the lack of evidence behind such a claim. The discussions of surgery and anatomy emphasize the Egyptians minimal knowledge of the fields, i.e. splint use and knowledge of organ location. Archeologists have found evidence of splint use to support broken limbs, but not to realign bones. Similarly, the Egyptians knew the location of some major organs, but not their function. Additionally, many practices cited as sanitary were in fact of ritual importance, such as circumcision, washing and douching, and the use of mixtures of roots to accompany treatments involving incantations, with probably unintended positive side effects.

On the whole, Todd’s article is easily understood and well argued. Unfortunately, the casual reader will most likely not understand all of his supporting evidence, as many are based on references to various papyri with little discussion of the details therein. Interestingly, one of Todd’s other main sources of data is the comparison of ancient documents and art to the practices of contemporary African tribes. He uses this type of support most prominently in the discussion of obstetrics and ritualistic practices by noting how closely the contemporary practices seem to mimic those of the ancient Egyptians. Parallels can be found in the techniques of midwives, and in the initiation rites of circumcision.

ALYSSA L. BROWN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Todd, T. Wingate. Egyptian Medicine: A Critical Study of Recent Claims. American Anthropologist October-September, 1921 Vol.23(4):460-470.

The objective of the article is to evaluate and analyze recent claims in the field of ancient Egyptian medicine. The author stresses the importance of examining the proposed evidence before accepting theories on hygiene, disease, and surgical methodology. The article also notes the importance of defining medical practices as either the product of outside cultural influence or as an authentic cultural practice. Specific medical practices traditionally believed to be Egyptian in origin have been traced back to the ancient Greco-Roman period. The author notes the necessity of defining medical practices in terms of specialized fields. The article includes a brief synopses of various Egyptian medical fields: obstetrics, surgery, eye and internal disorders, dentistry, and anatomy. The establishment of the different medical fields allows for the article to differentiate between the Egyptian conception of medicine and religious ritual.

The author describes the recent theories of Egyptian circumcision within a cultural context. The act, though defined in terms of medicine and religion, is represented within a social discourse. Circumcision is represented pictorially on Egyptian hieroglyphs. Through the use of cross-cultural analysis the author is able to reconstruct the ritual within a cultural and social context. The practice of circumcision may be viewed as either a religious rite or a medical practice, depending upon the level of discourse.

The article discusses recent theories on the development of ancient Egyptian medical practices. The author stresses the importance of investigating the recent claims before acknowledging the proposed theories. The author presents a clear, well-developed argument. The article is clearly organized for effective reading and comprehension.

REBECCA PALMER University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Tozzer, Alfred M. Charles Pickering Bowditch. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):353-357

This is a brief obituary of Charles Pickering Bowditch who was born in September of 1842, in Boston, Massachusetts. Bowditch had a wide variety of interests and was a member of a number of learned societies including the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Boston Society of Natural History, the American Antiquarian Society, and American Geographic Society. He was also a member of a number of anthropological societies, including the American Anthropological Association, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Anthropological Institute of America, International Congress of America, and the Societe des Americanistes de Paris. Bowditch was an active member in a few historical groups including the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Bostonian Society, the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, and the New England Historical-Genealogical Society.

Though Bowditch wrote a number of books, his main interest was Mayan antiquities. Through connections with the Peabody Museum of Harvard University Bowditch sent out numerous expeditions to Central America. These advancements in the understanding of this region “resulted in establishing an entirely new field in American Anthropology” (354). Bowditch’s expertise was centered on the understanding of hieroglyphic inscriptions and the advancement of the comprehension of Central American writing.

The author concludes by portraying Mr. Bowditch in a very flattering light, highlighting the many contributions he made in the way of the advancement of anthropology in America and the upholding of science’s highest traditions.

This short article is easy to read and gives a positive and thorough depiction of a very important and influential advocate of the science of anthropology.

PATRICK THOMAS HICKEY Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Tozzer, Alfred. Charles Pickering Bowditch. American Anthropologist, 1921. Vol. 23: 353-359.

Alfred M. Tozzer’s article is a memorial to Charles Pickering Bowditch, who in his opinion is one of American Anthropology’s greatest benefactors. Bowditch had many interests that spanned all areas of high societal life at the turn of the 20th century belonging to at least 13 various societies across the Northern Hemisphere. His attention remained in Anthropology, specifically, “Mayan antiquities”, a culture previously not studied in depth. Because of his financial support, many anthropological findings were made on Mayan people and civilization and awareness of a culture – now thought to be one of the most influential – was heightened. In fact, most studying in Central America during his time had benefited from his financial support and/or guidance. One such person being the author of this article.

Tozzer makes no effort to be objective in this biography of Charles Pickering Bowditch, which is why I refer to it as a memorial. Bowditch is perceived as a great and humble man, always eager to sponsor an anthropological study – especially one focused on Mayan civilization. This is not to say he was not an ever-present figure in these studies he financed. Tozzer makes it evident throughout the text that Bowditch contributed written works and theories of his own to many of his expeditions, always emphasizing the importance of learning about the people and culture more than acquiring artifacts and specimens. Some would find such a benefactor ideal.

Tozzer lists many of Bowditch’s contributions intermittently throughout the text, from archaeological findings to his written works to Fellowships, it is clear that Bowditch was an active participant within his own expeditions as well as the field of American Anthropology. Tozzer instills a sense of gratitude for Bowditch’s work, within any student studying Anthropology. He makes it clear that to know Bowditch was to know a man who commanded respect and dignity.

ILEAH GREEN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Utsurikawa, Nenozo Demon Design on the Bornean Shield: A Hermeneutic Possibility American Anthropologist April-June,1921 Vol.23(2):138-148

In this article the author describes and discusses the demon design on the shields of different tribes in Borneo. He expresses his point of view that the designs have a Hindoo-Javanese influence rather than a Chinese influence. The shields of the Kayan, Kenyah, and Klemantan tribes in Borneo all have a design of “a large demon face with a pair of wide, staring eyes, indicated by concentric circles in red and black, and with a double row of teeth with two pairs of tusk-like canines” (138). In many cases the face surrounds a small human body with distorted limbs twisted into a design. Rows and tufts of human hair from slain enemies cover the design. In east Borneo shields have human and crocodile designs, while most west Bornean shields have floral designs.

Professor Alois Raimund Hein says the designs originated from Chinese tiger and dragon shields. He adds that these shields were used by Chinese soldiers in Borneo, and because dragon faces in China, Japan, India, and the East Indies are similar, the Bornean design is not original. Hein makes the case for a very strong Chinese influence in Borneo.

Nenozo Utsurikawa’s view differs from Hein’s. He believes fear-inspiring designs are not exclusive to any one race, and points out that shields with the double rows of teeth and large canines are typical of southeast Borneo. Utsurikawa thinks the design came from southern Borneo, an area with a strong Hindoo-Javanese influence. He counters Hein’s view by asking why the design is not found in the northeast, an area with an infusion of Chinese culture. Also, the demon design can be found in Nias, an island off the coast of Sumatra, where there is no Chinese influence. Finally, he says that when the Chinese first arrived in Indonesia in A.D. 414, Brahmins and Buddhism were already present.

Utsurikawa says Hein should have looked at local ties before making his judgment. The shields are similar to the ghost masks of the Mahakam Kayans of Borneo. Both have large eyes and double rows of teeth with tusks. “The shield design, despite a strong tendency to vary, is not an isolated exotic concoction divorced entirely from the ceremonial (or religious) and emotional life of the natives” (146).

The author concludes by saying that direct or indirect influence of Hindoo-Javanese culture would be consistent with the cultural history of Borneo. There is a similarity between some Bornean masks and shields, and Brahmanic mythical figures. The original designs may have been forgotten, and then modified by natives.

This is not a difficult article to read, but there is a lot of evidence to sift through to get to the main points. Also, the author spends almost as much time disproving someone else’s claim as he does proving his own.

JUSTIN ZAMBO Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Utsurikawa, Nenozo. Demon Design on the Bornean Shield. American Anthropologist 1920 Vol. 23: 138-148.

The author refutes the contention of Professor Alois Raimend Hein that the Bornean shield designs were inspired by Chinese myth and aesthetics, due to the latter’s past colonial presence on the island. Most of the article is devoted to systematically disproving Hein’s hypothesis, based on Utsurikawa’s contention that this influence was “Hindoo-Javanese,” rather than Chinese. He substantiates his argument with geographical and cultural associations of similar designs confirmed by ethnographical reports from other anthropologists.

Two theoretical precepts underlie the arguments presented. The first, implied by Utsurikawa, Hein, and other experts, is that the shield designs are exogenous and spread to the Bornean natives through diffusion, rather than originating indigenously. This however, is ambiguous because the author first argues that “fear-inspiring” designs such as these are a “universal human habit, not confined to any particular race,” before suggesting definitively that they are of Hindoo-Javanese origin (140). Perhaps he is implying that the Borneans do not represent a racial group.

Secondly, the scholars appear to rely upon themselves, and assume their observations are accurate; there is no evidence that the Bornean natives themselves were consulted, nor was it necessary. Thus, their conclusions are based on secondary information from a non-native perspective. In effect, Utsurikawa himself compares drawings of shield designs, and combines this information with inferences of cultural beliefs and practices formulated by other anthropologists such as Hose and McDougall. This is sufficient evidence, according to the author, to conclude that the Bornean designs were most likely inspired by Hindoo-Javanese culture.

ARTHUR AYERS University of British Columbia (John Barker).

Will, George F. An unusual group of Mounds in North Dakota. American Anthropologist April-June 1921 Vol.23(2):175-179

Will’s objective is to discuss in detail a group of mounds discovered by the North Dakota Historical Society. Dr. Gilmore, a member of the society, recently examined these mounds. The author starts the article by describing the location and size of the mounds. These mounds are about twelve miles southeast of Streeter, North Dakota. Similar mounds are said to be located in the James and Cheyenne River valleys, but none have ever been described in detail. Another set of mounds south of Bismarck, North Dakota, which were described in a paper some years ago are also said to resemble the mounds previously mentioned.

The location of the mounds is noted as, “a rather beautiful and unusual spot for this part of North Dakota” (176). They are placed on the top of a high ridge of land extending outward from the region. A ravine containing numerous springs sections off this ridge. The author was told that, “this area contained the only timbered ravines to be found for a great distance in any direction” (176).

Mound I is forty feet in diameter with a height of eight to nine feet at its center. It has a ridge surrounding it, which extends for about two hundred feet. This particular mound has been partially excavated by the society who discovered it. A round hole, averaging about six feet deep was dug into. At about five feet, the society found a skeleton of a child around the age of seven. This mound is mostly composed of soil with some pockets and layers of wood ashes. There are also pockets of bone fragments, some are of bird, but mostly buffalo. Another material found on the mound was identified as flint chips.

Mound II, which is east of Mound I has not been disturbed by excavation. It is circular in shape with a diameter of about sixty feet, and a height of seven to eight feet. Then, a short distance south of Mound I are two low mounds labeled as Mounds A and B. They are about two and a half feet high, while Mound B is forty feet in diameter Mound A is slightly smaller. The ground has not been disturbed in any manner within the last years.

Will points out that the location of these sites is unusual since both timber and water are found here because they are not found anywhere else together for a great distance in any direction. This causes him to compare this site with the tradition of a Cheyenne Indian village temporarily established in the hills. This location is not too far west of the present town of Kulm, North Dakota. The site of mounds is eighteen to twenty miles away from Kulm. No actual evidence shows any correlation between the two.

This short article was easy to read and it gave information about the mounds mentioned by describing their location and size. The detailed description helps the reader to imagine what the area may look like. However, the author’s main objective for choosing to write about these particular mounds is uncertain. He brings up a Cheyenne Indian site in comparison, but never explains in detail if these two sites are connected.

JENINE CLEMENTS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Will, George F. An Unusual Group of Mounds in North Dakota. American Anthropologist January-March, 1921 Vol.23(1): 175-179.

The author’s purpose is the describe mounds reported by the North Dakota Historical Society in the summer of 1920. Located near Streeter, North Dakota, these mounds resemble mounds reported in the James and Sheyenne River Valleys, as well as Bismark, North Dakota. The author notes that (at that time), only the mounds near Bismark, North Dakota had been described.

Providing various pictures, the author goes on to describe the region in which these mounds are located. They are located in the Coteau du Missouri, on top of a promontory, which, he notes as being quite noticeable, since this promontory extends from the highest range of hills in the area. The author continues to describe the mounds in terms of mound 1 and mound 2, being divided by a timbered coulee. Just south of mound 1 are two smaller mounds, marked A and B.

The author discusses the fact that the mound 1 had been excavated. In this excavation, the skeleton of a child, believed to be about seven years of age, is found. Some wood and bone fragments were found is various parts of the mound. Also, flint chips were found in the mound. At that time, mound 2 had not been excavated. The smaller mounds marked A and B also remained undisturbed at the time of this description. As for the promontory, the author notes that it shows signs of earlier disturbance. Here, several rings were found, which, the author notes, had not been recently disturbed.

Because of the “unusual” location of these mounds, being that they are near water in timber, which are not found in the same area for what the author states as great distance, the author believes associates these mounds with the Cheyenne of the region. He believes that the mounds were part of a temporary village. He states that the only drawback to his argument is that potsherds, which would make a more definite connection to the Cheyenne, had not been found. He believes that more careful investigation may reveal fragments that had not been reported earlier.

REBECA GALLIMORE University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).