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American Anthropologist 1913

Boas, Franz. Notes On The Chatino Language. American Anthropologist 1913 N.S.,15: 78-86.

While conducting fieldwork in relation to the Mexican dialect of Pochutla, the author confirms that the Chatino language is part of a “remote branch of the Zapotecan family and partakes of the very remarkable phonetics of that group of languages” (p78).

Mr. Franz Boaz compares information related to him by his informant, Ezequiel Vasquez, in relation to the districts and villages in which the Chatino language is spoken, to a related list previously composed by Eutimio Perez. He confirms that the majority of the villages identified by his informant are identical to those listed by Eutimio Perez.

This paper concludes with the author identifying several features of the Chatino language (e.g. vowels, consonants, verbs, etc).

JADEN J. WINFREE York University, Toronto (Naomi Adelson).

Boas, Franz and Boas, Helene M. The Head Forms of the Italians as Influenced by Heredity and Environment American Anthropologist April-June, 1913 Vol.15(2): 163-188

According to the author=s views on this article, head-forms are influenced by hereditary and environmental factors. The authors utilize a study by Ridolfo Livi on these influences. Using Livi=s anthropometric tables, the authors attempt to show that these factors play a part in the variations of the head-forms, backed by a statistical analysis.

The author suggest that Athe head-forms of mankind are not quite stable when individuals belonging to a certain type are brought into a new environment@ (163). Due to natural selection and genetic trait sharing, head-forms vary from one environment to the next. However, Felix von Luschan observed in his studies of the types of Asia Minor showed that Athere was a tendency of racial types to revert to their ancestral types and not to form a new intermediate type@ (164). Boas and Boas point out that in Southern and Northern parts of Italy there are two distinct head-forms. Both present with moderate variability with different averages. While Southern Italy gives a low average, Northern Italy presents a high average variance in measured values. The average difference resulting from these series taking into account the errors is 2.91 in favor of the series measured in America.

Comparing Livi=s averages to those obtained by immigrants, it has been shown that the cephalic index obtained in America is less than one obtained in Italy and differs by 1.03 units on average. Due to the migration of head types over distances away from the point of origination, a mixed variation of types is therefore explainable as an extended and old mixture. One of many examples may include the migration of Europeans to the United States. For example, the Jews and Indian half bloods that have come to the same region show an increase in variation due in part to genetic exchange between the two races. The authors conclude that Athroughout the period of their intermixture, the study of the variables found in the cities indicates that environmental causes modify the value of the cephalic index@ (185). On the other hand, with the influx of foreigners within the cities under study, one must consider the assumption that Athe head index undergoes changes in the city@ (188).

THOMAS SLEIGHT Michigan State University, (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Breton, C. Adela. The International Congress of Historical Studies. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15 460-469

In this article Breton explains the third session of Congress that brought together a large number of distinguished men from all parts of the world. At the opening meeting Mr. Bryce noted the widening in recent years of the field of history, so that now it was regarded as a record of every form of human effort and achievement, concerned not only with political events and institutions, but with all the factors that have molded man. He alluded to changes in the condition of weaker and more backward races that are vanishing under the impact of civilized man, and dwelt on the importance of recording the expiring forms of speech and the embodiments in custom of primitive human thought.

One of the subjects at hand was the introduction of the Illyrian hypothesis, which explains and records the travels of the sea people who are later known as the Philistines. He describes the disappearance of the Mycenaean culture, which was displaced by the Hellenic states.

He brings to light the disappearance of the people of Hatti, which were lost after the Dark Ages. He explains that the Dark Ages (1200-900 B.C.) was a time where record keeping was very limited due to possible destruction of empires. Although record keeping was very minimal, the true super powers such as the Assyrians, managed to clarify that the end of the Hittite Empire was due to the expansion of the Assyrian and Babylonian Empires.

The Record Office and the authorities of the British Museum also combined instruction with entertainment. An excursion to Cambridge and the delightful hospitality of some members of the University closed the festivities.

SIMON ISRAEL York University (Naomi Adelson)

Bushnell, David I. Petroglyphs Representing the Imprint of the Human Foot. American Anthropologist, 1913. Vol. 15: 8-15

Bushnell’s article simply details the locations of curious “footprints” across America. They have been traced from “below the falls of James river, near Richmond, across the mountains and down the valley of the Ohio to the Mississippi. Crossing the Mississippi they are found in Missouri and Oklahoma.”

At each site, Bushnell goes into specifics about the size of the footprint petroglyphs. They range from 7 inches in length to 16 inches. They are found in a number of different materials such as sandstone, limestone, and even a block of quartzite.

At some sites in Illinois, there are some strange footprints. Specifically, there is a human footprint with six toes, and another with a square heel and toes of equal length.

Bushnell concludes that the footprints are associated in some way with water or water-courses, due to the fact that all of the petrogylphs have been found near the bank of a stream.

SEVAAN FRANKS York University (Naomi Adelson)

Chamberlain, Alexander. Linguistic Stocks of South Indians with Distribution MapAmerican Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15: 236-247

As a means of clarifying the studies of the time, this article providers a detailed list of the languages (stocks) of South American Indians (natives). Along with the eighty three languages listed, a coloured map of South American details exactly where each languages is spoken. Accompanying each entry on the list is a reference that provides a source of information for that particular language or group of people who speak it (e.g. Cayubaban. see Chamberlain in Journ. de la Soc de Amer. de Paris, 1910, n.s., VIII, 182). As well, notes follow several of the languages listed from Chamberlain clarifying the relationships and origin of speech of the language.

Most of the information published in the article is a list of languages compiled by various ethnologists. Chamberlain states that although their findings about these languages are accepted within the field, they may not be fully researched or entirely true.

The coloured map itself is modeled after that of the North American language maps of Powell. However, Chamberlain goes on to explain that the map may not be entirely accurate in that some of the language and the extent of their regional reach and use may not be proportionately represented on the map.

SANDRA FARFAN York University (Naomi Adelson).

De Booy, Theodoor Certain Kitchen-Middens in Jamaica. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15:425-434

In order to better understand the way of life of the pre-Columbian inhabitants aboriginal kitchen-middens were excavated by the author on the island of Jamaica. The middens reveals the type of food eaten. A kitchen-midden is where the natives would throw their cooking pots and shells as they broke. Sixteen middens were found in the Little Niger-ground hill that was excavated. The hill is situated close to the sea. An aboriginal path runs from the hill to the sea, and fertile land lies to the north of it. Maps and descriptions of the excavations are detailed, explaining the actual physical work that was done.

As well as test holes, trenches were dug in the middens. The finding of ash and shell deposits in the hill leads de Booy to conclude that the garbage was thrown in all directions but one, so as to keep a clear space in front of the hut. Shells of the middens were found all over the hill that was excavated. Ashes were found on the hill, as well as small animal and fish bones. The pottery found in the middens were boat-shaped remains. The vessels are differentiated by their thickness and their handles. The pottery found on the island of Jamaica differs from that found on surrounding islands. This leads to the conclusion that the Jamaican pottery shouldn’t be compared with the culture of the surrounding islands, but should be classified on its own.

ANNA COLOMBO York University (Naomi Adelson)

De Booy, Theodoor. Lucayan Artifacts From The Bahamas. American Anthropologist. January-March,1913, Vol.15:1-7.

This article by De Booy is one that very briefly describes the several different types of artifacts that were found on the “Bahama” islands on an expedition taken on by George G. Heye Esq. in the year 1912. The first artifacts discussed are the duhos. These are objects made of a type of wood called madeira (resembling mahogany); however it is believed that the wood was not a product of the Bahamas considering the few madeira trees existing in the Bahamas, instead it is believed that the wood was imported from larger islands such as Haiti or Puerto Rico. There was also mention of a canoe paddle found on Mores island, one of the cays on the little Bahamian bank, which was occupied by about 20 “negro” families who took part in the sponge industry. The author goes on to describe the exact measurements of the wooden paddle, along with an illustration of how the paddle was used. Another artifact is a duho in the form of a wooden stool which was found in an open cave at Spring Point on Acklins island. The stool was discovered by a “negro” who, while taking cover in a cave during a rainstorm, noticed one of the legs (of the stool) sticking out from the debris. The third and final object looked at, and briefly described by De Booy, was the fractured ceremonial celt from Mariguana island. Although fragmented, this celt showed “what the original outlines must have been”. The figure on the celt was described as being in a seated posture with both knees and arms pointed inwards and the hands rested under the chin; the fingers and toes are represented as shallow grooves.

CARLA DI GIANDOMENICO York University (Naomi Adelson).

Dixon, Roland B., and Kroeber, A. L. New Linguistic Families in California. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15: 647-655.

This article centres around the discovery of a common origin for several Native Californian languages that were previously believed to be of distinct stocks or families and some preliminary information on the discovery. Detailed information is provided on what the authors argue are the five Californian language families: Penutian, Hokan, Ritwan, Iskoman, and Yuki. This replaces the previous number of twenty-one which had been calculated earlier. The article then moves on to focus on each of these five families and the reasons for considering them the main families.

In each case, the study of the main family shows detailed information on probable language growths and where and at what time the languages changed family or evolved into some other form. Primarily, each family is analyzed and studied for similarities between each other, similarities that would indicate belonging to a certain group. In many cases, a single word, such as bow, can be successfully used to analyze similarities in otherwise disparate languages and therefore determine their relationships.

In conclusion, this article restates the generalizations that led the researchers to determine there were indeed only five Californian language families. The researchers themselves used the similarities between languages to discover the relationship between them. Using their skill at deciphering this code, they could then discover the kinship between languages.

JAMES STREET York University (Naomi Adelson)

Dixon, Roland B. Some Aspects of North American Archaeology. American Anthropologist 1913 15 (4): 549-577.

In this article, Dixon attempts to explain some of the aspects of North American archaeology. He focuses on three particular types of archaeological remains, their status, (location and abundance), and their context towards society. These three types of remains are shell middens, gravesites, and village site remnants.

The first type of artifact Dixon focuses on are the shell middens found throughout North America. He discusses their location, content, and how they can be used to explain the culture of the areas. He uses several specific middens and locations as examples, such as those found in the vicinity of San Francisco bay. Dixon explains the abundance of shell-heaps and how these mounds have been found with lower strata several feet below the current sea level. Examined in conjunction with the already known rate of coastline depression, there is proof that these sites are “a considerable age” (Dixon, 550).

He goes on to compare these sites with others found north and south along the shoreline and uses the consistency of midden depth to further prove his point.

He then turns to the findings of gravesites throughout North America and uses them to further prove the age of various sites that these graves are related to. Through various dating methods, Dixon is able to put approximate dates to these buried skeletons. Although he spends significantly less time discussing gravesites than shell middens, he successfully proves his argument that these sites are significantly old, hence proving the existence of hominids on this continent several thousand years ago.

Thirdly, Dixon turns to the examination of excavated village sites scattered sparsely across North America. He explains that this type of remains is not as reliable as the previous two, as the finding of these sites has been, to date, infrequent. Dixon also states “some are clearly associated with large defensive works, or with mounds of simple structure, whereas others occur quite independently” (Dixon, 556). By doing so, he makes himself more trustworthy to the reader, as he is refuting one of his own means of proof.

This article finishes with a variety of comments on the article made by various other professionals in the field of archaeology. Overall, Dixon was successful in presenting his argument, although in some situations he offered more information than necessary, making the article much lengthier than required.

MICHAEL FILLITER York University, Toronto (Naomi Adelson)

Fewkes, J. Walter Porto Rican ElbowBStones in the Heye Museum, with Discussion of Similar Objects Elsewhere American Anthropologist July-September, 1913 Vol.15(3) 435-459

Fewkes= main objective is to explain that in Porto Rico prehistoric stone objects were being found and archaeologists were perplexed at how to explain what these materials were. The Porto Rican stone objects he mentions were both with and without animal or human heads (called three-point idols) while other forms resembled horse collars (called stone collars). The least known of the prehistoric stones were objects named to describe the shape that they looked like: elbow-stones.

While going into great detail to describe the three Antillean stones, he puts his focus on not only how they are connected (culturally and geographically), but also how logically they are considered related. Fewkes continues by going into great detail trying to classify the relations of the stones and their origin. He also points out their distinctions and showed that their overall purpose was generally the same.

The author supplied ample amount of photographs and illustrations to help the reader visually understand what he was researching and explaining. He went through great pains detailing the stones from different angles to help classify each specimen. Not only does he discuss their origin, but characteristic descriptions and possible ceremonial purposes. By first talking about lands of origin, Fewkes mentions that it was vital first to understand the significance of the elbow-stones to help form a more accurate over-all picture of what was being researched. Once through the descriptions of the stones, he finishes his work towards the purpose of what the stones could have been used for.

This article definitely requires the reader to review the article a couple times due to the amount of detailed information that is provided.

Dessiree S. Wielgosz: Michigan State University, (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Fletcher, Alice C. Brief History of the International Congress of the Americanists. American Anthropologist 1913 N. S., 15: 529-534

In Fletcher’s article, A Brief History of the International Congress of the Americanists, an outline of the origin, goals and conferences of the organization known as the International Congress of the Americanists is given. The timeline of the article begins in 1857 with the organization of the Société Americaine de France in Paris and concludes in 1912 with a notation regarding the eighteenth International Congress of the Americanists meetings.

Because interest in the study of the history and past lives of the people from the ‘American continent’ of the New World by European scholars was growing, the president of the Société Americaine encouraged and invited other parties from different countries interested in or already engaged in the study of America to form an international organization. The organization was formed and became the First Congress of the Americanists whose first meeting was held in Nancy in July 1875.

Most of Fletcher’s article reads as a synopsis of minutes or agenda items from the various congress conferences between 1875 and 1912, with brief details given to pertinent issues discussed at the meetings.

Since the writing of this article coincided with the last meeting of the congress, it is unknown from this synopsis whether there were to be subsequent meetings.

MARCIE GOLDMAN York University (Naomi Adelson)

Frachtenberg, Leo J. Contributions to a Tutelo Vocabulary American Anthropologist July-September, 1913 Vol.15(3):477-479

In his research forming AContributions to a Tutelo Vocabulary,@ Leo J. Frachtenberg attempts to resurrect the long forgotten dialect of the Tutelo. Frachtenburg collects his material under the auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology, on the Grand River reservation, Ontario, in July 1907. Although he openly admits that the material obtained was highly unreliable and somewhat confusing, he deemed it important enough to attempt to understand.

The Tutelo lived in North Carolina at a very early date and formed a subdivision of the great Siouan family. They were moved northward near the Iroquois after one of their frequent raids and were thus admitted into the confederacy of the Iroquois. This conglomeration of cultures resulted in the eventual extinction of the original Tutelo dialect, and although a Tutelo song was performed at the end of an Iroquois festival, no one was able to translate the meaning of the words. Leo Frachtenburg learns that there are only two Tutelo families remaining (the Williams and the Buck families). Since not one member of the Williams family remembered a single word of their former dialect, Frachtenburg relied upon Lucy Buck and the help of an interpreter in order to uncover the minimal vocabulary words that he lists at the end of his work.

Although this is a vague insight into the actual language of the Tutelo, Frachtenburg=s attempts are noble considering the minimal information he was given. In his short account he reveals the amount of results that he received without claiming overwhelming validity.

SARAH LUNN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Grinnell, George Bird. Some Indian Stream Names. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15:327-331

Grinnell tells of the Gros Ventres of the Prairie. Although they are known as At-se’-na, or Gut People, they call themselves Ah-ah’-ni-ni’, or “Clay People”. The origins of the people and the divisions that occurred among the tribes are explained. According to Grinnell, rivers divided the tribes. He reports his recordings of the Gros Ventres stream names. He describes the phonetic representation of the name and when possible, how the river received that name, for example: “Rosebud River: Ya’ ni ni tseh’, ‘Roseberry river’ (ya’ ni, ‘roseberry’, + ni tseh’). Named from the abundance of rose-bushes growing in the stream bottom” (p.330).

Pawnee stream names were also recorded. Very little is known of the Pawnee language, although a dictionary does seem to exist but the grammar has been lost. Again, the phonetic representation of the name is given with a brief explanation of the origins of the name.

ANNA COLOMBO York University (Naomi Adelson).

Goldenweiser, A.A. Remarks on the Social Organization of the Crow Indians. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15: 281-294.

Goldenweiser’s article is a response to Dr. Lowie’s paper on the social life of the Crow Indians published in 1912. Firstly, Goldenweiser questions Lowie’s decision to replace the term phratry with the term clan associations for those units within the Crow social structure that have lost their exogamy. Goldenweiser insists that a term used for a social unit should not merely be based on the function of this unit and suggests that the clan associations of the Crow consisting of two or more subdivisions should still be considered phratries.

Goldenweiser furthermore addresses Lowie’s assertion that the Crow and the Hidatsa are fundamentally different as far as social organization is concerned and suggests that cultural transformations can obscure or even eliminate traces of former social organization that these two tribes might have had in common. The Crow might have formed units across the limits of the phratries, like the Hidatsa, but social organization could have changed and formed the present phratries. Goldenweiser points out that he would welcome further investigation from Lowies and others into these hypotheses.

In the next paragraph, Goldenweiser underlines the necessity for ethnographers to not only provide terminologies of relationships, but to also present an explanation of the underlying system. In response to Lowie’s failure to provide an explanation, Goldenweiser presents an analysis and tabular representation of Lowie’s Crow terms in order to clarify the basic principles. Based on this analysis, Goldenweiser concludes that “the Crow system of relationship is particularly suggestive in so far as it reveals with unusual clearness the process of its own development” (292).

CLAUDIA HOFFMANN Purdue University

Goldenweiser, A.A. Remarks on the Social Organization of the Crow Indians American Anthropologist April-June, 1913 Vol.15(2):281-294

The intent of this article is to both provide a response to a then recent paper published by Dr. Robert H. Lowie and expand upon his findings. Goldenweiser does this, as one might imagine, by first briefly summarizing the findings of Lowie, stating the points to be discussed, and then offering his extrapolations of Lowie=s conclusions.

The first part of this response examines the exogamous divisions of the Crow Indians. Although both this author and Lowie assert the probability that the Crow were previously divided into exogamous phratries, that is, dually divided subgroups within the tribe consisting of various numbers of smaller clans, Goldenweiser offers that this pattern has continued into 1913 in a micro-organized form. He suggests that although Lowie had concluded that marriage patterns within the Crow of the time appeared to be random, phratric exogamy instead existed on the clan level and not necessarily on the previous level. Initially, Goldenweiser briefly offers evidence of this through the representation of clans by men and their sons in various competitive contests; however, his largest supporting evidence lies in an analysis of the descriptive relationship terminology used by the Crow. Here exogamy is demonstrated through the way in which members of the same clan are described in familial terms. For example, although the immediate family is described using typical Amother/father@ terminology, similar terms are also used to describe grandparents, in-laws, etc. In fact, within each clan little distinction is made between the grandfather and the great uncle. Within the clan, almost all members are referred to in terms derived from mother, father, brother, and sister.

Although the comprehension of this terminological analysis is very complex, Goldenweiser makes an effort at simplifying his conclusions by summarizing his main points towards the end of the article. Even still, gaining an adequate understanding of this article would be largely aided by an examination of the article to which it responds. All things considered, Goldenweiser=s comments and conclusions based on Dr. Lowie=s initial article are informative and well founded.

Andrew D. Coppens Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Hagar, Stansbury. Izamal and its Celestial Plan. American Anthropologist 1913 (15): 16-32.

Hagar presents an argument for the probability of a celestial plan for the ruins of the town of Izamal. Descriptions by Landa, a writer in 1566, describe the layout of the ruins from which Hagar draws his conclusions. Hagar refers to “eleven or twelve edifices…all of them bore the name of the deity Itzamna, yet each had its special name and attributes” (19). Hagar posits that the position of buildings at Izamal shows the calendar, using astrological symbols and showing events such as the solstice. The outward appearance of the buildings is also significant, as they symbolize important aspects of ancient Mexican religious culture: “the human victim who at the time of the solstice was conducted up the temple steps to represent the ascending course of the sun and was then hurled down to represent the solar descent” (23). Many edifices built at Izamal represent deities and are used in the celestial plan of this locale to govern the days of religious celebrations that correspond to certain times of the year. Many of the symbols for such deities appear to correspond to figures from European or classical astrology, such as Cancer, Scorpio, Gemini, etc. For example, there is a temple where weapons were kept for the army, this building has two faces carved into the walls, both army leaders, said to be Gemini (25). These symbols not only seemed to represent astrological figures, they appear to also represent the season and provide a calendar for the seasonal celebrations of four major festivals. These four ceremonies are celebrated “…during the supplementary days…” (27). Five major symbolic buildings or mounds are still extant, and Hagar hypothesizes that the rest of the buildings (before their destruction) would have revealed the same celestial connection. Those areas of Izamal that have been identified as symbolic by Hagar are related to the following astrological signs: Aquarius, Gemini, Aries, Taurus and Cancer. Hagar has also identified the roads leading away from these edifices as divisions of the celestial plane, “…corresponding with the celestial four seasons divided by the solstices and equinoxes” (31). Hagar concludes that, though this is only a hypothesis, similar evidence of Central American locales built on celestial plans have been discovered “…at Cuzco in Peru and at Teotihuacan in Mexico…” (32).

AMANDA JONES York University (Naomi Adelson)

Harrington, M.R. A Preliminary Sketch of Lenape Culture. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15:208-235

The culture of the Delaware Indians, or as they call themselves, the Lenape, is very interesting when viewed from all the different aspects that make up a certain cultural group. The information in this article is basically derived from the Delaware of Caney River and the Munceys of the Thames, which may be considered successors respectively of the old Unami and Minsi. The information presented about the Lenape heritage is divided into the following categories: Social and Political Organization, Life of the Individual, Public Activities, Houses, Clothing, Means of Livelihood, Industries, Beliefs and Ceremonies, Charms and Witchcraft, Cosmology, Measures of Time and Space, Records, Art and, lastly, Music. The author is both describing this culture and attempting to convey that, although it is so unique, it is in fact dying out with the introduction of new technology and different ways of life.

Political organization of the Unami is divided into three totemic groups, each named after an animal – Wolf, Turtle, and Turkey. The Minsi have only two groups, which are the Wolf and the Turkey. Attributes of the animals are used as names for the groups. Each of the three groups is composed of many small clans, whose names have their origin in some traditional peculiarity of their ancestors or from a location they frequently visited. Strict clan exogamy prevailed as a social pattern. Ancestry followed the female line of kinship. Each phratry or group had a chief who managed only certain affairs of the group. He spoke for them at the Annual Ceremony. This position was taken over hereditarily, falling to the nearest male relative. There also existed a second chief, a war chief, and a head chief.

In Lenape culture, no formal laws or judicial system existed in the life of the individual. Instead, a person was bound by tradition of rules from the past. He was punished severely if he went against the tradition. Special beliefs began even before the birth of a Lenape child. It is said that the child at birth did not have a firm hold of the world, so he/she could easily be coaxed away by evil spirits. To prevent this, babies were wrapped in adults’ clothing as a disguise. The umbilical cord of the child was considered as closely connected with the child’s disposition; therefore, a boy’s cord was buried in the woods to make him fond of hunting, whereas, a girl’s cord was buried near the lodge or in the garden to make her fond of domestic duties. If an animal found the buried umbilical cord and ate it, the character of the child was said to resemble the animal in the future. Boys were instructed in warfare and hunting as well as the art of woodcraft, whereas girls were taught the duties required to manage a household. Traditions, rituals and songs of the culture were definite areas studied in the curriculum. At ten years of age, boys were heavily abused and sent on numerous journeys to other lands, and forced to starve. The reason behind this was so that a spirit would take pity upon him and become his guardian spirit, blessing him with power. Anyone who was fortunate enough to obtain a vision was held in high regards. Girls, from the initial experience of womanhood, were sent to away to eat by themselves. During menstruation, they were not allowed to enter a family dwelling, touch cooking utensils, nor enter a temple where the Annual Ceremony was enacted.

War was welcome as a public activity among the Delaware Indians. They also practiced many different forms of sports such as “snow-snake’, in which polished wooden wands were thrown for great distances across the snow, resembling lacrosse. The two basic special organizations among the Minsi tribe consisted of a Witches group of twelve and a Masks group of twelve. Crime was left up to the private parties involved to determine punishment, unless it was completely necessary for the chiefs to intercede.

The housing of the Lenape was rectangular in ground plan with a hole at the top to let out the smoke. Bundles of medicinal herbs were placed around the house, along with dried venison, pumpkins cut in strips and braided strings of corn on the cob. The largest buildings were the ceremonial houses or “temples” where the Annual Ceremony took place each year. The most interesting feature of this temple lies in two large carvings of the human face, one facing east and one facing west.

Clothing for the men consisted of mainly deerskin material for shirts, pants and moccasins. Some men shaved their heads leaving only little hair, whereas others grew their hair long. Sometimes headbands were worn as well as caps with feathers. Facial painting and tattooing were universal. Women wore material mostly obtained from the Whites as well as robes of broadcloth, beautifully decorated with ribbons, beadwork, or brooches. They also wore a variety of different head ornaments.

The Delawares sustained life by agriculture as well as through hunting, fishing, and the gathering of berries, nuts, and other natural food products. Men had the task of supplying the tribe with meat and most of their materials for clothing.

The supernatural world controlled all elements of nature and health in the Lenape culture. A “Great Spirit” is their god and he designed all aspects of nature. This “Great Spirit” is the center of their cosmology. Dreams were significant because they served as the main channel of communication between humans and the supernatural. Time was divided into years, each having four seasons and twelve moons. The divisions of the day were morning, near-noon, noon, past noon, evening, sunset, dark and midnight. The time of day was defined by pointing at the sun and remarking how high it was.

Records were mainly expressed through paintings of pictures or scratched in wood or other flat surfaces. Traditions were handed down orally. Art was primarily portrayed through patterns in beads, ribbons and on silver. Music is almost entirely vocal. The only instruments used were native flageolets of cedar and different kinds of drums.

This overview of the Lenape culture provides the reader with a good understanding of their culture and traditions. Although, the Lenape may resemble other Eastern and Central Algonquin tribes, as well as the Iroquois, they are very unique and show great individuality, especially in matters ceremonial and religious. This culture is rapidly dying because many customs are no longer practiced, political and social organization is breaking down, and the language is no longer used by the younger generation. It is sad to see another type of Indian culture losing its way in the modern world.

LISA ARGENTINI York University (Naomi Adelson).

Heath, G.R. Notes on Miskuto Grammer and on other Indian Languages of Eastern Nicaragua. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15:48-57.

In this paper, the author gives us a thorough understanding of how language has shaped and identified the people of eastern Nicaragua. There are three main tribes which reside in the eastern half of Nicaragua: the Miskuto, the Sumu, and the Rama. The Sumu occupied an immense tract of the country. The dialects amongst all of these tribes are so similar as to be almost intelligible.

The first born tribe was that of the Miskuto. They were considered to be disobedient and headstrong. The next born, the Twahka, consider themselves to this day to be the nobility among the Sumu; while the youngest, the Ohlwa, being according to Indian custom the favourites, were taught the secrets of medicine and incantation by the “Mother” (50:1913).

Anthropologists invariably group the Sumu among the Lenca peoples and the Miskuto among the Carib. Columbus, who discovered the country in 1952, seems to have known the Miskuto under the name of Caribisi. The physique and the habits and character of the Miskuto differ considerably from those of the Sumu or Rama. The staple food of the Miskuto is the sweet cassava, or yucca; while the Sumu seem to live almost exclusively on bananas, and the Nahuatl of the interior are maize-eaters. The Rama nowadays eats both cassava and bananas. Now the Carib are the greatest cassava eating people of the world. The Sumu rarely intermarry with strangers of another race, and are fast diminishing in numbers, while the Miskuto assimilate all races. The offspring always speak the language of the mother, and grow up as Miskuto Indians, regardless of the father’s descent.

A very strong influence on the Miskuto people, was the African influence. The African influence has differentiated them very strongly from the other Indians. The Africans after considerable fighting, became assimilated with the original Indians; and the resulting “Sambos,” a people of strong physique, numerous progeny, and considerable arrogance, and who speak Miskuto with certain curious dialect variations, have had great influence in the country. In any case, one can scarcely deny the African influence on the language. The vowel scale is exactly the same as in the Jamaican Creole dialect (1913: 51). The style of thought, while resembling Sumu, also resembles closely to “Negro-English”.

The author has successfully provided us with a clear and concise explanation on how the language of the eastern Indians of Nicaragua has identified and shaped its people.

ANGELA ADU York University (Naomi Adelson).

Jones, William. Kickapoo Ethnological Notes. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15: 333-335.

These very brief notes by William were published posthumously and without editing.

William presents his observations of the Kickapoo Indians concerning their marriage customs, manitous and tribal division. The author describes the courting procedures of men and women and the rituals that need to be observed in order to be properly married. These rituals include the proper involvement of family members and gift exchanges. Following this section, William provides an extensive list of relationship terms with translations.

The second section of this article addresses how the tribe is divided into two phratries, which cannot be entered by children who have not been given a name. William furthermore describes the procedure of name-giving. His notes conclude with the names of clans and their translation.

CLAUDIA HOFFMANN Purdue University (Myrdene Anderson)

Jones, William Kickapoo Ethnological Notes American Anthropologist April-June, 1913 Vol.15(2):332-335

This is a brief collection of ethnological notes found in Dr. William Jones= papers on the culture of the Kickapoo tribe. Included in these notes are descriptions of the Kickapoo=s marriage customs, terms of relationship, the tribal two-fold division, and the Kickapoo names for the different clans within the tribe. These are the exact notes taken by Dr. Jones; there is no analysis or commentary of them provided in this article.

According to the notes, when a young couple wishes to marry, the man will slip into the woman=s lodge during the night, and leave in the early morning. After a few meetings they will then inform their parents of their intention to marry. After approval from the parents the families of the newlyweds will exchange gifts, then build a lodge for their own use. Dr. Jones also provided the Kickapoo terms for relationship. There are three terms for father, noza- my father, ozani- his father, and ozwawa=i- their fathers. Other terms include those for aunt, uncle, sister and formal and informal addresses. The two-fold division in the tribe is based upon the medium a member of the tribe wishes to paint with, be it white clay (kicko=a) or charcoal (uskaca). The notes on the clans within the tribe include clans named from water (napiizotcigi), thunder (naneme=kiizutcigi) and other natural characteristics.

This article consists solely of the notes that Dr. William Jones wrote. There is no summary, evaluation, or commentary accompanying these notes, which creates a certain vagueness to the information provided. The notes are precise and to the point, printed exactly as Dr. Jones has written them. This article is easily and quickly read.

CARMEN SAUR Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Maccurdy, George Grant. Ancestor Hunting: The Significance of the Piltdown Skull.American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15:248-257.

In this article, George Grant Maccurdy describes the latest pre-human find by Mr. Charles Dawson. Because of the evidence, mainly shaped flint objects, Mr. Dawson was able to find an “unusually thick human parietal bone” (248) near Piltdown Common, Fletching (Sussex). In the pit, many objects including animal bones were found at the same level of deposit as the human bone. Dr. A. Smith Woodward proposes a cranial capacity of 1070 c.c. (249).

In the article, the newly found Piltdown man is compared and contrasted to findings of other pre-human species, including Neandertal and chimpanzee. It is concluded that the “individual was of adult age” and female (250). The scientists are very interested in the temporal region of the scull, which is believed to play an important role in the evolution of speech. The growth of the brain is linked to the evolution of man. Flint as a material for tool making is discussed in the article. The author describes how he believes the habit of tool use developed starting with flint.

The author discusses the importance of understanding the line of human geneology, for which the newly discovered Piltdown site is valuable. The need for expert control at such sites is of concern to the author: “The result is that important data are overlooked and valuable specimens are smashed by pick and shovel and irretrievably lost to view” (254). Questions about the sort of environment Piltdown man lived in, such as if the English channel existed, are raised. The author makes an attempt to distinguish what era in time Piltdown man existed and which branch of the human family tree he descended from: “The Piltdown remains therefore tend to prove that in the lower Quaternary the differentiation among Hominidae had already progressed much farther than has generally supposed; and that we shall have to go a long way back in the past to find the parting of the ways between the ancestor of man and that of his nearest of kin among the apes” (256).

LAURA MONTEITH York University (Naomi Adelson)

Maccurdy, G. G. Note On The Archeology Of Chiriqui. American Anthropologist 1913. Vol. 15:661-667

The article’s main objective was to discuss the significance of the designs on the early ceramic art of Chiriqui in relation to their natural environment. Maccurdy explained “the principle motives in the ceramic art of Chiriqui have been traced to certain animal forms” (Pg. 661) which is highly unlike other primitive art that gets its inspiration from the faunal environment. In fact, it had been so dominant that certain ceramic groups are named serpent ware, fish ware, and alligator ware. For example, on one of the pots that he showcased in the article, there were white dots on the design alongside eight curving arms. This would represent the suckers on the eight tentacles of an octopus. He went on to describe how the ceramic was constructed in the fashion of the particular animal that the artist was gathering his inspiration from such as how the handles would flow in a certain fashion towards the body. Even the mouth of the pot would resemble the sucker with its smooth, round texture. The colour chosen was clearly taken into consideration by the artist.

Pictures and illustrations were provided in the article to make his explanations clearer. The author even included a picture of his own work which got its inspiration from the Chiriqui ceramic art form to further emphasis his point that “The whole is a piece of decorative work admirably conceived and adapted to the space at the artist’s disposal. The design may have no significance other than this.” (Pg. 665)

This article is simple and easy to comprehend, with plenty of graphics.

LIZA POH York University (Naomi Adelson).

MacCurdy, George Grant Shell Gorgets From Missouri American Anthropologist July-September, 1913 Vol.15(3):395-414.

In the article, George MacCurdy simply describes the history and many types of shell gorgets that were found in the Missouri area. Through history, shellfish have been very abundant. One use of the shells is to make gorgets, necklaces or breastplates made of shellfish that were worn by the Natives of Missouri. The process of making the gorget is quite simple. After the shell is cracked, the fish is then removed. The inside (or concave part) of the shell can than be used as a canvas of sorts to depict symbols of the culture. After the art on the shells has been completed, the gorget can be hung from one’s neck (i.e. a breastplate or necklace). Upon death a select few Native Americans are buried with the gorgets laid upon their breast; this is where many of the gorgets were actually found upon excavation.

According to MacCurdy, the gorgets were “distinguished by the [different] designs engraved upon them.@ There are six recognized classifications of gorgets: the cross, spider, serpent, bird, scalloped disk, and frog. Archeologists have also come across some with human designs on them, however they were believed to be used as masks rather than breastplates.

MacCurdy then goes on to explain the designs that were excavated. He is very precise in the explanation of the gorgets appearance. After reading his description in the text, one can see the picture of the gorget and see it virtually mirrors the description. MacCurdy rarely theorizes about the symbols on the shells; save for one case, he never goes into the symbolism or meaning of the art depicted on the gorgets. In the lone case he does delve into the explanation of the art, it is very interesting. MacCurdy explained one of the human depictions that was unveiled, and explained how the art symbolized a human sacrifice; the picture depicts the Sky-God, and the sacrifice of a young woman that is made when the morning star was in the sky.

The article that MacCurdy presented was very clear; however, it lacked an argument. It was very frustrating to read about all of the gorget’s descriptions, but not to see what they symbolized. A good example of this is when MacCurdy simply states that “the significance [of a particular gorget] can only be surmised [i.e. imprecise]”. Due to the fact that many readers of anthropological material look for an explanation of a culture, this article may be very difficult for some people due to its lack of conclusions.

JOHN YAX: Michigan State University, (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Michelson, Truman. Contributions to Algonquian Grammar. American Anthropologist 1913 15: 470-476.

The discussion of the numerous changes to Algonquian grammar system, is the focal point of the article. It states many rules in which the pronunciation of a word has changed if certain vowels and consonants are placed together. These changes also state what the word looked and sounded like before the change occurred. The changes discussed are phonetic, for the following examples, n to c, s to c, t to tc, yA to ya, and wA to o. Michelson also gives notes on intervocalic consonants, in which he discusses elements, which are in support the changes in grammar. Notes are also given on the verbal complex and how apparent it appears and further discusses changes within the grammar and how radical they appear to get. The short conclusion in the end summarizes all the grammatical changes, which have occurred. He further states the original word still means the same, but that it appears different in written word. The conclusion is with the thought that base words may not always be combined with stem words.

SHERISSE SEQUEIRA: York University (Naomi Adelson)

Moorehead, Warren, K. The Red Paint People of Maine. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15:33-47.

Warren Moorehead describes the many artifacts he has discovered throughout the lower Penobscot valley, which he believes belong to the “Red-paint people.” The author refers to a Mr. Willouby, whom began the grave excavations in the area, opening 170 aboriginal graves. The graves of the Red-paint people are distinguishable from those of the recent Algonquian people. Evidence is given for the probability that this culture extended very far north. Moorehead explored cemeteries at Orland, Maine, for which numerous photographs were taken and some displayed in the article.

The graves varied from one to three feet deep. Some of the graves had been previously disturbed, especially the ones nearer to the surface. The implements found in the graves include: “gouges, long pendants, “plummets,” and celt blades. The dark mass in which these are lying is brilliant red ochre” (38). Many of the 170 graves were still intact and the author makes conclusions based on his observations of them. He believes that “the graves represent an ancient and exceedingly primitive culture” different from the Algonquian tribes (39). The author believes that the absence of human remains and disintegration of many stone implements is because of the graves’ “considerable antiquity” (40). The author raises other issues about the graves related to their contents, including, the presents of a greater quantity of paint not found in other graves. Of the artifacts found, the “most remarkable of all are the slender, flat, perforated, ornamental stones, of which seventeen were found in the Passadumkeag cemetery” (42). Moorehead and his team found three or four fire-pits, and remark on the difficulty they experienced while tracing the graves in the article.

The author gives a description of his findings at the Mason cemetery that was on a sandy ridge near a lakeshore. The team dug many pits but had trouble with the wetness and mud at the site. However, they found charcoal, bits of deerskin, copper beads, cylinders of sandstone, and a human femur six inches long. No other human remains were found. Warren Moorehead asserts that prehistoric life in Maine has been underestimated. The Aboriginal would have had convenient canoe access in this area and many game animals available for hunting. The author concludes that the “Red-paint people” were hunters and not agriculturists.

LAURA MONTEITH York University (Naomi Adelson).

Peabody, Charles Excavation of a Prehistoric site at Tarrin, Department of the Hautes Alpes, France. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15: 257-272

Site excavation requires close attention to two important factors: location and land layout. This case study examines an archaeologist’s experience in preparing to find a secure location for digging. Much of the case study also looks into the various types of rock and mineral compounds retrieved in his findings in the Hautes Alpes in northern France.

The archaeologist, Mr. Plat, set out to discover whether this location was being occupied by humans in prehistoric times. As well, some of the findings reveal that the area was inhabited, since the majority of the material was found up to an altitude of 1000 m. Minerals such as glass, flint, limestone, and whole and broken animal bones were found within the first few layers of the surface.

Findings of this sort do not only explain the existence of human activity, but also the types of activities they were involved in, the uses of the minerals, and whether animals were in this area.

Plat prepared his charts according to findings found in specific sites. He makes several diagrams outlining the exact location of his excavation, as well as the amount of strata (earth layers) excavated, and what was discovered on each stratum. He uses pictures to distinguish the types of rock found, and applies uses to them. Depending on factors like size, angles of the cuts, and sharpness, each flint rock, for example, had its purpose as a weapon, a tool, or jewelry.

ANOULONE SOUPHOMMANYCHANH York University (Naomi Adelson)

Peabody, Charles. Henry Williamson Haynes. American anthropologist April-June, 1913 Vol. 15 (2):336-346.

The article is an obituary of Henry Williamson Haynes. Charles Peabody, who the reader learns, was Haynes’ acquaintance writes about him and his work by mostly gathering information from Haynes’ scrapbook. The article begins with Peabody stating that Henry Haynes died in Boston on February 16, 1912. The reader also learns that Haynes was an only son of Nathaniel and Caroline Jemima (Williamson) Haynes. He was born on September 20, 1831 in Bangor. Haynes graduated from Harvard College at the Boston Latin School with the class of 1851. After teaching for about two years he studied law and was accepted to the bar in Boston on September 26, 1856. Henry Haynes became Professor of Greek and Latin in the University of Vermont in 1867 and in 1869 became a librarian of the University. He held these positions until 1873, when he returned to Boston. Haynes got married on August 1, 1867 with Helen Weld Blanchard.

Peabody lists some of many positions that Professor Haynes held. One of his many interests was Anthropology. He held membership in the American Anthropological Association, anthropological society of Washington, Archeological Institute of America and others. Haynes was involved in Paleolithic and Neolithic archeology. As well as archeology of America, specifically the Southwest and the Mexican fields. Peabody stated that the most important of the articles written by Haynes are “Progress of American Archeology during the years 1889-1899.” As well as the chapters in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America on the “Prehistoric Archaeology of North America” and “Early Explorations of New Mexico.” On page three hundred and thirty nine of the article Peabody includes a picture of stone chopper. Haynes was very interested in choppers until his death. Peabody made a catalogue, which described these stones with the assistance of Professor Haynes. In his description Peabody explains the difference between the two types of stones.

Charles Peabody mentions the fact that Professor Haynes was one of the very few Americans to take interest in the congresses, discussions, collections, and researches in the field of prehistoric archeology abroad. By visiting sites and meeting people Haynes gathered first hand knowledge. The knowledge of many languages persuaded him to form a large library. Peabody includes a short analysis of some of Haynes’ specimens. He also includes beneficiaries who received Haynes’ collections. One of which is the Peabody Museum. Peabody ends the article by stating that he regrets not meeting Henry Haynes earlier. Also, that the year spent with Haynes “was one of increasingly intensive admiration and affection.” (342) The article also contains a biography of Professor Haynes, which was prepared by him.

DAGMARA ROMANSKA York University (Naomi Adelson)

Pearl, Raymond and Redcliffe Salaman. The Relative Time of Fertilization of the Ovum and the Sex Ratio Amongst Jews. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15: 668-674

The articles objective is to show the separation regulations of the Jewish women, which determines the cause of the unequal sex ratio. Some of these regulations include no connubial relations for at least 24 hours. In order to determine the sex ratio amongst Jews it was essential to do more experiments. Dr. Dayan Feldman did an experiment on 5 Jewish families too see the sex ratio and concluded that the laws of separation are strictly and consistently carried out in each case. Some things to take note about are that if the time of fertilization of the egg relative to the menstrual period had any influence in the determination of the sex or in the modification of the sex ratio, this influence would be expected to make itself apparent in the above experiment.

In the findings of the experiment the Doctor concluded that there is no evidence that in the human race the time of fertilization of the egg relative to the catamenial period has any influence on the sex ratio seen by the offspring. A well it was found that the higher male sex ratio shown by the general Jewish statistics was partially due to the origin to other factors than time of fertilization of the egg.

DORY CARSON York University (Naomi Adelson)

Prince, J. Dyneley. A Text in The Indian Language of Panama Darien. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15: 298-326.

This article is written in an early anthropological style, and as such seems to be of limited use to modern anthropologists. The author focuses a great deal of his time on historical research and not on modern day fieldwork. However, he does compose an adequate report on the nature and numbers of languages spoken by the Isthmian aboriginal family known to Spanish Conquistadors as Cunas. Furthermore, he documents and establishes the language of the Cunas natives in his article, providing the equivalent of a mini-dictionary with accompanying translations.

Prince discusses the issues of trying to research the past in his article, as well as the issue of financing research and whom that research is for. He specifically spends much time examining the nature of government influence on anthropological research and how capitalism effects such academic pursuits. Finally, the language he records is an authentic ‘cultural language’, and as such is open to interpretation and study.

The overall significance of this article would seem to be simply that anthropological research in the early parts of the twentieth century were very structurally based. His entire research cumulated in a transcription of native language. His article is indicative of the larger problem anthropology faced in the ‘modernist approach’ to anthropology. Indeed, his practice of capturing the Cunas in a single frame and saying that he has documented the ‘whole’ of the Cunas language is a very modernist trait. Therefore, this article provides a good example of modernist research doctrine.

JAMES STREET York University (Naomi Adelson)

Prince, J. Dyneley Grammar and Glossary of the Tule Language of Panama American Anthropologist July-September, 1913 Vol.15(3):480-528.

This article is a comprehensive guide to the grammar and vocabulary of the Tule people of Panama. The article begins with a brief explanation of the origin of the language as well as a detailed description of phonetics, which accompany its alphabet. The author next provides suggestions on tone of voice, breathing and inflection allowing the reader to speak in an appropriate manner when dealing with members of the Tule culture. The author also addresses word formation of the Tule language, making the observation that it more resembles that of Malay than any North American dialect. Prince dedicates a short portion of the article to syntax, but gives no mention to punctuation, leaving the impression that the article is written more for a speaker of the language than a writer. The remaining portion of the article, representing about 80% of its body, is merely a glossary of Tule words and their meanings.

The style of the article leads one to believe that the author=s agenda is to teach a little-known language of a little-known people to his colleagues in anthropology, particularly those interested in the possibility of conducting fieldwork in Panama with the Tule. He Aurges@ his fellow anthropologists, for example, to explore the Tule people through fieldwork before the culture is Acontaminated by alien influences@. I feel that he is attempting to recruit interest in the Tule society within the anthropological community in hopes that others will carry on and further the study of the culture before it is Atoo late@.

This article is not meant for leisure reading. The primary purpose of it is dually concerned with both the preservation of a sparsely spoken language if in the future it were to become obsolete and possibly Alost@ as well as to provide another ethnographer with a crash course in Tule, should he or she decide to venture to Panama for study. The article is perfect for someone who desires to become quickly acquainted with the Tule language but is not something that provides enough general or background information as to be appropriate for the Aarmchair anthropologist@ or casual reader. The extensive use of references to other works also makes the text less reader-friendly. This is due to a general lack of familiarity with the works mentioned, making the article largely incomprehensible to anyone other than a scholar of historical anthropological works.

SAMANTHA A. REID: Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Sapir, Edward. A Tutelo Vocabulary. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15: 295-297.

This article is a short Tutelo vocabulary dictionary. Its significance lies in the fact that Tutelo has become an extinct language and very little of it has been put on record. The following article makes no attempt to discuss the data, however, the words have been recorded with greater phonetic accuracy. The author hopes that the words may at some future time prove of use to the students of comparative Siouan linguistics.

AZADEH ZARE-MOAYEDI York University, (Naomi Adelson)

Sapir, Edward. Wiyot and Yurok, Algonkin Languages of California. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15:617-646.

There are two small linguistic families in Northwestern California-Yurok and Wiyot. Yurok and Wiyot are genetically similar and are supposedly members of the Algonkin stock. This was suggested by outlining the genetic relationship between the two. Dr. Kroeber, who wrote “The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco,” has written about those languages and explicitly included their vocabulary as similar. He distinguished morphological parallelism in the pronominal forms. For example, the absence of possession, is signified by the letter “m-” in both languages.

Algonkin, Wiyot and Yurok have many similarities in the way they live and the way they form their language structures. Here are some known examples of the similarities in the languages. Firstly, when referring to the first, second, and third person plural possessive prefixes in Wiyot, it is the same as referring to the corresponding singular elements. Secondly, independent personal pronouns are almost the same as possessive pronominal prefixes. Therefore, through these and other examples in this paper, Algonkin, Wiyot, and Yurok are closely related in their morphological, lexical, and grammatical composition. This proposes that they are part of a single family.

JANI TRINDADE York University (Naomi Adleson).

Sebbelov, Gerda. The Social Position of Men and Women Among the Natives of East Malekula, Hew Hebrides. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15:273-280.

This article outlines the manner in which the people of East Malekula, New Hebrides assume their various social positions. While written by Gerda Sebbelov, it is based on information received by Rev. F.H. L. Paton, a missionary living in New Hebrides.

This article focuses mainly on the men of East Malekula. Caste is of central significance in a man’s life for it is a man’s caste that determines his social position. A man’s caste is based on the number of large tusk-pigs he is able to kill at religious ceremonies. Therefore, tusk-pigs play a prominent role in the life of these men.

The author outlines the particular caste system of this society. There are six castes and each caste is graded. A child is born without caste and only acquires his first ranking when his father kills a tusk-pig. Throughout his life a man advances from one grade to the next through the caste system each time he slaughters a tusk-pig. There are only three ceremonies whereby a man can kill tusk-pigs. The central features of these three ceremonies are outlined by the author.

Less detailed information is provided about the women of East Malekula. The author acknowledges that Mr. Paton’s knowledge of the life of women in this society is limited. It is known that the women had castes as well, but the names of the castes and the rules and rituals attached to them are not clearly defined.

The author concludes with a brief description of the life cycle and social status of the women of East Malekula, including some of the rituals surrounding birth, marriage and death.

LESLIE WARREN York University (Naomi Adelson)

Skinner, A. Notes on the Florida Seminole. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15:63-77

The article Notes on the Florida Seminole by Alanson Skinner is a descriptive piece about their way of life, illustrating the observations made in the summer of 1910. A in 1910 a writer went there for “the purpose of visiting the Seminole bands residing in the Everglades and to obtain specimens”. Skinner explains how the villages are very isolated and that “all but one …had never been visited by white men. Skinner introduces many traits and characteristics of the Seminole and several aspects of their way of life. He describes the male and female costumes of both everyday life and for ceremonies, the methods used for hair wearing, village life, eating houses and meal times, the symbolic designs of beadwork, the process of tanning, religion, silversmiths, houses, food and social organization. He makes clear the level of difficulty that exists in fully understanding their way of life due to the language differences.

Skinner illustrates these aspects of the Seminole way of life through detailed descriptions of his observations as well as diagrams and photographs.

SARAH RICHARDSON: York University, Toronto, Ontario (Naomi Adelson)

Skottsberg, Carl. Observations on the Natives of the Patagonian Channel Region. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15: 578-616.

In this article, the author describes observations on tribes in the Patagonian channel region that were collected during an expedition from 1907 to 1909 to the region. Firstly, Skottsberg addresses the difficulty of naming the canoe Indians generally referred to as Álukulup. Some researchers insist that these tribes belong to the Chonos or Chiloé. Despite several assumptions as to the geographical boundaries and tribes therein, it is not yet clear what the proper name for these tribes would be. Both the interpreter and the Chileans called them Álukulup and during the expedition, Skottsberg assumed that this was the proper name.

For the sake of being as accurate as possible, the tribe described in the articles is referred to as West Patagonians to avoid further confusion.

After the initial clarifications regarding naming, the author describes the members and route of the expedition, which was primarily geared towards observing the geology, geography and botany of the region. The means of transportation was a steamer provided by the Chilean government. The article’s summary of observation of tribes is based on the Indians encountered throughout the journey.

Chiloé. Despite several assumptions as to the geographical boundaries and tribes therein, it is not yet clear what the proper name for these tribes would be. Both the interpreter and the Chileans called them Álukulup and during the expedition, Skottsberg assumed that this was the proper name.

For the sake of being as accurate as possible, the tribe described in the articles is referred to as West Patagonians to avoid further confusion.

After the initial clarifications regarding naming, the author describes the members and route of the expedition, which was primarily geared towards observing the geology, geography and botany of the region. The means of transportation was a steamer provided by the Chilean government. The article’s summary of observation of tribes is based on the Indians encountered throughout the journey.

Skottsberg provides information on number and distribution of the West Patagonians and describe the physical characteristics, character and “qualities” of the representatives they met. Their living conditions he describes as harsh with poor land and lack of metal and other resources. Besides observations on family living, language and ceremony, Skottsberg also provides information on shelter, canoes, household items, clothing and food.

The article concludes with a list of vocabulary words related to different areas of living,

CLAUDIA HOFFMANN Purdue University (Myrdene Anderson)

Skottsberg, Carl Observations on the Natives of the Patagonian Channel Region American Anthropologist October-December, 1913. Vol.15(4):578-616

The author=s objective in this article is to describe the native peoples inhabiting the channel region between the Straits of Magellan and the Penas off Chile. Skottsberg is concerned with gathering notes on these peoples, as he believes they are Abecoming extinct@. He describes the people as beggars who showed Amuch indignation when we refused to give them liquor@. The people are described as brave defenders of their homes and also as having some simple weapons at their disposal, which they put away when realizing that Skottsberg and his researchers meant no harm. The natives are described as travelling by canoe and hunting seal as a form of sustenance, while leaving other large animals alone. Skottsberg estimates the number of native peoples in the region at 300, decreasing rapidly in population during the last century. He describes their physical characteristics as being strong in upper body, dark eyes and hair, with the hair graying only with Aadvanced age@. They have a rich language and exhibit a talent for mimicry. Skottsberg concludes that they are not religious peoples, as they do not seem to hold any ceremonies, even at mealtimes. He describes them as Amelancholic,@ patriarchal and monogamous. They live in wigwam structures made of grass, sticks, and sea-lion skins, which are very small so as to warm effectively. An extensive list of words used in the West Patagonian people=s language is supplied within the article and comparisons are made of their language and the languages of other people of the region.

Skottsberg=s basic point is that it is important to catalogue the characteristics of the peoples of this region as they are slowly disappearing from the area and their numbers are decreasing. He also wishes to point out the inaccuracies of some other exhibitions made by other explorers regarding peoples of the area and he sets out to clarify their mistakes in classifying the peoples of that region as one group or another. Skottsberg uses his own observations after travelling to the region with other researchers and the use of an interpreter and cites many specific examples and uses pictures to present his findings.

This article is mostly easy to read although there is some wading through extraneous material regarding the names of other native groups and geographical setting that may bog down the reader and detract from what Skottsberg is really trying to say.

MELISSA THUMA Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Spier, Leslie. Results of an Archeological Survey of the State of New Jersey. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 15:675-679

This article by Spier explores the archeological significance of the valley of the Delaware river. In the year of 1872, Dr. Charles C. Abbott made note of the presence of crude artifacts in the Trenton gravel, thus concluding that the valley of Delaware was occupied by three stages of culture, being the Paleolithic man, the Argillite man, and the historic Indian. Spier goes on to say that human occupancy occurred in three distinct geological patterns. First, in the black-soil were artifacts of different character and the remains of the historic Delaware Indians. Second, in the yellow-soil and directly underneath this were “crude implements of argillite and quartzite” and thirdly, the river gravels showed artifacts associated with the Paleolithic man. Thus Abbott’s belief in the existence of these three cultural stages to be of existence is based upon the artifacts that are in the Trenton gravel, which over time were covered by the deposits of the river. Historical records were the main source of information regarding the distribution of Indians prior to the archeological digs that were done in the Delaware area. Historically, it was found that the aborigines lived in the Delaware river valley and about Raritan Bay, and that they journeyed in certain seasons into the interior and to the coast to hunt and fish. It was believed that the area was occupied by three divisions of the Lenni Lenape peoples, the Minsi, Unami, and Unalachtigo. The Minsi lived in the northern, mountainous part of the Delaware river valley, the Unami occupied the area between the Hudson river and the Delaware river about Trenton, and the Unalachtigo lived in the low-lying region of Delaware Bay. The distribution of remains was attributed to the traveling done by the bands between headquarters or lands of occupancy.

CARLA DI GIANDOMENICO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Wardle, H Newell Stone Implements of Surgery (?) From San Miguel Island California American Anthropologist October-December, 1913 Vol.15(4):656-660

This article seeks to prove that certain stone tools that were found off the coast of California on San Miguel Island were used for surgical purposes (cutting implements on living tissue). All together there were ninety specimens found, however there are specific tools that caught the attention of archeologists. There was a group of tools found together that suggested that they might be the Aproperty of some native >specialist=@. The author is suggesting that these stones were unique, and might have belonged to a Amedicine-man@. Wardle bases this theory on seven specific specimens that he believes all share similar characteristics; that being sharp edges formed from chipping them against other stones. Although the stone implements the investigator describes vary in their size and shape, he claims that they all seem to share Aa strong family likeness a peculiarity and specialization of outline, for which it would be difficult to suggest other than surgical uses@.

Included in the article are plates of the described implements; they serve as visible evidence to support the author=s claim. One can clearly see, by observing the photographs, the serrated edges formed on the tools to create a cutting surface, and their use for surgeries seems quite possible. Wardle also includes the dimensions of the stone implements, along with extreme details about their appearance. These observations further reinforce the author=s opinion that the stone implements, found on San Miguel Island were used by a person to perform surgical acts.

Even though this article is short, the tremendous detail the author explains the stone tools with could confuse the reader. Wardle only touches briefly on the idea that the stone implements were used for surgery, whereas he devotes the rest of the article to describing their particular edges. Granted these descriptions support his argument of the tools actual use, however, he fails to mention why this finding is of any real significance.

Heidi DeVooght Michigan State University, (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Racial Differences in Palm and Sole Configurations. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol.15: 189-207

In this article, Wilder provides a comparison of the palm and sole prints of Liberian Natives, White females, and Negro’s. In his study he states his hopes to make a racial comparison. Wilder notes that distinctions between the individuals of a “race” is not enough to make any form of racial comparison, and that only when the average data of large numbers of races were compared could any distinction be made. He used not the print of the palm or sole, but the details of the ridges in the prints as a means of comparison. With the results Wilder believes to have obtained, he uses the frequency of a particular ridge feature to describe the “negro formula”, and the “white formula”. To validate the frequency of the “negro formula” among the Liberian print, he cites the geographical origin of North American slaves. He also cites further examples of how his data is organized to compare the ridges of whites and Negros.

In his comparisons, Wilder defines elements of his evidence as “primitive” while comparing along a racial line. Furthermore, Wilder categorizes the ridges of the sole into classes, again marking a divide by race and “civilized development”.

He attempts to justify this study by stating the need for data concerning the evolutionary anatomy of our palm and sole prints.

ANNA COLOMBO York University (Naomi Adelson).