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American Anthropologist 1909

A. M. T. The Putnam Anniversary. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol. 11: 285-288.

Although the identity of the author, A.M.T., is not revealed, this article is quite simple. The Putnam Anniversary was an anniversary volume of Anthropological Essays compiled by friends and associates of Professor Frederic Ward Putnam a Professor of Anthropology at Harvard University. This volume was presented to Professor Putnam at a celebration of the seventieth birthday. Professor Franz Boas and Mr. F.W. Hodge were immediately responsible for the publication of the volume. Funding of the Putnam Anniversary Volume was provided by his many friends.

This special occasion took place at the Hotel Somerset in Boston Mass. On April 17, 1909. The first speaker was Charles W. Eliot, who represented Harvard University. He spoke about the early days of Professor Putnam’s work in Anthropology at Harvard and also of the University bright future in the field. The Second speaker was Franz Boas; nearly his entire monologue is printed in the article. Boas pays tribute to the various disciplines of Putnam’s work. Franz boas expresses his sincere thanks and appreciation for Putnam’s role in the advancement of Anthropology. Before giving the volume to Professor Putnam Boas, commented about the fact that Putnam has become a friend and inspiration to everyone present.

Several other speakers followed after Boas. With the conclusion of those who spoke to honor him Professor Putnam then made some closing statements. He thanked his former teachers and he spoke of his enjoyment of seeing his students having prominent roles in the advancement of Anthropology. The rest of the evening was filled with the good wishings being expressed to Putnam by his friends, and then dinner came to a close. The Putnam anniversary is an excellent article about a significant event in the history of Anthropology.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Brannon, P.A. Aboriginal Remains in the Middle Chattahoochee Valley of Alabama and Georgia. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol. 11:186-198.

P.A. Brannon’s article focuses on three sites once occupied by the Lower Creek Indians in the Middle Chattahoochee Valley of Alabama and Georgia. The relics found at the sites reveal information regarding lifestyle, culture, and burial traditions. Variation among the sites is subtle, and the article does not go into great detail about propinquity nor tribal influence. The article does contain photographs of the artifacts, which accompany the text nicely.

The Wacoochee Site is believed to be the earliest inhabited site in the article. Its mound is nearly fifty feet in diameter, and three feet high upon Brannon’s viewing. Lying between the Wacoochee Creek and Chattahochee River, sand periodically covered the site when the rivers would swell. The majority of artifacts were found near the cemeteries, not the mound. Various pots and a pipe were unearthed here, but other evidence was limited.

The second site, Abercrombie’s landing in Alabama, was seventy-five feet in diameter and fifteen feet high. This particular site had the most evidence of human occupation. The site’s height and proximity to a river suggest this area was one of observation and residence. Abercrombie is thought to be the area populated for the longest period of time because large amounts of debris were found there. Several objects such as pottery, beads, gorgets, chisels, and grooved axes were found. These objects had more décor and complex design then those of Wacoochee.

The Kyle Mound in Muscogee County is believed to be a site of aboriginal refuge because of its river location. Since the Kyle Mound was on a river many of its remains were washed away. The objects that did remain were distinct in comparison to the other sites. The craftsmanship was said to be superior and highly polished. Many relics, especially vessels of brown clay, were found in the mound area of the site. These vessels were different in design and directly associated with the Kyle Mound.

The author is basically giving an account of objects that were unearthed in the Middle Chattahoochee region. Brannon compares the relics between areas mentioned, but goes into little detail on how they influenced one another.

MICHAEL MEYERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Brushnell, David I. Jr. The Various Uses of Buffalo Hair by the North American Indians.American Anthropologist 1909 Vol. 11: 401-425.

Brushnell gives detailed descriptions of the ways in which Native Americans used the hair of the buffalo, which was primarily hunted as a source of food. The article gives detailed descriptions and provides pictures of many of the items that were produced from the buffalo hair. Native Americans from different regions of North America used the buffalo hair to make items such as bags, beds and many other accessories. The article compares the different ways those Native American tribes occupying lands east and those occupying lands west of the Mississippi Valley utilized the buffalo.

Groups east of the Mississippi Valley used buffalo hair extensively, making beds, mats, and weaving elaborate bags. Buffalo hair was also used to adorn those individuals of the group who possessed high status. Brushnell’s data is derived from the written accounts made by Europeans who encountered North American groups in the region.

The tribes west of the Mississippi Valley did not make as extensive use of buffalo hair as did the eastern tribes. The buffalo held significant positions in the ceremonies and rituals, and individuals sought to absorb some of the power that they perceived the buffalo to possess. They used the buffalo hair primarily as headdresses or as extensions of their own hair. Buffalo hair was also used to make blankets, and to stuff balls and dolls for children.

DENISE PUGH Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Chamberlin, Ralph V. Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol. 11: 27-40.

Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians discusses phonetic relations of some related dialects among the Ute, Gosiute and Shoshone Language. The phonetic discussion is followed by a taxonomic list of plants, which were useful to the Ute Indians. The plants are listed alphabetically by their scientific name or Latin Binomial Classification. This is followed by its common name and then the Ute name given to the species. A second list is alphabetical according to the Ute Name of the plant.

The data presented by Chamberlin was obtained in the spring of 1901 from Tungaip, a Uinta Ute Indian. During that spring the author was associated with the Gosiute Indians and became acquainted with Tungaip. The Gosuite People were apparently providing safe harbor for Tungaip, who was more or less excommunicated from his own Ute People for, reasons undisclosed by Chamberlin.

Before listing the plants serviceable to the Ute, the author explains phonetic relationships between some related dialects. Chamberlin specifically discusses, what can be described as, interchangeable nominal endings to words with like meanings in separate dialects of a common language. These suffixes have specific descriptive meanings in their respective languages.

The following text is an example of how one species appears in the author’s account of the list of plants furnished by Tungaip, the first list and the second list, respectively:

Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow. i-am’-si-ta-gwiv: i-a, wound, etc., + m, +si-ta-gwiv, medicine. Applied externally on bruises, etc., and also used as a tea in case of sickness.

i-am’-si-ta-gwiv. Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.

It is in this format that Chamberlin list nearly one hundred plant species. Edible and medicinal uses are cited for the appropriate species. The article demonstrates the elaborate knowledge of the Ute in relation to their environmental resources. Their knowledge and exploits of environmental resources creates a prolific list of serviceable species. Such information is timeless and exemplifies the wisdom which indigenous people possess. The authors writing in itself was confusing at certain points in the article. Chamberlin’s attempt to discuss linguistics; the phonetic relationship within respective dialects, was difficult to decipher.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Cole, Fay Cooper. Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon.American Anthropologist, 1909 Vol. 11:329-347

Cole writes about the classification of various indigenous groups on Luzon Island in the Philippines. In the past, early American travelers and Spanish colonizers gave the various groups the designations of tribes even through many groups shared a common cultural and linguistic background. In some cases, a single tribe was characterized as belonging to four different tribal groups. Photographs are used in the article to show style of dress and general phenotypic characteristics. The article also includes photographs of houses. The Negritos, Igorots, Tinguians, Apayaos, and Kalingas are discussed in detail. Cole concludes that in general, due to intermarriage between many groups, it is difficult to establish sharp lines that differentiate different groups on Luzon Island.

SARAH WALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Densmore, Frances. Scale Formation in Primitive Music. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol. 11: 1-12.

The author’s goal is to examine the evolution of the musical scale in human music. The author hypothesizes that to trace basic scale formation one has to go past the use of the pentatonic scale of five notes, which is a more organized scale, to a time when tones were used in smaller groups. She bases most to her argument on her observational studies of early Native American and Filipino cultures conducted at the St. Louis World Fair.

In making her point, the author considers music as first a channel of expression; next as a means of communication; and finally as a comprehensive art form that blends aspects of the first two stages. The author proposes emotion, a very powerful drive, as the source of some of the expressions that humans display through music. The author points to the prevalence of songs of love, songs of grief, songs reflecting on nature and songs with religious themes as means of expressing emotions. The author also expounded on the tendency of the songs used for conveying emotions to start on a high tone and end on a low tone; she found this downward trend in the majority of the hundreds of songs she recorded that were performed by the Chippewa people. The author points to the basic instinct of animals, and humans, to emit high-pitched sounds in the face of imminent danger as explanation for the downward trend.

The author further investigates the “high tone.” She sets out to understand, from research done in the area of “uncivilized music,” “ancient folk music, “and “ancient ecclesiastical music” tone intervals. The author analyses the break in tones that the voice makes once it starts on the first high tone and descends to a low tone from these three (ancient, uncivilized and ancient ecclesiastical) perspectives. Towards the end of the article, the author looks at three phases (personal, social, and ceremonial) of musical expressions that is also seen in early cultures. The author suggests that these three kinds of musical expressions were present in a period when musical skills were primarily seen through the ability to improvise. Densmore reasons that when music developed into an art form, the experimental period of scale formations, as seen in past cultures, ended.

The author does not set out to prove any theory. She presents data and discusses what the information she gathered might suggest. Some knowledge of music jargon is required to get a clear picture of the author’s explanation of high tone in relation to “ancient,” “uncivilized,” and “ancient ecclesiastical” music.

DENISE PUGH Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Gilder, Robert F. Excavation of Earth-Lodge Ruins in Eastern Nebraska. American Anthropologist, 1909 Vol. 11:56-84

Gilder discovered the remains of an Oto village north of the mouth of the Platte River, in the valley of the Missouri. Early explorers such as Lewis and Clark mentioned they had come across such a village in their journeys.

The article concentrates on the dwellings of the Oto. There was one house in particular that contained materials that were different from the surrounding homes. Gilder primarily concentrates on how this dwelling was possibly constructed as well as its contents. The objects found in the study were given to Mr. Lowrey Childs, the owner of the property on which this dwelling was located.

In the house, the fireplace was located in the center. It was about four to five feet in diameter. The floor around the fireplace extended about ten feet meeting a platform about twelve to fourteen inches high. In the inner part of the floor, posts were discovered that were six or seven inches in diameter and located about five feet apart. The angle that these posts were situated indicates that the roof of the dwelling was about fifteen feet above the fireplace in the center. The floor seemed to be composed of clay that contained large amounts of ash and flakes of charcoal.

Most of the objects were found beneath the floor and covered with boulders as if they were purposely placed there to mark the spot. Among the objects discovered were flint blades, shells, a muller, and a clay pipe in the form of a soaring bird. So many objects were found in the ruin, that Gilder thinks it had been abandoned in haste and burned to the ground. Human remains were found on the site of the ruin. They were sent to the United States National Museum.

Gilder dug around the area outside of the houses and found numerous hordes. He describes these in great detail, listing their contents. They are categorized by stone, shell, pottery, pottery pipes, objects of bone and antler, caches, and sculpture.

Attached to this article is a postscript discussing discovery of human remains by Gilder’s associates after his work had been completed as well as a report on the skeletal remains by Ales Hrdlicka. Hrdlicka is the man who studied the human remains when they were sent to the National Museum.

MAUREEN YOUNG Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Harrington, John P. Note on the Piro Language. American Anthropologist 1909 11:563-593.

Note on the Piro Language by John P. Harrington, this author gives a brief history of the Piro as well as an overview of what may be the only written record of some of the Piro’s language. Harrington acknowledges that he was not able to seek out many individuals who may have knowledge of the Piro language due to the limited amount time that he had allotted for his research. He urges that it is very important for someone to take the time and seek out individuals who may still have some knowledge of this language before it is lost forever. Harrington fears that it may already be too late.

With the help of Dr. J. R. Swanton of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Harrington provides a comparative lexical analysis of of Piro, Isleta del Sur, Isleta, Taos, Jemez, and San Ildefonso. All of these languages are considered to be Tanoan languages. Harrington utilizes the work of several scholars including Greg, Pimentes, Bancroft, Hodge, Lane, Powell, and Bandelier who have written article concerning the Piro. He states that each of these authors is in agreement that the Piro language should be grouped with Tanoan languages even though there is variety of discrepancies between them. Harrington then turns the focus of his article to Bartlett’s list of 180 words which first focuses on the root word and then on affixes.

KAREN McCARTHY Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Harrington, M.R. Some Unusual Iroquois Specimens. American Anthropologist, 1909 Vol. 11:85-91

While collecting ethnological material, the author found some unusual Canadian Iroquois specimens in 1907. One of the most interesting specimens is a round bowl made of wood with knots in it. This is rare, because most domestic bowls made by the Iroquois are usually elongated trays. Only bowls made for gambling games are round. This particular bowl has carved handles representing two figures with their arms over each other’s shoulders.

The author describes two prehistoric clubs he acquired from the Cayuga of the Six Nations Reserve. One has a prehistoric flint blade embedded in it.

“Witch medicine” is also a member of the author’s collection. The Iroquois believed that the possession of this “witch medicine” would protect the person from harm. They are carved pieces of wood with depictions of faces or animals carved into them. They come with a deerskin cover to protect them. The Iroquois believe that dreams are very important. There are a group of mythic dwarfs named Stone-Rollers who appeared to Iroquois in dreams. They promised the Iroquois protection and assistance if that person would carve a miniature version of the dwarf. The person would keep the miniature carving with them and even talk to it. Another spirit that would appear to Iroquois in dreams is a water sprite that would warn of danger by water. Therefore, for protection, the person would carry a miniature carving of a canoe with them.

The author discusses a Native American tribe called the Tutelo who are so similar to the Iroquois that he felt it appropriate to mention them. The only thing that differentiates them from the Cayuga is a necklace called a wampum. It is made from shells flattened into discs. They are very decorative and used in a Tutelo adoption ceremony. If a member of a Tutelo family passed away, the family members could select an outsider to take the place of the deceased. The outsider would wear the wampum during the adoption ceremony.

Harrington does not make any theoretical claims, but he does describe the specimens in great detail.

MAUREEN YOUNG: Cleveland State University (Jeffery P. Williams)

Hewett, Edgar L. The Excavations at Tyuonyi, New Mexico, in 1908. American Anthropologist July-September, 1909 Vol. 11(3):434-455.

Continuing the work of A.F. Bandelier’s previous archaeological work in the Rio Grande Valley, Edgar L. Hewett relates the findings made by the School of American Archaeology’s 1908 excavations in the Rito de Frijoles region of New Mexico.
Spending a large amount of time on a nearly poetic description of the scenery and geography of the Southwestern desert in the Rio Grande valley, Hewett also includes an ample number of photographs to provide the reader with a clear picture of the area. This is done in an attempt to relate the environment which gave rise to the “peculiar type of culture” that existed in pre-Spanish New Mexico.

The Rito de Frijoles valley is located within a canyon accessible only by a series of trails. Within this valley lies the archaeological site of the Tyuonyi villages, consisting of five community houses as well as a series of cliff-houses that extend for over a mile on the northern wall of the canyon. These cliff-houses are also what Hewett refers to as talus pueblos, meaning that the rooms were not actually independent domiciles, but the back rooms of houses built upon the cliff wall. While Hewett describes these dwellings in passing, the focus of the archaeological excavation was on the community house of Tyuonyi. A circular terraced structure, it was originally built of blocks of volcanic tufa and seems to have been originally three stories in height. Unlike most of the similar structures within the Southwest, it exhibits no signs of growth by accretion, suggesting that the building was planned and built at one time. Overall, forty four rooms were excavated in the house, and the building itself seems to have been built primarily for defense purposes. The remains of three kivas, or circular subterranean ceremonial chambers, were also excavated, although no evidence of an altar was found in any of them. A variety of other structures and features are then described from around the site, including a circular platform that was possibly the floor of an above-ground kiva, a ceremonial cave, and a series of burials found within the talus.

While Hewett relates the findings of the 1908 excavations, he makes it very clear that the results described within the article are merely preliminary observations, and will be touched upon in greater depth in the official site report of the area, as well as in continued field excavations at the site that were to continue in the following year.

ASHLEY DAILIDE Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Hewett, Edgar L. The Excavations At El Rito De Los Frijoles In 1909. American Anthropologist 1909 Vol.11:651-673.

This article details the continued excavation of the archeological site known as El Rito de los Frijoles located in New Mexico. Excavation of the site commenced in 1908 and was to continue in the years following 1909. The author headed the excavation team from the School of American Archeology in Santa Fe, New Mexico. Mr. Hewett has two main focal points in the article. The first is to record the team’s newest findings at the site. Secondly, he attempts to link the site with a specific group of Native North Americans.

First, the author exhaustively details the architecture of several structures that were uncovered in 1909. The structures were constructed in the manner of the Pueblo people of the American Southwest. They consisted of several stories of living quarters and a ritual area known as a kiva. Hewett focuses on four main areas of the site that the team named The Sun House, The Snake Village, and the large cave kiva, and the great ceremonial cave. He notes that excavation of the site is not complete and will continue the following year. Also, he promises to detail further findings in subsequent articles.

In the later part of the article, Hewett attempts to link the excavation site with a specific group of people by using the language and mythology of several Native North American tribes. Hewett extensively details various possible linguistic and mythological links to the site. However, despite exhaustive research, it seems that the team was unable to definitively link one specific group to the site. Despite the inconclusive evidence linking the site to one specific group, the multi-field approach taken by the team seems noteworthy, as it is reminiscent of the Boasian method.

HILARY H STITES Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Kroeber, A. L. The Bannock and Shoshoni Languages. American Anthropologist 1909 Vol. 11: 266-275

The article opens with a brief dissection of the Shoshoni language, breaking it down into the various dialects it is suspected of being the parent language. Kroeber discusses the imperfect as well as incomplete historic background of the linguistic branches of the Shoshoni dialectic group. The article further mentions that scattered records by various observers using different, and sometimes conflicting, methods were previously used for linguistic background data on the various dialects of the Ute-Aztecan family. All of which, the author states, does little to help us better understand the languages in question. Kroeber continues by presenting geographical background information on where Shoshoni and its various dialects are spoken.

The article proceeds with greater detail concerning the linguistic foundation and structure of both the Bannock and Shoshoni languages. Kroeber sets out to examine the classification of the Shoshonean language utilizing additional data on Bannock and Shoshoni that he had collected from members of each group who had visited the San Francisco area. Based on detailed comparison of the vocabularies of the various languages and dialects, Kroeber concludes that the Bannock dialect belongs in the Mono-Paviotso group. The new Shoshoni material that Kroeber had collected allowed him to further investigate the Shoshoni-Comanche group and propose certain changes in their classification. He is also able to conclude that Shoshoni speakers were found as far west as eastern California. Previously, Shoshoni speakers were not believed to have been found any further west than central Nevada.

The author presents strong linguistic data to support his analysis of Bannock and Shoshoni, and their related dialectic branches in the Ute-Aztecan family. The article gives the reader a highly detailed conception of the morphologic relation of both languages to each other, as well as their phonetic use. Kroeber ends the article with a brief and basic vocabulary table comparing Bannock and Shoshoni in their usage of foundational words (i.e. numbers, body-parts, animals, etc.).

BRION TRIVERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Kroeber, A. L. California Basketry and the Pomo. American Antropologist 1909. Vol.11:233-249.

The author of this article uses an account by Dr. S.A. Barrett to make some summaries and conclusions about the basketry of the Pomo. In comparison with other tribes, Kroeber found that the Pomo were unique in their basket making. In order to present the uniqueness of the Pomo, the author describes several basket making processes that separate the Pomo from all other tribes; techniques employed, direction of the weaving, decorating, the naming of designs, and materials used. In addition, the author also discusses some similarities of basket making among all the tribes in California tribes. Those being; using only a small portion of materials available to the user, specialization in techniques to the exclusion of others, ornamental pattern arrangements determined by convention, technique and shape employed, restrictions of the names of patterns, and a lack of religious influence.

The author believes that the Pomo are the only group in California that practice a variety of technical processes. He separates the California tribes according to the type of weave they employ, twining or coiling. Twining tribes are found in the northernmost regions of California, while the coiling tribes are found in the south. The author states that very few tribes used both techniques equally, the Pomo being one of the few. Also, the coiled basketry of the Pomo is different from all others in California, in that the Pomo use one and three-rod foundations, while the rest use three-rod. For decoration, the general pattern depends, Kroeber believes, on the type of weave. For example, in twined baskets, horizontal or banded arrangement is the most common, while among coiled basket the variety is much larger. These processes are then compared with the Maidu and other Californian tribes and it is determined that the Pomo use a wider variety of patterns than other tribe.

From the evidence provided, Kroeber makes the conclusion that basketry among the Pomo had an independent, special, and uncommon development, which can be seen among the large wealth and variety of technical and artistic functions.

DANA L BURKE Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams).

Lumholtz, Carl. A Remarkable Ceremonial Vessel from Cholula, Mexico. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol.11:199-201

The author’s objective in this article is to describe an ancient Mexican piece of pottery that was acquired in the state of Puebla, Mexico. In 1891 Mrs. Elwell, a wife of a well-known sculptor visited pyramid Cholula where she purchased the vessel from a local woman. . The nephew of the women had dug up the jar two years before and had presented it to his aunt. It is bright venetian red with black decoration: the outlines are incised. It does not resemble Cholula pottery, which is usually pale yellow in color. Instead this vessel resembles pottery found in the Valley of Mexico. The decorations found on this vessel are of significant importance. On this vessel decorative scenes of plumed serpents are found which represent Quetzalcohuatl, an important god in the Aztec pantheon. The lower bands on the vessel signify serpents and cloud terraces while the upper bands have designs of two figures; one of a butterfly and another of a green stone. The main focus of this article is to find the provenance of this vessel and the reason why it is found in the state of Puebla, Mexico. Normally this kind of vessel with its distinctive decorative designs is found in the valley of Mexico where large quantities of similar kind of vessels have been found.

RITA ELSWICK Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

MacCurdy, Grant George. Eolithic and Paleolithic Man. American Anthropologist. 1909 vol.11: 93-100

George MacCurdy’s article “Eolithic and Paleolithic Man” presents information on early discoveries of prehistoric archeology of early humans. The main focus of this article is the discoveries of prehistoric ancestors of Homo sapiens .The first finding was in a sandpit found near a village in Maur in the year 1907. This finding was of a jawbone that was located in the lower Quaternary. The second finding was found in the village of

La Chapelle-aux Saintes in France in the year 1908. The discovery at La Chapelle-aux Saintes contained both human and mammalian remains. The finding indicates that the Mousterian Industry and the Neanderthals were closely associated with each other. The findings at this site also indicate that burials were performed because a rectangular pit was found with human remains and stone implements. The Mauer jawbone has a very prominent feature in that it lacks a chin. The author’s main focus is to compare the anatomy and the dentition between non-human primates such as the gorillas and the jawbone found at the Mauer site. MacCurdy came to the conclusion that this jawbone found at Mauer precedes the emergence of the Neanderthals. So evidence show that the bones discovered at both sites emerged at different periods of time but not distantly far apart. The author shows this in comparing the Mauer jawbone with other European sites and the discovery found at La Chapelle-aux Saintes. The finding at La Chapelle-aux Saintes enables paleontologists to establish the shape of the cranium of ancestral humans Homo Sapiens with the Mousterian Industry and the Neanderthals because of inaccurate evidences.

RITA ELSWICK Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Mathews, R.H. The Dhudhuroa Language of Victoria. American Anthropologist 1909 Vol.11:278-284

The main constituent of this brief article is a lexical list of about 235 words collected by Mathews from native speakers of the Dhudhuroa language. The Dyinningmiddhang tribe on the Mitta Mitta and Kiewa rivers, and along the Murray valley from Albury to Jingellic in Victoria, Australia was the primary speaker of this language. Mathews offers no argument in the article, it is merely a historical record of the Dhudhuroa language.

The author prefaces the article with references to several of his previously published articles regarding the cultural area in question. The referenced articles contain information on related languages, initiation ceremonies, and kinship patterns. Following that, Mathews gives a short description of the grammar of Dhudhuroa. The main feature of the grammar is that nouns and pronouns are subject to inflection for number, gender, and case, with the adjectives, verbs, and adverbs complimenting them in number, gender and case. Additionally, Mathews notes that there are few interjections and exclamations, and there appears to be only four numerical categories, one, two, three (or a few), and many. The article is concluded with the vocabulary list and the English equivalent of the words.

HILARY H STITES Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

MacCurdy, George Grant. Anthropology at the Baltimore Meeting. American Anthropologist 1909 Vol. 11: 101-119.

MacCurdy provides notes from the joint meeting of Section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the American Folk-Lore Society. The meeting was held at the Maryland Institute in Baltimore from December 28-31. MacCurdy was the secretary.

MacCurdy goes over the names of the officers and the members of the Council, including Dr. Franz Boas, who acted as chairman of the Sectional Committee. The membership growth in the last year had been normal, and 56 new names submitted for election are listed. MacCurdy encourages fellow members to recruit more. The treasurer’s report is presented, followed by various appointments and motions passed by the Association. Several reports by different committees are described.

Dr. George A. Dorsey gives an account of his trip through New Guinea. He describes the Papuan use of the sago palm, their homes, canoes, drums, and artwork. Professor George Frederick Wright presented his paper “Geological Facts Bearing on the Place of Origin of the Human Race.” He explains evidence for his theory that at the beginning of the glacial period there was land elevation all over the northern hemisphere. This connected the landmasses and allowed man to disperse from central Asia across Siberia and eventually into North and South America. Dr. Edward Sapir’s paper, “Characteristic Traits of the Yana Language of California”, describes the phonetic and morphological peculiarities of Yana. This language was spoken in northern California and had three dialects, one of which is extinct. Stansbury Hagar presented his paper “Izamel and its Celestial Plan”, concerning a group of Mayan ruins in the north-central Yucatan. There, several buildings standing upon pyramidal mounds each face a different zodiac sign. He explains the significance of these and the apparent original plan of the site.

MacCurdy mentions several other papers presented at the meeting, and gives a list of fifteen more. The report of the Committee on Archaeological Nomenclature is also presented here. The purpose of this report is to list and define terms relating to clay vessels. The classifications are based on form alone; the committee had made an effort to leave out any names based on assumed uses.

SARA DALTON: Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Morley, Sylvanus G. The Inscriptions of Naranjo, Northern Guatemala. American Anthropologist October-December, 1909 Vol. 11: 543-562.

In this article, Sylvanus G. Morley discusses inscriptions found on objects located in the ancient city of Naranjo, in the Peten Department of Northern Guatemala. His study of these inscriptions is based on the photographs and maps of Mr. Teobert Maler, who visited the site of Naranjo in 1905 with the financial assistance of the Peabody Museum.

Morley’s main purpose is to describe the inscriptions of Naranjo in order to explain the history of the city’s architectural productivity. Before beginning, it is important for the reader to understand the term stelae. A stelae is a stone slab that contains inscriptions or carvings and serves a commemorative purpose. The stelae discussed in Morley’s article contain inscriptions of Mayan glyphs (writing script). From Maler’s information, Morley knows that there are 32 stelae and one stairway that contain hieroglyphic inscriptions. Of these, only 20 stelae could be studied due to weathering. Morley includes a helpful map of the site, which labels the five courts, buildings, and stelae. He then goes on to chart out each of the 20 stelae in terms of position on site, date of origin, and location of glyphs on stelae. It is assumed that the reader understands Mayan chronology.

Next Morley makes the connection between the chart and the history of Naranjo, which he concludes took place in three periods of architectural productivity. The first period involves only one single inscription located on a lintel (a beam that supports a door or window). Morely goes on to describe the stelae and staircase, which are dated in the second and third periods. Through these, he attempts to show the changing architectural productivity of the city of Naranjo at different time periods. Like the object described in the first period, he does this by listing the Mayan dates inscribed on the objects. By understanding when these inscriptions were made, Morley is able to make interpretations about architectural additions and hypothesize the time period Naranjo was occupied.

While Morley does give good chronological descriptions of the inscriptions of Naranjo, readers will only understand them if they have a solid knowledge of Mayan chronology. Though someone with sufficient knowledge of Mayan chronology will most likely appreciate the historical implications that Morley is trying to make, the average reader may struggle to fully understand Morley’s analysis of the inscriptions of Naranjo.

ALISON SZOPINSKI Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Orchard, W. C. Notes on Penobscot Houses. American Anthropologist 1909 Vol.11:601-606.

The author’s intention in this article is to describe in detail how the Penobscot, from Oldstown Island, Maine, construct conical and square bark shelters. The information on how to build these shelters was gathered from some of the elder men.

Orchard first explains the process of building the conical bark shelter. This is done basically by using a framework of two sets of wood poles (one interior to the other) placed at certain positions, gathered at the top, and using the inner poles to support the bark wrappings. He provides specifications for the dimensions of the shelter, type and cut of wood to be used, length of wood needed, how many poles, where they should be placed, and how the bark should be wrapped around the poles. In addition to written instructions, Orchard supplies a picture and a diagram for the placement of the support poles. Also included in his diagram, are the proper placement settings for beds and a fireplace.

The square bark shelter is used, as Orchard states, for more permanent dwellings or for better cold protection. Orchard characterizes the square bark shelter as having the bottom floor section made up of tiers of logs, and the upper section made from bark, which is supported by poles. As he did with the conical bark shelter, Orchard supplies dimensions, pole length, pole placement, and specifications on how to wrap the bark around the poles. Unlike the conical bark shelter, the square bark shelter employs moss, leaves and earth packed between bark and pole layers and also on the exterior of the dwelling to further protect against the wind and cold. It is also noted that the placement of the interior fireplace and beddings is like that of the conical bark shelter.

This article is descriptive and efficiently written- with the simple instructions Orchard provides, it is easy to see oneself building a similar shelter with little trouble. The only point of dispute for this article, was the absence of many of the Penobscot, due to trading, at the time of his research. Therefore the information gathered could not, as Orchard put it, “…be verified to the fullest extent.” In addition, Orchard mentions a third type of bark shelter, but he does not elaborate any further, believing the information too vague to be used.

DANA L BURKE Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Parker, Arthur C. Secret Medicine Societies Of The Seneca. American Anthropologist April-June, 1909 Vol. 11(2):161-185.

The article “Secret Medicine Societies of the Seneca”, by Arthur C. Parker, is a detailed account of this author’s personal fieldwork among the various sects of Iroquois. His work focuses on secret orders and societies of the Iroquois at the time this article was published in 1909. Parker had spent six years gathering data to prove the existence of secret societies. This information was not readily volunteered by any Native American group and the existence of such societies had been denied. This author would have had to acquire considerable trust among the Iroquois to be given access to such information. In this article, Parker gives a brief summary of The Little Water Company, The Society of Otters, The Eagle Society, The Bear Society, The Buffalo Society, Society of Mystic Animals, The Woman’s Society, The False-Face Company, Chanters of the Dead and the The Husk-Faces, all of which are considered secret societies. Parker also includes his translation of the opening ceremony of the Pygmy Society as well as some native dances. Parker has included photos and sketches of ritual objects used within these societies. The author furthermore acknowledges that by 1909 most of the Medicine Lodges had disappeared and were incorporated within these secret societies.

Handsome Lake, a Seneca prophet during the early 1800’s, is mentioned in this article to give some background information of the Iroquois and how he had set out to destroy the ancient religious rites among the Iroquois that were practiced in the medicine lodges. Handsome Lake wanted to create a more modern approach to practicing religious rituals. As a result of Handsome Lake and his beliefs, the ancient religious rites practiced in the Medicine Lodges were, on the surface, eliminated. They resurfaced in the practice of secret societies. The only way Native Americans could continue to practice their religious beliefs was in the establishment of these secret societies. The author also draws the conclusion that the Seneca and their practices are among the best preserved.

Parker’s data appears to be thoroughly researched and well documented. He seems to one of the first to examine these secret societies in great detail.

KAREN McCARTHY: Cleveland State University ( J. P. Williams)

Parker, Arthur C. Snow-Snake as Played by the Seneca-Iroquois. American Anthropologist Apr.-Jun., 1909 Vol. 11 (2): 250-256.

This article is a written account of a special winter game that the Seneca-Iroquois played as observed and documented by Arthur C. Parker in 1905-06. Parker studied the Seneca-Iroquois to record different elements of the Seneca-Iroquois lifestyle for the New York State Library and the New York State Museum. Parker’s detailed notations on the snow-snake game include information about the snow-snakes, directions and regulations for playing the game and even terminology and phrases typically stated in a snow-snake game.

“The snow-snake,” according to Parker, “is a smooth, polished, flexible stick, from five to nine feet in length. The average stick is an inch broad at the head, and tapers down to nearly half an inch at the tail or finger end” (250). Parker describes the snow-snakes in great detail. The head of the snow-snake is inverted and the tail is usually treated in lead or undergoes a process of charring and scraping to form a distinct contour, which is significant in reaching farther distances in the game. Parker provides drawings of different snow-snakes created from different wood varieties to illustrate the large array of choice. It is thought different wood varieties work better in different snow conditions. Also, the Seneca-Iroquois have a medicine man anoint the snow-snakes with diverse ointments such as tallow, wax, oils or gums. After the playing area, or track, is laid out by dragging a log a 90 to 120-rod distance, two players or teams make wagers and begin the snow-snake game. Between two to four umpires judge the competition as the snow-snakes are hurled onto the track and glide along the snow to earn points for distance. A variation of the snow-snake game involves the players gliding the sticks towards each other attempting to reach a central mark first.

Parker’s article clearly outlines the materials used in snow-snakes and the process of constructing the actual snow-snakes. He demonstrates knowledge of Seneca-Iroquois language and traditions and applies this understanding in his description to readers who are probably not as familiar with the Seneca-Iroquois culture. An example of this is his use of the native language to describe instruments with a clear translation of the phrases. Parker’s article records details such as distances and accurate depictions of the scene including what the competitors cheer in certain situations. For example, Parker states what a spectator might jeer should the snow-snake spear the snow or glide out of the smooth, marked trough. Overall his article offers exceptional documentation of the Seneca-Iroquois game of snow-snake.

MAGGIE E. SCHIRACK Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Peabody, Charles. A Reconnaissance Trip in Western Texas. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol.11:202-216.

Peabody provides a descriptive account of a trip he took in West Texas, through Reeves, Pecos, Jeff Davis, Presidio, and Brewster counties. A map of his route is included. The trip lasted from April 6 through April 23, 1909. The purpose of the trip was to search for evidence of prehistoric Amerindian occupation such as work sites and rock shelter art. The article focuses on these archaeological finds and the terrain and climate of the area.

The author describes the equipment and provisions taken on the trip, including a mountain wagon, two mules, and a horse. Along with Peabody were his wife and one other man. The land traveled is plateau with mountains rising from it. A few photographs of the area are presented. Peabody outlines the mineral resources, vegetation, animals, geology and average precipitation and temperature of the area. He also discusses the weather he observed during the trip, including a few storms and “sand spouts.”

Peabody finds the region to be rich in paleontology, and lists some specimens he found near the Barilla Mountains. He notes that little is known of the archaeology of the area. While the land seems too inhospitable for permanent settlement by Pueblo Indians, they have left evidence at stopping places while migrating or hunting. Peabody believes Apache and Comanche left evidence. Work sites are frequently found, especially near rivers, springs, rock shelters, and hilltops. The author notes the places where he found the most flint chips, points, scrapers, knives, cores, and spalls. There is an overall absence of perfected specimens, as they were probably carried off for use. Many of these sites include circles of stones, which he believes were most likely used as hearths.

Peabody also describes pictographs he found in rock shelters along his route. Two sketches and a photograph of these are included. The pictographs consist of curved lines and circles in red and black, pictures of the sun, a face or skull, an arrow, human figures, a Greek cross, and various animals.

SARA DALTON: Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Perkins, G.H. Aboriginal Remains in the Champlain Valley. American Anthropologist 1909 Vol.11:607-623.

In this article Perkins examines aboriginal remains that were collected from the eastern portion of the Champlain Valley. This area had been occupied by the Iroquois and the Algonquian from 1540, to the point of European intervention. The artifacts consist mainly of tools and weaponry of Iroquoian provenance. The article is flanked with illustrations showing the relics and their variations.

The most common examples and forms of artifacts are chipped points. These are usually made of quartz or other siliceous mediums in a triangular form. Objects such as knives, scrapers, and drills are the tools resulting from chipped points. Slate knives differ from chipped points in material, hardness, and the fact they were ground rather than chipped. Little explanation of their usage is given.

Gouges are highly polished stones with sharp edges generally six to eight inches in length. Their purpose is uncertain, and the majority of them are found in excellent condition. One theory mentions that they were used for hallowing out canoes after being torched. A cruder form of gouge known as celts are mentioned for comparison.

Bone implements are discussed in the article, but are not abundant. Various animal teeth may have been used for decorating and carving pottery, or used for ornamental purposes. More rare than bone implements are shells, beads created for the purpose of ornamentation. Earthenware is discussed, and various forms and mediums are common, though few remain because they are fragile. The author discusses three entire jars that were found in the vicinity of the Champlain in some detail.

The article concludes mentioning artifacts of copper and iron. Copper is said to be rare of the region but does cite a few examples of knives and celts. Iron was incorporated when Europeans first ventured to the area and began trade. Iron Axes and other artifacts are elaborated on.

This article gives a straightforward and detailed account of aboriginal remains found in the Champlain Valley. The article includes pictures of the artifacts.

MICHAEL MEYERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

J. D. Prince. A Passamaquoddy Aviator. American Anthropologist October-December, 1909 Vol.11(4):628-650.

The article presents a Passamaquoddy text with interlinear literal translation of a tale transcribed and given to the author by a member the Passamaquoddy tribe of Maine. The story is followed by a detailed morphological analysis of the text. In presenting the translated tale, the author’s aim is to preserve in some form one facet of this group’s culture before it disappears.

The tale recounts the story of Zosap (or Joseph) and his travels, enabled by the magic of an old woman. Because Zosap brought food to the nearly blind woman, she rewarded him by casting a spell on his axe. He made wooden moccasins with the axe and was then able to outrun all the animals in the forest. His two brothers became jealous of his increased hunting prowess and eventually fashioned moccasins of their own out of the discarded woodchips from Zosap’s moccasins. Zosap again brought food to the old woman and she told him this time to build a dugout, which he did. In his magical dugout he was able to catch a huge fish. The brothers made their own dugout from Zosap’s leftover woodchips and caught whales with their dugout. An angry Zosap brought still more food to the old woman. She told him to build a canoe that would enable him to fly. He built it and then burned the woodchips. He set off in his flying canoe and eventually came across Nepelesebisit, a man armed with bow and arrows. The two then flew on until they encountered an old man named Cheekalakohojin who almost blew them away when he said “I am the warrior.” This man also came aboard and they flew on until reaching an island inhabited by Wutchowsn. He joined the other three aboard Zosap’s canoe and they continued on. They eventually landed among a warlike people. There the chief proposed that the one who could beat his daughter in a race could marry her. Nepelesebisit was chosen to compete but was tricked into falling asleep in the girl’s lap. While the girl ran ahead, Cheekalakohojin shot Nepelesebisit with an arrow to wake him. Wutchowsn then blew the wind to stop the girl in her tracks and let Nepelesebisit pass her by. Seeing that his daughter had lost the race, the chief gathered his men to fight Zosap and his warriors. They were cut off before they could get to the canoe but Wutchowsn opened up both his nostrils and blew the enemies away. The men returned home and lived in peace.

Drawing from sources on the Passamaquoddy, Abenaki, Micmac, Natick, and Delaware languages, the author’s concluding commentary presents a linguistic analysis of the written tale. Passamaquoddy morphemes are linked to other neighboring Algonquin (or Algic) forms.

JULIEN LIBERT Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Sinclair, A. T. Tattooing of The North American Indians. American Anthropologist, New Series, Sep 1909 Vol. 11(3):362-258.

This practice of adorning one’s body was a characteristic found in all Native American cultures. This article is written from a first hand account, and includes details about the process of tattooing and the reasons for tattoos (whether for ceremony, ritual, medicinal or esthetic purposes). The article also discusses how women’s bodies (rather than men’s bodies) were covered in tattoos n their particular groups. Accordingly, most married women had at least one tattoo. The author also discusses how the practice of tattooing reached distant areas, drawing on a diffusionist paradigm. Sinclair notes that there is a lack of information on tattooing for certain Indian groups.

Many Western people of Sinclair’s day found native tattoos hideous and disdained the practice. Sinclair’s main message is that Indians did not look at tattooing as a disfigurement. They looked upon it as form of female beauty enhancement and as a demonstration of a warrior’s courage.

The author’s data is taken from the first volume of Jesuits Relations, a resume of annual reports resulting from a hundred years of missionary work. The data in this article is presented in separate paragraphs addressing particular regions, the explorer of the region and the contributor of data and information from that area. However the Jesuit descriptions did not include all of these accounts because they only noted the ones that caught their attention. This led to an absence of information on the practice of tattooing in certain areas. Sinclair stresses that in order to obtain more data, researchers must understand Indian’s culture, gain their trust, and pay close attention to all aspects of tattooing.

The author then compares tribes’ similarities and differences. Sinclair gives ceremonial, ritualistic, gender and age accounts of why the Native Americans tattooed their bodies and describes the tattooing process. The author goes about looking at the evolution of tattoos, from serving a ritualistic and ceremonial purpose, to a tool for identifying property (possibly including slaves), to a practice of beauty and later developing into a specialty craft. Symbolism of particular tattoos related to particular tribes and regions. Many tattoos were also used to identify stages in life, accomplishments of the individual, history, courage and position in the tribe.

When missionaries and settlers arrived and Indians out-married, different cultures were introduced and the custom of tattooing soon started to fade. Sinclair emphasized that like the Indians themselves, the tattooing process was disappearing.

SAMUEL VILLASEÑOR Loyola University (Kathleen Adams).

Smith, Harlan I. Archaeological Remains on the Coast of Northern British Columbia and Southern Alaska. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol. 11: 595-600.

Harlan Smith, in the article Archaeological Remains on the Coast of Northern British Columbia and Southern Alaska, writes an account of his explorations and excavations along the Pacific Coast of Northern British Columbia and Southern Alaska. Smith’s reconnaissance on the North Pacific Coast took place during the months of July, August and September 1909. This search for artifacts, conducted by Harlan Smith for The American Museum of Natural History, ranged from Seattle to Skagway, a city in Southern Alaska.

Apparently the findings along this coast had been being published regularly. In the previous issue according to Smith, artifacts such as several large chipped points and a stone pipe (steatite) were found in a gravel pile. An ancient village site was also found around this location, near Bellacoola, British Columbia the most northerly distribution of artifacts excavated up to that point.

Smith provides into detailed descriptions of objects found during these expeditions. Words like convex, periphery and right angle are used in the author’s description of the stone hammers. Objects such as a stone hammer given to him by a local man. He points out that his people collected similar hammers on the northern end of Vancouver Island.

Located between Metlakatla, a village on a barrier island off of Alaska’s Southern Coast, and Prince Rupert, a larger city across the border in Northern Canada are several sites. On the beaches near Metlakatla there are massive shell heaps and petroglyphs are exposed on the rock in the talus slopes before the shell heaps around the high tide mark. Approximately two or three miles southeast of Metlakatla on the northern end of Digby Island are more shell heaps. On one of these heaps are an Indian House and a Garden. Found along this beach was many bones of fishes and humans as well as many clam species.

At this point Smith begins to elaborate on the shape of two oval stones found near the heaps. He states that because of their irregular shape and unusual chipping that these were probably used as tools and not just worn from the surf. Smith concludes that these objects may have been used as hand hammers. The author also located some grooved pebbles near Port Simpson believed to be recently made net sinkers inspired by an archaic design.

The most significant text found in Harlan Smith’s article is his depiction of the beaches near Wrangel, Alaska. Fragments of rock bearing petroglyphs that were faint circles nearly six inches in diameter. Along this beach petroglyphs are located consistently below the high-water mark. The petroglyphs were often circular, however according to Smith, some were in the shape of a human face and one resembled a finback whale. This historical site named Petroglyph Beach is one of the attractions of Wrangel in the Southern Alaska Region.

Harlan Smith’s exploration introduced many significant archaeological sites to The American Museum of Natural History and American Anthropology as well. At some points in this article the author elaborates upon specimens that seem questionable as to their authenticity as tools or just rocks worn by the surf. Smith’s article did effectively familiarize its readers to the geographic region of his research. Smith’s reconnaissance helped establish in the historical record that the coastline of northern British Columbia and Southern Alaska is a region, which people have migrated through and inhabited for a very long time.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Smith I. Harlen. New Evidence of the Distribution of Chipped Artifacts and Interior Culture in British Columbia. 1909 Vol. 11:359-361

The writer’s party found two chipped leaf-shaped points of hard dark stone in the shells-heap at Comox. The eastern coast of Vancouver Island is thought to be the northernmost limit of artifacts such as these in North America. This object is a stone that resembles glassy basalt. A recent discovery made by a private collector who discovered similar points and a steatite pipe from the Bellacoola river region north of Vancouver Island on the coast of British Columbia debates and challenges the origin of these artifacts. The author explains the likely region and location that these artifacts emerged from because they were purchased and moved from their original undocumented site. The author compares information on the Bellacolla and their interior Salishan neighbors to indicate that these artifacts in the Jacobsen collection from Bellacoola were brought to the coast of British Columbia by trade or by gift giving in the last couple of centuries.

RITA ELSWICK Cleveland State University (Jeffrey Williams)

Stefansson, V. The Eskimo Trade Jargon of Herschel Island. American Anthropologist 1909 Vol.11:217-232.

The Eskimo Trade Jargon of Herschel Island provides a brief discussion of the evolution and usage of a trade jargon used between Native North Americans on Herschel Island and Arctic whalers, including an extensive record of the vocabulary. The article poses no argument; it is more or less a descriptive record of a pidgin language.

The author notes that the trade jargon is based on “Eskimo” or Inuit language as opposed to a European language. He also notes that it is difficult for Europeans and Euro-Americans to fully understand the Inuit language due in part to the complicated inflectional morphology of the language. Furthermore, Stefansson says that while “whalers are supposed to be the masters in the polar tongues,” they commonly make mistakes in the usage of the language. He expresses concern that some of these mistakes may get recorded on maps and be set forth as “authoritative” accounts.

Stefansson not only details the trade jargon of Hershel Island, but also gives some background on other trade jargons used by the Arctic people. He discusses linguistic differences between coastal and inland Arctic people. He also notes some linguistic details of the trade jargon between Arctic and Sub-Arctic groups.

HILARY H STITES Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Uhle, Max. Peruvian Throwing-Sticks. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol.11:624-627.

Uhle presents pictures and brief descriptions of nineteen different Peruvian throwing-sticks and three arrows that have been acquired by the Museo de Historia Nacional in Lima. He describes where each throwing stick was found, it’s construction, and distinguishing features. Throwing-sticks were used to launch arrows when fishing. Uhle mainly discusses those found in a burial site on the hacienda Chavina on the southern coast of Peru.

The author comments that knowledge of ancient Peruvian throwing-sticks was not acquired until recently. He mentions a few articles written by other authors on the subject. Photographs of the throwing-sticks and arrows are numbered one through twenty-two. Numbers one through eighteen were found in the Chavina site. Most were in excellent condition. The culture of Chavina is similar to that of Ica and Nazca. Tapestries with Tiahuanaco style designs, and elaborate mummy bales were also found at the site. The Chavina throwing-sticks are from 44 to 53 centimeters long, with a couple of exceptions. Various types of wood or bone are used for the shafts. A small hook on the end is usually made of copper, but sometimes of bone, a tooth or tusk, or wood. Lashed to the front end is a larger hook turned backward, usually made of tooth, and sometimes bone. About half of these hooks are decorated with a carved face and pieces of shell. The hook on number nine is shaped like a bird’s head. Some of the throwing-sticks have decorative copper rings.

Numbers nineteen and twenty are parts of arrows found at Chavina and number twenty-one is an arrow from Nieveria. These were found alongside throwing-sticks and it is assumed that they were used together. The author notes that the small size of the arrows is surprising compared to the throwing-sticks. The Museo de Historia Nacional possesses many parts of arrows from Nieveria, such as reed shafts and wooden points with barbed hooks, some with carved faces. Number twenty-two is a throwing-stick from Nieveria 66.5 cm long featuring carved human figures.

Uhle’s opinion is that these throwing-sticks are the continuation of the ancient throwing-sticks of Nazca. These Nazca throwing-sticks are known mainly through pictures on pottery, and are identical to numbers one through eight. Similar also are the throwing-sticks of Moche and Trujillo culture, and it is assumed that all share a common derivation.

SARA DALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Waterman, Thomas. Analysis of the Mission Indian Creation Story. American Anthropologist January, 1909 Vol.11(1):41-55.

This article examines the similarities and differences between the mythology of the Luiseño, Diegueño, and Mohave tribes referring to ethnologies by Kroeber, DuBois, and Boscana. Through comparing the various aspects of this mythology, including the nature of origin, culture, and migration, Waterman purports that Luiseño and Mohave accounts are more closely linked than to that of the Diegueño, despite the Diegeuño’s linguistic ties to the Mohave.

According to both Luiseño and Mohave accounts the origin of existence can be traced to the meeting of Sky, a man, and Earth, a woman: “things as they now are… came by birth from Earth as a mother” (45). Conversely, the Diegueño believe “that in the beginning everything was water,” and creation occurred through the brothers Tuchaipa and Yokomatis (45), not through the consummation of Earth and Sky. The emergence of a culture-hero also illuminates similarities between the Luiseño and Mohave. Wiyot, the culture-hero of the Luiseño, functions similarly to the Mohave characters, Matevilye and Mastamho, in being a “semi-divine hero” leading the people in migrations and establishing them into nations (49). The Diegueño, though attributing the emergence of culture to a great snake, have no heroic figure similar to Wiyot or Matevilye and Mastamho who establish the tribes’ location and traditions. In instances where similarities arise between the Diegueño and the Mohave Waterman concludes the relationships to be somewhat superficial. Both tribes migrate from the Wikami mountain to spread throughout the world; however, the Mohave believe there was a migration prior to the separation at the mountain whereas the Diegueño believe creation to have taken place at the mountain (52). To Waterman this similarity is “only in the terminology or etymology” (55) of the story, not in its narrative elements.

In constructing his analysis, Waterman draws from thirteen different publications documenting Mission Indian creation myths. He places each article into a table illustrating its similarities and dissimilarities with the other articles; in doing so the surprising congruence of the Luiseño and Mohave tribes can be evidenced. Waterman questions the validity of certain sources including the writings of the Franciscan missionary, Boscana. In analyzing the origins of culture Boscana depicts the heroic role of Wiyot as that of an “earthly tyrant or despot”; Waterman attributes this atypical record to Boscana’s “own misconception as a churchman” (48). Watermen recognizes Boscana’s lack of cultural relativism, due to his role as a missionary, and openly discusses the subjectivity of Boscana’s accounts.

Watermen’s essay reflects the changing ideologies of anthropology at the beginning of the twentieth century. Avoiding grand theories of unilinealism or diffusionism, Waterman relies more on collecting a plethora of data in order to understand more comprehensively Mission Indian mythology. Waterman goes further to reject diffusionism in some degree through recognizing the commonalities between distant cultures (the Luiseño and the Mohave) and the dichotomies between cultures sharing close ancestry (the Diegueño and the Mohave); this reveals that cultural traits are not always the product of cultural contact.

STEVEN DENNY Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Will, George F. Some Observations Made In Northwestern South Dakota. American Anthropologist. 1909 Vol. 11: 257-265.

In his paper, some observations made in Northwestern South Dakota, George F. Will records the observations he made on a trip out of Bismarck, North Dakota. The exploration of the buttes, hillsides, and bluffs of this region were of an archaeological nature. The Author explored areas within the Dakotas such as Slim Buttes and Cave Hills. This entire region was once home to the Sioux People and the Standing Rock Reservation. This area is part of the Bad Lands and is historically known for it’s game- hunting potential for Deer, Elk, Mountain Sheep, and Porcupine and occasional Antelope.

This brief trip taken through this region was, according to George Will, the first archaeological reconnaissance in the area. A large portion of the article is used to describe particular aspects of the landscape itself. Features that characterize the ridges of the first area described, are cairns. Generally cairns serve a navigational function of some form. According to Mr. Otis Tye, who served as the guide on this field trip, the natives whom he encountered claimed they were to mark areas where water could be reached. Furthermore George will tested this at each cairn, which they encountered and this proved to be true.

The cairns themselves were two to four feet high cylindrical rock piles. Often found around the base of the Cairns were chips and flakes of flint. The author did not speculate as to the significance of the flint.

The next region, which George Will and Mr. Tye visited, was Slim Buttes. Named appropriately, Slim Buttes stretches for twenty-five miles and is as wide as three miles at some points. This region is more or less one log extended ridge and rises up to several hundred feet at some points. A butte by definition has low angle cliffs along at least one side of it. In this case the cliffs are composed of soft white sandstone. Along the ridges are occasional pine trees and rolling sagebrush. Descending from the ridges are deep gulches.

The author, George Will, found many fossils among the sandstone areas. Will also described several areas with springs flowing from rocks, suitable for camping. At the peaks of some of the tallest ridges of Slim Buttes were Eagles nests. Findings of archaeological significance were arrowheads found around old pits, which were used for eagle catching. The natives of this area as well as many other North American regions were prized for their ceremonial headdresses.

Probably the most significant of the archaeological findings of the Slim Buttes region were the ruins of a tipi shape lodge. The tipi style structure was composed of many solid aspen poles. However this lodge was not covered with animal skins, characteristic of the Sioux People. This was an Earthen Lodge, which, according to George Will, are historically associated with Arikara, Mandan, Hidatsa Native People.

The next region visited by George Will and Mr. Otis Tye was Cave Hills. It is at this point of interest, which the most archaeological artifacts of a “classical” type were found. Nestled in a gulch in Cave Hills exists what is called the Big Cave. In Big Cave the first object, which was noted by George Will, was an effigy. According to the author this effigy may possibly have been built to resemble a turtle. More flint chips were found as well as a piece of black pottery.

Apparently, as Mr. Otis described, the entrance to Big Cave at one time a completely overhung rock corridor on which were carved many petroglyphs. In the rubble of the former overhanging cave entrance were many huge blocks of sandstone. Upon further investigation George Will found that many of the blocks had petroglyphs, which were completely intact. Most notable, however, are the petroglyphs set further back in the cave on its walls. These petroglyphs took the form of several kinds of animals as well as rudimentary forms of humans. Other drawings were more symbolic in nature using colored dies as paint, while yet others appeared to be somewhat abstract depictions of human faces.

To conclude the article George Will expresses that the observations he made in South Dakota were brief and superficial. The article itself was written in part as an effort to stimulate further research in this area. Some Observations made in Northwestern South Dakota is a fine article, which could very well stimulate an adventurous person of many disciplines to explore the buttes, ridges and gulches of this area and The Bad Lands in general.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)