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American Anthropologist 1906

Bandelier, Adolph F. Traditions of Pre-Columbian Earthquakes and Volcanic Eruptions in Western South America. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol. 8:47-81.

Traditions Of Precolumbian Earthquakes and Volcanic Eruptions in Western South America, by Adolph F. Bandelier, is a second hand, ‘fragmentary’ account that attempts, to determine the facts from myth of Native American folklore about earthquakes and volcanic activity prior to Spanish conquest of South America. He uses data from to the countries of Colombia, Ecuador, and Chile as his main area of focus for this article.

Bandelier begins his article with indigenous folklore from Columbia. He does not place much value in this folklore. First, because at the time of this article, it had not been determined how old some of these stories were and secondly, with the arrival of Catholic missionaries (c.1536), some of the native lore was altered to reflect some Biblical ideals. Lastly, Greek mythology has also been reflected in the Native American lore by comparing the story of Atlas and the Native American god Chibchachum both have “support the earth causing it to quiver.” This indicates the existence of earthquakes in pre-Columbian times to Bandelier.

Bandelier then considers Ecuador and her past volcanic activity. He references Pedro de Cieza about a narrative in which he acknowledges volcanic eruptions prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. Bandelier then refers to of the tales of the giant people. These stories are common to many peoples of the area. According to the legend, the giant people were immoral so the earth opened up to destroy them. After extensive research into the various volcanic peaks in Ecuador, Bandelier concludes that Ecuador was very active in volcanic activity in pre-Columbian times.

Finally, Bandelier comments about Chile. Bandolier feels that Chile was filled with numerous volcanic activities as well as seismic activities. He does note that the Native American folklore is unreliable and he does seek other writings from the pre-Columbian era to substantiate these old tales. Mostly, I found this article long and very tedious with the numerous endnotes written in Spanish.

KAREN McCARTHY Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Blackiston, A.H. Ruins of the Cerro De Montezuma. American Anthropologist 1906. Vol. 8:256-261.

Blackiston feels that the ruins of the Cerro De Montezuma have up to this time received little description or been given misleading accounts in published works he has read. His appraisal is based on first hand experience gained in visiting the site while accompanied by a Mexican guide. The author describes the area in some detail with measurements of all of the principal structures and formations. Cerro De Montezuma sits high on a mountain peak with a well-built path cut down the mountain, which maintains a uniform grade. It stretches approximately six miles long ending at a cluster of twenty-two small ruined but solidly built stone structures. The author discusses the possibility that this is a village that supported the ruins in the mountain above. Farther up the mountain approximately two hundred feet south of the village there are the remains of a larger circular foundation. Our author presumes that it is the remains of a small tower of some kind.

Upon the mountain crest surrounded by a wall 56ft in diameter and 6 ft high are the remains of a large monolithic stone tower or building, which is heavily fortified. Two defensive walls surround it. His assertion is that it is a watchtower for the ruins on the mountain as well as the village below. Ninety feet down the western slope is an opening, which had been walled in. Because local legend says this tunnel is the tomb of Montezuma, treasure hunters have used high explosives to get 135 feet into the tunnel. At the time of this article’s publication they have still found nothing in the tunnel.

He comments repeatedly on the militaristic style layout and construction techniques of the builders. The ruins were built of precisely cut stones fitted tightly together with no mortar. Popular legend has called this ruin the palace of the king Montezuma. He feels, that there is little definite evidence to prove this. His conclusion is that even though his article lays to rest most questions regarding the ruins, the real secret to the true nature of these inhabitants and how they lived still lives deep inside the Cerro de Montezuma ruins.

SHANE STEWARD Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Breton, Adela C. The Monaco Meeting of the International Congress of Anthropology and Archeology. American Anthropologist. July, 1906.vol 8: 559-563

The author’s objective is to describe the Thirteenth session of the International Congress of Anthropology and Archeology. The main topic of discussion was about the Eolithic and Paleolithic origins. The first meeting was devoted to the discussion of the Eolithic and Paleolithic periods. M. Rutor took part in the discussion of describing the human origin of the eolithic and Dr. Bourlon described his experience digging at Le Mouster where he found Chellean implements. In this article Breton discusses four of the cave finding that are being discussed at this session and the origin of the Negroid type. The first cave that was found was Grotte du Prince where sixteen foyers, or hearths with implements were found, but no human remain were found. The second cave Barma Grande three skeletons were found by M.Rivere, which he classified as L.Homme de Menton. The third cave Grotte des enfants where a skeleton of a woman strewn over with shells and a round piece of iron was found near the shoulder of this woman. M.Rivere also discovered the fourth cave the foyer des efants, with children skeletons and small simple flakes implements with notched sides indicating a characteristic of the Paleolithic period. Also a skeleton of an old women and a young man was found. The man was found with four rows of nassa shells around his head and flint chips were found around his body. This skeleton was of the Cro-Magnon type. At the session the main topic of discussion was about the cave finding and the origin of these findings. Dr. Verneau proposes to call L’Homme de Grimaldi the cave in commune of Grimaldi the Negroid type. The same types of burials with the Negroid type and similar implements have been found in Italy and the village of Turin and Brittany. It is suggest that all of these cave findings were burials made purposely and consisted of skeletons similar to the Negroid type existing in the Quaternary period.

RITA ELSWICK Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

E. T. Brewster, E. T. Note On the Determination of Sex in Man. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol.7: 236-242.

Brewster’s article investigates the possibility of determining sex in humans. Prior to Brewster’s findings, Dr. John Nichols investigated the very same topic, which resulted in many of the same conclusions. Brewster sampled eight New England based families, in order to see if there was any correlation between the order of birth and sex.

Within this article Brewster makes some very strong and questionable presumptions, that lead him to his final conclusions. He concluded that sex is not determined by chance distribution, but rather by the order in which a child is born. The numbers in his study show that the first-born children are almost always boys, especially when a woman has multiple children, (six or more). In addition, he believes that the strength of the woman and the age has some bearing on the sex of a child. Brewster makes the presumption that older woman that are still capable of bearing children are widows, which, causes them to become a second wife. Men seeking a second wife are usually looking for a woman that has more vigor (sexual stamina) than his first. Therefor second wives produce more males.

In conclusion, Brewster tries to explain and determine the sex of children based on two “key” elements. 1) Within families of six or more children the number of boys being the first three born is more than average. 2) This can be explained by the larger amount of vigor in the mothers. Overall, Brewster believes that the determination of sex in man is not nearly by chance.

For the most part, this is an extremely brief article that does not produce great evidence. The numbers and charts shown are not very easy to follow, and they do not seem to support his final conclusion. Basically, it seems that Brewster bases his theory on male chauvinistic ideas.

JACQUELYN BUSSELL Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Burkitt, Robert. A Stone Ruin At Se-Tsak, Guatemala. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol. 8: 13-14

Robert Burkitt, in A Stone Ruin At Se-Tsak, Guatemala, sets out to simply describe the site and the ruins located therein. The author has few if any intellectual concerns in regards to the purpose of the ruins or the manner of its construction. Burkitt objectively presents the Se-Tsak ruins to the reader with the characteristic exactness of an archeological site survey.

The article begins by giving the reader a brief background on the site location, ” in the land of Sepacuite…east of the village of Senahu…Alta Vera Paz, Guatemala,” as well as informing us as to when the author visited the site in 1896. The author continues with a more in-depth sketch of the immediate geographical surroundings in relation to the ruins by making a distinction between the ‘old’ deciduous growth vegetation in the vicinity and how there are no conifers present. A somewhat drawn out and at times vague description of a narrow pass or ravine, with steep banks, is presented in relation to the structure. However, Burkitt does a thorough, yet rather tedious, job at recounting the site to us, all of which consumes 75% of the article.

The last quarter of the article is concerned with the ruins and their composition (limestone). Dimensions of the limestone blocks are briefly given (2.5 ft) as well as the fact that mortar was not used in its construction. Burkitt quickly confesses that, the interior was not explored and concludes with a fleeting speculation of the probable depth of the stairs being deeper than present.

The description of the Se-Tsak ruins, though precise, was overall rather vague for its length. The article does a poor job at giving the reader a concrete and conceptual hold of the site in question, given the data presented (diagrams and dimensional measurements).

BRION TRIVERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Bushnell, David I. Jr. North American Ethnographical Material in Italian Collections. American Anthropologist 1906, Vol. 8:243-255

Bushnell’s article provides the description of artifacts of Native American origin that reside in European museum collections and an insight into their history and how they came to be there. In the beginning of this article Bushnell explains how two Mexican atlatls had been hidden away to come to light at a later date and then put on display in a museum in Florence, Italy. Along with the atlatls, Bushnell goes on to describe other objects from the collections, found in several museums throughout Italy and the rest of Europe in vivid detail. The museum displays he has encountered feature masks, figurines, tools, clothing, and other assorted items of Native North American origin. The article also contains photographs of some of these items.

The author vaguely explains provenance of the items such as stating they came from the Cortez collection, or brought back by missionaries, or were collected during Captain Cook’s 1778 voyage, or a host other assorted undocumented sources.

Bushnell distinguishes the geographical areas into culture areas according to the objects and the tribes by name who were prevalent in the described area and who may have manufactured the items. A lot of the objects however, have no record and their history is unfortunately unknown.

In this article Bushnell appears to take the reader on a tour of the collections of Native North American artifacts that are held in various museums throughout Europe. He gives vivid descriptions of the items and provides pictures for some of them. Over all it is as if Bushnell went from museum to museum viewing the objects and relaying the vague information that the museums provided on the exhibit placards.

MARSHA PATAKY Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Relics of Early Man in Western Switzerland. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol. 8:1-12.

During the winter of 1853 the water level of the lake of Zurich was extremely low along the shores and shallow bays. This natural phenomena exposed bottom areas previously covered by water. In the newly exposed areas groups of piles extending out of the mud and sand were discovered, and on closer inspection the piles were found to be the remains of the supports of ancient habitations. Further study of the sites resulted in the discovery of various weapons and tools of prehistoric origin. The original discovery led to the examination of other lakes in Switzerland including Lake Geneva, Morat, Bienne, and Lake Nuechatel.

In the shallows of Lake Nuechatel the research parties were able to distinguish the remains of habitations dating from both the Stone and Bronze Ages. Due to the difficult barrier that the water cover presented, extensive research was not conducted until some years later. Six years after the original discovery a railway embankment was constructed on the southwestern shore of Lake Nuechatel. The embankment project resulted in the dredging of sand and mud from the bottom of the bay. Along with sand and mud the dredging unearthed various implements, utensils and the stilt-like support structures on which habitations were built revealing evidence of an extensive prehistoric settlement.

Some of the objects recovered from the lake included celts (a prehistoric axe), arrow points, saws, knives, and daggers, as well as ornaments and jewelry such as rings and bracelets. The items vary in material as well as design and craftsmanship. The early Stone Age sites yield objects made from various types of stone, some examples being porphyry, granite, quartzite and various jades. Bone, antler, and wood were also employed in the manufacture of objects. The researchers believe that the items present that were made of copper without an alloy mark the transition from Stone to Bronze Age. Only a few artifacts made of pure copper have been found among the hundreds made of bronze.

Through these discoveries the history of the occupation of the lake can be charted from Neolithic times to the final subjugation of Helvetia by the Roman army when they chose Aventicum which is less then ten miles away from Lake Neuchatel for their capitol.

Swiss archaeologists have determined that the shallows of Lake Nuechatel contain the remains of 44 Stone Age (Neolithic) sites, 1 transitional (Eneolithic) site, 24 Bronze Age sites and one Iron Age site.

This article presents evidence for the development of a timeline of habitation of the Lake Neuchatel shallows from the Neolithic epoch up to Roman invasion and domination. The evidence taken the form of the various tools, weapons, implements and habitation remains, along with insight into the details concerning their manufacture and what materials were utilized in the process. The archeologists were also able to link the items to their corresponding epoch. From the detailed explanations the reader is presented with solid facts about the discoveries of the evidence of early human settlements in Western Switzerland.

MARSHA PATAKY Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Bushnell, David I. Jr. The Sloan Collection in the British Museum. American Anthropologist 1906. Vol. 8: 671-685.

Bushnell wrote a series of appraisals of American artifacts in European collections and museums during a tour of Britain and the continent. In this article, Bushnell examines both “miscellaneous” manuscript records of important lost artifacts and certain exceptional North American examples he found in the British Museum. These records and artifacts were part of the extensive collection of Sir Hans Sloan, which, combined with others, formed the foundation of the museum’s initial holdings.

Not formally trained as an anthropologist, Bushnell was a scholar and avid photographer. He was an assistant at the Peabody Museum and was an editor at the Smithsonian Institution’s Bureau of American Ethnology from 1912–1921. His particular focus on exceptional Native-American items reflects a very selective filter of the Sloan specimens and presents specimens, in his words, “from the colonies Virginia, South Carolina, and New England, from the Iroquois country and the region around the Hudson Bay.” He passes on the lithic specimens, “as many similar objects are preserved in various collections…” and further states, “nor shall I deal with the Northern Eskimo.”

Using the original manuscript detailing the “miscellaneous” portion of the Sloan collection, Bushnell lists items that have been lost. The spellings, descriptions, and notes are reproduced as they appear in the original. The items’ provenance are less than pristine, but the descriptions, especially when accompanied by more detailed notes, are interesting reading. They illustrate the anecdotal nature of information from early collections.

Bushnell, known for his use of photography, supplies black and white plates highlighting objects of superior quality, including an “Indian” drum, which is likely West African in origin, exceptional baskets from South Carolina, and a very special spoon. It is crafted from the breastbone of a great auk and is likely the oldest artifact attributable to a specific artisan, Papenau, around 1702. Included is an interesting note that details his “squaw’s” treatment for bilateral gangrene of her legs.

This article also allows the reader a perspective on the state of early private collections, and how restricted access and information was in 1905. The selections appearing in Bushnell’s photographs are of exceptional quality and may be known to students of fine, native, North American technology. The drum, baskets, and spoon on his plates are artifacts worth viewing in color on the British Museum’s web-site.

FRED SKILTON Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Culin, Stewart. Hjalmar Stolpe. American Anthroplogist. 1906 Vol. 8: 150-156

Stewart Culin writes the obituary of Hjalmar Stolpe, who died on January 27, 1905. The obituary provides basic biographical information on the life and education of Stolpe. We further find biographical detail on Stolpe’s profession, and how a new trajectory from zoology to archeology was taken.

The author states that through Stolpe’s newfound professional inclination towards archeology and more specifically ethnology, that pre-existing collections of archeological artifacts were expanded upon as well scientifically arranged and catalogued. Stolpe’s in-depth investigation and mapping of expansive grave-fields in northern Bjorko, an island in Lake Malar (Sweden), pioneered the development of a new model for ethnographic data collection, through archeological artifact recovery.

Stolpe’s new model was based on a scientific approach to the comparative study of ornamental art, which up until then had not been utilized as a means of ethnographic data collection. All of which suggests the early footsteps into a ‘relativistic paradigm’, which would not be fully developed until Franz Boas and some of his student years later. Stolpe’s newly applied scientific principles led him to be considered the first in the field of ethnology to take a rational approach in regards to the analysis of ornamental art/artifacts.

The obituary informs us that Stolpe acquired a tremendous amount of physical data as well as artistic representations of archeological artifacts. The artifacts added to the collections of museums, both historical and art based, throughout Western Europe as well as aided ethnographic field research in expanding its methods of analysis. Stolpe was also known, near the end of his career, for his work and analysis of North American “First Nations” decorative art, as well as being responsible for reproductions of a large series of South American artifacts.

BRION TRIVERS Cleveland State University, (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Densmore, Frances. The Music of the Filipinos. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol. 8: 611-632

Frances Densmore in his paper, The Music of the Filipinos, opens with a brief explanation of how he came to study Filipino music during the Louisiana Purchase Exposition that was held in St. Louis in 1904. Densmore was encouraged by ethnologist Dr. Albert E. Jenks who was in charge of the exhibit, to collect observational data in the realm of ethnomusicology. The author had been a student of Native American music and had the false expectation that he would find similarities between Native American music and Filipino music. Densmore points out that important musical expressions such as religious and industrial music (songs of worship and work), was not to be represented at the Expo. The author notes that what he did experience and analyze was what he believed to be representative of a period of musical development prior to that of musical expression of “worship or toil.”

Densmore collects and analyzes a great deal of observational data, which aides in the development of his hypothesis on the progression of what he calls ‘primitive’ music. The author explains that he discovered four forms of musical expression in Filipino music, which he believed progressed in order of development from: (1) instrumental music, (2) unaccompanied, improvised song, (3) accompanied, improvised song and, (4) repeated melody w/ instrumental accompaniment. He notes that the most prominent characteristic of the unaccompanied, improvised songs was that they were rhythm-less songs of love and grief. From this Densmore argues that all (namely Filipino) ‘primitive’ music derives from a simple emotionally response to communicate, much like a pre-verbal infant. The author closely studied the music of four cultural groups (Negritos, Igorots, Samal Moro, & the Lanao Moro) from the Philippines, which correspond with the assumed progression of musical expression he presents.

Densmore notes that out of the four musical forms only two used melody-producing instruments, where as the others used percussion instruments alone (i.e. gongs) to produce a variety of rhythms. Densmore believes that this pattern provides proof that ‘primitive’ rhythm is a form of emotional expression directly from the mind of the performer. The author expands on his hypothesis by presenting the supposition that vocal music is akin to the call or cry of an infant and that such emotional impetus is what bore the art of vocal music.

The author continues his analysis of the four forms by speculating that emotion is behind the first form of instrumental musical expression. Densmore follows up with his belief that: “..Concluding that the mental ability to retain a repeated melody is a greater achievement than the original form, and with instrumental accompaniment the musical progression begins to assume what he believes to be a tangible form.

Densmore’s abstract of his more in-depth analysis, which takes up the last half of the article, is thorough yet highly suppositional. His psychological analysis of the emotional impetus of the people behind the music is impressive; however, lacks the references to source data to help support his argument.

BRION TRIVERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Dorsey, George A. Pawnee War Tales. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol. 8:337-345.

In the article “Pawnee War Tales” George Dorsey presents two accounts of Pawnee war practices. The stories that form the body of the piece were procured from George Shooter, an old warrior of the Chaui. Dorsey acts as a relater, seemingly never straying from the tales to interject his own anthropological findings. The reader is left to explore the text of the article, and derive from it the cultural practices, and raiding methods of the Pawnee.

The article is broken up into two chapters, the first of which is entitled, “The Defeat of the Pawnee by the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Comanche.” It seems that the intended focus of this portion is on the actual war practices of the Pawnee. The storyteller gives insight into spiritual beliefs, methods of communication, and the criteria by which the tribe and the enemy defines the leaders.

“Peace Between the Pawnee and the Comanche” is much more descriptive than the first section. The reader learns about the preparation of young men for war, and the diplomacy utilized by the Pawnee and Comanche. There is a degree of information conveyed, concerning the politics and social order of the Comanche. This chapter also stresses the importance of two possessions. Ponies, for their material value, and the pipe for its spiritual importance, are both coveted. These items act as catalysts in the tale that Dorsey is relating.

Toward the end of the article, it becomes difficult to understand precisely what is going on. Despite this deterioration, it was an easy piece to read and understand. My only concern is that the reader is made to feel that they are getting a close account of the events, but they are not. Dorsey has taken the tales that he has heard, and translated them into his own words. There is much to be learned from this article, however one must take into accounts the author’s ability to distort the truth.

ANDREW SATINSKY Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Emerson, Nathaniel B. Unwritten Literature of Hawaii. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol. 8:271-275

The Unwritten Literature of Hawaii by Nathaniel B. Emerson is the beginning of a manuscript that had not been published at the time of this article’s publication in 1906. The content of this brief introduction deals with the origin of the “hula” dance in ancient Hawaii as well as in modern times. Emerson’s opinion regarding the deterioration of the hula dance in the modern times of 1906 is solely based on his own personal beliefs and biases.

Emerson states that the hula originated from the epic tales of the volcanic goddess Pele. From there, the dances evolved as a recording of various aspects of Hawaiian life. The author acknowledges that the hula originated as a religious event and there is an abundance of information to be learned from these earlier epic tales. Emerson does not however, approve of how the hula dance has changed over time. What was once and “institution of divine” has become sinful in the author’s interpretation. He makes a Biblical comparison of hula dance to ‘Jacob’s voice and the hand of Esau.’ Emerson feels that the ancient art, from which the original hula dance originated from, has been lost in the seductive, obscene movements that the dance now embodies.

This article appears to lack any substantial evidence except that the hula originated as a dance to appease the goddess Pele. Emerson’s opinions are the basis of this article, and his biases against the ancient, as well as, the modern day Polynesians are quite evident, referring to them as a “childlike” society. He does give the Polynesians credit for the complexity of this dance and yet he marvels at how well the dances reveal the intimate details of their daily lives.

KAREN MCCARTHY Cleveland State University (J. P. Williams)

Fewkes, J. Walter Hopi Ceremonial Frames from Canon De Chelly, Arizona. American Anthropologist, 1906 Vol. 8: 664-670.

J. Walter Fewkes, in Hopi Ceremonial Frames From Canon De Chelly, Arizona, gives his account of some religious paraphernalia. The Native people of the American Southwest used the implements, which the author described and discussed in ritual ceremonies. The native peoples were, most specifically, the Hopi and related tribes and clans.

The first item described by Fewkes is a ceremonial frame used by the Pueblo culture. The frames are wood with different sliding attachments, handles, and symbolic décor. The author came across these objects at the Museum of the Brooklyn Institute. Mr. Stewart Culin excavated them from a cave in Canon De Chelly, Arizona. Walter Fewkes interest in these items is directly correlated to his own research of Hopi Shrines and Pueblo Culture.

Apparently the discovery of the frames was inspired by and verified a speculated Navaho Legend concerning the lineage of several groups of people such as the Asa Clan, Tanoan People and the Zuni. Found with these frames were fragments of ceremonial masks, which according to the legend, were used with the frames in a ritual practiced by the aforementioned people. However having no prior knowledge of these people, the details, which Walter Fewkes elaborates, are obscure to the reader.

The frames themselves consist of a bar, which resembles an implement used by a modern construction tradesperson known as a level. On each side of the bar is a leg appearing to be 10-12″ tall with a round base. In the middle of the bar is a pyramid like piece on a stick slotted into a hole and used as a handle. The author cites that this piece symbolizes a rain cloud. This implement is held by the handle and shaken violently to make a rattling sound.

Fewkes then makes mention of a similar frame used in Hopi ceremony which he introduced in his work “The Lesser Fire Ceremony at Walpi”. Furthermore Fewkes explains that these frames were used in conjunction with masks (also found in the cave) worn by the frame-wielding priest called Yayas for a ceremony called Sumaikoli and Kawikoli (these titles are named after supernatural powers).

Next the author discusses a similar ritual practiced in a Shumaakwe ceremony by the Zuni. An account of this ceremony was described in a paragraph cited by the author. This description by Mrs. Stevenson, apparently a scholar of the same subject, describes men using these frames before a god, which has mystical control over them. Also described is a man who sings a low chant during the ritual ceremony.

Walter Fewkes then points out that there are several characteristics shared in common by the Sumaikoli ritual with the Fire dance of the Navajo. The yaya priest’s are healers who also claim to have magical powers to control fire. These priests are involved with several rituals. Some rituals may entail calling upon ancestral beings, while others are designed to bring rain, and yet others are prayer offerings to the supernatural.

Found with the frames in a bag was stick which has the appearance of a flute, although it is not. This stick served a function in ceremonial rituals. Also found in the cave was a painted animal skin.

To understand the correlations and conclusions, which Walter Fewkes drew in his article, would require the reader to have a substantial amount of knowledge about the Hopi and other people of the ancient southwest, prior to it’s reading. The article does not come to a conclusion as to the ownership of the objects or from which clan they originally came. The author bounces around making suggestions and predictions. Walter Fewkes addressed a very interesting subject matter but unfortunately created a quite non-desirable article.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University, (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fewkes, Walter J. The Sun’s Influence on the form of Hopi Pueblos. American Anthropologist. 1906 vol.8: 89-100

In this article Walter J. Fewkes explains the different arrangements of houses in Hopi Pueblos in parallel row separate by courts of plazas. His discussion is about the villages of East Mesa called Walpi, Sichomovi and Hano. The object of this article is to suggest the cause of this uniform arrangement and orientation and to discuss the influences on clan localization. The arrangement and the orientation of the houses of Hopi pueblo are largely due to an attempt to secure sunny exposures for entrances and terraces and have protection from the cold and the wind. The positions of the entrances especially the lower story is different in the old and new Hopi houses. The ruins and antedate the arrival of the Europeans show a total absence of doorways in the walls of the basal rooms, the entrances being universally hatchways or openings in the roof to which one mounted by a ladder. The northwest and southeast wall are advantageous for additions to the parental abode since the new habitation to have heliotropic exposure without interfering with that of the building already standing. Each family coming into the community was assigned a site for dwelling but now the new sites didn’t adjoin buildings already standing. It is seen that the arrangements of houses in row extending north and south was fortuitous because of the position of the sun in obtaining helotropic exposure. The first inhabitants of these building were the Tobacco-corn, cloud-sand, and the Katcina. The Tobacco, corn and bear families inhabited these rooms. To the hano the sun God was extremely important in their daily lives. To the walpi the distributions of the houses is of a religious meaning. They believed by keeping tradition and keeping objects and the location of the original building the Sun God “Powamu” would continue to visit their houses. In all of these tribes it was believed by positioning these houses or rooms it would let them obtain a maximum amount of heat through the sun. So it was believed that nature and the sun was all interconnected into on being.

RITA ELSWICK Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fewkes, Walter, J. An Ancient Megalith in Jalapa, Vera Cruz. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol. 8: 633-639.

In An Ancient Megalith in Jalapa, Vera Cruz, Fewkes seeks to describe and interpret a sculptured stone that he observes on a visit to the Preparatory School at Jalapa, Mexico in 1905. The shape of the megalith and the figures that were inscribed on it was like those found on of the stairway of the palace at Palenque. Portion of the sculptured work is indicative of the artistic work of the eastern and coastal people, while other portions suggest Aztec, Huaxtec or Maya influences. The sculpture shows a human figure piercing his tongue with a long pointed object. Directly under the tongue of the human figure is a reptile looking image.

In attempting to interpret the depictions on the megalith, the author refers to two published reports on the megalith. In one report, “A penitential rite of the Ancient Mexicans” Nuttall stated that the picture depicts a priest drawing blood from his tongue by piercing it with a pointed stick. The author also refers to the interpretation given by Senor Batres. Bates identifies the human figure as the god Ehecatl and the reptile as Quetzalcoatl. He interprets the figures as being engaged in a penitential rite with the reptile receiving blood from the tongue of Ehecatl.

The author goes on to give more descriptive details of the human and reptile figures and addresses the symbolism of man and serpent in early Mexico. He refers to several pages from the Codex Cortesianus, which show pictures of serpents accompanied by men wearing helmet masks. The masks are almost the exact image as that of the head of the reptiles surrounding the men. The author stipulates that the men wearing helmet masks may be priest impersonating the same God, and that God is also represented as a serpent. Fewkes used the same analogy to reason that the human figure on the megalith could represent a priest personating the same supernatural being as the accompanying reptile.

In summarizing, Fewkes sees the two figures as representing one god; he also finds that they are connected with the human figure representing a priest performing a bloodletting rite and the reptile or serpent figure signifying a supernatural being.

DENISE PUGH Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fewkes, Walter J. Hopi Shrines Near the East Mesa, Arizona. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol.8: 346-375.

Fewkes describes different kinds of Hopi shrines found around the East Mesa, Arizona. He claims that study of these shrines can help identify clan affiliation and migration patterns of former inhabitants. Ownership of sacred places is hereditary among the Hopi, and they are still maintained after the clan has migrated and new sites have been built. Fewkes’ aim is to show the importance of shrines and springs, especially those around ruins, to the study of Hopi archaeology.

Fewkes outlines several clans that inhabited this area, their origins, relations to each other, and some of their gods and religious beliefs. A Hopi shrine is any place where prayer offerings can be left and can range from an enclosure with a permanent idol installed to a cleft in a rock or a pile of stones. Most of the larger shrines consist of circles of stones with a large rock used as a back. A shrine can be a kind of box with three walls made from upright stone slabs, with no roof. Hopi animal traps are similar in construction to these, and so are often mistaken for shrines. All types of Hopi shrines may contain offerings such as clay images, miniature bowls, food, tobacco, and prayer sticks.

Some Hopi shrines are dedicated to certain supernatural beings. Fewkes gives several specific examples of these shrines, along with a description of the site, the deity, and any ceremony or myths associated with it. Photographs of some of these shrines are included. Other shrines are built in the center of a pueblo plaza. They may have a sunken floor, and represent an opening to the underworld through which humans originally emerged. World quarter shrines are located in each of the four cardinal directions, as determined by sunrise and sunset. Often pictographs of gods or other figures are found near shrines. One example, featuring Kwataka, a mythic birdlike being, is included in the paper. The many springs near the East Mesa are sacred to the Hopi, and each is a place of worship, and therefore a shrine. They are usually dedicated to a certain deity. Supernatural beings are believed to reside in some of the largest springs. Many examples are given of these spring-shrines.

This article contains a wealth of information about Hopi shrines, and the author gives plenty of examples of specific shrines. The multitude of clan names, deity names, and shrine names can prove tedious.

SARA DALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fowke, Gerard. Exploration of the Lower Amur Valley. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol. 8: 277-297.

This article reports the findings of the 1898 excavation of the area within 350 miles of the Amur River in Russia. The goal of the excavation was to ascertain if earlier inhabitants had lived in the region before the arrival of the current residents. By establishing an earlier existence of people and culture migration patterns could then be traced. The search uncovered many tribal villages that existed before the Russians colonized the area. The excavations confirmed that many former tribal villages were in place in the vicinity of the Amur River.

The Amur people called the depressions in the ground where dwellings once existed house-pits and spoke of them as the abodes of the “old people.” But the identity of “the old people,” or the time period that they occupied the area remain a mystery. A native of a current Goldi village reported that he had been one of the natives occupying an area comprising of about twelve house-pits and that the area was abandoned about twenty years before.

After scrutiny of the archaeological findings, it was concluded that the way of life led by those who abandoned or were otherwise wiped-out of the excavated villages was similar to the lifestyle of the current inhabitants. If earlier people resided in the area surrounding the Amur River they left no traces of their existence. No burial grounds, evidence of agriculture, and hardly any stone implements or pottery were found.

This article will be of interest to those interested in the archaeological findings of the excavated area during the stipulated time period. The article contains detailed reporting of the artifacts discovered, but little on the cultural continuity of the site is established.

DENISE PUGH Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Grinnell, George Bird Cheyenne Stream Names. American Anthropologist, 1906 Vol. 8: 15-22.

George Bird Grinnell, in Cheyenne Stream Names, has recorded data pertaining to the stream names in the previous homeland of the indigenous people of the American West, The Cheyenne. He first states the English version then in italics the Cheyenne name and finally he provides a translation. Often the translation is brief, however some stream names were accompanied by several translation or a brief story.

Grinnell asserts that many early America descriptive names were applied to physiographic features. A river may be named for a historic event, which happened near by or maybe just for it’s smell. Furthermore, a river may be named because of it’s shape or for a population of trees or animals which may reside near by.

The Cheyenne ranged from North Dakota to Northern Wyoming to the south in Colorado. The Arkansas and The Green River were there western boundaries, while the Black Hills formed the Cheyenne central area.

A few examples, Wyoming’s Wind River, Hohkomeomap in Cheyenne was named after it’ ill smelling water. The Green River, Tassoiyohe in Cheyenne, is translated as The Scalp River because of a fight had by the Cheyenne on it’s bank where many dead scalped warriors were left along the bank.

George Bird Grinnell’s article Cheyenne Stream Names is a concise accurate depiction of historical data.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Hewett, Edgar L. Preservation Of American Antiquities; Progress During The Last Year; Needed Legislation’. American Anthropologist, 1906 Vol. 8: 109-114

Edgar L. Hewett, was an Archaeologist actively supporting Preservation for American Antiquities. The article is an abstract for a paper, which Hewett read before a joint meeting of The American Anthropological Association and The Archaeological Institute of America.

Hewett introduces a policy of preservation being legislated by the United States Congress. The policy is intended to preserve artifacts of antiquity in the American Southwest. Many artifacts were found on lands owned or controlled by the United States and managed by the US Forest Service. Efforts to purchase or manage other lands with artifacts were also in progress.

The American Southwest was a longtime home of several prominent Native American Civilizations. The antiquities being preserved are the remains and ruins of those civilizations. Colorado, Utah, New Mexico and Arizona are the states upon which all the archaeological remains are located.

The first act of this type of legislation was enacted by congress on March 2, 1889 and protected the Casa Grande ruin in Arizona. Taking custodianship of these lands is to in effect eliminate the use of ruins for commercial purposes. Hewett further detailed the main principals of the legislation as follows. “The ruins that are situated on national forest reserves have been placed under the care of forest rangers and unauthorized excavation or collecting prohibited.” Colorado, Utah, New Mexico and Arizona all have reserves where important archaeological remains can be found. Other areas of potential archaeological value that were not currently protected by the forest service were according to Hewitt, “withdrawn from sale or settlement pending examination of their forest condition”.

Several prominent government organizations became involved in the preservation of antiquities legislation. The Office of Indian Affairs for example became involved in an effort to prevent unauthorized excavation of remains on reservations. This pertained specifically to Indian traders who would sell prehistoric artifacts for small profits. Some Native American Peoples of the Southwest who became involved due to this legislation were The Hopi, Ute, Navaho and so on.

In order to further organize the new legislation the US Forest Service and The Us Office of Indian Affairs established several precedents to ensure proper conduct on government-protected land. It was established that all excavations be performed by The Southwest Society of the Archaeological Institute of America under the oversight and in cooperation with The Bureau of American Ethnology. Furthermore all data of excavations must be filed with The Bureau of American Ethnology. All of the departments involved agreed across the board that all work done on protected land should be done for the purpose of advancement of the knowledge of archaeology. Finally all permits issued to any other institution must meet the approval of the aforementioned institutions.

The proposals described in Hewett’s abstract were accepted by The American Anthropological Association and The Archaeological Institute of America and were later legislated by the United States Congress. Hewett’s proposal is a definitive mark in the history of preservation in the United States. The work itself clearly states of the intentions of Hewett and the involved institutions. This work provided a major contribution to the field of archaeology in The United States.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Hitz, John. Helen Keller. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol.8: 308-324.

In this article, John Hitz gives a brief overview of the extraordinary life of Helen Keller. The article begins by stating what a remarkable blind deaf-mute Helen Keller was. She was the first person of blind deaf-mute status to earn a college degree.

Helen Keller’s life began normally, meaning that she possessed all of her sensory faculties. At the young age of eighteen months, Helen became ill and lost her sight and hearing. Helen’s parents were tired of her misbehaving and decided she needed to be properly taught. Her parents were not qualified to take on the task, so they sought out someone who was. Miss Anne Sullivan was appointed to the difficult job.

At first, the task at hand seemed impossible for Miss Sullivan. However, with patience, time, and a loving heart, she eventually made progress with Helen. She taught Helen the finger alphabet, and how to read brail. She opened the doors to Helen’s previously void mind. The article goes on with excerpts written by Helen explaining her own feelings and experiences through the process of becoming educated. In the end, Helen could read, write, and speak.

This article was excellent. It was well written and easy to read. It was a wonderful account of a special young girl’s struggle with overcoming disability. It illustrated that no matter how difficult things were for Helen, she always smiled and never quit trying. Education was a beautiful thing to Helen Keller. She never took any experience for granted. This was an inspiring and heart warming article.

SARAH M. WALTON Cleveland State University (Jeff Williams).

Holmes, William, H. Certain Notched or Scalloped Stone Tablets of the Mound-Builders.American Anthropologist. Jan.-March., 1906 Vol. 8(1): 101-108.

William Henry Holmes’ article brings together findings of previous stone tablets discovered in ancient mounds throughout the south and northeast United States. The stone tablets’ physical features range in size, proportion and detail. Their significance is such that they resembled tablets of Pueblo shamans, which were used to prepare color for sacred/ceremonial purposes. Also, the tablets’ style and symbolism resembles those from Ancient Mexico and Central America.

Peculiarly, these highly designed tablets had sprung out in various localities (Ohio, Illinois, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama and Arizona). Holmes describes more than six tablets, showing the elaborateness and design techniques of each. He also emphasizes the human/animal forms (serpents, eye, and palm) that are engrained in these tablets and correlates them to existing symbolic figures such as Quetzalcoatl to convey the influence and the spread of certain beliefs.

Holmes lays out certain tablets to describe the detailed designs and the symbolism/mythological origin. He supports the idea that these tablets, praised by their owners, were used to prepare colors, medicine and spices for sacred/religious ceremonial rituals, though more distinguishable representations existed. Some of the representations consisted of the human hand, open eye, rattlesnakes/serpents and death’s head symbols. Overall, the stone tablets had intertwined designs and more unique figures that suggest the style was congruent to Ancient Mexican style.

Holmes argues that these representations have a mythological origin. He states that this is clearly seen on a Mississippi tablet, which depicts two interlocked rattlesnakes with heads in reversed order as well as surface plumes and feathers. This correlates with the Serpent God in the South and Southwest and the feathered serpent, Quetzalcoatl. Thus, he indicates that the culture of Middle America (Mexico and Central America) had influenced the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico and even farther Northern areas.

Specifically, Holmes correlated the stone tablets found in the South and Northeast to Metates of Ancient Mexicans and Central Americans. According to Holmes, both the stone tablet’s and Metate’s designs represent the animal God of which its’ supernatural powers (coming from God himself) are passed along to the substance made upon it. Via sacred/religious ceremonies these sacred substances are released. The stone tablets discovered in the South and Northeast give a northern touch to the Ancient Mexican and Central American style.

The attachments of symbols are representative of the stone tablets’s power and the substance embody. The article offered an informative combination of description, visuals and symbolism elements.

VANESSA NAVA Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Jenks, Albert Ernest. Tang’-ga, a Philippine Pa-ma’-to’ Game. American Anthropologist, 1906 Vol. 8:82-87

Coin games are popular among Filipino males. One favored coin game is called Tang’ga. It is a game of skill requiring hand and eye coordination. It is a gambling game, but when money is scarce it is still played for amusement.

The author recounts his observations of Tang’ga. He does not have an argument concerning the game. The author does not say he has experienced the playing of Tang’ga first hand, but it is assumed from the descriptive language he uses in the article.

The game is played on about an 8-foot area of bare ground. Two players are needed, but up to five are able to play. A small cylinder made of pottery or stone is needed as well as coins. The cylinder is called a “tanguero” in Tagalog. The tanguero is set on the ground on one of its flat sides. The players then stack their coins on top of the tanguero. The author does not indicate whether a specific number of coins are required for the tanguero, but in diagrams he shows six. The players each have two other coins called pa-ma’-tos.

To begin the game, one of the players throws one of his coins about six feet away. The players, including the one who threw the first coin, try to throw one of their coins as close to that coin as possible. Whoever is the closest gets to go first and so on.

The object of tang’-ga is to knock down the coins that are stacked on the tanguero. Whoever has the most coins near his pa-ma’-to is the winner. He can then keep those coins. The author goes into great detail with different scenarios of play and explains them with diagrams.

The author refers to the Filipinos in a derogatory manner. He compares their squatting over the game as ‘animal-like’. He also describes them as ‘passive and indolent.’ The author also contradicts himself by saying that considerable skill is needed to toss a pa-ma’-to, but then refers to the game as ‘developing a low order of skill which seems valueless in any worthier pursuit.’ This was a common outlook of non-Western cultures at the turn of the century.

Because the reader is not able to see a game of Tang’ga in action, it is somewhat difficult to follow the author’s description of how the game is played.

MAUREEN YOUNG Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Kroeber, A. L. The Dialectical Divisions of the Moquelumnan Family in Relation to the Internal Differentiation of the Other Linguistic Families of California. American Anthropologist 1906. Vol.8:652-663.

This article is an attempt to summarize the results of studies done on several Californian linguistic families, determine the nature and degree to which the families were different, and emphasize the importance of studying the Moquelumnan family of California. Because the vocabularies of the languages were collected at different places and times, using different methods, the author states that the nature and number of the dialects and subdivisions of the families could not be confirmed. Kroeber divides the families into languages and those into dialects, and believes the number of dialects in California to be very large.

The author divides, gives some subdivisions of, and briefly describes the locations of the various Californian language families; Maidu, Shasta, Achomawi, Yurok, Kork, Wishosk, Chimariko, Athabascan, Hupa, Yuki, Pomo, Wappo, Wintun, Washo, Costanoan, Esslen, Salinan, Chumash, Shoshonean, Yuman, Yokut, and Moquelumnan.

It is the author’s belief that the Moquelumnan family is important because its geographic location is between the Maidu and Yokut families, who all shared similar environments. These two families have different dialectical divisions; Maidu having three dialects, each without significant sub-dialectic divisions or relation to the political unit, and, Yokut having at least 40 dialects grouped into 6 principle dialects, each of which is differentiated into many sub-dialects that correspond to the political unit. The Moquelumnan family has two divisions, the first, and smaller one having three dialects. The second division, classified by Kroeber as the principle division, was known as Miwok. This language group was believed to have occupied one of the largest territories held by one family in California. The author divides Miwok into three dialects, states where they were located, and provides a brief word comparing all three dialects. In addition, it is the author’s belief that relationship of the divisions of the dialects resembles the divisions found among the Maidu to the north. In addition, the importance of frequent uniform endings of tribal names among the Yokut and Maidu are discussed. Kroeber states that because the endings have similar uses among three unrelated families, this is of importance and can help uncover the historical relationships of the languages.

DANA L BURKE Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams).

Lamb, Daniel. The Story of the Anthropological Society of Washington. American Anthropologist 1906. Vol.8: 564-579.

On the twenty-seventh anniversary of the Anthropological Society of Washington, Daniel Lamb presented this historical account of the organization’s history as his presidential address. Lamb begins with a listing of professional organizations already present at the time, then briefly describes the necessity for the establishment of a larger and more organized Anthropological Society of Washington. He includes a newspaper advertisement calling to “promote study and diffuse knowledge upon the subject” of Anthropology. The attendance from this first meeting is also included, seemingly to provide insight into the diverse professions of the society’s founding members. It appears that every meeting from the official beginnings of the Society in 1887, until Lamb’s presidential term in 1905 has mention in this article.

Lamb dedicates a majority of this article to listings of members, guest speakers and elected officials of the organization. His listing of names may be symbolic to the contemporary Anthropologist, but appear to be nothing more than attendance lists to the conventional reader. Lamb does provide some valuable accounts of historical Anthropology such as a mention of Dr. Robert Flecher’s presidential speech regarding, “The New School of Criminal Anthropology.” Lamb completes his essay with a sense of optimism for the increasing scope and knowledge of the Society and the discipline of Anthropology.

SHANA DOSSANTOS Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

MacCurdy, George Grant. The Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol. 8:691-670

George Grant MacCurdy describes in this article the papers and events of the Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists. The Congress was held in the Parliament building in Quebec from September 10th to 15th , 1906. The Congress was opened on Monday morning by representatives of the Canadian government and city of Quebec, including Lt. Governor of the Providence of Quebec, Sir Louis A. Jetté.

After providing the necessary background information MacCurdy highlights some of the papers that were read at the Congress. The papers represent a variety of research in both physical and cultural anthropology by persons such as Franz Boas and Dr. Charles Peabody. These readings are dealt with in chronological order running from Monday to Saturday. Each paper that was read at the Congress is provided with an author, title, and a brief summary of the information given in the paper. In some instances there was a theme for the day. The rest of the article deals with some of the events surrounding the Congress of Americanists.

Mr. MacCurdy is very organized in his style of writing and uses the chronological approach in providing information effectively. Some of the summaries do go much farther in depth that others, while some receive but a footnote towards the end of the article. Although not a great deal of information is contained within the article itself, there are many potential readings listed that may be of use to a researcher.

GERALD VAN BOLT Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Merriam, John C. Recent Cave Exploration in California. American Anthropologist. April-June 1906 Vol. 8:221-228.

In John C. Merriam’s article Recent Cave Exploration in California, he explores and further elaborates on four cave discoveries in the Pacific Coast Region. Merriam and his colleagues try to determine the earliest existence of humanity, a possible migratory pattern to South America, and the relationship of fauna remains with humans during the Quarternary period. Various bones of both humans and animals were discovered in the limestone caves, which were covered with stalagmatic material. The amount of stalagmatic material covering the remains is used to determine age. This procedure is often believed to be speculative.

Between 1901 and 1902 Mercer’s cave near Murphy’s County in California is the focus of exploration. The bones of an extinct ground sloth as well as human remains were found in the cave. The layer of stalagmatic covering on the sloth was greater than that of the human. This led anthropologists to believe that the sloth dated much earlier,

and that it had fallen into a deeper chamber of the cave. The human skeletons were found in the chamber nearest top, having only a thin covering of stalagmatic material. It was concluded that it was merely a burial site for the aboriginal population, although the bones may have been there for some time.

The second cave mentioned is Potter Creek Cave in Shasta County. Dr. J.W. Sinclair and Mr. E.L. Furlong further explored an earlier discovery of the cave, by finding thousands of bone specimens. Many of the bones found were splintered, highly polished, and perforated suggesting humans occupation. The author speculates on the polished and splintered bones and dismisses them as being weathered by water or another source. The perforations were too few among the thousands of specimens to be indicators of human occupation.

During the years 1903, 1904, and 1905, E.L. Furlong engaged in the extensive exploration of the Samwel Cave in the Shasta region. This cave is representative of Quarternary fauna because bone fragments from the period were found, including a number of extinct species. One of the species known as Euceratherium, a sheep-like animal was found in caves in Brazil as well. Polished bone fragments, obsidian, and basaltic lava fragments were unearthed, suggesting possible human use or occupation.

The final cave mentioned is Stone Man Cave in the Shasta region, explored by E.L. Furlong and Merriam in 1903. A portion of a human skeleton was found in one of the lower galleries in the cave. The majority of bones were collected by other anthropologists at an earlier date, but the remaining portion showed stalagmite accumulation. This accumulation indicated that several years had passed, but how many were vague, and a dating of the bones remained uncertain.

The article concludes by giving elevations of the caves in respect to surrounding rivers and one another. The author’s main point is to document the findings, and how further study might explain early anthropological findings in California.

MICHAEL MEYERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Montgomery, Henry. Remains of Prehistoric Man in the Dakotas. American Anthropologist March 1906. Vol. 8: 640-651.

In this paper, Henry Montgomery gives very detailed descriptions of different mounds found throughout North and South Dakota. Twenty-four mounds were excavated mainly in the counties of Ramsey, Benson, Walsh, and Grand Forks. Montgomery classifies the mounds by dividing them into three groups; burial, ceremonial or feast, and beacon mounds. Most of the article focuses on burial mounds. He describes the orientation and size of the mounds, as well as giving great details about what was found in the excavated pile. The excavation technique was also briefly touched upon. After a lengthy discussion on burial mounds, Montgomery briefly describes both the feast and beacon mounds. He spends about one-eighth of the space on both these mounds combined as he does with the entire burial mound summary.

In the next part of the article Montgomery gives very detailed accounts of what was found in 21 mounds throughout the area; 13 mounds in Ramsey County, 4 mounds in Benson County, 3 mounds in Walsh County, and 1 mound in Grand Fork County. He breaks up the contents by focusing on what was uncovered, in a very orderly fashion. Montgomery begins by describing the superficial layer of the mound, he then moves to the human remains found, followed by the pottery that was found among the burial items, and then some of the other artifacts found within the graves of these people. The article is summed up when Montgomery theorizes that these people were civilized, because they consciously buried their dead in a manner that preserved the body.

TIFFANY BAUER Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Nuttall, Zelia. Some Unsolved Problems in Mexican Archeology. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol. 8:133-149.

Zelia Nuttall, in Some Unsolved Problems in Mexican Archeology, explores the different theories of diffusion of culture. He incorporates the philosophies and studies of other anthropological researchers in an attempt to address the controversy surrounding the independent source of transmission of certain common cultural habits, for example language and the use of mathematical principles, from one part of the globe to another.

Nuttall focuses on early Mexico and analyzes the many different viewpoints on the origin of the Mexican culture. Based on his 20-year study of Mexico and Central America, Nuttall concludes that Mexican culture resulted from transmission due to conquest and migration. Nuttall introduces some of the narratives that the Mexican people provide to substantiate their ancestry and origin. He details Montezuma’s account, translated for Cortes by Dona Marina, of Mexicans being taken to Central America by a “Lord” who took them from their original lands.

Nuttall traces the origin of the artificial theory of the four elements – earth, air, fire and water. He discusses the complex systems that the Mexicans operated before the Spanish conquered Mexico. Some of these systems include the use of the calendar, the use of mathematical operations and the institution of complex forms of government.

Nuttall seems to be influenced by Boas’s perspective that cultures should be studied in their social contexts, and that no aspect of culture is evolutionary or universal. Nuttall introduces this material, not with affirmation, but with his own uncertainties and perplexities and hopes that he will get the attention of those interested in the history of the origin of Mexican culture.

DENISE PUGH Cleveland State University (Jeffery P.Williams)

Peabody, Charles. Some Notes on Anthropology and Archaeology. American Anthropologist August, 1906 Vol. 8:325-336

This article is about Charles Peabody’s concern for the future of anthropology. He believes that at the present course, during which he wrote the article, that there existed a growing chasm between the fields of anthropology and archaeology. He blamed this growing separation on contemporary scientists who underutilized the field of archaeology as a tool for understanding the past. He makes an analogy of an inverted green bay tree, representing all of the major disciplines and sub-disciplines that he believes are critical for the study of anthropology. These other disciplines are critical for any anthropologist studying the ancient past. He attempts to describe the difficulty in defining anthropology because it encompasses so many other specialties. He mentions strides taken by some scientists to bridge the gap.

One in particular was a woman who uncovered remains dating so far back, that she sought to further educate herself in the Anthropology Department of Harvard University to gain a well-rounded background needed in understanding the time frame she was dealing with. Peabody didn’t like the fact that scientists were just referring to archaeology as merely a tool for artists. Journals were published in the American Anthropologist on issues pertaining to archaeology by individuals with little or no knowledge of the other sciences such as geology and philology.

JOSE SERRANO Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Putnam, F.W. Evidence of the Work of Man on Objects Found from Quaternary Caves in California. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol.8:229-235.

In his article, Putnam presents evidence that various bone and stone fragments found in Quaternary cave sites of Shasta and Potter Creek in California are human produced artifacts. By using examples of the specimens, he argues there is no explanation for their appearance, other than human. Putnam gives detailed examples and pictures of specimens from each of what he describes as four classes; (1) polished and pointed bone fragments, (2) bone fragments with perforations, (3) splintered bones and (4) stone fragments.

The specimens from the polished and pointed bone fragments have beveled edges and a distinct notch at the opposite end. These beveled edges produce a terminal point, and Putnam argues against any natural process that could have produced this. In the second class, bone fragments with perforations, Putnam seeks the opinion of several comparative anatomists. Using the anatomists’ conclusions to support his own argument, Putnam quotes their findings on the specimens. Their opinion was that the perforations could not be the products of water, insects, mollusks, rodents, or the teeth of a carnivore. They concluded that the only alternative source for the perforations was human. In addition, the anatomists determined the specimen compares most favorably with Ovibos. For the third class, the splintered bone fragments, Putnam again asserts that the only explanation is the work of humans. He points out that the beveled edges and canals of bone, which are cut across the perforations, could have no natural explanation. The fourth class, the stone fragments, Putnam states, are most definitely made by humans. These fragments were not seen in place and were brought to the surface with buckets, so it is not definitive that these fragments even came from the Quaternary period, but Putnam defends his position by stating that there is evidence that these specimens were derived from Quaternary beds.

DANA L BURKE Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Recent Progress in American Anthropology; a Review of the Activities and Individuals and Institutions from 1902-1906. American Anthropologist, September 1906 Vol.8(3):441-554.

This article describes the formation of anthropological academic societies or organizations; academic programs, special interest groups and influential individuals during this period. This piece primarily addresses academic institutions, opening with the most influential. Under a heading bearing the name of a particular group, the author names all papers presented to the societies, all papers published by these societies, all legislation enacted due to petitioning government, and all board members. The American Anthropological Association, formalized June 30, 1902, was the first institution discussed, followed by the United States Government and the Smithsonian Institution. Other institutions include the Bureau of American Ethnology, the National Museum, Harvard University and Museum, the Division of Anthropology, Harvard Anthropological Society, Radcliffe Anthropological Club, Yale University and Museum, Columbia University, the American Museum of Natural History, the Brooklyn Institute Museum, the Field Museum of Natural History, University of Pennsylvania, University of California, Anthropological Societies of California, Clark University, Phillips Academy, The Anthropological Society of Washington, the American Ethological Society, the New York Academy of Sciences, the American Folk-Lore Society, the American Institute of America, the American Antiquarian Society, Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, Wisconsin Archaeological Society, Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Minnesota Historical Society, Iowa Anthropological Society, State Historical Society of Iowa, other Iowa Institutions, American Association for the Advancement of Science, the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, Delaware County Institute of Science, Ethnological Survey for the Philippine Islands, and the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum (pp 441-529).

In the second section, the author discusses specific accomplishments of individual persons, beginning with the most influential researcher. Most individuals were either archaeologists or had contributed research to the preservation of American Indian societies. Individuals mentioned are Clarence B. Moore, Gerard Fowke, George G. Heye, Edward Anthony Spitzka, Stansburg Hagar, G. Frederick Wright, William E. Safford, Henry Pittier de Fabrega, Alice C Fletcher, Zelia Nuttall, Henry Montgomery, Willam Wallace Tooker and William R. Gerard, Maurice Fishberg, John Dynely Prince, Carl Lumholz, H S Albert, Mary Alicia Owen, Alton H Thomson, Frances Densmore, George Bird Grinnell and P. S. Sparkman. After thoroughly describing the accomplishments of these individuals, there is a brief list and a description of 15 additional individuals. The last 15 individuals had notable achievements, but the article does not specifically elaborate on their studies.

This article is pertinent for researchers looking for an obscure individual or organization. Most institutional entries contain a brief history of the organization, and changing social attitudes are reflected in those entries. For example, in 1901 the US Philippine Commission formed the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes to conduct ethnological work. In 1903, the Bureau changed its name to the Ethnological Survey for the Philippine Islands to include “so-called Christian peoples as well as Pagans and Mohammedans.” There is an emphasis placed on archaeology and artifacts throughout the article. Individuals who created a new hypothesis are given very brief mention, and little to no explanation of their hypothesis is given. However, the entries of individuals who conducted archaeological research explained the geographical area they were researching, and elucidated the artifacts found and where they were found (i.e. a cave).

TALITHA DAVIDSON-BELL Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Rust, Horatio N. A Cache of Stone Bowls in California. American Anthropologist. 1906. Vol. 8: 686-687.

Horatio N. Rust’s two-page article aims to describe and explain the origin, physical characteristics and uses of a collection of stone bowls found in an Indian village in California by a Mr. H.W. Hunt and examined by the author. Rust describes two different collections of bowls: thirty broken bowls and twenty-one sparsely decorated sandstone bowls in perfect condition. He believes the bowls belonged to a large Indian village whose inhabitants had been killed by an enemy. Rust concludes that the thirty broken bowls were destroyed by an enemy and that the twenty-one bowls in perfect condition were hidden by their owners in fear of an enemy attack. Rust draws his conclusions based on his examination of other Indian villages in California rather than on actual historical records or other types of research.

This article is a bit difficult to understand, as the author does not specifically differentiate between the two different sets of bowls as he is describing them. The article’s briefness and confusion may or may not be due to the fact that the author died as it was being published.

ANDREA GALLO Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Rust, Horatio, N. A Puberty Ceremony of The Mission Indians American Anthropologist 1906 Vol. 8: 28-32

Horatio Rust attended a puberty ceremony of the Mission Indians in 1889. The ceremony he describes is a girls’ puberty ceremony intended to prepare the young Mission girls for marriage. Things that he observed during ceremony include families gathering, eating, drinking, gambling, and horseracing.

Rust attempts to establish a relationship between a ceremonial stone used in the Mission ceremony and the yoke or “Maya stone” of Mexico. He presents one table visually comparing various stones. The striking similarities of the California stone and the Mayan stone lead to a hypothesis that perhaps the Maya used the yoke for the same ceremonial purposes. At the end of the Mission Indians puberty ceremony, the stone is shown to the girls. The stone functions as protection, and its shape is in reference to the uterus. Further discussion is included at the end of the article with notes by A. L. Kroeber. Kroeber includes a description of a Luiseno puberty ceremony, for comparison and contrast. He also includes two descriptions of stones similar to those Rust observed.

Rust’s description of the puberty ceremony is worth noting. It is rich with detail and insight. He not only observed the ceremony but also found meaning behind certain actions and customs. This article is a valuable ethnographic record written in a clear manner.

SARAH WALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Saville, Marshall H. Alfredo Chavero. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol.8: 701-703.

This article is a brief obituary of SeZor Licenciado Don Alfredo Chavero, born in the City of Mexico1841, died October 24, 1906. He began his career practicing law, and soon after became involved with politics and journalism. Chavero distributed his time between numerous organizations such as the School of Commerce, Pan-American Congress, the National Museum of Mexico, and was a founder of the American Anthropological Association. Interested in archeology, he spoke on the subject at the International Congress of Arts and Sciences in 1904, and was a member of the American Anthropologist editorial board.

The article concludes by listing his anthropological publications, which included one of the first comparative studies of the Mexican calendar system.

MICHAEL MEYERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams).

Smith, Harlan I. A Remarkable Pipe From Northwestern America. American Anthropologist 1906 Vol. 8: 33-38.

Harlan Smith’s article is about a remarkable pipe found in a mummy cave at Ellamar, Cook’s inlet, Alaska. What makes this pipe so remarkable is that it was found in Alaska, but shares many characteristics with pipes found in British Columbia, Oregon, and Washington. Harlan points out that the bowl shape, size, length and style of the Alaskan pipe are nearly identical to the pipes found in British Columbia, Oregon, and Washington.

The entire article is based on measurements and characteristics of the Alaskan pipe compared to the other pipes, with the goal of presenting proof of the similarities between pipes. He illustrates the similarities between the ten pipes with drawings. Harlan argues that the pipe found in Alaska is specific to the interior region of British Columbia. He also notes that to his knowledge, no other pipes like the one described in the article have been found in Alaska. Harlan suspects that the pipe made it to Alaska through trade or as a gift. However, he notes that if it is found to be native to that area of Alaska, it would be remarkable because it is of a form believed to be peculiar to the interior plateau region of Washington, Oregon, and British Columbia.

SARAH WALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Smith, Harlan I. Noteworthy Archeological Specimens from Lower Columbia Valley. American Anthropologist, 1906. Vol. 8: 298-307.

Harlan Smith wrote about three types of artifacts from the Pacific Oregon region because they have been given little attention previously and little literature had been produced to document the specimens. These artifacts are especially important to document because they are contained in only small collections mostly privately owned. Many large, well known museums do not have specimens like these in their collections. Securing these objects through photos, casts, and of course written description is important in authenticating and preserving the artifacts.

Harlan Smith refers to four specimens of hand-hammer-adzes that were found by early archaeologists in the Oregon area. The reason or use of the tools is only speculative. But it seems these tools were used as hammers due to the chipped sides and worn stone. While other were probably used as chisels or a tool to gouge out softer materials. Two other stones were found in Oregon that had obviously been worked by human hands. These stones were thought to be anchor stones for the canoes being used at the time.

Smith speculates that these devices were used in the construction or in the daily use of the canoes. This was obviously a very important aspect of the life of the people who lived there. Both the hammer-adzes and anchor stones shed more light on how important transportation via rivers and lakes must have been to the early inhabitants of this region.

J. Warner Duckett Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Stefansson, Vilhjalmur. The Icelandic Colony in Greenland. American Anthropologist, 1906 N.S., 8: 262-270

Stefansson’s article gives a history of how Icelanders came to colonize the area of Greenland and eventually lose their colonies in Greenland to Eskimos who burned them out of the area. The article first gives a brief history of how Iceland came to be colonized by the Scandinavian peoples of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. Stefansson gives the theory that because these people were seafaring people, they eventually crossed the Baltic Sea and came to colonize Iceland. By the year 930, Stefansson says all of Iceland was colonized.

After explaining how Iceland came into being, Stefansson makes the natural progression to say that Greenland would inevitably be colonized because of poor compass and directional tools at sea and the proximity of Iceland to Greenland. The article states by the year 984, Erik the Red had began the first colony in Greenland after being banished from both Norway and Iceland for killings he committed.

Once colonies were set up in Greenland, Stefansson gives a brief overview of life on the colonies and the populations of the colonies. Using the Groenlandie Vetus Chorographia, an ancient manuscript, he states that there was an east and west colony set up on the southwestern part of Greenland and that there were about 20 people to a farm. With excavation evidence he states that these people had horses, cattle, sheep, and goats. He also states that the height of the colonies was in the twelfth century. However, Stefansson states this way of life would not last when Greenlanders would come in contact with Eskimos in the fourteenth century.

The last part of the article gives evidence to show that Eskimos wiped out the western and eastern Icelandic colonies in Greenland instead of assimilating into them. The first evidence Stefansson gives is Description in Greenland, a transcript by Ivar Barthsson written in the mid fourteenth century, which describes burned out churches with no sign of Christian or “heathen” in sight on the Western colony. He also gives archaeological surveys done by Daniel Brunn in 1894 to show huts built on mountain tops by Icelandic colonizers to avoid their enemies and the construction of Eskimo houses built on top of Icelandic colonizers once Eskimos took over the colonies. His article details the rise and fall of Icelandic colonies in Greenland.

JASON MCNEAL Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Tooker, William Wallace. The Powhatan Name for Virginia. American Anthropologist. 1906 Vol. 8:23-27.

The author analyzes different versions of the Powhatan name for Virginia and attempts to find a reason for the differences in pronunciation. The name applies to the land once commanded by Powhatan, and now included within the boundaries of the state of Virginia. He focuses on two coexisting forms of the name.

Tsenacommacoh is the first Powhatan name for Virginia that Tooker discusses. This version was supplied by Strachey in his “Historie”, written between 1610 and 1613. Strachey also gives the name Tsenahcommacah in his “Dictionarie”, written around the same time. Tooker believes Strachey obtained this name from a native who lived among the colonists. Attanoughkomouck, another version of the name, comes from the legend inscribed beneath an engraving of Pocahontas copied from a painting done in 1616, included in the article. The author believes the source of this pronunciation was Pocahontas herself that was documented by the painter. Tooker states that he finds these two versions of the name sufficient for his studies, and has not looked further for other forms that might have been used.

The author’s opinion is that the differences between these versions (Attanoughkomouck and Tsenahcommacah) are due to individual speech variance and not to dialectic difference. The first vowel sound in Attanoughkomouck is dropped in Tsenahcommacah, and the second ‘t’ in the former is changed to ‘s’ in the latter. Tooker concludes that the original name is Attanohcommacah, and that variations from this are due to incorrect pronunciation or speakers with speech impediments. He then analyzes the two forms separately, with the help of New England dialects, because of their similarity in vocabulary to Powhatan.

In analyzing Attanoughkomouck, Tooker cites the similar Natick word adtanohkomuk. This word means “land enclosed for producing or growing”. Tsenahcommacah is comparable to the Narraganset words sanaukamuck and nissawnawkamuck, which also mean “land enclosed for producing or growing”. Tooker rejects Trumbull’s theory involving the term sowanohkomuk, meaning “south land”, because of lack of cognates in the prefix. Tooker gives much credit to Pocahontas for her part in the preservation of the word, and ends with a written quote from Captain John Smith, praising her.

SARA DALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Willoughby, Charles C. Houses and Gardens of the New England Indians. American Anthropologist 1906. Vol. 8: 115-132.

The article “Houses and Gardens of the New England Indians” allows the reader a thorough glimpse into the yearly lives of Indian men and women. In the article Willoughby details the changing of seasons’ effect on the types of houses or “wigwams” that are built, such as the conical, round and long houses. In this part of the article the illustrations were very helpful as some of the explanations are lengthy and in some cases difficult to picture.

The author also discusses houses with specific purposes such as the watch houses that were built in the middle of the fields for which they could “prevent the birds from injuring the corn.” In the fall small houses of bark were built for the hunters to live in while away on their hunts. The changing of the season also brought about a change in the areas the Indians lived in and the goods, as well as crops that are traded in each particular season. Another dwelling where the men went to warm themselves in the winter is the “men’s sweat lodge” which seems like a modern day sauna, but a little more functional.

A few times throughout the article he refers to something unknown to the reader, yet never explains what he is referring to. For example “little wigwams…in which the women lived alone during catamenia”. Catamenia is a “custome in all parts of the country” yet the author fails to explain what this custom is.

The article discusses in detail the cooking utensils and garden tools used by the Indians of New England. Personally I enjoy discovering the innovative uses for items we commonly disregard. When planting time arrived the whole tribe would contribute. The corn was planted in the hills and “the earth heaped up with the shell of a horseshoe crab.” The hoes were made of “wood and clam shells,” or “the shoulder blade of a bear, moose, or deer, fastened to a wooden handle.” Most of the cooking utensils were made of wood or stone, with many of the items acquired through bartering. This was interesting, yet illustrations here would also be a little helpful for those not well versed in the kitchen.

This article was enjoyable, especially for those with an interest in the kitchen. It is reader friendly with detailed descriptions, if not occasionally a little too detailed. And now I will investigate what catamenia refers to.

Renee Papaneri Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Lamb, Daniel. The Story of the Anthropological Society of Washington. American Anthropologist 1906. Vol.8: 564-579.

On the twenty-seventh anniversary of the Anthropological Society of Washington, Daniel Lamb presented this historical account of the organization’s history as his presidential address. Lamb begins with a listing of professional organizations already present at the time, then briefly describes the necessity for the establishment of a larger and more organized Anthropological Society of Washington. He includes a newspaper advertisement calling to “promote study and diffuse knowledge upon the subject” of Anthropology. The attendance from this first meeting is also included, seemingly to provide insight into the diverse professions of the society’s founding members. It appears that every meeting from the official beginnings of the Society in 1887, until Lamb’s presidential term in 1905 has mention in this article.

Lamb dedicates a majority of this article to listings of members, guest speakers and elected officials of the organization. His listing of names may be symbolic to the contemporary Anthropologist, but appear to be nothing more than attendance lists to the conventional reader. Lamb does provide some valuable accounts of historical Anthropology such as a mention of Dr. Robert Flecher’s presidential speech regarding, “The New School of Criminal Anthropology.” Lamb completes his essay with a sense of optimism for the increasing scope and knowledge of the Society and the discipline of Anthropology.

SHANA DOSSANTOS Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)