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American Anthropologist 1905

Bandelier, Adolph, F. The Aboriginal Ruins At Sillustani, Peru. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7: 49-68

Bandelier’s article describes and attempts to explain the Incan ruins at the Peruvian site of Sillustani. Of chief focus is the purpose of the chullpas, circular buildings resembling “truncated cone[s]” (Bandelier 3). Bandelier’s description of the site presents some interesting ideas regarding the origin of Sillustani’s buildings and their builders.

Bandelier notes the near omnipresence of these chullpas, which are large stone structures whose bases are slightly narrower than their tops and are made of smoothed andesite. Many of these have very small openings, into which an adult could not fit. After musing as to the purposes of these buildings—he was not allowed by the Peruvian government actually to open and enter these structures, lest there be treasure therein that he should take upon discovery—Bandelier decides that these served as granaries which would house and guard the foodstuffs ever-important to the Incas. The nature of the buildings, he feels, confirms this use: their inverted-conical shape and smooth exterior made climbing and entering from the top impossible. The openings could not facilitate the deposition of corpses, as many other scholars speculated they served as sepulchers, but instead were more conducive to the deposition and extraction of small foodstuffs.

Bandelier also attempts to reconstruct the processes by which the sites’ structures were built. Many andesite (a gray, volcanic stone found in/near the area) slabs not yet used in construction had three knobs that could be used as handles (8). He speculates the knobs were used to facilitate the transport of the slabs to the site where they would be used. Once set in place, the knobs were smoothed off. He feels this is a sound argument because some slabs set in walls retained knobs. The great feat of setting these large stones “as high as thirty five feet” was accomplished by constructing large rubble-ramps and moving the stones up these planes to their spot on the buildings (9).

Some of these ramps are still present at the site. This, plus the indication of several unfinished structures, leads Bandelier to conclude that the site was abandoned during construction. He says nothing definite as to the cause, but posits that it could have been due to the arrival of the Spanish in the sixteenth century or, more probably, at the time when Incas were warring amongst themselves. Evidence backing up either of these hypotheses, however, is lacking in the article.

Bandelier’s ethnocentrism is revealed when he refers to the builders of the chullpas as “primitive artisan[s],” and that they built the site well, “but not so well as any European would have done” (10-11). Aside from this comment, as an archaeological report, the article does well in describing the sites and attempting to explain how the buildings were used and built. Written descriptions were supplemented by plates, which assist the reader in making a mental picture of the site.

ZACH COFRAN Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Bandelier, Adolph F. Traditions of Precolumbian Landings on the Western Coast of South America. American Anthropologist April, 1905 Vol.7(2):250-270.

After Europeans landed in South America, they posed the question of where these inhabitants could have come from. Bandelier points out as a caution that often documents written by the European missionaries and explorers were “colored” to support a theory.

This article discusses the tales of “strange” people coming to the land before Columbus, but after the land had already been populated, Indians beliefs for the settlement of land by people from other parts of the world, and tales of people landing on the western coast of South America.

He tells the tradition of Tonapa-Viracocha as told by Calancha, and other versions of the same story. The basis of this tale is that two strangers came to the area. One died at the hands of the Indians, while the other ran into the forest and was never seen or heard from again. Another tale, which is similar to the Tonapa-Viracocha tale is the tale of central western Peru in which there was a settlement of strangers, not just one person as told by the first tradition. Other tales similar to this story are the myth of one person known by four names: Bochica, Nemquetheba, Nemtherequeteba, or Zuhe. Bandelier mentions the various versions of this myth as told by several different Europeans, such as Piedrahita and Fray Pedro Simon.

Another tradition the author mentions is told by Father Anello Oliva in his missionary work, in which he used several works from Father Blas Valera and an Indian named Catari. He mentions that the inhabitants of South America came from the east and landed on the coast of Venezuela and later spread inland over the entire continent. Bandelier mentions the tale of the “giants” as told by Oliva and other sources of information, in which very tall people landed and settled on nearby land. He believes the tale as told by Oliva of the Indian’s version of the tale is colored by European beliefs.

An Indian writer, Salcamayhua, retells one of the traditions of the landings of South America, which was told to him by his father. The tale states that bands of warriors came into the land from the south, ready to fight, but instead decided to settle and live on the land. Another tale restated in this article by various sources, including Cabello Balboa, is that the people who inhabited South America were pirates from the East Indies. Balboa also recanted a tale told by Indians from the villages of Montupe and Lambayeque, in which a warrior came with concubines and followers in a fleet of rafts. Bandelier points out that this tradition indicates that they came from down the coast of South America.

Besides telling the traditions of Precolumbian landings on the coast of South America, Bandelier includes accounts of descriptions of the Indians’ boats, from many different sources. These boats were quite similar to some European vessels.

Bandelier works to decipher the traditions between genuine traditional records of the landings and those accounts penetrated by the coloring of European thinking and beliefs.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Bandelier, Adolph F. Traditions of Precolumbian Landings on the Western Coast of South America. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7:250-270

Bandelier attempts to review the Indian lore and traditions of the peopling of South America and tales of a pre-Columbian era landing of people on the western coast of the continent. Throughout the article, the emphasis is to call attention to the bias with which these traditions were recorded by the Europeans who first encountered them. He suggests that the records were continually “colored” to fit into European belief and theory. Through the explanation of these traditions, he aims to show the variance in them as recorded by Europeans at different points in time.

The South American natives hold a belief that the continent was peopled by settlers landing on the shores of Venezuela and moving inland across South America. Some of these settlers later sailed along the western coast southward. These accounts of the peopling of the continent are fairly consistent across recorded sources (including missionaries and explorers accounts of native lore) as to the initial landing, but differ in the routes taken thereafter to the rest of South America.

The main tradition the author deals with is the reoccurring story of the landing of giants on the western coast of South America. These tales have been documented in many sources, nearer and farther from their native source. This tradition begins with a band of giants moving into the area consisting of only males, some dressed in animal costumes. The giants settle among the natives, digging wells that were still being used when the Europeans recorded the tale. The giants used the natives’ resources and also are said to have had sexual relations with the native women, actually killing some in the process. While the particulars of the tales vary, all end with the destruction of the giants in a cataclysmal event, usually involving a rain of fire. The author interprets this as either a meteoric impact or an eruption of a volcano. He continues to discredit the lore by examining its time depth and the tendency of such a story to be stretched over time. Bandelier uses ethnographic accounts of different authors at different times to lend plausibility to some of the native traditions mentioned and to discredit others.

AARON PETERSON Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Bandelier, Adolph, F. The Aboriginal Ruins At Sillustani, Peru. American Anthropologist 1905. Vol.7 49-68.

This publication, circa 1905, by Adolph F. Bandelier, attempts to analyze and formulate a lucid hypothesis regarding Native ruins, Inca and Aymara pillar- like structures termed Chullpas, ascertained in the mountainous region within southwestern Peru and not far from the northwest area of Lake Titicaca. Bandelier’s publication gives detail regarding physical dimensions of the structures, the materials used to build the structures, as well as maps, “blueprint- esque” diagrams, and locations of the structures. However, the diagrams are a bit confusing and the maps a bit crude. Bandelier discusses some of his theories of the structures, which appear to be circular and rectangular structures, as storage towers, burial sites, as well as dwellings. He then proceeds to juxtapose the structures of the Incas with those of the Aymara, stating which is “better” in terms of Euro centric perspective. Bandelier writes, “Rule of thumb here guided the primitive artisan; he did much better than the builders of the Aymara structures, but not so well as any European would have done ”(59). His conclusions are unclear with little or no evidence backing his theoretical analysis. For example, he totally rejects that the structures could have been used for as an astrological calendar guidance system, which now we know the Incas had knowledge of. His methodology is problematic, because he is relaying on some historical accounts of Spanish, which lacked detail and relativity. Furthermore, the postulated hypothesis and conclusion are based on no evidence due to the fact that he did not excavate the structures. On the other hand, he discusses that he was unable to excavate the structures. Unfortunately, there was not an explanation.

He found some human remains in the structures that were already partially desecrated. His conclusive theories were that the structures were only used as ceremonial objects, mortuary like monuments, and storage structures.

However, upon reviewing this publication, one must keep in mind when this article was published. It was time when archaeology was still problematic. The technology and methods were in a developmental stage and progressively changing.

MARK MUSUMECI Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Burkitt, Robert. A Kekchi Will of the Sixteenth Century. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7: 271-294.

Originally a letter addressed to a curious colleague, this is the last will and testament of a dying widow and the translation of everything that seemed to have meaning. The will was given to Burkitt, with hopes that he could interpret and explain the language, requests, and circumstances of the will.

It seems the will was written in more than just one language. There was evidence of hieroglyphics, Spanish, and Kekchi grammar laws and language. For the most part, translation only required following the grammar rules of the different languages. But on some occasions applying grammar rules did not explain the appearance of letters, words or phrases.

Aside from the straight translation of the written word, inferences are made about the circumstances surrounding the writing of the will, the formal and legal codes of the time, and the type of life that the woman may have lead. There are different writing styles and breaks in the writing that suggest there was more than one penman and there are also clues about the social and religious life that the woman had. The will voices the woman’s religious views, shows evidence of her late husband’s wishes, and discusses inheritance of her possessions.

At the time the will was found it was thought that the Kekchi language changed drastically from one generation to the next. But it was possible to translate the will using the Kekchi that was spoken in the early 1900s, despite the fact that the will was written in 1583.

MELISSA KIEHL Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Bushnell, Jr., D.I. An Ojibway Ceremony. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 69-73.

As an onlooker, Bushnell describes what he witnessed that fall afternoon in early October 1899 when, by chance, he was confronted with an opportunity to be an observer at a yearly ritual of the Ojibway Indians.

Bushnell does an adequate job of explaining what he observed that day, naming important figures – for example, the “master of ceremonies”, Keezhik, and the head chief, Wahgistkeemunsit. He goes on to describe the reunion ritual and the prominent items that were used such as the ceremonial drum and the chippcezung, a ceremonial apron, as well as giving a brief description of the environment and appearance of the site.

Bushnell fails, however, to delve deeper into the heart of the culture – unable to go past the superficial. Yes, he learns why they are called the “Kingfisher people” and the significance of the symbols on the drum as well as why these need to point to certain directions. But, he falls short in explaining other important things. For example, it is apparent from his descriptions that there exists in this society a social hierarchy based on gender and social ranking: the chief, invited guests, men, boys, women, and then young children. However, although women are second to last in social ranking, they play a significant role in this reunion ritual of which the reader is never informed.

He also fails to explain the significance of the items used and of the rituals of the ceremony (Why do they dance, stop to talk, then resume dancing and continue this pattern?) as well as failing to explain the values of the people. We do not understand what the chippcezung symbolizes for the Ojibway and are left to our own assumptions about many things concerning this group.

ANNIE CHO Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Two Ancient Mexican Atlatls. American Anthropology 1905 Vol. 7 (12): 218-221.

The atlats are devices used by the Aztecs to throw spears. Two Mexican atlatls were obtained by Professor Mantegazza in Florence, Italy and are now preserved in the Museo Nazionale d’ Anthropolgia ed Etnologia del R. Istituto di Studi Superiori, in Florence. These two atlats or spear-throwers are highly skilled in design and execution by the carvings that are on it. Also both were originally covered with a thin layer of gold, which a great portion of it is still intact. Being that it was artistically and skillfully crafted, these were most likely ceremonial or sacred objects and not intended for actual use.

Aside from the physical and cosmetics, the actual history of these two objects are not known, but it has resided in Florence for several centuries. Some believed it belonged to a collection sent by Cortes to Charles V of Spain, who then presented to Pope Clement VII. Another possiblity, was that the two specimens in Florence were once in the same collection belonging with a very similar atlats that is being preserved in the Kircheriana Mueseum in Rome. There is another specimen in the British Museum with the carving and gold only on the back, while the front is entirely plain. This one has finger loops still bound to it, but there is no evidence or indication that similar loopings were originally attached to the ones in Florence. Perhaps all these atlats onced belong together and were each served for different purposes. But there is not enough facts or evidence to further elaborate their history.

DAT TRAN Mesa College. (Denise Couch)

Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Two Mexican Atlatls. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 218:218-221

In this article, D. I. Bushnell Jr. compares two ancient Mexican
atlatls. Both were found in Florence, Italy around 1902. Although little is known about their history, they were probably gifts from Cortes to Charles V of Spain, and then passed on to Pope Clement VII.

An atlatl is a flat wooden stick used for throwing spears. One side
is grooved to hold the spear, the other side, or the back of the object is decorated in relief. Both of the works in question are made of heavydark wood and were originally covered in gold leaf, although much of the leaf has worn away.

Included are the measurements of both pieces, he larger one being 605 mm. in length, the smaller, 575 mm. The larger is decorated in relief carvings of figures of a mostly uniform size following a straight line down the center. But the second, smaller atlatl has a unique feature that makes it impressive. It has two grooves instead of one, which means it can be used for throwing two spears at once. It is the only one known of its type. It too is declaratively carved, although much more intricately than the first.

BROOKE YOUNG San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch)

Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Two Ancient Mexican Atlatls. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7:218-221

Upon the discovery of a pair of ancient Aztec atl-atls, a team of anthropologists launched a substantial investigation into their history. These artifacts resided at the time at Florence, Italy’s largest museum. Research indicated that these were certainly sacred ceremonial objects for the Aztec, due to the ornate carvings on the surface of both, and the precious materials used to fashion each of them. Measurements of the two atl-atls are given, showing that the first of the two is slightly plain, and contains a single missile shaft in the center. The second of the two is described as more finely ordained, and additionally containing two ridges down the central shaft, as opposed to the first atl-atl’s single ridge. The double ridges of the second atl-atl enhanced its combat effectiveness, enabling it to fire twice as many simultaneous arrows or spears as the first atl-atl. The second atl-atl was also far more intricately carved than the first, in addition to its finer ordainment. The second contained many human figures, symbolic etchings, and animal designs, packed tightly together, in a very uniform fashion. Unraveling the symbolism of the decoration or carvings, the study concludes, would require an individual extremely versed in Aztec lore.

The exact history of these two atl-atls is not known, according to the article, but it seems likely that they were part of Cortes’ personal collection. Evidence from the time indicated that these two specimens would have been amongst the goods presented to Charles V of Spain via Pope Clement VII. There were two other atl-atls present in European museums at the time, to which these two were compared. One of these other two, not as richly decorated or carved as the initial two, is in the same museum in Florence. The other, thought to be quite unique due to its retention of the original finger-loops used to operate the weapon, was in the British Museum.

Drew Hunt Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Dixon, Roland B. The Mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi. American Anthropologist 1905 October Vol. 7(4):607-612.

In this article, Dixon examines two groups of creation stories and mythologies from different Native American groups in the northern part of California, the Shasta and the Achomawi. He suggests that these groups share a common past from an analysis of the similarities of their mythologies, but also relates them to other nearby and distant groups. He compares the Achomawi with the Maidu, in that both group’s stories have a very systematic and sequential quality to them. He describes the Achomawi myth with the creation of the world by the Silver-fox and also the participation of the Coyote and Loon-woman in these myths.

In looking at the Shasta, Dixon notes a lack of dualism, and vague ideas about creation in their mythologies. However, he does note the very important role again played by the Coyote; in both mythologies the Coyote plays the part of the trickster. Although there are some similarities between the stories of the Achomawi and the Shasta, Dixon also suggests relationships with groups from the Puget Sound and the Wintun. He argues that, as in language, similarities in mythologies suggest contact for longer or shorter periods of time for different groups. He regards the Shasta as relative newcomers to their region from the north, but also mentions that a problem exists because they share similarities also with groups from regions farther south. Finally, he suggests that the study of mythology can be used to complement the study of language.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Dixon, Roland B. The Mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi. American Anthropologist October, 1905 Vol. 7(4):607-612.

In this article, Dixon studies two groups of creation stories and mythologies from different Native American groups, the Shasta and the Achomawi. He proposes that the two groups share a similar past due to the similarities of their mythologies, and relates them to other groups. Dixon compares the Achomawi with the Maidu because both group’s stories have a similar methodical and chronological quality to them. He also describes the creation of the world by the Silver-fox and the participation of the Coyote and Loon woman in these Aschomawi myths.

Dixon notes a lack of dualism when looking at the Shasta. He also notes the vague ideas about creation in their mythologies. Although Dixon does note that there is an important role played by the Coyote. They Coyote play a part in both mythologies and the part of the trickster. There are some similarities between the stories of the Achomawi and the Shasta, as well as the affiliation with the groups from Puget Sound and the Wintun. Dixon disagrees that the similarities in the mythologies are a result of the contact with different groups over a longer or shorter period of time, due to the language. This intern suggests that the study of mythology can be used to complement the study of language in a culture.

ELIZABETH KRIEGER University of San Diego (Denise Couch)

Dixon, Roland B. The Mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 607-612.

Presented is a description of the mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi, a cultural subgroup of the central California cultural region. The mythology is considered in relation to the current location of this subgroup in relation to other groups in the same region in order to determine such things as the length of time that the Shasta-Achomawi have been there and the possible migratory routes that they might have taken in order to get there. Also analyzed is the relationship between the two groups—the Shasta and the Achomawi.

A variety of myths are analyzed, in particular a number of creation myths told by different Native American groups in the region. Also analyzed are some of the tales of Coyote, a popular character in a vast number of Native American stories.

Overall, the study seems to indicate that the Shasta and Achomawi groups are very closely related, but there are some essential differences. The Achomawi share some myths of coyote with other groups of the central California region, while the Shasta share none. The myths of both groups seem to have a distant connection to the traditions of the northwestern California cultural region. Dixon concludes from this mythological data that the Shasta and Achomawi have only been in their present location for a relatively short period of time, and that they may have migrated from a northern region. Further support for his conclusions comes from his linguistic data, which is referred to frequently and is documented in another article in this issue.

SARA CALDWELL Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Dixon, Rowland. The Shasta-Achomaui: a New Linguistic Stock, with Four New Dialects. American Anthropologist, 1905 p.213-217.

For a long period of time it was believed by many that Indian of the Shasta, or Sastean occupied an extent of area in northern California, and southern Oregon. It wasn’t until recently that studies showed evidence of the Shasta extending in the north, south, and west. Anthropologists began to investigate the possibility of a slightly variant Shasta dialect used in further areas of the region.

Rowland B. Dixon, author of The Shasta-Acomaui: a New Linguistic Stock, with Four New Dialects, discovered a small tribe to the west who were able to recollect nearly seventy-five words and short phrase spoken in the Shasta dialect. This tribe is known as Konom hu, and although the two languages fail to share more than a handful of identical words, their “general phonetic character” and “feeling” was entirely in accord with each other. Researchers have reason to believe that the two tribes are distantly related and shared a close cultural connection.

Investigators continued to scour the area, but failed to discover any substantial evidence. They were eventually able to obtain some information that showed use of the dialect by the Okwa nuchu Indians and the New River Indians, but both dialects merely shared a few common words with the Shasta.

Again the possibility of a connection was questioned between the languages of the Shasta and the Achoma wi (Pit River Indians). Investigators proved that the Achoma wi language actually consists of two conjoined dialects, one spoken by the Achoma wi proper, and the other by the Atsuge wi. However, of the two vocabularies, perhaps less than one-third is common to both. The two languages obviously related, remain strikingly unlike.

Nonetheless, due to their findings researchers have declared the relationship shared between these groups is substantial enough to regard them as members of a single stock. The term Shasta-Achomawi has been given to the new group, for it accurately describes its makeup.

MARISSA TREADWELL San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch)

Dixon, Roland B. The Shasta-Achomawi: A New Linguistic Stock, With Four New Dialects.American Anthropologist. 1905 Vol.7: 213-217.

Roland Dixon’s article uses newly found dialects to find the mysterious language stock of the Shasta Indians. Part of the difficulty to approaching this was that the Shasta’s actual first geographical occupancy was a dilemma. The regional location was perceived to be along the Klamath River, which lies between northern California and southern Oregon. In particular, the author analyzes the extension of the Shasta language in regions extending the Klamath River. He thoroughly investigates commonalties between the Shasta language and dialects that could have diverged from the Shasta. The Konomi’hu tribe of Oregon, for example, spoke a language convincingly distinct from other nearby regional language stocks. However, one or two words, used by the Konomi’hu, were identical to Shasta. In addition, Dixon discusses the impact of how identical the phonetic characters are to the Shasta’s. His findings also show that the two tribes, Konomi’hu and Shasta, had close cultural commonalties. Therefore, Konomi’hu could be identified as a dialect of the Shasta stock.

Furthermore, Dixon discovered a dialect around New River, southeast of California, which also had identical words to the Shasta. He also contacted a woman from Sacramento, California about another distinct language. The Okwa’nuchu tribe definitely emerged as a dialect from the Shasta language. However, the author makes the point that even though many words are similar to the Shasta, like Konomi’hu dialect, there may be no material that show similarities. For example, Dixon reveals that the Okwa’nuchu differ dramatically in phonetic character compared to the Shasta.

Dixon also stresses a focus on a possible connection between the Shasta language and the Achoma’wi Indians. He discovered the Achoma’wi language is really branched off into two languages, the Achoma’wi and Atsug’wi. Approximately 1/3 of the words are similar to the Shasta Indians. Overall, these two languages are structurally common but differ in other elements, like prefixes and suffixes. Dixon creates a new language stock named, Shasta-Achoma’wi, and concludes that the Shasta language, the Achoma’wi, and these newly found dialects all diverged from one language branch.

LAURA ELLIFF Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Dorsey, George A. A Pawnee Personal Medicine Shrine. American Anthropologist January-March, 1905 Vol.7 (1) 496-498.

This article by Dorsey is a narration told by Shooter, a member of the Kitkehaki tribe of the Pawnee. One of the main themes of the narration is the importance of Pawnee Medicine shrines. Shooter tells us of his father being a successful warrior and pony-herder because of his offerings at his medicine shrine.

His particular shrine was a stone man that Shooter and his brother believed had fallen from the heavens. By smoking tobacco in the presence of the shrine, and making offerings of moccasins and leggings and such, the brothers could attain great power and success.

A very unlucky and poor hunter begged Shooter’s father to share the secrets of his success. Shooter’s father took pity on the man and instructed him to make some moccasins and prepare for a journey with him. When they arrived at the shrine, they found it empty. The poor man prayed and made offerings anyway, asking the stone man to take pity on him and grant him good luck.

The poor man eventually became a great warrior and was eventually recognized as a chief and sent on a delegation to Washington. When the man returned, he gave Shooter’s father a medal he had received in Washington.

BENJAMIN P. JOHNSON University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Dorsey, George A. A Pawnee Personal Medicine Shrine. American Anthropologist. 1905 Vol. 7:496-498

Luck is an important feature of Pawnee culture. Shooter’s narrative, presented here, demonstrates this through examples of luck drawn from a mysterious, magical source. An argument based on implications formed from a single narrative is supported through three separate instances of luck bestowed on individuals. These instances concern Shooter’s father, uncle, and an unrelated third male who suffers from bad luck. Notably, this source should be considered magical because the three characters believe its form, that of a stone man, hails from the stars. Furthermore, a great mystery surrounds it, as Shooter’s father keeps the location hidden until pressured into revealing it to his brother and, eventually, the bad luck character. All three characters, after visiting and praying to the mysterious, magical source, receive a great amount of luck and success. Therefore, among the Pawnee, luck emanates from magical sources and importantly so.

BRIAN GATZ Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Dubois, Constance Goddard. Religious Ceremonies and Myths of the Mission Indians. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7: 620-630.

In this article, Dubois describes a set of ceremonies or, as she calls them, “primitive religious fiestas” of the Luisenos and Diegueros, two closely related Native American Peoples.

Her discussion focuses on four religious fiestas: “the Toloache fiesta, the initiation of boys at puberty; A-keel, the fiesta of the girls’ entrance upon womanhood; Wu-ka-ruk, the great fiesta of the Images of the Dead; and the Eagle fiesta as preparatory to Wu-ka-ruk.”

Of the four, she describes the first two in detail. In her description of the Toloache, she writes that Toloache is the Spanish name for a plant the root of which plays a central role in the Toloache Festival. She notes that the intoxicating root was mixed with water and given to the initiates. In addition, she describes the accompanying music, and the process by which the ceremony was conducted. These processes included dances by previously initiated men, and periods of fasting for the initiates.

The next ceremony that she describes is the ceremony for girls. This ceremony, “called A-keel in Diegueno, Wu-kun-isch in Luiseno,” is somewhat similar to the Toloache. She simply describes this initiation rite for girls as one that involves long periods of fasting, sometimes for up to a year or two.

The third fiesta described is the fiesta of images. Here she describes the processes leading up to this fiesta as one involving the killing and extensive and elaborate preparation of an eagle, the feathers of which provided the “decoration of images.” In addition, she describes in detail the preparation of a “ramada or brush building” built at the beginning of the fiesta. She also describes the dances that were an integral part of the fiesta and the large feast that concluded it.

She concludes her description of the fiesta of images by offering its accompanying myth – “The Origin of Song and Dance.” She includes a verbatim reading of the myth as “told by and aged Indian of Manzanita.”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Goddard, P.E. Mechanical Aids to the Study and Recording of Language. American Anthropologist, 1905 : 613-619.

In this article Goddard suggests methods that could be used for recording foreign languages for future study. The author maintains that key to leaning languages are the aids that allow the new speaker to grasp the nuances that are unique to that language. These nuances include the physical or mechanical movements of the mouth, face and throat. The four instruments Goddard suggests be used for recording are: a camera; artificial plate; Rousselot apparatus; and phonograph. The camera is used to phonograph lip movements. The author advises taking multiple pictures of the speaker in order to ensure the proper formation of the lips is made when speaking. The artificial palate, dusted lightly with chalk, is placed on the roof of the mouth. The impressions left on the chalk after it is removed are then photographed once a syllable has been spoken. This records the position of the tongue. The Rousselot apparatus is used to time the duration of each tongue movement. The speaker’s voice is recorded by the movement of the Marey tambour along a paper-covered cylinder that is covered by a thin coat of smoker. The device is able to record simultaneously but independently the movement of air within the oral passage and the movement of the tongue. Two other researchers, Hermann and Beview, have created tracings from the wax cylinders of phonographs. Taken together Goddard maintains that these methods would provide researchers with the tools needed to study foreign languages.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Goodman, J.T. Maya Dates. American Anthropologist 1905 vol.7: 642-647.

Goodman is interested in determining how old the Mayan ruins are. He hopes to do this through correlating the Xiu and Archaic chronological calendars. Goodman then gives the difference between the two within the Katun count; Xiu is 13, the Archaic is 20. However, he points out that the Archaic also has a 13-Katun count, and calibrating specific days within cycles between the two counting systems allows them to be read together. Through the settlements and movements of Mayans in the past, Goodman speculates that the Xius migrated to an Archaic calendar using area. The Xius adopted this new calendar, but kept their old one for their own personal record keeping. Goodman then gives date relations to our through means he does not specify, for some knowledge of Mayan language or words is needed to fully understand his reasoning. Many examples of date comparison between the Xiu, Archaic, and modern (our) time calendars are given, leading to his conclusions. He then is able to give dates to the ruined cities Copan, Quirigua, Tical, Menche, Piedas, Negras, and others. He concludes that Palenque was in existence 3,143 years before Christ. He manages to specify that all dates used or seen on ruins of these Mayan cities are, in fact, real historical dates.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Grinnell, George Bird. Some Cheyenne Plant Medicines. American Anthropologist, 1905. N.S. 7:37

Anthropology has long held an interest in how ancient cultures healed their sick or wounded. This article addresses many of the questions raised when one regards how ancient cultures utilized natural and spiritual resources. Herbs, spices, and even magic were used by the Cheyenne people as a remedy for symptoms ranging from a simple sore throat or toothache to the more complex task of relieving the excruciating pains associated with childbirth.

Grinnell suggests that there are, in existence, many ways the Cheyenne people deal with those who undergo physical and spiritual ailments. These ailments, whether physical or spiritual in nature, are treated by driving negative spirits away and drawing positive spirits toward the subject through the use of magical potions (most accompanied by ritualistic practices), and plant/herb mixtures applied directly to the wound. These plant/herb mixtures demonstrate the Cheyenne’s acquired knowledge of effective, natural remedies, without dangerous side effects. This is suggested by Grinnell to be a process of “trial and error.” Strong spiritual beliefs drive the healing at its core and although it is the medicines themselves that actually have an effect, the Cheyenne continue to perform these rituals in absolute faith and believe that it is the spirits that give the medicines their healing properties.

The Cheyenne people believe that some concoctions harbor magical powers and are released when applied directly to the person or animal. “The light powder made from dry flowers of the prairie “everlasting” when rubbed on the body is thought to protect the warrior…properly applied to the horse, it enables it to run for a long time…”

Grinnell wrote in a time of history when the rights and practices of men and women were segregated. Grinnell shows an interest in this by paying particular attention to healing practices performed by both men and women suggesting a cooperative approach to the very structure of Cheyenne culture. Although this comment could suggest that the Cheyenne people are of a lesser standard then the typical Europeans of the time, Grinnell looks at this as a difference rather then a classification and this tone an be felt throughout the entire article.

Grinnell describes many different medicines and their effects with informative detail and a close eye paid to the relationship between medicine development and cultural development. This article functions both as a reference to further study and study guide bringing the reader to be more aware of the mastery Cheyenne people demonstrated when faced with some of life’s most troubling issues; healing the sick and wounded, but without killing them in the process.

JAMIE BUCUY Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Grinnell, George Bird. Some Cheyenne Plant Medicines. American Anthropologist, 1905 Vol.7(38):37-44.

In this article Grinnell describes specific plants and their medicinal uses among the Cheyenne. He begins by explaining that plant medicines are used among the Cheyenne to drive away evil spirits and illness as well as to summon good spirits to heal and protect. He questions whether or not the Cheyenne have any genuine knowledge or proof of the medicinal properties and value of the plants, but adds that they have been using these plants as medicine long enough to have discovered which plants are effective for certain ailments.

Grinnell explains that both men and women of the Cheyenne use plant medicines for healing. Most individuals in the tribe carry, somewhere on their person, small buffalo skin sacks or bundles filled with particular plants and medicines whose properties are known only to the individual. Usually each bundle is tied with some kind of identifying article, such as a colored bead or bear claw, to allow the owner to identify each particular medicine. These articles, notes Grinnell, have also come to possess sacred qualities and are sometimes used to mix medicines.

Grinnell next identifies and describes about fifteen plants and their medicinal uses. His information comes from a woman in the tribe he refers to as his “mother,” Wind Woman, Frederick V. Coville, a botanist of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and Dr. H.H. Rusby of the College of Pharmacy of the City of New York. The plant medicines included in the list are used to treat a wide variety of ailments including upset stomach, headache, sore throat, nose bleeds, nausea, fever, paralysis, back pain, and chest pain, among others. Some plant medicines are also used to summon good spirits. For example, the Cheyenne tie a piece of Bitter Medicine (Acorus calamus) root to a child’s dress or blanket to protect the child from night spirits, while Strong Medicine (Anaphalis margaritacea) is used by men in battle for energy and strength.

Grinnell also discusses the various ways in which these medicines are administered. Many of the plants’ leaves, stems, and roots are used to prepare tea for the afflicted person to drink. In addition, the roots of the plants are often chewed and the saliva swallowed. Sometimes the roots are chewed and then rubbed over the body or affected area.

Grinnell provides a detailed list of the plant medicines of the Cheyenne that serves as a useful reference for anyone interested in this area of Cheyenne life during the early 20th Century.

ELIZABETH SCHERGEN Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Henshaw, Henry W. Popular Fallacies Respecting The Indians. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.5(1):104-113

In this article Henshaw presents fourteen misconceptions concerning Native Americans. He lists each fallacy seperately and gives reasons for how it came to exist and then argues to discredit it.

The Mormons believed, through direct revelation, that Indians were descended from the Lost Tribes of Israel. Henshaw refutes their belief as absurd in light of present knowledge. Other theories of a foreign origin are based on similarities of language. Henshaw believes that these similarities are coincidental. Indians were believed to speak the same undeveloped language by the unlearned. Henshaw states that Indian languages were just beginning to be studied but were already known to be varied and intricate.

Indians were considered nomadic due to hunting over large areas of land, but Henshaw points out that most tribes were also agriculturists. Indian ownership of land was misunderstood by early settlers because it did not agree with their views of possession. Also misunderstood was the gender based division of labor. Since much of the work done by the men occurred away from the village, Indian women were seen as drudges and slaves. Indian tribes were not seen by settlers as egalitarian, which they were. Instead the settlers believed the tribes had kings with whom the settlers could treat with to acquire Indian land. Estimates of Indian population were high because they were based on numbers observed in more populous areas.

Indian medical practices were misunderstood due to claims by quacks of Indian herbal knowledge. Henshaw states that the medical art of all Indians was rooted in sorcery, although there was also a use of plants and the sweating process. Indians were thought to believe in one overruling deity, the Great Spirit. Actually, Indians believed in a multitude of spirits that dwelt in animate and inanimate objects. It is known from mortuary rites that Indians believed in an afterlife, but its exact nature was unknown and according to Henshaw should not be thought of as the happy hunting ground.

Mixed blood Indians were believed to be degenerates because they inherited the vices of both parent stocks and none of the virtues. Henshaw believed that mixed bloods suffered from living in an environment where they found little favor with either race. Indians were seen as taciturn and stolid, but in reality had a fair sense of humor. Archeological finds of children’s skeletons and disjointed adult skeletons led to the erroneous belief of pygmy and giant Indian races. Based on careful study of artifacts, customs and culture status of ancient mound-dwellers and cliff-dwellers, it was determined that they were the ancestors of tribes in possession of the same region at the time of contact. They were not racially distinct or culturally superior, as some believed.

SUSAN JAMES University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Hewett, Edgar L. Ethnic Factors in Education. American Anthropologist January-March, 1905 Vol.7(1):1-16.

The author begins by examining, in general, the aims of education and its relation to society and to the individual. In his discussion of the aims of education he indicates that he also wants to examine effects of what he calls the “contributory sciences” on education. Included in the contributory sciences are “biology, psychology, sociology, and anthropology.” Hewett continues by arguing that because education serves both the individual and society, that it is not necessary to reduce education to any one aim. He claims that education is “individual, social, ethnical.” Therefore, in consideration of the education of various ethnicities, Hewett argues that the aim of educating Americans, Indians, and Filipinos “is to make better Americans…Indians…Filipinos”(his italics), not “to Americanize.”

It is at this point that he states his purpose, which is essentially an examination of the “anthropological facts and conditions” that influence education in the U.S. at the turn of the century. From his statement of purpose, he begins with a discussion of what he calls the “ethnic mind,” a concept that he notes is challenged in psychological circles but that he defends as valid. The significance of this concept is that teachers must be aware of the various “ethnic minds” that sit in their classrooms. From here, he argues that teachers must be aware of the fact that students of different ethnicities have different value systems and that these students “look upon questions of honor, morality and decency out of separate ethnic minds” and that “What is to us a criminal tendency may be but a survival of a custom which, in the view of a more primitive race, was a strictly moral act.”

Here Hewett begins a discussion of some of the environmental influences on culture. First, he examines the effect of weather on culture and the “ethnic mind.” He uses religion as an example of a cultural phenomenon influenced by the meteorological conditions of a culture, and he takes as an example the Hopi ceremonies designed to produce ample rain and water for agricultural production.

Hewett’s next significant claim is that because culture is a “product of growth,” cultural practices are therefore deeply ingrained and “persistent.” From this, it follows that a successful system of education for people of various cultures is not one that attempts to Americanize, but one that takes into account the realities of that culture. For example, he notes the fact that at the time of the publication of the article, “the idea of educating the Indian away from his native environment is losing ground.” He argues that Indians can best be educated on reservations on their own terms. In this way Indians become better Indians and Americanization is shown to be defective.

Hewett concludes by stating that though he is not opposed to educational policies for various ethnicities, he thinks it useless to make such policies before understanding their culture. In order to do so, he proposes in his conclusion that schools for teachers should give anthropology a central place in the curriculum.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hill-Tout, C. Some Features of the Language and Culture of the Salish. American Anthropologist October-December, 1905 Vol. 7(4):674-687.

Although there are three styles of ethnic classification (physical, cultural, linguistic), Hill-Tout believes that linguistic is the superior of the three. He is not saying that physical and cultural classifications are insignificant, but that for the purpose of his study of the native races of North America, linguistic analysis offers more efficient results. Hill-Tout explains the Salishan using linguistic analysis. He found that these Indians are as physically and culturally diverse as any other race; however, their speech is homogenous, with only minor dialectical differences. He points out that it was previously believed that only similarity or difference in speech determined the relatedness of the languages. However, it is now known that this assumption is unreliable. Although the difference in the morphology of groups is evident, there is a basic commonality between them. Hill-Tout believes that studying tongues such as those of the Salish give an idea of what primitive speech may have been like, where meaning does not solely come from actual words but from tone, gesture, and the position of the word in the sentence. He uses an example of the term ne, which is used in two different ways: some interior
British Columbian tribes use it to represent future actions while coastal tribes use it to represent past actions.

He also discusses the diversity of Salish culture. In the mortuary ceremony, they cut their hair to represent mourning. But there is variation in the handling of the hair: certain groups bury the hair, and others burn it. Hill-Tout claims that some of the greater differences in culture result from varying social traditions. However, he believes that one of the most important changes in the culture of the delta and coastal tribes is the idea of totemism. He notes that American students view totemism as primarily a religious institution, while the European students view it as a social institution in which group totemism and personal totemism are separate. In the case of the village Salish, the Sioux and the Haida, it seems they share a similar religious character but differ in social organization. Group totemism of the Salish may result from the development of personal totemism because of the affect it has on the social organization (such as castes, kin crests, and hereditary chiefs) of the tribes, which confirms the common views of American students.

Hill-Tout also raises the question of connection between totemism and savage names. He believes that names of primitive races come from relation and affiliation. Dr. Haddon and Mr. Andrew Lang, (European anthropologists), share the idea that group names are derived from sources that are not within the group itself. Regarding the Salish, the most common source of the personal name is the personal totem. It is not Hill-Tout’s goal to convince European anthropologists to believe the American perspective, but his hope is that his studies have proved the Salish to be an interesting group to ethnologically study.

MEGHA SHAH Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Hrdlicka, Ales. Notes on the San Carlos Apache. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7:480-495

Ales Hrdlicka studied the San Carlos Apache in the early 1900’s and wrote an ethnography on their daily lives and practices. The San Carlos Apache are located in Arizona between the Black River and the Gila. The tribe is organized in clans and small bands. Their dwellings are tipi 8-9 feet in diameter, 9-10 feet high with poles 2.5 feet part. The dimensions of the tipi differ according to the weather. For example, the more area under the tipi, the warmer the weather is outside. The doors usually face the west to protect the inhabitants from the harsh winds, which blow from the east.

The women make baskets throughout their lives, starting from the age of five. These baskets are on an average two feet high and 1.5 inches wide. Black, Brown, and red are used to add color the baskets.

Cradles were made from elliptical willow and were made two days after the baby was born. The baby is wrapped in Calico and laced very tightly to the board.

Women of the San Carlos Apache usually wear their hair shoulder length and younger women usually do the same but wear their hair with bangs. The men of the tribe usually wear handkerchiefs and also wear their hair long.

The dead are never buried near the Apache Indians and the grave consists of rocky surroundings. On top of a man’s grave a shovel is placed and on top of a women’s grave a basket is placed. They did not cremate.

REBEKAH BLACK University of South Carolina (Alice Kassakoff)

Hrdlicka, Ales. Notes on the San Carlos Apache. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7:480-495.

The research of the San Carlos Apache was accumulated from a region southwest of the White Mountains, in Arizona, on the White Mountain Indian Reservation. The San Carlos Apache were divided into bands, which may or may not have been headed by a chief. These bands were geographically spread out within the region of these people.

His research utilizes his ethnologic and archaeological observations of the San Carlos Apache in his visits in 1900 and then again in 1905, to put together a description of the culture of these people. He takes his first hand experience of his visits and records them into this article which is based in four sections; dwellings, manufactured objects, habits and rituals, and antiquities. He describes the dwellings of the San Carlos Apache detailing the structure in total, also providing photographs to the reader of the dwellings. He also provides information on the manufactured objects of the San Carlos Apache, which include basketry, pottery and musical instruments. Following the description of these objects he examines the habits and customs of these people. This focuses on hairdressing, tattooing, record keeping, mother-in-law taboo, the puberty feast, play of children, the training of children and burials of the San Carlos Apache. He also notes and describes the slight excavation of ruins and burial sites. In these excavations pottery vessels and human remains within large jars were found. Identical ruins and artifacts were found throughout the region where the San Carlos Apache lived.

NOA PEDERSEN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Jenks, Albert Earnest. The Splayed or So-Called “Casco Foot” in the Filipino. American Anthropologist. April, 1905 Vol.7(2):509-513.

This article is a response to George Skinner’s article “‘Casco foot’ in the Filipino, which appeared in American Anthropologist’s April issue of 1904. This article contributes to the work by Skinner because Jenks had previously studied the “casco foot” found in Filipinos, but he also has done work with other groups of people who have developed this deformity. Jenks agrees with Skinner’s work by saying that the deformity is an occupational development, not inherited. Unlike Skinner, Jenks proves that this deformity develops in people who also do other kind of work, not just from working on a casco.

When a foot is splayed, it means that the big toe is separated from the rest of the toes, and in the most severe cases, the big toe is at an obtuse angle from toe’s original position. In the mountain region of the province of Lepanto-Bontoc, Luzon, this deformity is common because the people who live here do not wear shoes. The big toe helps the people secure their footing while climbing. Other people of this province who live near the coast also bear this deformity. Some people credit climbing coconut trees for the separation of the large toe from other toes, while most others only acknowledge that it is due to working. Other reasons for a foot becoming splayed include the tolling of the land during agricultural work, and the use of a wooden stirrup during horseback riding, in which the stirrup is designed to spread the big toe from the other toes.

Jenks sent two people to observe the boatmen of the cascos to determine how many of them had splayed feet. The observers found that the number of boatmen who had splayed feet were low. He points out that in many areas in Manila, women and men have splayed feet, therefore proving that the work on the cascos is not the sole reason people have splayed feet. Jenks agrees with Skinner that the deformity in the feet is not inherited, but instead is developed from constant strenuous stress. He does not believe as Skinner does, that the deformity is created solely by the work done by the boatmen of the cascos. He also believes that the ancestors of many of the people who lived in this area have passed down a weakness in the basal joints of the toes, which when strenuous work is done, creates splaying of the foot.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Jenks, Albert Ernest. The Splayed or So-Called “Casco Foot” in the Filipino. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7:509-514

Albert Ernest Jenks writes in response to an article in the April-June 1904 issue of the American Anthropologist by Dr. George A. Skinner. Dr. Skinner asserts that the splaying of the great toe in Filipinos is a direct result of using the foot to control a pole while propelling a casco (a small boat moved with a pole), rather than being a hereditary trait. The author agrees this is a developmental rather than morphological trait, and agrees that Dr. Skinner provides one possible explanation, but goes on to outline other possibilities for the occurrence of the “casco foot.”

Jenks goes on to describe many other instances in which splaying of the great toes occurs. He notes that there are many mountain dwellers who have similar splaying. This deformity occurs for two main reasons. First, there is trauma to the foot that damages the joint and causes permanent damage. Second, repeated usage of the foot to grip on the mountain causes the splaying. The deformity also occurs in other areas of the country, including the coastal area and in areas where horse riding requires use of a stirrup going between the first and second toes.

The author goes on to state that in a study of 31 casco operators, only 3 showed the splaying. In addition, the deformity is not seen in 9 or 10 year olds or in infants. It does, however appear there is a greater predisposition to the disorder, since it does not appear in all cultures in similar situations.

ANDREA MORRIS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks).

J. M. In Memoriam: Washington Matthews. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 514- 523.

In Memoriam: Washington Matthews consists of a short biography of Washington Matthews. Washington Matthews was born in Ireland in 1843, and grew up in Iowa. He attended medical school and became a surgeon, and then proceeded to lend his services in the United States Army for the duration of the Civil War. It was in 1865 while he was stationed at Fort Union, Montana that he first came in contact with Indians. This first meeting ignited a lifetime of interest and study.

While he was stationed in upper Missouri in 1865 he became captivated by the native tribes of the region. He studied the Hidatsa and their language, which he quickly mastered. He commenced to write two primary texts which are viewed as authoritative and of the most important descriptions and translations of the native language available. He was later transferred

to Fort Wingate, New Mexico, where he studied the Navaho tribes. His studies involving the Navaho reveal their myths and rituals and likewise opened many people’s eyes to the beauty of their culture. He is also seen as an authority figure for his field of anthropological research with respect to Navaho’s.

The author highlights the main areas of focus of Matthews’ life, and speaks highly of him, both in terms of his work and his persona. One of the most significant things about his work is that it was done at a time when these Indian tribes were still relatively sequestered from the new Americans. Washington Matthews was also noted for his poetry and numerous other writings, which while scientific and exacting, were however also beautiful and meaningful. The article contains a full bibliography of Matthews’ published work for further reference.

SIERRA JONES University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Jones, Philip Mills. A New Method of Preserving Specimens or Shell and Other Perishable Materials. American Anthropologist October, 1905 Vol.7(4):654-655.

In 1901 Philip Mills Jones visited Santa Rosa Island, which is located off the coast of California, where he was involved in archaeological research conducted by the University of California for Phoebe A. Hearst. The purpose of Jones’ article is to demonstrate the impracticality of two preservation methods for preserving perishable materials, by showing the disadvantages of these methods and the advantages of the method he promotes.

The only perishable item mentioned in the article is shell. Shells were used extensively by the natives to adorn articles of clothing. Over time, when shell has been preserved in moist soil, it will disintegrate because the moisture from the soil breaks down the cementing material, which “holds together the lamellae of calcareous matter”. Therefore, when the shell dries, there is nothing holding the item together. Jones believes if the material is immediately preserved when removed from the ground, fewer artifacts will be destroyed. Permanent fixation can be done when the artifacts are taken back to the museum. Immediate preservation can be accomplished by simply leaving the artifact in the moist soil, packing cotton around it and refraining from cleaning it unnecessarily. By doing this the item will be preserved for a longer time. The permanent fixation of the material is more involved. Jones gives two examples of methods for preserving the materials, although he does not go into detail as to what the preservation of these involves.

Shellac, the first example he gives, does not strengthen the material and it leaves the artifact glossy with an unnatural appearance. The second method he gives is boiling, but this too leaves the material with an unnatural appearance, and cannot be used on fragile items. The example Jones gives involves a 3 to 4% clear gelatin, “kept fluid over a sand bath and Bunsen burner.” After the artifact is placed in the solution it can be cleaned with a camel’s hair brush. A minute after the last air bubbles rise to the surface, the artifact can be taken out of the solution and placed in formaldehyde, where it is removed at the discretion of the person preserving the material. The last stage of preservation is when the artifact is drained and dried. Jones states this method not only creates an impenetrable coating, but also cements the artifacts together permanently.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Kroeber, A.L. Systematic Nomenclature in Ethnology. American Anthropologist October-December 1905 Vol. 7(4):579-593.

In this article Kroeber analyzes Powell’s system of naming linguistic groups which he developed in his “Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico.” Kroeber begins by detailing the magnitude and importance of Powell’s work. This was the first complete linguistic method of classification meant for use in ethnography. Kroeber goes so far as to say, “it is difficult to conceive how systematic work could have been carried on … previous to its completion.” Such was the effect of Powell’s work upon Kroeber’s generation.

Kroeber cites the one failure of Powell’s classification system as the nomenclature used. While names for larger and more well-known groups were not problematic, Powell did not use common names for many groups. He instead created new names or used obscure or arbitrary names. As a result, double nomenclature became a problem. Both common and academic terms were used to describe the same group. A further problem of double nomenclature was that groups were called one name ethnographically and another name linguistically.

Kroeber finds that all of the problem stem from the “principle of priority.” This principle states that the oldest or first name used for a group is the valid one. Further complicating the issue is that Powell used denotative names instead of connotative names. A connotive name is descriptive while a denotative name indicates a family or group. This in itself isn’t a problem. However, Powell believed that as long as a name was denotive, even if it originally was used incorrectly or historically inappropriate, that name should be used. As a result, Kroeber proposes that to avoid confusion and greater inappropriateness in the quest for the “correct” name, we must adapt a stance of treating every name used ethnologically as scientific and therefore disregard original meaning and form. At the end of the article, Kroeber explains how the biological system of naming works and compares it to how the anthropological usage should work, then bridges the gap between the two disciplines and suggests ways to make classification compatible.

The argument is well presented. Kroeber takes specific cases that illustrate his points. He backs up his claims that Powell used obscure names instead of well established ones by citing the Queen Charlotte Islanders. Prior to Powell they were well established as the “Haida,” which was also very succinct and simple name. Powell instead called these people “Skittagetan,” which not only is a more complex name, but also the unusual version of a particular village known as Skidegate. Kroeber makes his points clearly and logically, moving from one point to a second which elaborates on the first. It is this method of arguing that Kroeber uses throughout his article for great success and clarity.

MARIA CHRISTUS Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

MacCurdy, George Grant. Prehistoric Surgery – A Neolithic Survival. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7:17-26.

MacCurdy’s article is an examination of a particular kind of “prehistoric surgery having certain points in common with trepanning…” He indicates that the skulls that he is studying in particular exist not only in an area north of Paris, but also among the “dolmens belonging to the Neolithic period.”

Scars or cicatrices in the shape of a T characterize the particular form of surgery to which MacCurdy wishes to call attention. These scars were, in particular, found on female crania and were also consistent with the discoveries of a Manouvrier who was examining samples from the Broca collection. MacCurdy argues that while some have attributed these scars to certain cultural practices connected with “religion, war, penal justice, mourning, therapeutics, or coiffure,” the more simple and revealing explanation is that the unique scarring pattern is the result of surgery.

This argument is supported by comparing similar scars of dolmens from various regions throughout France. MacCurdy’s purpose in making these comparisons is to construct a “link in the chain of evidence furnished by the dolmens and connecting the Neolithic treatment of cephalic ailments with teachings of the Galenic school…” He wants to show how “surgical lore was handed down through successive ages.”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Maccurdy, George Grant. Prehistoric Surgery – A Neolithic Survival. American Anthropologist 1905. Vol. 7: 17-23.

George Grant Maccurdy utilized Malinowski’s concept of a cultural “survival” to explain the connection between evidence of Neolithic surgery, physical evidence and findings in 19th Century tests describing Neolithic surgery. The region of interest was an area in France, north of Paris, lying between the Seince and the Oise rivers. The physical evidence that he relied upon came from “dolmens, “ or burial mounds located near the town of Mantes. Chiefly, Maccurdy focused on oval shaped and “T”shaped lines embedded on skulls and skull fragments discovered in the dolmens. He attributed these lines to “lesions of the scalp made during life, and deep enough to affect, directly or indirectly, the periosteum”(p. 18). A peer of Maccurdy’s, Manouvrier, discovered similar physical evidence on skulls and skull fragments feom dolmens as far as 50 km away from the Mantes site. He paraphrased Manouvrier’s suppositions of why these marks were made. Manouvrier stated that these marks could have been due to cultural rites such as “religion, war, penal justice, mourning, therapeutics, or coiffure”(p.18). Considering this broad spectrum of hypotheses it is curious that Maccurdy decided to label the supposed procedure “surgery” and as surgery usually relates to medial practice. The graphic evidence contained in the 19th Century text supposedly offered clues to the usage of the surgery and the actual procedure itself as it was utilized in the “Dark Ages.” The scars were a result of cauterization, according to the texts. Is was believed that cauterization on particular locations on the head, would counteract an imbalance of humidity in the brain and therefore cure the ailment. Particularly, the prescription for melancholia related to Maccurdy’s interests- “the head is to be cauterized in the form of a cross”(p. 20).

Maccurdy unexplainably bestows praise upon these supposed “Neolithic surgeons.” The surgeons “command anew our admiration because of their skill and courage. Their success… may be measured by the number that survived treatment, even if they were not cured…”(pp. 22-23). Perhaps because Maccurdy was studying Western cultural practice he did not make generalizations as to where this group stood according to unilinear evolutionary theory. While the article’s usage of medical terminology made it less accessible, on the whole it was an uncomplicated commentary on a cultural practice that may very well have contributed to current medical theory and practice, but to what extent is hypothetical.

PHILIP ROTHBERG Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

MacCurdy, George Grant. The Eolithic Problem – Evidence of a Rude Industry Antedating the Paleolithic. American Anthropologist July – September, 1905 Vol. 7: 425-479

The issue concerned in this article revolves around findings, primarily in southern England and Belgium, of naturally chipped or broken pieces of stone that allegedly show wear from human use. This material is argued by some to be evidence of a human tool tradition that predates the Paleolithic, dubbed the Eolithic. The author of this article believes the evidence available strongly supports the existence of this culture, and attempts to argue in favor of it.

In defending the Eolithic’s existence, the author focuses mostly on the geologic context of the material found in Belgium and southern England. For the material found on and around the Chalk plateau region of southern England (Kent, Sussex), the geological relationship to Paleolithic finds in the same area is extensively analyzed. The evidence suggests a Tertiary period time frame (mostly Pliocene) for the Eolithic material, as opposed to the Quarternary, which is the established time frame for the Paleolithic. For the Belgian material, the author is particularly supportive of the perspective presented by A. Rutot, who argues that the Eolithic tradition is divided into three culturally identical periods, known as Reutelian, Mafflean, and Mesvinian. These periods, according to Rutot, are made distinct by their differences in geographic location and especially time frame, which in this case spills into the early Quarternary. There is even reference made to evidence of an intermediate period between Paleolithic and Eolithic times. Overall, the author attempts to show that the Eolithic material largely predates, if not coexists with, the Paleolithic material.

On whether or not the “eoliths” in question are actually artifacts and not natural phenomenon, the author relies largely on his own assertions and those of Rutot that there is no way nature could have left the type of patterns and markings found on the lithic material. Sir Joseph Prestwich (primarily involved with the southern English material) and the author also seem to agree that the “eoliths” all share similar characteristics and can be grouped together by similarity in form, most of which resemble confirmed stone tools.

Burton Smith Illinois State University (Rob Dirks)

Mathews, R. H. Social Organization of the Chingalee Tribe, Northern Australia. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7:301-304.

Building upon work done on social organization in an earlier article, “The Wombya Organization of the Australian Aborigines,” Matthew’s objective here is to report the results of his “investigations respecting the laws of intermarriage” among the Chingalee Tribe of Northern Australia. The author merely sets out to show the various possibilities for marriage within two phratries within the Chingalee. For the purposes of his analysis, he names the phratries A and B and demonstrates the various marriage possibilities. For example, in Phratry A, he takes Chimitcha and shows how he may marry any one of the four women in his phratry. Mathews calls Chimitcha’s “tabular or direct wife” No. I. Mathews claims that “No. I is the normal or usual wife of Chimitcha, and is the one most generally married.” The next three women in line in the phratry are Nos. II, III, and IV respectively, and their numbers represent the most likely occurrences for marriage to Chimitcha. The author shows how the same laws and marriage possibilities apply to the other three men in Phratry A.

Mathews argues that “progeny is determined through the mother,” and continues to show how marriage determines who his children are. Furthermore, he reports on the progress that he is making in trying to figure out totemic descent. The data presented in the article are not information that he himself has uncovered but are instead data given to him by “one of his most valued and careful correspondents.” The data merely present an outline of each individual’s totem along with the totem of that person’s mother, father, and offspring. Mathews hopes that this preliminary information on totemic descent will provide a foundation for further research.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann E. Kingsolver)

Mathews, R. H. Social Organization of the Chingalee Tribe, Northern Australia. American Anthropology 1905 Vol. 7: 301-304.

Focusing on the laws of intermarriage in the Chingalee Tribe in Northern Australia, the author uses a single table from which he explains Chingalee’s intermarriage laws. He has found, for example, that a Chimitcha man can potentially have four wives from four different sections: Nungalee, Nala, Nana, Namitcha. The author referred to a direct wife as No. I, an alternative wife as No. II, a mating wife as No. III, and an occasional wife as No. IV. Wives No. III and IV are not often found but are lawful according to their society. A man claims the children of his direct wife (No. I). The key to his research is that descent has not been properly studied. Right now there are irregular descent patterns, meaning the descent is not obviously patrilineal or matrilineal. He believes that if researchers could gather more information on how the descent changes throughout several generations, a distinctive pattern would stand out.

The author hopes to share his findings with ethnologists in America and Europe seeing as he is the first in his field to study this in depth. However, he was discontented with the lack of accurate descriptions of how descent specifically operates in the Chingalee Tribe. Mathews’ believes that further research will lead to fresh views about the social organization of Australian people groups.

KATHRYN N. BAZIL llinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Merriam, C. Hart. The Indian Population of California. American Anthropologist. October 1905 Vol. 7(4):594-606.

Merriam’s article attempts to use historical mission records to determine the approximate population size of California’s Native American population and its changes through time. He states that the precontact population of this area was very large, owing to the large availability of dependable food resources, including wild game and plant foods, particularly acorns, and that there was likely not restriction on population due to food shortage. The year he is focused on for his population research is 1834, primarily because the largest amount of mission data exists for this year. While the missions only recorded the converts, Merriam uses other sources to approximate the total number of Native Americans in California in his study. He approximates that there were approximately 210,000 Native Americans in California during this year. This is based on the above information and his speculation that the size of the population represented by the mission’s area would be approximately one-fifth of his study area. He then continues by trying to determine the populations for other years during the 19th century.

Merriam states that the great variability in the population during this time is due wholly to the appearance of the white man; he brought diseases, confiscated land, murdered individuals and groups, and, in the case of the mission Indians, so “civilized” them that when the missions were secularized, they could not successfully return to their original way of life. This secularization of the missions in 1834, coupled with the gold rush that lasted until approximately 1855, decimated the Native American population of California. Those that did not die from these events effects moved from the area.

Merriam notes that along with disease, confiscation of lands, and murder, the Native Americans held no civil rights, and eventually stopped them from risking their lives to protect their homes and land. The increase in agriculture after mining decreased dealt the final blow to the Native Americans in this area. They were forced from their homes, and many times their food stores were destroyed to dissuade them from returning to the area.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Merriam, C. Hart. The Indian Population of California. American Anthropologist August, 1905 Vol.7:594-618.

Through the 19th century there was an overall gradual decrease in Native American populations. However, during a period of twenty-two years populations decreased in ghastly proportions. Between 1834 and 1855, the Native Americans of California witnessed two different encroaching civilizations: Spanish-Mexicans and white Americans. Each of these civilizations brought with them oppression. It is in this period of twenty-two years he focuses his attention.

Prior to 1834 the data on Native American populations was limited to the statistics of Mission Fathers. These missions were localized in the state along the coast, from San Francisco Bay southward. According to the Mission Fathers, nearly fifty thousand Native Americans resided in this area. He concludes from his own fieldwork that this area is similar in its abundance of food supply, and hence in population to four other regions of California. These five regions together make up the state. He determined the population size of Native Americans by multiplying the fifty thousand from the Mission Fathers region with the five regions of California. He concluded at least two hundred fifty thousand Native Americans lived in California at the beginning of the 19th century. From 1834 up until 1855, the number of Native Americans dropped at a rate of seven thousand per year, leaving the Native American population a bit higher than fifty thousand. He believes the drastic drop of one hundred sixty thousand Native Americans was due first to the Spanish-Mexican government confiscating the Mission Fathers area, and second, the invasion of American fortune seekers looking for gold.

Spanish-Mexican rancheros and raiders moved into the Mission Fathers area in 1834, when the government claimed the Native American land for Spain. They confiscated the land and pressured Indians out. Another pressure came from white Americans seeking gold in 1848. By 1849 as many as seventy-seven thousand white nobles and criminals alike moved into Native American territory within California. In most instances he argues, the Spanish-Mexicans as well as white Americans were capturing Native American children and young women for servitude. Spanish-Mexicans and white Americans also brought epidemics like small pox, demolished existing food supplies, burned Natives winter food storages, confiscated homes, and committed cold blooded massacres. These were the pressures that Native Americans faced beginning around 1834 and continuing through 1855. He concludes that oppression from the infringing Spanish-Mexicans and white Americans caused the terrible and rapid decline of Native American populations in California.

MATT HUMBRECHT Illinois State University (Rob Dirks).

Nichols, John Benjamin. The Sex-Composition of Human Families. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 26-36.

This article presents the results of the author’s survey of approximately 3,000 human families comprised of six or more children. Nichols collected his data from S. Judd, D.M. Hoyt, J.O. Austin, W. W. Ingraham, James Savage and his own work. The families studied by Nichols were all derived form a single pair of parents. In instances where one parent was married more than once but had more than five children with both spouses, each family was counted separately. All families in the study were Anglo-Saxon. Of the 3,000 families 12,935 were males as compared to 11,941 females. The average membership of each family was 8.3 – 4.3 sons and 4.0 daughters. The proportion of males to females was 108.3 to 100. Nichols also discusses a fact that may influence the tendency for a family to be arrhenogenic (male producing) or thelygenic (female producing). According to his findings this may be linked to ancestry. A major influence on his work was Arthur Geissler. He also concluded that in general, the sex of the first-born tended to be the sex of the majority of the children.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Nichols, John Benjamin. The Sex-Composition of Human Families. American Anthropologist 1905. Vol.7: 24-36.

In this study Nichols focuses on the probability of male or female births in large families. His hope is to conclude upon the chances of a family having either a son or daughter. By using statistics drawn from records of childbirth within white families of six or larger he tries to conclude upon which sex it is more probable to conceive.

Nichols data is drawn from three thousand families from 1600 to 1905. He provides a series of charts to compare the occurrence of male and female births. He toys with the idea of there being an arrhenogenic (male producing substance) and thelygenic (female producing substance) present in men and women. Nichols is unable to conclude as to whether or not these two concepts exist. His data makes it appear that male births are more prevalent, however, even he admits that his data alone is not enough to prove whether his theories hold validity.

This article provides an interesting view as to how studies in the early 20th century were conducted, however, the study itself is very biased and inconclusive. Besides the fact that the data is based purely on white families, the lack of knowledge of genes leaves the study rather unhelpful in modern day study of sex probability. Using what information he did have available, Nichols does his best to provide a very concise and scientific reading of a number of charts.

Jessica Maley Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Peabody, C. and Moorehead, W.K. The Naming of Specimens in American Archeology. American Anthropologist October, 1905 Vol. 7 (4) 630-632.

Peabody and Moorehead make an argument for changing the system of classification and naming system of American archeological artifacts. The authors list fourteen justification for these changes. They are: insufficient names for a growing numbers of classifications; a large group of specimens currently classified as “unknown”; loosely defined classes; “unscientific” names currently in use; the naming of objects for a task even when this task has not been proven and the failure to indicate such by use of quotation marks; terms that are inconsistently applied and the lack of guidelines for the use of compound endings, for example, “-shaped” and “-liked”; the tendency of English names to vary in meaning over time and place; two or more names being used for the same object; one name being used for two or more objects; the need to use a definite nomenclature based on classical differentiation; observation of spelling protocols; a system that allows easy use by foreign scholars; and a formula for the introduction, establishment and use of words in the classification system.

According to the authors, the American Anthropological Association should form a committee to design a system for classification and naming of artifacts based on a uniformed standard. They propose that the system should classify each object by the material form that it is made, its size, shape and basic purpose or use.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Peabody, C. and Moorehead, W.K. The Naming of Specimens In American Archaeology. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7 (16): 630-633

The author’s objective is to explain why the nomenclature of American Archaeology is unsatisfactory and ways it can be improved. The authors point out several areas where the nomenclature has imperfections. Also, the authors give suggestions that may be able to improve the present nomenclature.

Some major problems with the nomenclature are that as more specimens develop the system needs to become stricter. That is not happening in the present classification system. Thus, the classification system fails without proper names given to developing specimens. Dr. Holmes states that there are “problematic classes”, which have too many specimens in one class. When classes become too loose, then people can easily get mistaken. For example, in one particular study of stone ornaments there are 91 headings and in Mr. Douglass’s there are 156 headings. Another problem in the present system is that the names given are usually unscientific such as; “star arrangements” and “mineral lumps.” Sometimes English names given to certain objects may vary due to time and space. Lastly, there is the problem that a single name is given for two or more different classes.

The authors suggest that there should be a limitation of classes, such that objects can have certain characteristics of Class A and Class B. Thus, giving the reader a mental picture of the object. There needs to be an agreement reached between the English, Latin and Greek names. The authors strongly believe that for any objects to have any type of importance and be used in investigations the American Anthropology Association must be stamped on the objects.

Osa Nosa Illinois State University (Robert Dirks).

Pepper, George H. Ceremonial Objects and Ornaments from Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico.American Anthropologist 1905 vol. 7: 183-197.

George Pepper’s article is about a set of artifacts that were uncovered in a pueblo in New Mexico. The excavations began in 1896, and continued for the next several years, with the aid of Mr. B.T.B. Hyde, Mr. F.E. Hyde, Jr., Prof. F.W. Putnam, and George H. Pepper himself.

The Pueblo Bonito was the home of “ancient sedentary people,” as Pepper calls it, and their structure was a fortress-like habitation settlement. At the time of writing this, Pepper says the pueblo was in ruins. It is 500 by 300 feet in size and semicircular in form. First to mention this site was Tosiah Gregg in 1844, followed by Gen. James H. Simpson in 1850, and Mr. William H. Jackson in 1878. Starting in 1896, the archaeology taking place was mainly a search for artifacts, which would help determine the length of occupation by people there. In 1897, room number 38 was given more attention, and revealed ceremonial bone scrapers and many turquoise birds and pendants. Pepper lists finding two beautifully inlaid scrapers made of elk or deer bone, resting on a pedestal. Under the pedestal were five turquoise bird shapes, a turquoise pendant, beads made of jet, and a slab of jet. This certain Pueblo had yielded many scrapers, but most were not decorated. Therefore, these scrapers were probably ceremonial. The inlaid designs are usually cross-hatch, meander, or animal forms. Incised lines are seen also. Of the material used for such designs are elongated pieces of jet and turquoise, and pyramidal pointed pieces of turquoise and red gum. Pepper describes the lengths and widths of each scraper, plus the dimensions of the groove for the inlay.

Also found were a frog of jet and a buckle of jet, believed to be near the position of the scrapers. Although not actually a buckle, it is named as one for Pepper’s convenience, probably a head or breast ornament. He describes the frog to great detail, size and decoration being accounted for. Pepper notes that the frog or toad is a symbol of water among the Pueblo people of 1905, and may also have been long before. Pepper then describes in almost the same manner the jet pendant, beads, and buttons found, also near the scrapers. Afterwards, he describes the turquoise birds. They were of a very soft material, and a dull red patina covered them. Pepper thinks they represent ducks. Lastly, he describes the turquoise pendants and beads.

In closing, Pepper says these objects are really only important as a study of the development of art among the ancient Pueblo dwellers. He says that large encrusted objects are rarely found, and that more work should be done in order to learn more about the “esthetic side of primitive Pueblo life”.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Pepper, George H. Ceremonial Objects and Ornaments from Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico. American Anthropologist April-June, 1905 Vol.7(2):183-197.

Pepper examines artifacts found at Pueblo Bonito in New Mexico in order to determine the duration of occupation at this site by obtaining a sample collection of objects and data. In addition, Pepper analyzes the purpose of the objects. The focus of this excavation examines ceremonial objects and began in 1896. It is important to mention that Pueblo Bonito is considered part of the Southwest cultural area, including Chaco Canyon.

The excavation mainly took place in Room 38, with the addition of upper rooms, which have since collapsed onto the first floor. Artifacts found at this site include bone scrapers, beads, buttons, a buckle, and shaped forms of birds and a frog. Many bone scrapers are found at Pueblo Bonito, as well as the Southwest region. Scrapers show evidence of further production, beyond that of general use. Therefore, these scrapers are for special purposes, such as religious ceremonies.

The jet frog and jet buckle are situated above the scrapers. Both artifacts are well formed and very detailed. This suggests that the artifacts are for ceremonial objects. The frog showed evidence of being burned, perhaps for a ritual. In present day New Mexico, the frog symbolizes water. It is a possibility that the frog in the archaeological record also represents water.

Similarly, the jet buttons located below the scrapers may have been used as clothing ornaments. Jet pendants served as ornaments, which possibly connected with a necklace and shell beads. Turquoise birds may also have served as pendants to necklaces. This same type of bird is found in Grand Gulche, Utah, as well as Chaco Canyon. Although, Pepper did not determine the length of occupation of Pueblo Bonito, he did establish several ceremonial objects, which have been located in other Southwest sites of the same cultural area.

LISA BURNS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Rust, Horatio. The Obsidian Blades of California. American Anthropologist Oct.-Dec. 1905 Vol.7(4):688-695.

This article is a description of the obsidian blades Rust came across in the Klamath and Trinity River areas of Northern California. The initial article is written by Rust commenting on his findings. This article is followed by Kroeber’s notes on Rust’s article. Kroeber’s notes mainly go into detail of the dance practices of these tribes and the place for obsidian blades in the rituals. The article included a page of images of these blades.

Rust states that the blades were personal objects that held great meaning to their owners. Upon a father’s death the blade would be given to his son. The use of the blades was solely ceremonial. Rust suggests that other obsidian blades found across the country were also used for ceremonial purposes. According to Kroeber’s notes, the ceremony in which the blades were most used was the white deerskin dance, a dance connected only to three tribes in the described region. The dances are a display of wealth. Dances were held in certain villages with many people coming from far distances to participate, creating close ties and friendships among otherwise separated groups. The blades dancers used were never their own. Value of the blades is determined by length, precision of the edges, and quality of the material it was made from. Because blades had such high values, they were sometimes used commercially and therefore would not be inherited. Kroeber disagrees with some of Rust’s statements, such as claiming personal ownership of each blade instead of the idea of overlying tribal ownership.

CHRISTINE GEIBEL Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Sheldon, A.E. Ancient Indian Fireplaces in South Dakota. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 44-48

In this article, Sheldon’s purpose is to arrive at a conclusion concerning the age of several Native American fire pits that had been found in a canyon wall in South Dakota in 1902. He begins the article with a lengthy narrative recounting some recent history of the South Dakota Bad-Lands region where the deposits were found. This leads up to the discovery made by people living nearby of what Sheldon calls the “fireplaces.” Sheldon writes that in 1903, he went to the site and helped uncover more deposits, reaching a final total of seven.

The middle of the article is devoted to a detailed description of the finds. He systematically lists specific features shared by each fire pit such as charcoal deposits, and fragments of pottery, clay, and bone. He reports the measurements of the pits and at what distance from the present surface of the ground they were found. He also describes the levels of strata positioned above the deposits, and their contents.

The final section of the article presents Sheldon’s burning question: How old are the fireplaces? He attempts to answer it by first describing the measurements of the canyon and discussing the geological history that would account for the recent exposure of the deposits. With this information he concludes that they are “many centuries” old. At the end, however, he leaves room for discussion by tacking on the opinion of a geologist, who theorizes that they are fairly recent, perhaps less than three hundred years old. This is certainly much less than the age Sheldon seems to assume by the title of the article.

KATIE MCCURDIE Temple University (Susan B. Hyatt)

Sparkman, P. S. Sketch of the Grammar of the Luiseno Language of California. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7: 656-663.

Sparkman’s article is a summary of the components and parts of speech of the Luiseno people of the San Luis Rey river in Southern California.

In the article, he devotes each paragraph to a part of speech of word function, discusses its existence or lack thereof in the language, and if the part of speech does exist, he discusses its particular use and function. He begins immediately by claiming that “there are no articles in the Luiseno language; instead of ‘a…’ or ‘the man is coming,’ one says, ‘man is coming,’ or, occasionally, ‘one man is coming.’” The article is characterized by straightforward discussions such as the one above.

Of numbers he writes that the Luiseno have only five numerals and that “higher amounts are counted chiefly by means of fingers and toes.”

He also writes that as in many Indian languages, verbs in Luiseno are highly complex. He notes that their formation and structure bear little if any similarity with the construction and use of verbs in English. Of the verb to be, he writes that in Luiseno the meaning more closely translate into “there to be.” He also notes that the verb is slightly adverbial. For example, one cannot simply say, “he is,” “he was,” etc. Instead, one must use the clause to modify something as in “he is ill.”

He also includes in his discussion of the article-pronoun “a class of suffixes that are oftener affixed to pronouns than to any other part of speech.” Sparkman provides a number of examples of this type of pronoun: “Manuel is going to build a house – Manuel-up ke’-cho-lut; So Manuel is going to build a house –Manuel-shil ke’cho’lut.” The thing to note above is the manner in which the article-pronoun attaches to the noun. The article concludes with a discussion of the various ways that the article pronoun can be used.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Swanton, John R. Types of Haida and Tlingit Myths. American Anthropologist January, 1905 Vol.7 (1):94-103.

Many myths of the Haida and Tlingit have similar plots, but Swanton, in this article, is describing the myths, which seem to have been formulated from this area. Each of these myths seems to be a lesson with different themes teaching what is considered to be right and wrong through these stories.

The first of these themes evident in the myths Swanton describes is the lesson of obedience; disobedience does not pay in the end. Many of these obedience myths end in death for the disobedient. The next theme is that the patient and good will persevere. One example is the myth of the unfortunate man who obtains assistance from a supernatural being and in the end becomes rich and fortunate.

Another lesson theme is to not mistreat someone else. In the end, each person gets what he or she deserves, as shown in many of the myths presented by Swanton. Adultery is another theme, which repeatedly shows up in these myths, as does the acquirement of wealth by different ways. One example of this is shown in the myth of a shaman who sickens the child of a wealthy man and then cures him, thus acquiring great wealth.

Many of these myths involve animals, such as bears, killer whales, land otters, etc., and these myths also involve supernatural beings, who are used as the pawns in the myths, which revenge a wrong or turns misfortune around. These myths are used to convey what is right and what is considered wrong in the Haida and Tlingit societies.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Swanton, John R. The Social Organization of American Tribes. American Anthropologist, 1905 Vol.7(4):663-673.

In this article, Swanton questions the validity of the totemic clan theory and attempts to determine whether American tribes support this theory. The widely accepted totemic clan theory argues that primitive societies were divided into clans, which substituted for modern day families. These clans are characteristically exogamic, matrilineal, and make use of a totem, an animal, plant, or other article, to which the clan is believed to be related. Swanton also considers an opposing view proposed by Westermarck, suggesting that the monogamous family is the end result of the evolution of sexual relations. Swanton acknowledges that to determine whether American tribes coincide with Westermarck’s or the totemic clan theory is not a clear question, as each theory contains many sub-theories.

First, Swanton examines totemic divisions between clans. He looks at the Kutchin tribe, which completely lacks totemic names. He also examines tribes such the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian, which have totemic distinction between the towns they reside in, but not between the clans themselves. He determines that contrary to the totemic clan theory, most tribes do not fully implement totems in clan divisions.

Next, Swanton considers the extent to which matrilineal descent is recognized. He argues that the role of the father’s clan has been traditionally underemphasized and some paternal descent is recognized in many tribes. Often, a child is viewed as an offspring of the father’s clan and marrying into the father’s clan is seen as just as incestuous and taboo as marrying into the mother’s. Swanton lists several patrilineal tribes which Morgan concluded had traces of matrilineal descent, but he argues that the evidence is too weak to be conclusive. He also questions the existence of matrilineal descent within the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow tribes, which are the only western Siouan tribes that are believed to be matrilineal. Swanton points out that if a member of one of these tribes marries outside of his tribe, he usually lives with his wife’s band, but if he marries within his band then his family is included in his offspring’s lineage. He argues that the evidence shows that primitive societies were not matrilineal, as the totemic clan theory suggests.

After examining the organization of the tribes, Swanton is forced to disagree with the totemic clan theory. He then adopts Westermarck’s theory of family evolution, which argues that matrilineal descent is the result of evolution of societies. Swanton suggests that matrilineal descent may have developed in relation to the environment, as many maternal clan systems are found where food is abundant, whereas looser clan systems are found where food is less plentiful.

To determine whether a particular clan has evolved a maternal clan system, Swanton believes one should look at several factors. These factors include the proportion of husbands living with the wives’ families and wives living with the husbands’ families, the view on exogamy and endogamy, and the attitude toward other tribes. One should also examine the religious beliefs of the tribe, to determine whether they are totemic or merely use an object as a symbol of their tribe. Finally, Swanton argues that it is necessary to consider the existence of “vestigial characters,” elements which are still present in the society but have lost all meaning, as evidence for the evolution of matrilineal distinction.

Swanton also ponders the extent of diffusion of matrilineal descent. He refers to the organization of the Kwakiutl tribe which has borrowed many of its characteristics from neighboring tribes. Although the Kwakiutls lack matrilineal descent, they are surrounded by matrilineal tribes and Swanton expects that in future years they will adopt matrilineal descent.

Swanton concludes that there is no substantial evidence from the American tribes that supports the totemic clan theory. Many tribes are not divided into a clan system, of those that are, many lack totemic names, some lack totems completely, and most recognize some sort of patriarchal lineage. Rather, the evidence points to the theory that matrilineal descent evolved and diffused.

MARISSA BROSTED Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Tooker, William Wallace. Some More About Virginia Names. American Anthropologist July, 1905 Vol.7(3):524-528.

This article is a response to William Gerard, who wrote an article in response to Tooker’s first article. The original article listed names derived from Native Americans who resided in Virginia. In this article Tooker criticizes Gerard for his mistakes in translation and etymology, and his obvious lack of knowledge of the Algonquian language.

Tooker lists a few of the many problems he had with the response article from Gerard. He informs the reader that he need not go through all of them because there were too many; there was not enough space set aside to deal with all of the problems; and he did not feel it was necessary to add any more examples. Tooker points out that Gerard does not seem to be knowledgeable on the subject due to the “elementary” mistakes he makes. Tooker presents evidence for each of the problems he does address. Some of the problems he found with the translations by Gerard were mistranslations of words, disagreements between parts of the words, such as grammar and plurality agreement, and misquoting.

He says that he does not appreciate someone unable to think critically enough to translate the Algonquian language telling him the correct translations. Tooker makes it clear to the reader that this article is the final word on the subject.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Excavation of Indian Graves in Western Massachusetts.American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7:295-300.

Excavations on the Connecticut River unearthed aboriginal skeletal remains and associated stone tools. The entire ridge near the river is most likely used for burial purposes. The site was located during the construction of a new highway. The five burials excavated in this area of the ridge contained stone implements. Four years later shovel tests revealed an additional grave with two skeletons. The bones of an entire finger were found in the cranial cavity of the first skeleton. The significance of this find is not discussed. Descriptions of the grave were accompanied with a photograph as well as a map.

Dr. Edward Hitchcock conducted further excavations six miles south of North Hadley Road. This location had previously produced the findings of skeletal remains along with grave goods. Hitchcock unearthed three skeletons, one of the age twelve and another double burial with intertwined limbs of a male and female. No further information was given for these burials, through the article does contain a photograph of the double burial.

Stephanie Dale Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Willoughby, Charles C. Dress and Ornaments of the New England Indians. American Anthropologist July, 1905 Vol.7 (3):499-508.

New England Indians’ dress and ornaments are very similar within all groups, according to the author. Some of the topics Willoughby addresses include hairdressing, tattooing, face painting, clothing, headdress, and ornaments in general.

The style of hair a person wears is determined by their age and status. Boys wear their hair short and at puberty they grow their hair out and the hair is then cut in various ways. No facial hair is allowed on most New England Indians. Women wear their hair long with ornaments adorning it. When tattooing is done it is sometimes done on the cheeks with totemic figurine designs of beasts in black or sometimes a blue cross is tattooed on women. Face painting was also done on women and men and included such colors as black, red, yellow, white, and blue. Men painted their faces before going on a raid and women painted their faces black when they were in mourning.

Clothing is also similar between the sexes, but male children did not wear a breech-clout, whereas female children did. Clothing was made from doe, seal, beaver, or black tanned skin. Men and boys often wore leggings of deerskin and women sometimes wore these ornamented garments. The Indians also wore moose or deer skin moccasins and robes made of moose, deer, bear, beaver, otter, raccoon, fox, and squirrel. Cloaks were fashioned together covered with wild turkey feathers. A covering is made of cat skin to be used with a cloak because one arm is left unexposed. A pouch was also worn in which fire-making implements and a pipe and tobacco were kept.

Willoughby describes the New England Indians headdresses as being similar to those found in modern groups. A headdress accompanied the eagle or turkey feathers, which were often worn in the hair. Dyed deer hair was used on the headdress, and sometimes beads were placed on it. Other ornaments Willoughby describes include bracelets, necklaces, headbands, and ear pendants. He also describes different types of beads, which were used to make these ornaments, such as wampum.

This article describes very well the general dress and ornaments of the New England Indians, including hairdressing, tattooing, face painting, clothing, headdresses, and other ornaments used to adorn their clothing and bodies.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Willoughby, C. Charles. Textile Fabrics of the New England Indians. American Anthropologist January-March, 1905 Vol. 7 (1):85-93.

This article looked at the baskets, bags, matting, and twined woven cloth of New England Indians. The condition of these existing artifacts is mentioned and they are compared to those of other Indian tribes. The New England artifacts are also compared to modern split basketry that is manufactured by contemporary Native Americans. The category of artifacts, which include baskets, are classified into three types. The effects that European colonists had on basket styles are examined. The decorations on the artifacts as well as their function and purpose are described.

In baskets, clothes, and mats the weaving techniques, materials and embroidery is examined. The level of sophistication of the production methods used in creating these artifacts is analyzed. The size of the mats and other artifacts is described as is which tribes used which materials. Hexagonal weaving, found in artifacts that are referred to as rawhide netting, is discussed, and the extent to which the textiles and other artifacts were used is examined. Depictions by early explorers of robes woven of grass and hemp is discussed.

Garments made from the iridescent feathers of wild turkey are analyzed. How these garments were made, who made them, what function they served, and the extent to which these beautiful artifacts remain is examined. The distribution of various types of artifacts is mentioned, and the physical characteristics of certain wallets and bags, including their size, are discussed. Where these bags were discovered and the relative quality of all the artifacts are also topics that are discussed.

STEPHEN JUNEAU Illinois State University (Robert Dirks)

Willoughby, Charles C. A Few Ethnological Specimens Collected by Lewis and Clark. American Anthropologist. October 1905 Vol. 7(4):633-641.

In this article, Willoughby gives vivid descriptions of several Native American items brought back by Lewis and Clark on their expeditions and notes that many of the artifacts from these expeditions have been either lost or distributed to museums around the country.

The first described articles are raven skin badges, used to denote an individual in the Teton Okandanda tribe responsible for public control and safety. This individual was very powerful in that he answered only to the head chief. Willoughby describes the badges in the collection in detail, and photographs of the badges, as well as the other items described are included in this article. These other items consist of a Mandan Buffalo Robe, on which is painted a battle scene, that of a battle between the Sioux and Arikara against the Mandan, Minnetaree, and “Ah-wah-har-ways” in 1797. Also described is an otter-skin bag that was originally used as a medicine bag, however, the tag on the bag describes it as a “Sioux tobacco pouch”. The final items are two Cree women’s dresses decorated with bone, tin, deer hair, brass buttons, and beads, some of which, Willoughby suggests, were originally obtained from the Hudson Bay Company traders.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)