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American Anthropologist 1904

Bandelier, Adolph F. Aboriginal Myths and Traditions Concerning the Island of Titicaca, Bolivia. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol.2: 197-240.

In this article, Adolph F. Bandelier sets out to summarize some myths and tales of the island of Titicaca. He notes that many of the original myths and tales of Titicaca folklore have been, for the most part, lost, primarily because of contact with the Western world and Spaniards in particular. His aim here is to record some of their myths in an attempt to ascertain the extent to which they are authentic and the extent to which they have been altered by outside or Western influences.

The article begins with a discussion of Titicaca origin myths. In his recounting of these myths, he includes quoted passages from informants. For example, he writes: “while we were at the pueblo of Tiquina, the parish priest, Father Nizarro Vizcarra, recounted to us the following tale, one in which a “dumb girl” who herds llamas, gives birth to a fatherless child who is protected by a deer in a cave.” He notes that this tale bears a striking similarity to “the Montezuma story as told in New Mexico” as well as to the Roman myth of Romulus and Remus. He tentatively concludes that the myths of Rome’s founding were told to Indians and thereby became incorporated into their origin myths.

He continues his exploration in this article by including, through long passages directly quoted, certain South American myths with reputed origins in the Island of Titicaca. The various myths were recorded by a number of colonizers and priests who were among the first Europeans to explore South America. For each entry, he notes the extent to which it is authentic and the entry to which it may have been influenced by Western ideas.

In the end, he concludes that the body of tales indicates that “the Inca and their origin on Titicaca island,” and that “Titicaca Island, for some reason not yet ascertained, has secured a foothold in the myths and traditions of the people.”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Bandelier, Adolph F. Aboriginal Trephining in Bolivia. American Anthropologist. 1904 Vol. 6(4):440-446.

During excavations around Lake Titicaca in 1895, Bandelier found evidence of trephined skulls of the Aymara Indians of that region, and sought to explain the reasons for this surgery using informants from the people still living there. According to his calculations, approximately five percent of the total number of skulls had evidence of this procedure. Some were clearly surgeries after injury, but some showed no sign of previous injury. His job in ascertaining information of the surgery was made difficult, as his informants seemed reluctant to discuss anything about trephining. He did obtain information that trephining was still practiced in Bolivia, and done by medicine men. He learned of one in particular, named Paloma, who was widely accepted by the province and the medical establishment as an excellent doctor. Trephining was done, Bandelier learned, for medical as well as spiritual reasons. The Indians believed that bad spirits could cause discomfort and pain, and needed to be let out of the skull by trephining. These would explain the lack of evidence of trauma in the excavated skulls. The procedure was also done to remove splinters of bone or to relieve pressure after an accident.

Although implements were available (knives) to the medicine men during his fieldwork, obsidian blades or sharp glass were preferred for both trephining and bleeding of other injuries. Bandelier explains the popularity of trephining as a medical procedure perhaps being due to the Aymara use of blunt weapons such as the bola, which would increase the incidence of blunt trauma to the head resulting in fractures and hemorrhages rather than, sharp instrument trauma, as in the case of the use of spears. He also mentions the Indians’ extensive use of coca as anesthetic during any sort of surgery.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Bandelier, Adolph F. The Cross of Carabuco in Bolivia. American Anthropologist, October-December, 1904 Vol. 6(5): 599-628.

Bandelier relates the history of the cross of Carabuco, a village of Aymará Indians on the eastern shore of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia. The cross, made of a rough unpolished wood that is supposed to have originally been approximately six feet in length is the center of a number of myths and local stories relating to the supposed history of the artifact.

The earliest references to the cross come from early Spanish travelers in the 16th century who claim to have heard various stories from the Indians of the Lake Titicaca region. These include the legend that one of Jesus’ apostles or followers brought the cross to the area and planted atop a mountain where he preached. The Indians then tried to destroy the cross, to them a symbol of domination by the Spaniards, by various means depending on which source the tale is being related from. Both secular and religious, native and non-native people relate relatively similar tales. Another popular variation of the history of the cross includes the idea that it was a saint who carried the cross to Carabuco and was then stoned by the inhabitants. When the Spanish heard this tale, they took it upon themselves to preserve the cross and keep it within their protection.

While the presence of the cross is undeniable, many issues are raised by Bandelier that would refute these claims. First of all, there is great variation among the supposed location of where the cross. Second, none of the Jesuits of the area, who specialized in the history and lore of the local Indians made any mention of the cross. This suggests a number of things, one suggestion made by Bandelier being “pious fraud”. Bandelier then relates tales from the local Indians that predated the arrival of the Spanish, most of which he looks at extremely skeptically, and providing alternate explanations to these tales that would suggest them to be fabricated by different groups.

Both in the introduction and the conclusion of the article, Bandelier clearly states that he is presenting the history known about the cross not to draw any conclusions or to state opinions, but rather to relate the information that has been gleaned from different sources about the artifact. This he says is done to promote more complete study about the cross. However, the tone of the article suggests that Bandelier is not quite as impartial as he may claim to be, giving an extremely skeptical tint to the entire article.

ASHLEY DAILIDE Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Boas, Franz. The Vocabulary of the Chinook Language. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol.6:118-147.

Franz Boas, along with Dr. John Swanton, William Jones, and H.H. St.Clair, studied the Chinook languages to understand and write out the vocabulary of the Chinook language. Boas demonstrates that although there are many differences between the English and the Chinook languages, there are definite similarities. The main purpose of Boas’ article is to show the formation of the Chinook language through the use of word stems.

He dissects the vocabulary into categories and from there he divides the categories further. The vocabulary categories are determined by whether an affix is attached to the stem or not. In the first category, stems usually do not have any affixes attached to them and in the second category other stems always have pronominal prefixes. Attribute complements, adverbs, interjections, conjunctions, and adjectives are the stems which rarely have prefixes attached to them. Like in English, only to a greater degree, many attribute complements are onomatopoetic, meaning the word sounds like the sound the word makes. For example, in English the word crash sounds like the sound it makes, and in Chinook the word h‘’h‘ means to laugh. Another characteristic of attribute complements is that sometimes words are double or tripled to express repetition, but sometimes they are doubled to convey another meaning. The next group is adverbs. Many adjectives are changed into adverbs by adding and e to the end. Adverbs can represent verbal moods, like in English. Some adverbs are not derived from another word. Like attribute complements, interjections contain many onomatopoetic words. Boas’ next group is conjunctions. Conjunctions are used in the Chinook language as they are in English, to link two words together. The last group is adjectives. Adjectives contain color terms, as do attribute complements, and the numbers 2 through 9, and indefinite numerals without prefixes. The category containing the stems used with pronominal prefixes includes nouns, pronouns, and verbs.

Gender and plurality is determined by the prefixes of stems. One major difference between English and the Chinook language is that English has significantly more nouns derived from verbs. In Chinook some verbs have been derived from nouns. Boas also points out in English many words are derived from a common stem, but in Chinook common terms have no similar stem. As seen beforehand, onomatopoetic words are found frequently in Chinook nouns and doubling of the stem indicates repetition. Another major difference between the two languages is there is an influence of culture in the naming of animals and occupations. In the next group, Mr. Jones classified pronouns into two series of three forms. The last group is verbs. Boas found there were not that many true verbs, but the ones he considered true verbs were often brief, with one syllable or sound verb stems.

Boas and his colleagues dissected the Chinook vocabulary, deciphered and classified each word into categories and then into groups within these categories, and as they completed this task they compared the vocabulary to the English vocabulary.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Archaeology of the Ozark Region of Missouri. American Anthropologist. 1904 Vol. 6(2):294-299.

Southern Missouri provides the setting for this overview of the archaeological types found in this region. Bushnell divides the sites into three categories: cave sites, village and campsites, and groups of small mounds. He goes on to describe each.

The cave sites are generally found in limestone bluffs along the rivers and streams of the Ozarks. These include the Piney, Niangua, and Gasconade. They are generally large rooms showing little stratification in the ash deposits, suggesting more or less continuous habitation. Near the Piney River, Bushnell reports a chert quarry site strewn with broken or partial implements.

Village and campsites are found on the bottoms and banks of rivers, and a village site is always found at the confluence of two rivers. A large site is located on the Gasconade having a shell heap fifty to sixty feet in length, while another is located on the Piney River, also having a large shell heap. Many village sites are also found along the James and White rivers, in Stone and Taney Counties. These sites often contain large sandstone mortars. However, unlike the Piney and Gasconade sites, not a sherd of pottery is found here. Likewise, no mortars are found at the Piney and Gasconade sites.

Finally, large groups (one hundred to one hundred fifty) of small artificial mounds are found in Dallas, Jefferson, and St. Francois Counties. One ten square mile area was found to have eight hundred sixty mounds. They are generally forty-five feet in diameter, with an elevation of twenty-seven inches. No villages, implements, or graves are associated with these sites, and no artifacts, ashes, or charcoal are found on the surface of these mounds.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Chamberlain, Alexander F. Iroquois in Northwestern Canada. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol. 6: 459-463.

The Iroquois, although originally from the territory now known as the northeastern U.S., have managed to take part in economic enterprise in northwestern Canada, and Chamberlain gives accounts of Iroquois activity in Canada. He mentions that the Iroquois had worked for non-Indians in the Hudson Bay Company, the Northwestern Fur Company, and other companies where their “skill and spirit of adventure” was needed. More accounts of Iroquois canoe skill and endurance are given, as well as an Iroquois death during a beaver hunting expedition for the North West Company. Chamberlain talks of a Major Chadwick’s account of Iroquois in Alberta, and a Mr. James Gibbons telling of a group of Iroquois going to the Northwest to work for fur companies. This article also talks of deaths of Iroquois in British Columbia. Because a large number of Iroquois left with no females among them, they all married and had children with non-Indian Canadians. Mr. Gibbons said they lost their language, tribal characteristics, and “blood”. Dr. V. Havard’s account, “The French Half-breeds of the Northwest”, regards the Iroquois in the Rocky Mountains as “savages”. A man named Mackenzie tells of this group that “emigrated to the banks of the Saskatchiwine, in 1799”, and that they were of pretty strong influence for such a small number of people. Other accounts of the Iroquois canoe building are given, as well as story of a group of Carriers killing Iroquois for their canoes. At the end of the article, Chamberlain gives a mention of a Mr. C. S. Jones, who worked for the Flathead agency, and what Mr. Jones says of Flathead trading with the Iroquois. The main point of this article, as summed up by Chamberlain, was to show the influences the Iroquois were able to exert on people and places that were so far from their original home.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

De Fabrega, H. Pittier. Numerical Systems of the Costa Rican Indians. American Anthropolgist 1904 Vol.6:447-458.

In this article, De Fabrega explores the number systems of six Costa Rican `tribes’. In doing so, De Fabrega indicates that he also wishes to amend and correct the work of some other researchers doing similar work on Central American languages.

De Fabrega divides the paper into six sections, and each section is devoted to one Costa Rican ethnic group. For example, the first group that he discusses is the Bribri. In this section, he explains that the Bribri have six ways of counting that depend on the nature of the object being counted. The six objects include people, round objects, small animals, long objects and large animals, trees and plants, and houses. For each category, he lists the numbers up to one hundred and then includes for each number the Bribri translation. He states that prefixes may differ even though the basic counting system remains consistent: “Here, as in every other case, the name of the objects to be counted precedes the numeral, and the only distinguishing feature is a slight variation in the form of the latter.”

While the Cabecara people have a counting system similar to that of the Bribri, the fourth group that De Fabrega discusses, the Tirub, have quite a different system. The author explains that they seem only to count up to seven, but he admits that further research may reveal a more complex system after all. The Brunka, on the other hand, only count up to eight in their own language, and beyond that they use Spanish numbers even though “they are by far the most intellectual and civilized of all the Costa Rican aborigines.”

In his conclusion, De Fabrega presents a chart in which he lists the names of all of the Central American languages and their words for the numbers one though ten. The purpose, as he explains it, is to determine what features they have in common. While on the face of it, the languages would seem to have little in common, he concludes by saying that “Costa Rican Indians have a double mode counting, i. e, they use their fingers in current oral computations, and grains of corn whenever they wish to keep a record of any number.” He continues by arguing that “several, if not all, of the tribes of southern Central America counted by means of grains of corn, one grain finally becoming the symbol of unity.”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Dorsey, George A. An Arikara Story-Telling Contest. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol. 6: 240-243.

During moments of a ceremony’s intermission, men of the Arikara tribe relate brief accounts of their personal experiences. Most of the stories center on hunting. These tales often include supernatural details that make the other men question whether or not the story is true, but all of the storytellers insist while they are in the midst of their story that the event really happened. The stories share another commonality: several of them involve finding odd anatomy in the creatures they hunt. For example, one story ends with a man finding an eye in the behind of a buffalo; another one speaks of a rabbit with two hearts, and yet another involves a cow with a calf in her paunch instead of her womb. Other stories suggest that the animals have supernatural powers themselves. A bird comes back to life after being killed in one story. In another tale, a rabbit turns into a deer, and in the final account, an eagle comes to a man in his dreams twice and tells him that he will not die of his wounds.

Laughter follows all of the stories that appear in this article, and the author points out that these types of story-telling contests are separate from the telling of tribal traditions and teachings which occurs in ceremonies and in the “family circle.” Thus, Dorsey emphasizes that this competition is only among the men of the tribe. The men narrate their tales while waiting for the women to finish preparing the food, and the contest stops when the feast is about to begin.

Dorsey begins his essay with an introduction describing the context of the contest, and then, he includes the stories by directly quoting the storytellers. Dorsey does not ask or answer a specific question in the article; he merely reports the event and the stories that the men tell.

ASHLEY VAUGHAN University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Fewkes, J. Walter. Ancient Pueblo and Mexican Water Symbol. American Anthropologist July – September, 1904 Vol. 6(4): 535-538.

Linear figures and animal forms are two prominent categories of decoration in ancient Pueblo pottery. Fewkes observes that linear figures show little variation in time or space; that is, linear figures of both ancient and contemporary pottery are similar throughout Pueblo territory of the U.S. Southwest and Northern Mexico. Animal forms, however, are usually confined to geographic regions, thus defining ceramic zones or areas of differential art development. Fewkes proposes that the relative uniformity of linear figures in pottery parallels a broader cultural homogeneity in ancient Pueblo peoples across the region. The emergence of animal figures in pottery, he suggests, indicates a later trend of local differentiation in art and culture among Pueblo peoples. Fewkes’ focus in this brief article is on several types of linear figures, including straight, broken lines; simple and double spirals; and rectangular meanders. He briefly describes these figures and their appearance in Pueblo pottery, providing two drawings as examples. In support of his theory, Fewkes cites the interpretation of contemporary Hopi of Arizona who view spirals as water or wind symbols. He then found comparable spiral and rectangular meander symbols which also appear to represent water in ancient indigenous paintings of Mexico. Fewkes concludes that contemporary Hopi and ancient Mexican cultures have a shared interpretation of these symbols, and believes this to be evidence of a common cultural heritage between these two peoples.

MARY KOSKO University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Fewkes, J. Walter. Prehistoric Culture of Cuba. American Anthropologist October, 1904 Vol. 6(5): 585-598

Fewkes is focusing in this article on two prehistoric groups who lived in Cuba. His studies for the paper were conducted in 1904, but the paper uses several other sources, some historical, some archaeological, for its information. He explains that there were two groups of people living in Cuba, one group on the Eastern side of the island, the Taino, and another group living on the West side of the island whom Fewkes describes as “savages”.

Fewkes goes into describing several artifacts that have been found on the Eastern side of the island. These are primarily small stone clay statues, similar to those found in Haiti (“Hayti”) and Puerto Rico (“Porto Rico”). Fewkes determines that the islands were occupied at the same time by the two groups, but that the Eastern group is the only one for whom artifacts have been found. He suggests that the Western group was native to the island, but the Eastern group clearly migrated from another area, bringing its more “civilized” way of life.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Gerard, William R. The Tapehanek Dialect of Virginia. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol.6 (2)313-330.

Gerard Williams provides a description of the Tapehanek dialect of Algonquian Indians, introducing the region through a short historical account of early English exploration in Virginia.

In his analysis, Williams uses writing by early 17th century English explorer Captain John Smith, who was captured by a native Virginian hunting party and subsequently taken to various Algonquian towns. In Smith’s account, he describes a river that is alternately referred to as either Rapahanocke or Tapahanocke by native populations. Williams uses this as an introduction to his argument for three distinct native dialect groups in the Virginia region.

Williams states that letter-changes associated with Algonquian language can be traced to the Cree group, whose use of the letter-t phonetically resembles the letters r, l, n, s, and sh in various Cree dialects. Williams describes the rules of Cree speech as it relates to the letter t, demonstrating how the word nitt, meaning ‘to descend,’ was transcribed as niss, nish, and nich in various accounts. By analyzing dialect letter-changes, Williams traces the origin of the Tapehanek dialect to a Cree group that originally migrated from Canada to Virginia. The article does not, however, provide evidence or detailed explanation for this origin route.

Using his understanding of the Algonquian letter-changes, Williams devotes the majority of this article to a ‘Glossary of the Tapehanek Dialect.’ The glossary, containing over thirty words taken from Strachey’s Dictionarie, consists of the Tapehanek entries, richly detailed definitions, transliteration comments, and the equivalent spellings in multiple Algonquian dialects. Although the article is at times slightly difficult to follow, Williams’ combination of linguistic analysis with historical background into the region makes for a very interesting account of early American colonial interactions as well as Algonquian dialect variation.

CHRISTI GINGER University of North Carolina (Margaret Wiener)

Hewett, Edgar L. Studies on the Extinct Pueblo of Pecos. American Anthropologist July – September, 1904. Vol. 6(4): 426-439.

The author, concerned by diminishing evidential sources of Pueblo Native American history, values studying what he says might appear to be an historically insignificant Pueblo tribe for the comparative data it can provide on social development in the Pueblo region. The author identifies the Pecos tribe as a typifying example of such development. The Pecos tribe ceased to exist in 1838 when its remaining seventeen members joined with other Native Americans of Jemez. Its demise has been attributed to a contaminated water supply which had plagued the Pecos tribe for perhaps over fifty years. Hewett briefly summarizes the archaeological, linguistic, and oral (or, “traditionary” as he calls it) evidence available about Pecos clans, geographical and structural living spaces, and various names of the tribe. His evidence remarkably includes oral history of the last two living Pecos members, as well as that of Pecos descendants then living in Jemez. He points the reader to more comprehensive studies of the Pecos (particularly those of A.F. Bandelier and F.W. Hodge), tending only to provide a general overview of the evidence and emphasizing areas of further research. From this discussion of the Pecos tribe and other evidence from southwestern ethnology, Hewett identifies three periods of development in Pueblo history: 1) “The Epoch of Concentration.” During this period, Pueblo clans concentrated into larger groups, occupying communal dwellings fortified by walls. The intrusion of “predatory tribes” had prompted Pueblo clans to find better means of protection. 2) “The Epoch of Diffusion.” This was a clan-building period prior to the intrusion of predatory tribes in which Pueblo peoples lived a semi-migratory lifestyle, dispersed in houses across the Pueblo region. Finally, 3) “The Pretraditionary Epoch.” Little evidence is available on this ancient period of Pueblo history, other than caves which appear to have housed people at one time. This is the context in which Hewett situates Pecos history, remarking that “[t]he study of [Pecos’] problems must be the study of all Pueblo problems and the method employed must be susceptible of wider application.”

MARY KOSKO University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hewett, Edgar L. Archaeology of Pajarito Park, New Mexico. American Anthropologist, October-December 1904 Vol.6(5): 629-659.

Hewett discusses the expedition of 1900 in which he ventured to Pajarito Park, an area between the Jemez Mountains and the Rio Grande. The main problem confronting Hewett is the lack of data from this region; his motivation for choosing this site is to increase the collection of prehistoric artifacts and data for an accurate portrayal of the culture. Furthermore, a comparative study with other regions in New Mexico would be possible with the newfound evidence. Hewett focuses on ruins in the forms of cliff-dwellings and pueblos. He proposes that residents of cliff-dwellings and pueblos lived contemporaneously.

Subsequently, Hewett examines three types of cliff-dwellings, distinguished as Type A, Type B, and Type C. Type A are open-front dwellings that exhibit no masonry or other advanced forms of construction. These are usually single-chambered. Type B are excavated dwellings with front closed either by natural rock formation or the use of masonry; they are usually multi-chambered. According to Hewett, early peoples constructing Type B would have to possess more skill than those digging Type A. Type C are pueblo-like cliff dwellings that are rare and can only be shown by restoration.

Hewett then investigates the three main groups in the region: Tyuonyi Group, Tchrega Group, and Puye Group. The Tyuonyi Group is the southern-most and exhibits both pueblos and cliff-dwellings, which are numerous and of the Type B construct. The Tchrega Group displays cliff-dwellings of all types, including advanced masonry and plaster walls. Evidence of windows has suggested to Hewett their possible use as ventilation devices. Many areas of Tchrega have cliff-villages surrounding an open mesa of pueblos. The Puye Group is best known and shows evidence of small, scattered pueblos and a vast number of cliff-dwellings. Hewett then compares the aforementioned sections of Pajarito Park with an area called Chaco and explains that Chaco dwellings are composed of thin blocks well-fitted together, whereas Pajarito Park blocks are imperfectly constructed and, therefore, susceptible to weathering and subsequent collapse.

Other cultural features Hewett explores are subsistence and mortuary customs. With the support of archaeological evidence, he claims present unproductive areas were once productive, arable lands. No evidence of pre-Columbian irrigation exists. However, there was also abundant game in the mountains, and an ample number of fish bones carved into awls and other implements exhibit the utilitarian value of aquatic life. Hewett explains hunting was done in groups and the game was chased to an intersection of paths where a pit trap was waiting to consume the unsuspecting animal. Hewett describes four types of burials: communal mounds, caves and crypts, intra-mural chambers, and underneath fireplaces of residences. Artifacts were found with some corpses, but this does not seem to signify burial ritual.

Finally, Hewett concludes by using his evidence to claim open-front dwellings are more archaic than others because constructing Type B and Type C require advanced skill in masonry, carpentry, excavation, painting, and plastering. Also, numerous small pueblos are more archaic than a combination of cliff and pueblo villages because the latter is designed to accommodate a larger population and more advanced technology for everyday chores. Hewett reiterates that these sites were contemporaneous.

BROOKE MORGAN Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Hrdli ka, Aleš. Notes on the Indians of Sonora. American Anthropologist January – March, 1904. Vol. 6(1): 51-89.

This article provides an ethnologic overview of the predominant indigenous groups in the state of Sonora, Mexico. Based on a brief fieldwork study in 1902 as well as archival research, Hrdli ka’s discussion centers on the Mayo, Yaqui, Pima, Opata, Seris (Ceris or Heris), and Papago. After summarizing the location, sizes, “degree of civilization,” and archaeology among these groups, Hrdli ka provides specific details on each, describing aspects of clothing, language, industry/agriculture, and social organization, among other things. The author’s language and observations (and often his sources as well) clearly reveal his bias that indigenous peoples lack civilization. Biases aside, this article can contribute some factual information toward reconstructing or supporting an historical and ethnological record of indigenous peoples in Sonora. For example, Hrdli ka provides dates of Yaqui uprisings and he describes in detail the kind of weaponry they used. Even so, his observations and conclusions are often related as generalizations, making no reference to a sample size or to variation which might exist within a group. He devotes greater attention to the Yaqui and Opata groups – the Yaqui primarily because of their numerous uprisings, and the Opata because of their apparent denial of their indigenous heritage and desire to assimilate with other Mexican or “white” cultures. In addition to cultural observations, Hrdli ka includes physical measurements, such as height and cephalic index, along with photos for demonstrating physical “types.” He also provides limited quantitative data about birth rates, miscarriages, and child death rates among Opata women, leading to a discussion about their child-bearing practices and related public health issues. Also briefly mentioned in this article are the Yuma, Nevomes, Eudeves, Sahuaripas, Jovas, Tepocas (or Tepopas), Sobas, Guayamas, and Co-Maricopas (or Coco-Maricopas). However, because Hrdli ka believes these to be either sub-groups that have largely assimilated into other groups or groups which have been displaced from Sonora, he chooses not to discuss them in depth.

KOSKO, MARY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Jochelson, Waldemar. The Mythology of the Koryak. American Anthropologist July-September, 1904 Vol.6(4):413-425.

In this article, Jochelson examines the core myths of the Koryak in “extreme northeastern Siberia”. Jochelson begins by making a distinction between the Koryak and other peoples of Siberia who speak Ural-Altaic languages. The distinction rests on the fact that Jochelson argues that the Koryak cannot be classed with those peoples who are members of the Ural-Altaic family. Quoting another author on the matter of the Koryak’s proper classification, Jochelson suggests that the Koryak belong to that group that which may be called “North Asiatics of indefinite relationship.” The distinction is important because Jochelson wishes to show how the Koryak ” are to be regarded as one of the Asiatic tribes which stand nearest to the American Indian” and in particular the American Indian of the Pacific Northwest.

Therefore, the goal of his article is to examine the “similarities in the beliefs and myths of the Koryak and the American tribes.” In order to do so, Jochelson looks at a number of categories in which these mythical elements can be grouped. The categories he examines are Raven Stories, The Supreme Being, guardians, sacrifices, festivals, and the role of the Shaman. In addition, Jochelson reports that an examination of Koryak myths has enabled him to extract one hundred and twenty-two episodes that frequently recur. His examination of these episodes lends further support to his argument that there are significant similarities between the worldviews of the Koryak and the American Indians of the Pacific Northwest. He claims that “It appears that 101 of these are found in Indian myths of the Pacific coast, 22 in Mongolian-Turk myths, and 34 in those of the Eskimo.” An example of the 16 episodes that he includes in his article is “4. Numerous tales about people who, by putting on skins of beasts and birds, turn into animals, and vice versa.”

Jochelson concludes that the similarity of the religious concepts between these two cultures may have arisen either from a common origin or from cultural borrowing that most likely resulted from the fact “these two tribes must have been at some time in close contact.”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Jones, William. Some Principles of Algonquian Word-formation. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol.6: 369-413.

Jones attempts here to outline some of the linguistic principles of the dialects of the Algonuquian Indians who reside near the Great Lakes from Ohio to Minnesota.

Jones begins by analyzing the sounds, their formation, and the conditions under which they change within words. In this first section, he presents a chart containing a phonetic description of all of the consonants and vowels. His chart includes a comparison between the sounds in these dialects and their English counterparts. In addition, he includes, in this first section, a discussion of diphthongs, stress, and pitch. He also explores the manner in which vowels are elongated. He notes that there are vowels that are long, short and some so short as to be nothing more than a “faint puff of breath.” For the most part, vowel quality is the result of position within the word. Consonants are generally short. Jones notes that syllables are composed of “1) a single vowel sound; 2) two or more vowels joined together into a diphthong; and 3) a vowel sound in combination with a single consonant or a cluster of consonants, the vocalic sound always following the consonant.”

In the second section, Jones discusses the formation of word groups and sentences – processes that he places under the general heading “Composition.” The first kind of composition that he discusses is the “Formative.” He notes that there are two types of formatives – “pronominal and morphological.” In addition, some formatives are prefixes and some are suffixes. Pronominal formatives indicate, among other things, gender while morphological formatives indicate “mood and manner as –fug in pya’tug, he probably came.”

The next kind of composition is the stem. He notes that stems may be divided into “initial and secondary members.” Initial stems can function as adverbs when they stand alone; otherwise they must always precede secondary stems which can never stand alone. He offers a number of examples of initial and secondary stems. “Pem (I),” an initial stem, “expresses the notion of movement by, past, and alongside, as in peminagaw – he passes by a-singing.” “Nagu,” a secondary stem, “stands for the idea of look appearance, resemblance,” as in “pe’kina’gusiw – he looks like a foreigner.” The section on stems is comprehensive and Jones includes upwards of one hundred of examples of the different kind of stems, their meanings, and their functions.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Moore, Clarence B. Aboriginal Urn-Burial in the United States. American Anthropologist October – December, 1904. Volume 6 (5): 660-669.

This article provides a preliminary sketch of data collected on aboriginal urn-burial in the United States. The author, Clarence B. Moore, makes it clear that the amount written on the subject is negligible compared to the amount of urn-burials that have yet to be discovered. Nonetheless, he uses his own data that he had collected in conjunction with that of other researcher’s data in order to piece together a more complete picture of the practice of urn burial.

Moore systematically recalls the data starting from the west coast, and works his way easy. He notes that all records of urn-burial are located in the American South, but believes it improbably that the practice arose and subsequently diffused from any one area.

Moore also argues about the distinctive properties that are found within the realm of urn-burial. He discusses variables such as number and type of bones found in the vessels, the material that the vessel is composed of, plurality of the persons within the vessels, and cremation of the bones. Despite all of the variables that can be found within urn-burials, he notes that one constant in the practice is that all vessels are associated with other forms of burial.

While Moore is the first to confess that this is not a complete picture, he hopes that his research will be of interest to some. He also notes that with additional examples and further investigation, a better study on the subject can be achieved.

JACKLYN KENNY Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Monroe, Will Seymour. Counting-out Rhymes of Children. American Anthropologist January, 1904 Vol. 6(1): 46-50

Monroe’s objective was to examine the importance of counting-out rhymes among school-aged children in Western Massachusetts. According to the author, these are the rhymes (songs or “jiggles”) used to determine who will be “it” in a game like, for example, hide and seek. A total of 2050 children (978 boys and 1072 girls) were asked to write out two rhymes. Only 5 boys indicated that they did not use rhymes.

Monroe concluded that rhymes are a common feature of children’s games. Additionally, he found that while there were a large number of rhymes known to the children (183), these were variations of a few songs. He also identified sex differences, girls tended to recall jiggles that mentioned color, dress, love and marriage while boys showed preferences for those that had themes involving number combinations, animals and natural phenomena. His results also indicated that sometimes children used nursery rhymes in place of counting-out rhymes. Besides determining who will be “it”, some children may use these rhymes for their perceived predictive powers. Many of the lyrics claim to foretell future events like number of children, spouses, occupation, etc.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Nuttall, Zelia. The Periodical Adjustments of the Ancient Mexican Calendar. American Anthropologist July – September, 1904. Vol. 6(4): 486-500.

This article is a response to and critique of Edward Seler’s article “The rectifications of the year and the length of the Venus year,” published in Zeitshrift für Ethnologie. According to Nuttall, Seler had proposed that ancient Mexican peoples intercalated 10 days every 42 solar years to rectify the solar calendar, and subtracted 4 days every 55 Venus years to adjust the Venus calendar. He had disparaged the theory that ancient Mexicans rectified their calendar using a 13-day intercalation every 52 years, stating that no “old” records exist to verify that. Nuttall, however, extensively cites the writing of a Mexican priest from 1656, Jacinto de la Serna’s Manual de los Ministros de las Indias (Anales, National Museum of Mexico) which supports such an intercalation. Based on excerpts from this document and on her own analysis, she builds a case in favor of the 13-day intercalation. In her analysis of Seler’s Venus rectification, Nuttall draws upon a second important document: a manuscript by Friar Motolinia, an early Spanish missionary in Mexico. Motolinia verifies that a 260-day period was observed in the Venus calendar and verifies a cycle of day signs as well. Nuttall argues how these rectifications correspond and how the numerical system naturally lends itself to these intercalations; whereas Seler’s hypothesis, she argues, is discordant with the numerical system. Nuttall raises a variety of other pertinent issues in her analysis of the Mexican calendar, including the debate on the use of bissextile intercalation and the use of the lunar calendar. Although Nuttall does present a clear argument to support her theories, the technical language may prove difficult for readers who are new to discussions of the Mexican calendar.

MARY KOSKO University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Safford, William. The Chamorro Language of Guam III. American Anthropologist January-March, 1904 Vol.6(1):95-117.

The article seeks to be an academic reference of a Pacific Island language, Chamorro. In his deconstruction of the various structural elements, Safford does not merely create an English to Chamorro dictionary, rather he offers insight into the formative elements of language making, or perhaps even more specifically Chamorro language-making. Secondarily, Safford was probably influenced by the desire of Anthropologists in the early years of modern Anthropology to catalogue vanishing cultures which in a large way included their languages. This is especially evident when Safford begins to describe the effects of the integration with Spanish that the Chamorro language has undergone.

Safford’s method is mechanical and academic. He creates a resource for further study and speculation with the only real interpretive elements being in the comparison of Chamorro numerals with those of neighboring Polynesian, Micronesian, and Melanesian peoples. Such comparisons are useful to Linguistic Anthropologists for studying settlement patterns and for creating a timetable of island colonization.

The data Safford provides is comprehensive and organized into linguistic segments such as descriptions of the formative elements of noun-making, and the fluid relationship of Chamorro nouns with their verb counterparts. The effort in his organizational methods is to allow the English speaking audience a glimpse of the formative process of language, not merely to teach us a few Chamorro words and sentences. He attempts to come up with and apply rules to the Chamorro language in ways that are meaningful to English speakers, oftentimes offering direct comparisons of said rules to the rules governing English grammar and word formation.

TUCKER KOPF University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Safford, William Edwin. The Chamorro Language of Guam – IV. American Anthropologist Jul .- Sep., 1904 Vol.6(4)501-534.

This article highlights the study of verb usage in the Chamorro language, which is unique compared to all other languages of Melanesia and Polynesia in that it utilizes the verbal infix um. However, with the use of a word table, Safford shows that there are some commonalities between the Chamorro language and languages of Madagascar, Cambodia, and the Philippines. In the remainder of the article, he delves further into the grammatical structure of the Chamorro language with few cultural references.

First, Safford describes how verbs are constructed by presenting several word lists. First, he provides examples to illustrate the verbal particle, which always precedes the verb as a clitic, specifying person. Next, the possessive form of the verb is described in regards to its preterite, present, and imperfect forms. Regarding the passive voice, it is noted that the particle in must be used for singular person, while ma must be used for plural or unexpressed person.

Next, the author discusses the four modes of Chamorro verbs which include imperative, infinitive, indicative, and conditional. The two imperatives comprise the definite and urgent, which indicate a command that must be obeyed immediately and a command that allows a delayed response. The infinitive mode is simply constructed by placing the particle um prior to the first vowel of the root in all transitive verbs. Finally, the indicative and conditional modes are illustrated with examples regarding various tenses.

Person and number are then addressed, demonstrating that the Chamorro language has two modes for the first person plural, which delineates who is addressee. The author then states that verbs are quite versatile in the language, and therefore may be conjugated in many ways. For instance, there are eight forms of verb conjugations, where the first, second, fourth, sixth, seventh, and eighth include various affixes. The third and fifth forms require the usage of the particle fan or the lack thereof.

Finally, Safford ends his analysis of the Chamorro language with more detail concerning the various verb types. He presents the reflexive verbs, reciprocal verbs, and defective verbs, which are then broken down into the subcategories. Stafford concludes the article discussing denominative verbs, which are fashioned from nouns or adjectives. Overall, this article explains a portion of the Chamorro language, but lacks cultural contextualization.

BETHANY RIEBOCK Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Simms, S. C. Cultivation of “Medicine Tobacco” by the Crows – A Preliminary Paper. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol. 6:331-335.

The author examines the annual Crow ceremony for the cultivation of medicine tobacco. Simms provides an accurate account of this culturally significant ritual and gardening technique that promotes the preservation of this tradition. This brief article documents cultural adaptation, significant symbols, and Crow songs (translated to English). Simms also emphasizes the gender roles within the scope of this one tradition.

Simms appears to be strictly an observer bent on giving a true description of how the Crow cultivate this ritualistic plant. According to Simms the ritual surrounding the planting of tobacco changes slightly over time. For example, “with slight variation the performance of the ceremony is still observed…To-day beef is used in lieu of buffalo meat” (p. 331). Symbols significant to the Crow people appear throughout this ceremony. For example: earth from molehills; the cardinal directions; repeating different steps in the ceremony 4 times; significant floral and fauna such as: the Bald Eagle, Crane, Willow, Choke Cherry, Bear-Root, and wild onion; and the use of the pipe and sweat lodge. Song is employed after the initial feasting, throughout the different stages of the ceremony, and during the different growth stages. Lastly, the oldest man in the party is seen as the father of all the attendees and the leader of the ceremony. His wife or “his nearest female relative present” (p. 332) leads the women in their part of the march, in their dance and song. Both the men and women handle the medicinal charms that contain the tobacco seed but only the men are allowed to partake in smoking the pipe, also referred to as a sacrifice of the tobacco, and the sweat lodge. According to Simms, the women prepare the soil in the tobacco enclosure. Only the men dig the hole, plant the tobacco seed bundle, and only the elder men keep a watch over the enclosure “singing songs of thanksgiving” (p. 335) after the sprouts begin to grow.

No one enters the enclosure until harvest time and it is not said if it is the Crow men or women who harvest and prepare the plants for use. The harvesters rub a mountain root on their hands before harvesting but, other than that there is no specific ceremony or song during the harvesting or preparation of the roots, stalks, and leaves. Nor is it said who keeps the seeds in their buckskin pouch until the next planting.

ROSE PUNTILLO University of South Carolina (Gail Wagner)

Skinner, George A. “Casco Foot” in the Filipino. American Anthropologist April, 1904 Vol.6 (2):299-302.

The author of this article has observed a condition of the feet of many Filipinos, which he calls casco foot. He derives this name from a type of boat called a casco because it seems that the workers on these boats tend to have severe cases of deformed feet. Skinner goes into great detail to describe the boat and to show how the deformation helps the workers.

The cascos vary in size, ranging from twenty feet to a hundred feet. Each boat is made up of seven pieces, which are laced together through holes placed in the edge of each piece with thongs. If it is available, each hole is then calked with a “cocoa-nut fiber”, which has been dipped in pitch and tar. These boats are not very deep; a hundred-foot casco is usually about five feet deep, and as the boat gets smaller, the proportion to the length stays the same.

The bugadores (boatmen) propel the boat by pushing the bottom of the river with long bamboo poles. These poles are pressed against their shoulders and the men walk toward the front of the boat. The men exert the most work when the boat is carrying a heavier load; at this time they grasp the cross-pieces with their hands and their feet. They do not wear shoes, and this work strains the feet creating a larger toe, which becomes separated from the rest of the toes.

Skinner also noted that a tumor has developed on the shoulders of the bugadores, where the bamboo pole is placed when they propel the casco. The tumor apparently develops early on in their career, and after the bugadores stop working, Skinner believes the tumor becomes much smaller.

George Skinner concludes that the deformity in the feet of the bugadores is due to the strain placed on the feet and large toe while propelling the cascos. Skinner also believes that the deformation of the big toe was an adaptation to the occupation, and is not inherited.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Spitzka, Edward Anthony. Hereditary Resemblances in the Brains of Three Brothers. April 1904 6(2):307-312.

In the quest to demonstrate the influence of hereditary on the morphology of the human brain, Spitzka has analyzed the brains of three brothers executed for murder in New York State. Hereditary transmission is obvious, he observes, for other physical characteristics, as well as for diseases such as epilepsy and alcoholism. While he notes that no two brains are exactly alike, certain features will show similarities within families, and all three of the brothers are no exception. In them he finds a depressed paroccipital tissue not characteristic of other brains he has analyzed. He finds similarities in the paracentral regions of the brothers’ brains and several similarities in two of the three brains.

While it is obvious to the modern reader that morphology is significantly dependent upon genetics, Spitzka sees his research as further proof of this. What he does not recognize, and never mentions, is the effect of other criteria, such as prenatal conditions, childhood environment or even cranial pathologies on the morphology of the brains of these brothers.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Swanton, John R. The Development of the Clan System and of Secret Societies Among Northwestern Tribes. American Anthropologist 1904 Vol.6:477-485.

Swanton seeks to find the origin of the maternal clan system among several tribes in Northwest North America. He concludes that the matriarchal clan system among the interior tribes of Carriers, the western Nahane, and possibly including the Kutchin, has been mainly, if not entirely, the result of coastal influences. Swanton believes the Khotana, Ahtena, Tahltan or the Knaiakhotana tribes need further study to determine the origin of their clan systems.

Since the interior tribes’ clan system originated with the coastal tribes of the Northwest, Swanton sought the origin among the coastal Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian. He cites evidence that the Tlingit originally lived at the mouth of the Skeena and Nass Rivers. According to traditions of these tribes, the Tsimshian were living in the interior mainland at that time. From a comparative study of animal names he concludes that the Haida also originally lived in the same area of the mainland as the Tlingit and Tsimshian.

Swanton argues that in seeking the origin of the clans the Tsimshian should be excluded because of their four-clan system. The Tlingit, who have two clans, have a privileged group that can marry into either clan, and this makes it easy for new clans to form. He also holds that it would be logically acceptable to believe there could be one exception to this idea, but nearly impossible to accept the notion of two tribes, Haida and Tlingit decreasing from a four-clan system to a two-clan system. Referencing his personal notes, Swanton pieces together information regarding the origin of the Haida and Tlingit tribes. According to Tlingit traditions, the most prominent group was the Wolf or Eagle and the Ravens came from outside, while among the Haida, the opposite was the case. Since these tribes allowed intermarriage, it may be possible that the system of two clans originated from intermarriage between the two tribes. Based on his hypothetical argument, he concludes that the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian are the origin of the maternal clan system, and among them he favors the origin to be Tlingit.

Institutions, namely secret societies, which spread throughout tribes located near each other give Swanton’s argument more validity. Secret societies once spread among tribes in the same area, although at a different point on the coast. Tribes that he discusses in the spread of secret societies were the Kwakiutl, Heiltsuk, Bellabella, Salish, Chilkotin and the Bellacoola.

CANDICE DELLINGER University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Tooker, William Wallace. Derivation of the Name Powhatan. American Anthropologist 1904 vol. 6: 464-468.

Tooker discusses the origins of the word Powhatan and how it was an Algonquian name recorded on a Virginia map, but through time had become a county name, a station name, and “other features”. Through etymology and translation by the late Dr. J. H. Trumbull, Tooker was able to discover the true meaning of the word Powhatan. Tooker uses the error of Dr. Trumbull’s translation of the word Powhatan; Captain John Smith’s firsthand knowledge of the uses of the word, and Captain Archer’s uses of the word to show how the word was either a name for a person or a place. Tooker uses these accounts to show that it was known as the name of a location or place, and strengthens this by including quotes from Mr. Edward C. Bruce, and Dr. Lyon G. Tyler. The accounts name the town as being on a hill, while Trumbull’s definition has the word representing a location that “falls in a river”. Tooker takes Trumbull’s translation as being in error, based on the amount of information that places powhatan elsewhere.

Tooker then begins to relate the word powwow to powhatan. Because a powwow was a ceremony, or a meeting, Tooker makes the connection between powhatan and powwow; where powhatan becomes the place in which powwows take place.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Tooker, William Wallace. Some Powhatan Names. American Anthropologist Oct.-Dec., 1904, Vol.6(5):670-694.

Tooker addresses problems in understanding the Powhatan dialect. Specifically, he believes that the translations made by William Gerard in “The Tapahanek Dialect of Virginia” were largely inaccurate, resulting in incorrect conclusions about the dialect as a whole. Tooker admits that some of Gerard’s erroneous translations could be the result of typographical errors or misinformation in the works he used for research, but he feels that most errors resulted from the fact that Gerard bases his translations on the belief that the Powhatan dialect is most closely related to the Cree dialects of the Algonquian languages.

According to Tooker, the Powhatan dialect is actually more closely related to the Natick and Narragansett dialects than to Cree or any other northern dialects. Referencing the work of John Smith and William Strachey, who each created an extensive list of words and phrases used by the Powhatan in the early seventeenth century, Tooker compares Powhatan words with their Natick or Narragansett and Cree counterparts. In the first section of the article, he uses a chart to examine twenty common Powhatan words.

The body of the work involves an in-depth exploration of words specifically addressed in Gerard’s article. While the discussion is fascinating, it may be too advanced for readers unfamiliar with language studies. Overall, Tooker is convincing in his argument, which could be due as much to the clarity of his examples and evidence as to his ability to analyze language.

ASHLEY MCBRIDE University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Racial Differences in Palm and Sole Configuration. American Anthropologist 1904 vol. 6: 244-293.

Wilder makes it clear that Arthur Kollmann, Frans Galton, and Hepburn all attempted to observe similarities and differences among the soles of the feet and the palms of hands of different racial groups. Wilder also states that these three people failed to produce or find results. Wilder then, through the body of the article, fully explains how certain formula can be derived, which, in turn, help to calculate similar or different traits between races or within them.

Wilder’s next step is to explain all terminology and descriptive qualities of the palm and sole. From this, he draws pictures that show the lines and patterns that appear on palms and soles. He uses this for his formulas that calculate the palms and soles he examined for the article. His first “race” tested was the Maya.

Wilder took prints of hands and feet, which he claimed to be the best to do for study, and classified the lines and prints to certain names and patterns. From this information, Wilder can then plug in the corresponding patterns into a formula, and then after calculation, he can see a difference or similarity between the people of one race, and then apply it to another race. He believes that this formula actually predicts variability among and/or between groups of people, native to specific backgrounds. He was able to show through numerous figures and tables, that there were significant differences between sole print configurations of “Mayans” and “Whites”.

The “American Negroes” were the next group tested. Through the same calculations, Wilder demonstrated similarities to Whites that Mayans did not have, but managed to categorize these “American Negroes” as being distinct, or having a “Negro characteristic” related to palms. He blames the almost exact similarities between White and Negro sole patterns to “the infusion of white blood, which is conceded to be universal” (288). Therefore, he finds no characteristic “Negro formula” for soles. His examination of very few Chinese subjects was less impressive to him. He states that the names were too similar, and the Chinese people he sampled were probably closely related, thus throwing out a real “racial character”.

In his conclusions, he demands that palm and sole “characters are of no value as racial criteria”, since so many patterns within them repeat between “races”, as the people are probably not “absolutely pure” (290). He also concludes that there is more variation within one group (race) than there is between groups (races). His last idea is that the “nearer one gets to a primitive race the less the amount of variation”, and studying the “purest racial stocks now living” will prove or disprove this idea or hypothesis.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. The Restoration of Dried Tissues, with Especial Reference to Human Remains. American Anthropologist January, 1904 Vol.6(1):1-17.

Wilder explores a method of restoration in which a dried specimen will return to the normal size and shape, and will display the markings present before death. He happened upon this experiment while he was restoring embryonic skeletons, and wondered if air-dried specimens would yield the same results. Wilder altered his method for restoration because he was now dealing with air-dried specimens. He tested this method by placing a frog in a 3% caustic potash overnight. Restoration of the frog’s soft tissue to the condition of it before death was impressive. He became interested to see if this method would work for air-dried human remains. He was able to obtain human remains to use as experiments and improve the method for restoration.

Using this method he places the specimen into a solution of 1-3% caustic potash. He used less caustic solutions for brittle subjects. It soaks between twelve to forty-eight hours, but due to the possibility of the object falling apart, it is constantly watched. If the specimen is left too long in the solution then it starts to turn abnormal and may degrade, but if taken out too soon, it will not reach its full size potential. The potash swells the remaining tissues to the size before death. After removing it from the solution, soak the specimen in water, and then in a 3% solution of formalin to harden and finish the preservation.

Some of the human remains he experiments with are a right thumb of a Peruvian mummy, two infant heads and one of the bodies, which belongs to one of the infants, from the Cliff-dwellers, the head of a young adult Peruvian, and two adults of the “Basket People” in Utah. He is able to determine the size of the people, what they had wrapped around them, how they may have been mummified, any distinct markings, such as tattoos or scars, what they had eaten, and other information about each subject, which were not known before restoration.

Wilder does not make it clear what his background or field is, but he suggests that further investigations need to be done of the specimens and future specimens, preferable by someone who has a knowledgeable background of the natural sciences, like anatomy and botany, but also someone who is interested in or has past knowledge of the people’s culture and history, to provide more insight.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)