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American Anthropologist 1900

Boas, Franz. Sketch of the Kwakiutl Language. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 708-721.

Boas’ article discusses language of the Kwakiutl Indians, whom he had encountered during his Jesup North Pacific Expedition. The Kwakiutl Indians inhabit northeastern Vancouver Island and the adjacent coast of British Columbia. A year prior, in 1899, Reverend Alfred J. Hall published a treatise on the grammar of this language. Boas argues that Hall did not succeed in understanding the language structure of the Kwakiutl Indians.

Boas describes the Kwakiutl phonic system as being very rich, and as frequently using sounds in the K and L series. The system of consonants is composed of velars, palatals, anterior palatals, alveolars, and labials. Most of these groups contain sonans, surds, fortis, and spirans. Combinations of consonants do not occur at the beginning of words. The vowels are quite variable, with E being the most frequent. The Kwakiutl language consists of a number of rules of euphony which regulate the sequence of sounds.

Grammatical relations are expressed through suffixes and reduplication. Suffixes can have a multitude of effects upon stem words. Suffixes are used to harden or soften the terminal sound of stems. Some suffixes are attached, and do not cause any modifications to the meaning, except for that which is required by the rules of euphony. Reduplication varies according to the grammatical function it is performing. It is not uncommon for double or triple reduplication to occur within a single word. Four temporal suffixes are used to distinguish the remote past, the recent past, the transition from present to past, and an historic tense that is indefinite as to time. The future is expressed through the suffix L. These temporal suffixes are used with nouns and verbs. Numerals are based upon a decimal system. He concludes his article with a paragraph written in the Kwakiutl language, and then its translation into English.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Boas, Franz. Sketch of the Kwakiutl Language. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 708-720.

As indicated by the title, this article is a detailed yet brief outline of the Kwakiutl language. It seems that Boas spent a great deal of time with these people, learning and understanding the language and its grammatical structure. What follows are brief examples, taken from the article, of the Kwakiutl language structure and how it works.

According to Boas, “the phonetic system of the Kwakiutl is very rich” (708). It is stated that the main sounds of the language are derived from the k and l series. Included with the k series are a “sonans, surd, fortis, and spirans” (708). Associated with the l series are “the laryngeal catch; h; y, and w” (708). Incorporated throughout the article are cahrts and numerous examples of the language, how its use changes, and different situations that may cause it to do so. On page 709, there is a chart that explains the k and l series.

Next Boas covers consonants. He states that large clusters of them never occur together but they are generally restricted to two, and they do not generally occur at the beginning of words. Immediately following are explanations of pronominal relations, personal pronouns, verb forms, nouns, and suffixes. “Numerals are formed on the decimal system,” and are especially important when “designating human beings, round objects, long objects, and flat objects” (720). With this, Boas has covered every aspect of the Kwakiutl language.

In closing, this language is compared briefly to several others such as Kootenay, Chinook, and Sioux. The article states that these languages are very similar, with a few differences, including ways that affixes and pronouns are used.

LACEY CULPEPPER Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Bowditch, Charles P. The Lords of the Night and the Tonalamatl of the Codex Borbonicus.American Anthropologist Vol 2, 1900: 145-154

The author has been very much involved in studying the Mayan calendar, often being of a different opinion than the majority of scholars. Among other things, he believed that the Tonalamatls did not represent a particular part of the solar year, but were actually a cycle that existed above and beyond the regular 365-day calendar. Each Tonalamatl was 260 days long, divided into 28 9-day periods, each day symbolized by a Lord of the Night (i.e. god) starting with the fifth lord, Miquiztli. There are nine lords in all, yet the Tonalamatl is not divisible by 9, leaving the last lord out at the end of each cycle. Since previous scholars had thought that the symbolic representation of the Lords of the Night in the Tonalamatl was of great importance, and did not think that it was possible for the Mayans to formulate a calendar where the last lord, Quiahuitl, was left out, they devised numerous explanations for this apparent irregularity. But Bowditch calculates that if one Tonalamatl came to an end in the course of a year, one would be added to the sequence of Lords, and if two Tonalamatls ended in one solar year, two would be added. He notes that this is in fact the case, thus he proves that 1) the Tonalamatl was indeed cyclic within a regular solar year, and 2) each cycle began with the same lord, leaving out the ninth. The latter is very important, because had the Mayans allowed the 9-lord sequence to run over, they could possibly differentiate the days of nine calendar rounds of fifty-two years, thus having a calendar cycle of 170,820 days. Since this was not so, Bowditch concluded that the significance of the Lords of the Night in the Tonalamatl has previously been exaggerated.

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Burnett, Swan M. Giuseppe Mazzini – Idealist. A Chapter in the Evolution of Social Science. American Anthropologist 1900. Vol. 1: 501-526.

The subject of this essay is Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872). Burnett describes the life and work of Mazzini, who was born in Genoa, Italy, throughout continental Europe and England. According to the author, Mazzini should be considered with the likes of Darwin and Spencer as a founder of social evolution. Mazzini’s major written works were his essay, The Duties of Man and the newspaper publication Le Giovane. Burnett portrays Mazzini, a social reformer and lawyer, as an advocate for the poor who continued his idealistic work in spite of being jailed and exiled. Mazzini worked with the Carbonari, Giovine Italia, Young Italy and Young Europe.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Cook, Alice Carter. The Aborigines of the Canary Islands. American Anthropologist July-September, 1900 Vol. 2(3): 451-493.

This article offers a descriptive analysis of the people who inhabit the Canary Islands of Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Grand Canary, Teneriffe, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro. Cook organizes anecdotal and contemporary information on many cultural characteristics of the Guanches, the indigenous peoples of the Canary Islands. She covers the topics of: early history and tradition, `racial’ characteristics, language, physical characteristics and feats of skill, food and cooking utensils, clothing, habitations and furniture, hunting and stock-raising, agriculture and land tenure, esthetics, festivals and dances, war customs, marriage and kinship customs, medicine, mortuary customs, cosmogony and creation myths, government and social organization, and religion. She also includes a table of “Comparative Vocabulary of Canary Dialects” and several photographs.

Cook begins with origin myths and stories associated with the Canary Islands. They have been described by various early authors as the location of the Elysian Fields, the remnants of the Atlantis continent, Eden, and the “Fortunate” islands of Roman lore. The islands’ location in the path of Spanish and Portuguese ships made them early targets of raids and conquest. Cook uses Spanish chronicles and reports for much of her information, including stories and anecdotes about the inhabitants of the islands. Her overall lack of dates and time frames renders parts of her descriptions unclear. While the majority of her information comes from chronicles written at the time of Spanish occupation, there are other reports and journals mentioned also.

Theories concerning the `racial origins’ of the early inhabitants are based on comparison of skulls, which places them in similar categories as the Basques, the Landes of southern France, and Africans. Cook mentions the similarities and differences between the “troglodytes” of the Canary Islands and other ancient people, including those of Cromagnon, Dolman, and Neolithic cultures. According to Cook, the Spanish “so completely destroyed or assimilated” the indigenous peoples that anthropologists have not been able to trace their exact origins or determine their ethnic associations.

Despite isolation from one another at the time of European contact, there were similarities reported among the inhabitants of the islands in terms of language, “racial” characteristics, physical strength and prowess. Cook argues that some cultural characteristics, such as the absence of cereal cultivation on Palma, support a “cataclysmal theory of their origin”, since migration over water would have likely meant the transmission of food knowledge as well.

Cook differentiates the “house dwellers” from the people she describes as “troglodytes,” who live in caves in the mountainsides, and exhibit differences in dress and hairstyles. She describes many activities on the islands, and distinguishes certain activities or practices that occur on one island or islands and not on others. For example, one characteristic common among all the islanders, with the exception of those on Hierro, was a love of fighting. Cook posits that the fighting reduced their numbers and allowed the Spanish an easier conquest.

DEBRA STAYNER University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Cook, Alice Carter. The Aborigines of the Canary Islands. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 451-493.

Cook discusses the inhabitants of the Canary Islands beginning with a brief description of myth and anecdote surrounding the islands. These include descriptions of both a supposed pygmy and giant race of inhabitants. There are seven inhabited islands discussed: Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Grand Canary, Teneriffe, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro. The rest of the article focuses on the indigenous people known as the Guanches. Cook breaks the article into various sub-topics. These include racial characteristics, language, physical characteristics, food, clothing, habitations and furniture, hunting, agriculture, esthetics, war customs, marriage, medicine, mortuary customs, cosmogony, government and social organization, and religion.

The racial characteristics of these people lead to two theories based on cranial studies. It is debatable whether the Guanches were of two distinct races or of one race preserving some degree of purity even after conquest. The Guanches probably did not have a system of writing. However, hieroglyphic cuttings have been found on the islands but it is disputed whether the indigenous people were responsible for them. Language provides evident that population origin was the same for all the islands although there are noticeable differences evident from island to island. The physical characteristics of the Guanches are those of a tall, strong people. Their feats of strength and agility are unmatched.

Staple foods of the Guanch diet include parched grain, milk, meat, and fish. However, diet differed from island to island with the Fuerteventura inhabitants subsisting mainly on hunted meat and those of Teneriffe eating small dogs. Further coverage of cooking and food-gathering techniques follows. Clothing was made of skin and produced by specialist tailors. Headdresses were of great importance; they consisted of bonnets with varying degrees of ornamentation. Most indigenous people preferred cave dwelling to houses. A description of materials used in house building is given.

The Guanches had little variety of game to hunt but were skilled in their efforts. Their field of expertise was farming. Fertile ground led to large harvests that were celebrated at feasts. Arts on the islands include portraits, pottery, and tattooing; the natives also were fond of perfume. Fighting was a popular activity among most of the Canary Islands inhabitants, which caused a decline in their numbers. This was a main cause of their ultimate demise due to Spanish conquest. The Guanches were monogamous in marriage, but means of separation existed.

Medicine was from herbs and bleeding of wounds was practiced. The mortuary customs of the Guanches included mummification of the dead. The bodies were well preserved and placed in caves. The social stratification present on the islands can be explained by the Guanch belief that God created a certain number of people who have things necessary for survival and that others are required to serve to receive a share. The natives lived under a monarchy governed by a living and a dead king. Class distinctions were strictly preserved. The natives were also a very religious people. They were monotheistic and believed in the existence of the devil. Differences in worship can be noted between inhabitants of the different islands.

LAUREN MILLER Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Culin, Stewart. Philippine Games. American Anthropologist October, 1900 Vol.2(4):643-656.

Alexander R. Webb collected ethnological objects for the United States National Museum in the Philippines, which included many game pieces. In this article, Culin outlines the equipment needed to play sixteen Philippine games and the objective of each. Many of these objects and games are believed to be from Spanish, Chinese, Malay, and Hindu origin. There are several of these games, which seem to parallel games found in England, the United States, and other parts of the world.

The first of these games to be described by Culin is called pungitan, which resembles marbles. The object of the game is to shoot a small white shell into a large ring, where another small shell is in a very small ring in the center; if the shell in the middle in knocked out of the large ring, then the shooter wins. Another game mentioned, which is identical to a Chinese game called lut tsut k’t, is the Philippine game of tapatan. The Chinese game, fdn t’dn, is also identical to the capona game of the Philippines, and the game of dama is also played in the Hawaiian Islands, but the game is called moo. The game of chungeojon is also found to be the same game, with different names, played in Arab influenced areas of Asia and Africa. Several games use cut Spanish cards in the game. These games include chabiqui, and ripa. Billar de barimbao is similar to the European game of billiards, but the table is four feet long, not covered, and without pockets. Ivory and wooden balls are used, and the object is to knock over pins in the middle of the table with sticks. Another game played in the Philippines and elsewhere is football, and it is also played the same way in Siam, Java, Borneo, and the Malay peninsula. Saharanpore, India and the Indians of Guiana also play a game, which is called puzzle in the Philippines.

As the reader can see, there are many similar games played around the world, and the cultural influences of many countries have influenced the games of the Philippines.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Culin, Stewart. Phillipine Games. American Anthropologist 1900 2: 643-655.

This is a fairly straightforward account of a collection of gaming objects assembled by Alexander R. Webb, the American Consul at Manila in 1892. Descriptions of sixteen different games, including illustrations and the rules of play, comprise the bulk of the paper. In some cases, the author provides descriptions of the social context in which a game may be played and within what sectors of society a particular game is popular. The origins of a few gaming objects are assigned as “Spanish, Chinese, Malay,” or “Hindu” based upon their names, descriptions, or similarities to other games or objects found in these areas.

The games are pungitan, tablita, cara-cruz, birachapa, prinola, puti-puta-itim, tapatan, dama, capona, ripa, chabiqui, chugcajon, billar de barimbao, football, lan-sè, and a bamboo bead puzzle. Because these objects make up a private collection, it is difficult to extract that much anthropological information from them. For example, no name is given for the bead puzzle. Do the practitioners of this game have no specific term for it, or did Mr. Alexander R. Webb simply fail to record it? Removed from cultural context, the information available concerning where, when, and by whom these games are played is incomplete and anecdotal.

AGNES AUSBORN Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Cushing, Frank Hamiltion. In Memoriam. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 354-379

Frank Hamilton Cushing was a brilliant man who helped pave the way for modern archaeology. This article offers a brief summary of his extensive work, including childhood stories where he made his own Indian costume, and his breakthrough work in the Salado valley. His research methods were groundbreaking and started a new trend in anthropology.

Born on July 22, 1857, Cushing was a small delicate baby that grew into a small frail boy. This caused him to be an outcast, even from his own family. At this point he turned to books and nature for companionship. He made an Indian costume at age ten and would wander through the woods for hours talking to plants, always balancing his beloved dictionary on his head. Early on he started to find and collect native artifacts, and when he was eighteen he brought his collection to Cornell University where he began a special course of study.

Cushing was the forerunner of experimental reproductive technology, which is now used widely throughout the whole field of anthropology. At nineteen, he built a wigwam to house his extensive collection of artifacts and by this time he was very skilled at a number of Native American tasks such as weaving, point making, constructing tools, and canoe building. The Zuni people were the first society he intimately studied, and he became one of the first non-native people to learn the language and totally immersed himself within their culture. Cushing was part of the Zuni society for five years, in which time he became a leader within the government and religion. He participated in religious ceremonies and knew more about the myths and ceremonies than the head priest.

His work in the Salado valley in Arizona was focused on the excavation of many well-known sites, none of which had been excavated, only photographed. The ruins are scattered throughout the area southwest of Zuni. He made many new discoveries about the Saladoans, but none so remarkable as their irrigation system, which made it possible for them to sustain crops in a hot desert flood plain. Unfortunately much of what Cushing learned was buried with him because he did not record all his findings properly.

MEGAN M. MULCAHY University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Dixon, Roland B. Basketry Designs of the Maidu Indians of California. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 266-276.

Basket weaving is a crucial part of the culture of many Indian tribes through the Americas. At one time, the diversity and abundance of cultures in California were equaled by no other region in North America. The Indians who inhabited this area were highly skilled in the craft of basketry. Roland B. Dixon’s essay breaks down the art into categories and emphasizes the importance of anthropological study of basketry.

Dixon impresses one with the abundance of designs among the populations living in California. Anthropologists consider the shape, size, medium, and designs incorporated into the basket to decipher baskets made by varying peoples. Large baskets composed of twigs, stems, or roots from maple, willow, yellow pine, and Pteris aquilina are usually produced to hold large quantities of a substance valued by the maker. Smaller soup baskets are usually made of materials that are capable of holding semi-liquid to liquid substances. For this reason, the baskets are made from maple, redbud, and a grass-like plant, tsi takim, all of which are much finer in texture than the materials used in “bushel” baskets. Due to differences in abundance, materials for basket construction vary greatly from region to region.

There are basically three categories that all Indian basketry decoration fits into—animal designs, plant designs, and those that interpret objects. Dixon gives many examples of the differing designs used by the Maidu Indians and peoples of the surrounding area. He illustrates the article with pictures representing baskets from each of the categories and explains how different symbols referred to the items the Indians were representing in their baskets. These included the teeth of fish, the quail, the “thousand-legged worm” (millipede), the wings of ducks, the flowers of various plants, and vines. He also shows that many designs could be placed on one basket, such as the flint arrow and feather markings on one.

The basket decorations, although divided into three categories, was greatly dominated by animal designs. The other two categories were basically produced equally; therefore, together they were equivalent in frequency to the animal markings. The amount of differentiation depended on the people making the basketry. Dixon stated, “comparing the people of Sacramento valley and the lower foot-hills with those of the higher Sierra, there is possibly a little greater frequency of animal designs among the former” (275). Many basket designs were limited to either the higher Sierra or the lower foot-hills due to some species, be it plant or animal, living in only one of the two areas. In addition to these large differences, even the baskets obtained in one region contrast due to local design. There seem to have been about twenty different basket designs in the California area, but Dixon believes that as many as fifty possibly existed at a given time. The ancient art form is slowly becoming extinct due to the fact that only older women are knowledgeable in basketry making. The craft will probably die with the women unless data can be preserved by anthropologists and “basket cravers.”

RUSS REED Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Dixon, Roland B. Basketry Designs of the Maidu Indians of California. American Anthropologist April-June, 1900 Vol. 2 (2): 266-276.

In this article, Dixon gives an account of the varying designs of the Maidu Indian baskets he collected during the summer of 1899. During his fieldwork, Dixon discovered that the many basket patterns have representative meanings. Dixon claims that the meanings of these symbolic patterns are known only to the older Maidu women, so he has written this article to preserve the varying basket patterns he encountered and to link them with their symbolic meanings. For ease of discussion, Dixon divides the patterns into three categories. Animal designs include the raccoon, duck’s wing, and grasshopper leg. Plant designs are the flower, vine, and pine cone. A third category encompasses the baskets representing nonliving objects like arrowpoints and mountains.

Each page includes clear visual representations of several basket designs. Each design (of which there are over twenty) is also meticulously described in words. He also analyzes the patterns in terms of the category with the greatest number of associated designs (animals) and the pattern that is executed most frequently (the feather design). Dixon notes that some patterns are restricted to certain regions, while others are found among all the communities he has visited. He also briefly compares the Maidu designs to the basket designs of neighboring tribes, including the Pitt River, McCloud River, and Ute Indians. Dixon encourages further work on the Maidu Indian basketry designs, estimating that his list could be doubled.

CHARLOTTE LONG University of North Carolina Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The New Fire Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist 1900, Vol. 2: 80-138.

Fewkes article discusses the Hopi Indians collection of rites, called Wuwutcimti, which is a religious ceremony in which new fire is made. This ritual takes places every November, and every four years a Naacnaiya is performed, which is an eloborate version of this ceremony which signifies the initiation of novices into priesthood. Fewkes believes that the ceremonial rites conducted by the Walip were adopted from clans that originated in the Gila valley.

New-fire ceremony ceremony consisted of four united societies of priests named, Tataukyamu, Wuwutcimtu, Aaltu, and Kwakwantu. The Tataukyamu and Wuwutcimtu engage in dances of a hallic nature, while the Aaltu, and Kwakwantu kindle the new flame that the ceremony produces. The fire is kindled through the use of rotating fire-drills. Four sacred rooms within a kiva was used during this ceremony. The entrances of these kivas were decorated with nantics, which are feathers attached to sticks to symbolize that the ceremony was in progress within the kiva. Objects, such as helmets, agave stalks, and elkhorns are hung on the western wall of the kiva, which is regarded as an altar. Medicine bowls are placed on the floor by chiefs of the societies in a prescribed manner.

Several days prior to the commencement of the New-fire ceremony, wood was collected and stacked near the kiva hatches. An elder of the tribe was responsible for the distribution of this firewood to the four rooms during this ceremony. The flames of the new fire were sacred and no one was allowed to use it during the ceremony, such as lighting a cigarette from it. The remainder of Fewkes article discusses in detail the numerous dances and elaborate ceremonies that take place within the four rooms. Each room was occupied by a different society of priest, and each had their own unique set of rites. Following the new-fire purification ceremony, elaborate rabbit hunts are organized by the four societies. Each society has its own hunt, which is the only hunt of that day. The meat obtained during the hunt is cooked and eaten in the room where the fire ceremony took place.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The New Fire Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2:80-138.

The author observed the ceremony for the creation of the new fire among the Hopi in November, 1898. The rites observed by the author are the abbreviated form as the more elaborate form is only practiced once every four years.

The New-fire ceremony begins with five days of continuous rites. The first of these days, November 13, is Yuñya, or Assembly day. On this day the priesthoods assembled in their kivas, each bringing ears of white corn. Six direction altars were set up in two kivas and blessed with ceremonial artifacts. The new fire was kindled in the Moñ-kiva by designated fire-makers while more than one hundred spectators from all the societies watched. The fire-makers spun their drills on the fire board, which had been sprinkled with sacred corn pollen. When the fire was ignited, special offerings of sacred pine needles were thrown into it by the chiefs of all the societies. After the sacrifices and prayers over the new fire, the men left the kiva and visited sacred shrines.

During the second day twenty men of the Wüwütcimtû society performed public dances. They whitened their faces with paints and formed two groups facing each other. The men were completely naked with their thighs and abdomens covered in yellow paints. They danced and sang songs, directing obscene remarks to the women of the Mamzrautû society. During the night of the second day of ceremonies, novices were initiated into the societies, first by being run through the pueblo by older priests and secondly by running patrols of the shrines during the late hours.

On the morning of the third day the Wüwütcimtû society once again began their dancing. They were, however, accompanied by two naked Horn priests and the senior chief Suñoitiwa, who stood on the right side holding a rod with hawk feathers. The dancers again formed two lines and danced down the length of the pueblo and back again, followed by a drummer between the two groups, and again they directed obscene comments to women observers, who poured cold water onto them from housetops. There were no further ceremonies in the kivas on this day, and all the men rested after mid-night.

The fourth day of ceremonies is one of the most important to the Hopi and is called Totokya or Feast. It begins with purification of all kivas, which is followed by public dances by men of the Wüwütcimtû and Tatukyamû societies. These dances occurred at differing intervals throughout the day and took on the same form as the dances of the previous days, the only exception being that the Tatukyamû danced as a single group. When the public dances were completed, a pair of men from each of the three societies, Kwakwantû, Aaltû, and Tatukyamû walked along the streets of the pueblo begging for corn meal. Each wore the distinctive dress of their society and carried a basket-tray for the collection of the corn meal. They would pause at the ladder of each house and call up for the women to bring out the meal. Each basket contained a prayer stick, and the prayer-meal was later used to make trails from the kivas to the shrines. Late in the afternoon of the fifth day, all the women of the pueblo brought large quantities of food to the men in the kivas. The food included the ceremonial pudding, pigumi, and every other dish known to the Hopi. The feast lasted until well after sunset. After the great feasting, the men in each kiva passed the night by singing their songs.

On the fifth day all the inhabitants of the pueblo purified themselves by washing their heads in amole. Then six young men of the Aaltû visited each kiva and obtained prayer objects which they placed at several shrines. The disposal of the embers of the sacred fire followed this and is one of the most important ceremonies to the Hopi. Each man collected some embers of the fire in a piece of watermelon rind. After carrying the embers and a handful of sacred corn meal to a cliff overlooking the site of the old pueblo, the men first sprinkled some of the sacred meal onto the embers. They then threw the rest of the meal into the wind and dropped the melon rinds and embers down into the old pueblo. The priests then vomited over the cliff and returned to their kivas for purification. After the completion of the New-fire ceremonies, each society held a rabbit hunt on differing days and ate the game in their respective kivas.

The author follows the descriptions of the ceremonies with a description of each society involved. The main focus is on the members, which were comprised of almost all the adult males of the pueblo. He concludes the article by calling for further research into the fire rites of other Hopi pueblos and their cultural neighbors so that comparisons can be made.

JASON EDMONDS Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Fewkes, Walter J. Property-Right in Eagles Among the Hopi. American Anthropologist 1900:690-707

Because of the bones found in the Southeast, there are disputes as to whether or not the eagles were used for food whistles and the like. Some domesticated birds such as turkeys were prized possessions of the Hopi Indians. Few people feel that this is a logical conclusion because today turkeys are not killed but their feathers are used as décor.

The only difference between turkey feathers and eagle and parrot feathers were that eagles were used solely for their feathers and parrot and turkey were used both for food and feathers. Eagle feathers were just as prized as the turkey feathers. They were used for prayer sticks and other religious purposes. The question becomes to which clan do the free-ranging eagles belong. The eagles are not nomadic. They are born and raised and they live in the same nest. So the question of whom has the right to own which eagle is important. The eagles are not kept in cages but caught in kwamaki, eagle hut house and taken to the pueblo. After the capture they are killed and buried. Clans lived miles away from the actual bird’s nests, causing confusion among the Indians and no-Indians because the only rightful clans can hunt the birds. White men or the Navaho Indians didn’t understand how the Hopi Indians could claim a nest that was many miles away from their pueblo. So they hunted in the Hopi territory. Ownership of the eagle-nests can be determined by following the migration of ancestral tribal clans. Clan members from New Mexico lived together and moved often which confused the lines of ownership. Sickness or conquest decides which land was owned by which clan. A clan can move because of an illness causing the eagles nests to be further away and eventually abandon it. This ultimately decides the rights of the eagle’s nests.

REBEKAH BLACK University of South Carolina (Alice Kassakoff)

Fewkes, J. Walter. Pueblo Ruins Near Flagstaff, Arizona. A Preliminary Notice. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 422-450.

The author documents the Native American ruins that exist near the Back falls of the Little Colorado River. He divides these structures into three different classes: cavate rooms, pueblos, and cliff-houses.

The author chose to label each of these classes of ruins as A, B, and C. Class A consists of the cavate, or cave, room ruins, of which there are thirteen labeled a to m. These rooms were basically cubical. Some of the cavate rooms have an entry way from above and were dug out of the volcanic formation. Group B consists of pueblos and Group C are the cliff dwellings. Each of the ruins is documented in great detail, including environmental and physical dimensions, artifacts attributed to each room, and mortuary customs.

Although the author does an admirable job of documenting the ruins of the Black Falls area, the classification system used to organize these numerous ruins makes communicating about the data very problematic. Within each group of structures, labeled A, B, or C, there are also ruins labeled A, B, C, etc., and within each ruin there are rooms that have then been similarly labeled. Therefore, one can discuss ruin group A, ruin J, room A, for example. Because the other information is organized by room and there is no overall discussion of the artifacts or mortuary customs, it is difficult for the reader to compare and contrast the cultural information. Mr. Fewkes does state in his conclusion that such further comparison will be done in future work.

In his findings, the author discusses his conclusion that the people who inhabited these remains were of the pueblo culture, but not directly related to the nearby Homolobi pueblo.

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Fowke, Gerard. Points of Difference Between Norse Remains and Indian Works Most Closely Resembling Them. American Anthropologist 1900 vol. 2: 550-562.

Gerard Fowke begins by defining ruins found around Massachusetts as being either of Norse origin, or Native American. He points out that some stonewalls and/or stone ruins cannot be Native American, since they did not need to build or use such things; however, Fowke does not explain why. He says that there are earthen mounds and that stones related with them are clearly Native American artifacts, yet very different from the supposed Norse ruins.

His first comparison between the two cultures starts with a stone foundation, similar to one that would be used or built in “the Old Scandinavian fashion” (552). The long-houses of the Iroquois are similar, but made of wood instead, constructed with posts. He also says that Norse houses are usually always square, Indian houses are round. Fowke goes into describing funnel-shape structures, somewhat subterranean, and also terraced land. The use of the terraces was unknown to people during Fowke’s time. However, Fowke firmly believes they are not Native American. Burial customs related to mounds, which are uncharacteristic of Norse graves, seem to relate more to Indians. Other stone piles or mounds, much smaller, he thinks may be graves, and are claimed by Native Americans in the area. He closes with a brief description of Norse graves and how they differ internally more than Indian graves. He ends abruptly, with very little supporting Norse evidence. Instead, he only claims how thorough his research into Indian remains east of the Mississippi River was. This article has a poor argument with no conclusions.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Gatschet, Albert S. Grammatic Sketch of the Catawba Language. American Anthropologist Jul-Sept, 1900 Vol.2 (3):527-549

In this descriptive article, Gatschet begins by explaining that the Catawba Indians, who live primarily in North and South Carolina, have a quickly fading language which is part of the Sioux family. The author notes that this is quite unique, as the Catawba language is the first instance of a Siouan language east of the Mississippi River. After noting this fact, Gatschet compares Catawba to other Native American languages by explaining, in depth, how it is structured. Gatschet uses phonetics to describe the inner workings of the Catawba language.

To assist him, he breaks his description into several sections. First, he provides a technical discussion of accentuation, where he explains that the accent is placed on the radical syllable above all others. From there, Gatschet explains that most Catawba words are formed by taking a root and adding a suffix. Adjectives are discussed next in the essay, with the author going in depth about colors and numbers. One important point from this section is the criticism Gatschet makes of the claim that primitive people make fewer distinctions between colors; instead, Gatschet discovered that the Catawba have a plethora of names for each color, making distinctions between dark and light and so on. After this, Gatschet moves to a lengthy discussion of pronouns, illustrating how gender and case are not relevant in the Catawba language. Deictic words are then discussed and Gatschet explains that in many Native American languages special emphasis is placed on them. This is precisely the case with Catawba. Intensity particles and oral particles are the next subheading, where the author explains that both are emphasized strongly. His discussion of oral particles is particularly intriguing, as he explains that the Catawba are very concerned with how one knows something. For example; if one knows that a man was shot, one is likely to include how one knows this information (i.e., one heard it or saw it.). Gatschet continues to explain derivatives and concludes his piece with a discussion of compound noun formation.

RACHAEL A.GEEDEY University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Gatschet, Albert S. Grammatic Sketch of the Catawba Language. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 527-549.

The Catawba Indians were once a warlike tribe who belonged to a confederacy composed of more than twenty different tribes. Their native lands were in and around York County, South Carolina. Over 150 years ago their land was approximately 15 square miles, but over time their numbers declined as well as their land size. At the time of the Gatschet’s article, their land comprised only one square mile and was inhabited by about 85 Catawba members.

The use and understanding of the Catawba language had been declining because they had adopted the white man’s language and customs. The influence of the white man was so great on the Catawba that only one third of the members had a knowledge of their original tongue. Gatschet’s extensive research on the dying language was done to understand it and in the hope that this might help to keep the language alive. The language has been broken down by its parts, e.g.) nouns, verbs, gender, etc.

The Catawba language has some similarities to other languages, but it also has its own peculiar rules. The phonetics of the language are simple. The vowels are a, e, i, o, and u. Certain letters have specific articulations, just as in English. Also, certain sounds that are produced in the same manner can interchange. There is also accentuation of certain sounds, usually at the end of the words.

The base of most words is monosyllabic and usually ends in a vowel. Verbs and nouns are formed by putting syllables together. This results in compound words. Gatschet gives multiple examples of verbs and nouns. Unlike English and other languages, Catawba does not make gender, number, or case distinctions. Adjectives are placed at the end of its noun. This even applies to color adjectives. Demonstrative pronouns depend on the distance of the object from the speaker. Possessive pronouns are placed at the end of the noun. The way to form a negation is to add in their word for it, either ha, ha’ or a, a’. These words are equivalent to the universal negative particle “not”.

The numbering system is based on a kind of decimal system. Once ten is reached, a shortened word for ten is added to the word for one to make eleven. This holds true for twenty also. Once nineteen is reached, a shortened form of two is added before one to make twenty-one. This repeats continuously.

Gatschet gives numerous examples of the different classes of words and types of words. These words are very difficult to pronounce, but it is easy to understand their place in a sentence. Some examples given can be applied to many instances, but some can only be applied by understanding Catawba culture and the time the Catawba lived.

JASON LEE PARRISH Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Holmes, W.H. The Obsidian Mines of Hidalgo, Mexico. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2: 405-416

The author details his recent visit to the ancient obsidian mines near Hidalgo. This is a topical account only, as no real excavation was done. Holmes first examines the history of obsidian-mining in the Americas, noting its uses and trying to account for its demand. He hints that there were apparently very high standards for obsidian, and that it was either cheaper or more practical to mine new obsidian tools than to reshape or sharpen old ones. The rest of the article is a topical description of a mountainside at the Hidalgo site, which is littered with broken or chipped obsidian flakes. One pile comprises some 30,000 cubic feet of flakage! The mountain has numerous pits, which were the original mine shafts. They are of various depths, though many had been partially filled with refuse. The heaps of obsidian flakes are usually piled up in the shape of a horseshoe around each shaft, allowing for access to the mine.

The only tools found at the site are hammer-stones, used to chip away the obsidian. There were also remains of several stone buildings, noted by the author as ‘unimportant’ due to their irregular shape and small size. There were also numerous pieces of pottery, of a type ‘identical in paste, shape, color, and decoration with the ancient ware of Tenochtitlan’, which Holmes takes to mean that the miners at Hidalgo were Aztecs. No real details are given, except for some drawings of how obsidian cores were probably shaped into tools. Of some usefulness is the fact that no actual obsidian tools were found on-site, which suggests that the unfinished obsidian was carted off somewhere else before it was shaped into arrowheads, knives, etc.

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hough, Walter. Oriental Influences in Mexico. American Anthropologist January 1900 Vol. 2 (1): 66-74.

The purpose of this article was to examine the influence of “oriental” culture on Mexico. Hough examined historical documents to determine the transfer of information, ideas, goods and people between the two regions. Specifically he looked at the historic movement of Mexicans to the Philippines at the time of the Spanish conquest and later colonization, and how their cultural exchange with the Chinese and other natives of the Orient. According to him, there were several distinct instances of influence among them: flora, livestock, fashion, technology (household, mechanical, musical), architecture, games and marriage. The author suggested that these influences moved in both directions with elements of Mexican culture influencing the Orient. “Orientals”, Hough maintains, influenced not just Spanish-Mexicans but their influence extended to “native tribes” and African slaves in Mexico.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hough, Walter. Oriental Influences in Mexico. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 66-74.

Walter Hough talks about the beginnings of trade between Mexico and China and Manila. Hough begins with a brief history of the Spaniards’ governing over the Philippines. When Spaniard Guido de Labarzarries became governor of the Philippines in 1575, trade was firmly established between China and Manila. Products from these two countries were adopted into Mexican culture, and vice versa. Hough says that the most obvious introduction is plants, which have become thought of as indigenous to Mexico. Trade was so popular that it became a hindrance to Mexican trade with Spain. According to Hough, laws were passed that limited the amount of Mexican money used in the Philippines.

Manila’s population was greatly mixed, though the majority was Chinese. Japanese were even sent back to Japan, because the Chinese had such a strong hold in Manila. A new race of mixed native and Chinese bloods, known as “mestizos,” was also established in the area.

The remainder of the article dwells on the topic of introduced objects from the East into Mexico. Hough states: “The first marked intrusion of the East into Mexico is to be found in the flora of the country” (69). The Chinese brought many different plants with them to Mexico: water chestnuts, lilies, gourds, the umbrella tree and pepper tree. The banana came from Manila, while the popular fruit mango originated from the Philippines. Pomegranates and grapes were introduced from Spain into Mexico.

Next Hough looks at the “arts” of Mexico in search of Oriental influence. From raincoats to wine, he sees influence from the Philippines, as well as China and Japan. Here, though, Hough appears to abandon his original focus on the influence of the Eastern Oriental countries by naming products originating in Polynesia, as well as Africa. Some products appear to be from a multitude of different countries. He discusses at some length the introduction of the musical bow, whose origin lies in Africa. Hough says that the musical bow is also found in the Malays, but it did not originate there. Circular homes in some places in Mexico are also attributed to African influence.

The influence of the Spanish is throughout Mexico. The most diverse area, though, is the tropical region, where Chinese, Japanese, Polynesians, and others can be found living amongst the natives. Hough then makes a statement that shows a popular belief of his time: “The writer has observed a number of mestizos of Chinese and Mexican Indians, finding the cross virile and healthy, quite different from the Eurasians, and partaking mush less of Chinese than of Mexican characteristics” (74).

All in all, Hough provided a good background for the development of trade between the Eastern countries and Mexico. His examples were well illustrated, and the information he offered was complete.

PAULA ANDRAS Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Hrdlicka, Ales. Physical and Physiological Observations on the Navaho. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 339-345

The Navaho are extremely diverse within their own group. This tribe of Indians, living in the Athabascan, is as diverse as Americans are across the country. The article focuses on the physical and physiological differences among the Navaho as compared with the “white man.”

The article looks at aspects of physical development by comparing the following physical traits: face shape, variations in skin and hair color, prevalent signs in aging. The research also looks at physiological characteristics examined through low pulse and respiration rates. There are differences in body temperature between Navaho men and women, with women having a higher normal body temperature. Their ability to endure prolonged loss of sleep and extremes in diet are compared to that of “white man.” There is a low occurrence of mental problems for the Navaho, but other medical disorders are prevalent.

Lastly, the article examines the skepticism of Navahos’ beliefs about their origins. The article is well organized, with data taken from Navaho men and women.

MISTI BOONE University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Hrdlicka, Ales. Physical and Physiological Observations on the Navaho. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 339-345.

Hrdlicka spent three weeks among the Navaho, observing and measuring them. He was also interested in the psychology of the Navaho, especially concerning relations with the white man. The Navaho in question live on a 12,000 acre reservation in the Southwest U.S., with emphasis placed upon the Navaho living in Chaco Canyon. Hrdlicka found that the Navaho are short-headed (brachycephalic) and are more than likely related to the ancient Pueblos, and others in present New Mexico, Arizona, and old Mexico. Fifty adult males and thirty adult females were studied. The average measurements are typically near the averages of the whites. Some notable differences include the smaller hands, feet, and legs of the Navaho, and the unintentional cranial deformation of the Navaho. The cranial deformation is caused by the headrest of the baby board. The Navaho are in excellent health, somewhat better than white settlers in the same region. The pulse is low, the most common ailment is in the digestive system, and is due to the cycle of fasting and gorging of food. Puberty is reached earlier in the Navaho, who are not adversely affected by this. Longevity is common, with the oldest observed at eighty. The Navaho are portrayed as harmless, good, and modest people with no head for business. There is supposedly no crime except for that caused by alcohol and drugs. Jealousy is common, but vengefulness is rare. Vices include gambling and racing. The women are expert weavers, while the men are outdoorsmen and laborers. To the whites, they make excellent and trustworthy guides. Material possessions are of importance. The Navaho live in a variety of houses, some being temporary huts and others adobe houses. Corn is important, while the main livestock are sheep, goats, and horses.

An attitude of “superiority” over the Navaho is evident, even from Hrdlicka, who is himself an immigrant. The reader gets the impression that the Navaho are harmless, jolly types, who do not understand the political and social world in which they live.

EVELYN BROWN Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Jenks, Albert Ernest. Faith as a Factor in the Economic Life of the Amerind. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 676-689.

Faith had a strong affect on the economic life of the Amerind. There was a significant affect on the production, the distribution, and the consumption of food. These beliefs would keep certain tribes from eating certain animals, or growing certain crops. They helped the people survive, but in a way also hindered them.

An economic man is one who produces goods for future use, whereas a natural man produces goods to satisfy immediate needs. The faith and beliefs of the Amerinds will never let them fully be an economic man. This article gives a mention to the Iroquois, Menomini tribe, Crow Indians, the Ojibwa (brothers of the Menomini), the Cowitchin tribe, Omaha tribe, Navajo, Round Valley tribe of California, the Tolktins of Oregon, the Cheyenne, and the Algonkin tribes.

The Iroquois believe that no man should cultivate soil for it is a woman’s job. To do this would lessen their rank from man to woman. The Menomini have a belief that has kept them from ever sowing its fields of wild rice. They believe that it their god wanted them to have it, he would provide it for them. This makes them less productive in terms of future storage, and therefore, not an economic man. With distribution, no man possesses more wealth than another. If one accumulates goods, he shares with everyone. If he decides to keep them for himself, he is looked down upon. When a good hunter kills an animal, the food is divided between all who hunted. As before, these are not the ideas of an economic man. In our economic society, one produces for themselves, not for the good of the group. Ideas on consumption are similar. Certain animals cannot be touched, killed, or eaten by certain tribes. This is due to beliefs that the animals contain spirits of ancestors, or due to beliefs of illness. These beliefs keep these people sustained, but do not allow them to progress.

Finally, they have one more idea of faith that stops the transition. When a member dies, a person never uses their home again. The body is often burned in the house. This is due to a belief that the spirit of the deceased remains in the home. This uses up resources, which does not lead to a stronger economy.

KELLEY DYKES University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Jenks, Albert Ernest. Faith as a Factor in the Economic Life of the Amerind. American Anthropologist 1900 2: 676-689.

An example of “armchair anthropology,” Jenks’ paper presents a unilinear evolutionary perspective on religious impediments to Native American economic progress. He relies heavily on second-hand information gleaned from the writings of missionaries, travelers, artists, and ethnographers. Here the many and diverse North American Indian cultures are treated as one group, the “Amerind” or “Amerindian,” and are characterized by belief systems that “defy scientific or logical classification, or rational explanation” (677). These beliefs are seen as obstacles to be overcome if the Amerind is to evolve from “natural man who produces or traffics simply to supply immediate wants” to “economic man . . . who for future gain produces or traffics in desirable goods” (676). These beliefs are presented as affecting production, distribution, and consumption of goods.

Beliefs or practices affecting production are twofold: first, those concerning the sexual division of labor; and, secondly, religious prohibitions concerning cultivation and hunting. As long as agricultural production remains in the hands of women, the Amerind cannot hope to progress, for “no race has become an economic one (a vast aggregate made up of the individual economic man) while it depended on the productive efforts of its women” (677). Distribution is impeded by a “social philosophy” that discourages the individual accumulation of wealth. And, finally, taboos against eating particular foods and mortuary practices calling for the destruction of property upon the owner’s death pervert economic consumption.

The author concludes that religious factors are powerful obstructions to cultural progress for the Amerindian. Furthermore, because culture must progress along a single evolutionary path, the “primitive American” can be seen as an example of an earlier evolutionary stage for “present-day” economics.

AGNES AUSBORN Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Jenks, Albert E. A Remarkable Counterfeiter. American Anthropologist 1900 vol. 2: 292-296.

Jenks wrote this article with the intention of informing interested parties of a certain counterfeiting “flint knapper”. The man was named Lewis Erickson, born in the spring of 1873. Through experimentation, he taught himself non-traditional ways of creating stone implements out of unfinished Native American bifaces and old shatter and flakes. Growing up in Wisconsin, Erickson began biting old flint arrowheads, and chipping their edges with his teeth. He then filed and custom modified a pair of steel pinchers for specifically modifying and creating arrowheads, fishhooks, and other bizarre tools that were not authentic Native American stonework at all. He sold these pieces to collectors and archaeologists alike, for rates of two to six dollars apiece. Jenks explains what to look for to see if it is indeed a modern creation. Prehistoric stone implements, were/are plentiful in Dane county, Wisconsin, and Erickson had lots of raw material to alter. This article is really an attempt to tell Lewis Erickson’s story.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Jenks, Albert Earnest. A Remarkable Counterfeiter. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 292-296.

Born the son of two Norwegian immigrants in 1873, Mr. Lewis Erickson was one of the best counterfeiters of prehistoric stone tools in the United States. Mr. Erickson grew up in Medina, Wisconsin, on his family’s farm. His family was well known and respected in the area. Most people of the community considered the family honest and hard working. He and his brothers saved the family farm and built a new house upon it after the death of their father. Erickson did not receive an advanced education, but was considered intelligent by the people of his area.

Around the age of 20, while suffering from an illness, Erickson discovered something that would lead to his remarkable counterfeiting ability. He found out that by biting on the edges of broken arrowheads, with his teeth, he could rework them and make them look new and original. After doing this a few times, Erickson changed his technique to the use of pliers/pinchers that had been filed down.

By pinching original stone tools with the steel pliers, certain desired breaks and flakes could be achieved. Erickson’s process was so good that, by constant work, within half an hour a broken point could be completely reworked to resemble an original. In essence, he was turning prehistoric art into modern art that resembles prehistoric art. The work was so good that originals could not always be distinguished from Erickson’s products. The only way to tell the difference was to compare the new shiny surface of the tool with the old dull surface. Also, the productions sometimes exhibited black marks from the pliers that were used.

While the distribution of Erickson’s artwork is not entirely known, at least 1,000 pieces were sold to collectors and others. A group of visiting collectors, who had come to see the tools that were making the small rural town famous, discovered Erickson’s method. Erickson not being home at the time, the collectors gained entrance to his shop and found his lithic modification plant.

During an interview with Erickson, Jenks was told the truth about the stone tools. Erickson did not claim that the “artifacts” were original; instead he stated that, through modification, they were his own works. He claimed never to have read any scientific writing or seen any archaeological exhibitions that would have given a motive for his production. His knowledge of Native American lithic production was close to non-existent. This seemed doubtful certain tools were examined. For someone who claimed to know so little about flaked stone tools, Erickson certainly was able to modify tools to closely mirror originals.

JASON LEE PARRISH Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Lamb, D.S. Mythical Monsters. American Anthropologist vol 2, 1900: 277-291

The author makes the claim that most natural occurrences of deformities were the basis for mythical monsters. Being employed by an unspecified museum, he supposedly has access to a number of strange freaks of nature: animals with multiple or missing limbs or other organs, some, due to their deformity, resembling a mix of two species. Mr. Lamb lists an example of how some modern civilized people associate deformed animals with supernatural creatures, and is thus quite certain that “primitive” persons who live/lived in “so-called heathen lands” would doubtless go one step further and make demons out of them. Stories of such beings would proliferate and become exaggerated, leading to a whole host of mythical gods and creatures. A list of them, taken almost exclusively from Greek mythology, is provided, and includes such malformations as the Centaur, Chimera, Sirens, Cyclops, and Satyr. The author suggests that most, if not all, such creatures were based on real deformities, leaving nothing to imagination or religion as other alternatives. Indeed, the tone of the article suggests that he thinks that “primitive man” is incapable of coming up with multi-headed creatures. Unfortunately, nowhere does he define what he means by “primitive man”, and uses only examples from Classical Greek, Egyptian, and Hindu civilizations. The article includes a brief discussion by F.O. Hall and F.A. Lucas, who provide a few comments at the end, among which is an interesting observation by Miss Hall that associating malformations with demons implies that the “primitives” already possess a concept of what a demon is (or should be).

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Laufer, Berthold. Preliminary Notes on Explorations Among the Amoor Tribes. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 297-338.

Berthold Laufer’s notes are published here which depict aspects of his Jesup North Pacific Expedition during 1898-1899. He does not specify where this expedition took place. He discusses several Amoor tribes which he encountered on that journey: the Ainu, the Gilyak, the Olcha, the Tongus, the Tungusian, and the Gold. All of these tribes are hunters and fishermen, using salmon as their staple food. None of them are exclusively nomadic tribes, they all conduct some form of animal domestication (taming reindeer and dogs) or agricultural practice (growing potatoes, leeks, cucumbers, tobacco, and millet). None of these tribes can be understood on their own without understanding their neighbors since interaction and influence between these tribes are evident in their material culture. Laufer claims that the main differences between these tribes is their “physical types and intellectual life.”

Laufer notes that the art of the Amoor tribes is lacking in original, realistic representations. He states that they all borrow from foreign symbols. The cock plays a predominant figure in Amoor ornamental art. It is not native to the area, and was introduced from China and Russia. He is also surprised to observe that the salmon, sturgeon, and other animals which are crucial elements to the Amoor economy are absent from the art forms of some of the tribes, in particular, the Gold. Instead, Chinese mythological creatures, such as dragons, are used in ornamental artworks.

Laufer next focuses on the social organization of the Gold tribe, stating that it is similar to other people of Siberia. The tribe is divided into patrolineal “rodys” or clans. They practices exogamous marriage. Men are permitted to take as many wives as they can afford, but it is rare to have more than three. Men believe that more wives will equate to more work around the household. Men are responsible for hunting and fishing while women tend to chores concerning the household. Wives are treated as slaves to the husband. They are not permitted to address their husband by his name, even though other women may. Husbands do not need to be faithful to their wives, but wives must be faithful. Husbands sleep with other women and often solicit prostitutes, which leads to high rates of sexually transmitted diseases, such as syphilis. Divorce is common in the Gold tribe, but it is the husband’s exclusive privilege to part from his wife; she cannot make this decision. “Disobedience, barrenness, lewd conduct, and foul and incurable disease” are grounds on which men may divorce their wives. Interaction with the Chinese is common, and Amoor wives are often sought out by Chinese traders.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Leon, Nicholas. Translated by F.F. Hilder. A Mazahua Catechism in Testera-Amerind Hieroglyphics. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 722-740.

This article documents the development and the use of iconographic representations developed by Father Jacobo de Testera, at the suggestion and with the assistance of his `native’ translators, to communicate the doctrines of the Catholic Church to the native population in Mexico. These icons were painted on linen cloths and hung near the priest at the front of the church, and consisted of topics such as the Articles of Faith, the Ten Commandments, and the Seven Sacraments. Other missionaries who were evangelizing in Mexico adopted this method.

An alternative approach was to reproduce an icon that sounded like the words to be translated, rather than reproducing the meaning of the word. Many Indian cultures whose languages lent themselves to alphabetic writing soon abandoned this hieroglyphic system, but it did remain in use among some groups. One such group that used this method later than others was the Otomi, from whom a sample of one of these iconographs was reproduced for this article.

The author provides a sample of Catholic catechism, along with descriptions, or translations, of the various icons used to illustrate it. It should be noted that this article was translated from French and that there are several phrases that were left in the original French, as well as several phrases in Spanish.

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Leon, Nicholas. A Mazahua Catechism in Testera-Amerind Hieroglyphics. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 722-740.

Through a review of historical documentation and linguistic analysis, Leon attempts to translate the writing of a lost language. He begins by examining historical documentation in order to find the origins of a type of pictorial writing instituted by Father Jacobo de Testera. Evidence was found in the application of iconographic mnemonics taught to the Nahuas for the purpose of learning Christian doctrine.

The literature documented how the local missionaries began to print Catholic doctrine on sheets of linen. Translators from the local tribes would then translate the doctrine into a written system the others could easily understand. The method was detailed in a book called Rhetorica Christiana, which was accepted by missionaries in various societies. Examples of the writings range from pictures of natives sailing in boats to hell while drinking wine to pictures of other quarreling or killing each other. Leon’s linguistic analysis concludes that the pictures were a derivative of both the American Indian and Testera writing styles.

I found Leon’s explanations to be a somewhat cumbersome read. Although some of the aspects of how the native glyphs changed with contact were fairly understandable, the article as a whole was not. The bulk of it was made up of the hieroglyphs themselves. A more concise presentation would be preferred.

DANIEL MCCALLISTER Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

MacCurdy, George Grant. The Obsidian Razor of the Aztecs. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 1: 417-421.

MacCurdy’s article examines the obsidian razor of the Aztecs and notes similarities between it and the flint flakes from the European Prehistoric era. In particular, the flaking or fractures of the two materials break in a conchodial fracture. He describes obsidian tool making manufacture and emphasizes its excellence in quality for making razors and knives. He compares this to steel razors stating that both have similar ‘feather edges.’ This was the most efficient tool throughout the Stone Age with the same uses as modern scissors, knives, and razors. Although the obsidian razor is sharper than cutting edges from the Bronze Age and the early Iron Age, it is at a disadvantage in terms of tool longevity. This instrument could not resharpened indefinitely like those from the Bronze and Iron Ages.

MacCurdy used a razor to cut a number of items, such as wool, linen, cotton cloth, paper, hair, and beards. Minimal force was needed when cutting these items. In Cortes’s accounts, razors like these were used in ‘barber shops’ that were in the grand bazaar of Mexico City. The Mexicans called these razors made of obsidian itztli. This group would have used these razors not for beard shaving but for head shaving, with the exception of a small tuft of hair located near the crown.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

MacCurdy, George Grant. The Obsidian Razor of the Aztecs. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 417-421.

The author wrote this article in response to a report claiming that obsidian and flint were similar. He then goes on to describe the unique characteristics of the obsidian flake.

Firstly, obsidian is much finer and more easily fractured than flint. The curving of an obsidian flake is much more graceful than the abrupt curves of the flint flake. Additionally, obsidian flakes are observed to have fine, parallel lines radiating out from the center of the flake in the direction of the percussion that dislodged the flake from the core. These lines meet along the edges of the flake.

The author then makes note of the fine quality of the edge of obsidian. It is much finer and sharper than razors of the bronze and iron ages. However, the obsidian razor is easily dulled, whereas those of the bronze and iron ages could be perpetually re-sharpened. The author relates his testing of an obsidian razor on multiple materials with very satisfying results. He then discusses historical accounts of the Aztecs using such razors in shaving their heads, as long hair among men was a privilege reserved for priests and the elite.

JASON L. EDMONDS Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Mason Otis T. Linguistic Families of Mexico. American Anthropologist 1900 : 63-65

Mason reviewed three books written about indigenous American linguistic families. The books were: Catalogo de la Coleccion de Anthropologia del Museo Nacional (1895) by Alfonso L. Herrera and Richardo E. Cicero; American Race (1891) by Dr. Brinton; and Linguistic Families of North America (1891) by Major Powell. According to Mason, all these books are important aids to the study of languages in North America. However, he suggests that certain revisions be made to Pimentel’s table in order to provide more accurate information. Working with Dr. A. S. Gatschet, Mason proposed changes that would used standardized spelling and naming conventions. These name changes would allow a person to distinguish between tribes, speech and linguistic families.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann E. Kingsolver)

Mason, Otis T. The Hudson Collection of Basketry. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 346-353.

In this article, Otis T. Mason presents the reader with a detailed description of a particular basketry collection, residing at the United States National Museum. The vast majority of the collection comes from the Pomo Indians of California. Along with these descriptions are in depth lists of plants, minerals, and techniques used in the creation of these baskets. This article is carefully organized into sections covering the two main types of weaving and the ornamentation styles used.

The two types of weaving seen in this collection are twined and coiled. The

twined weaving is divided into seven groups. They are as follows: Fish-weir, Pshu-tsin, Bam-tush, Shu-set, Ti, Three-ply twine, and Three-ply braid. The coiled baskets are divided into four varieties. In the first kind, “a single stem of rattan forms the foundation” while “the sewing is done with a split stem” (351). In the second, the “foundation is a bundle of splints” and the sewing is completed with bunched stems. In the third variety, three rods are used with interlocking stitches. Finally, in the fourth groups, “threadlike filaments” make the foundation. These this filaments also make up the coils.

In the final section of the article, ornamentation patterns are discussed. There are six styles listed. In the first, a different color line is stitched, in the same style as the body of the basket. In the second, a different style of stitching is incorporated. Thirdly, bands of patterns are added around the body. These are said to resemble lace-work. The fourth style include repeating geometric patterns, while the fifth has raised spiral patterns. The sixth and final style has feathers or shell pieces added.

LACEY CULPEPPER Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Mason, Otis T. The Hudson Collection of Basketry. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2(2):346-353

This article describes Dr. J. W. Hudson’s collection of baskets from a group of Indians referred to as the Pomo and their linguistic family sub-divisions living near Russian River, California. The United States National Museum procured this collection from Dr. Hudson in August, 1899.

In this article, Mason outlines the various plants used for making baskets, as well as the numerous minerals and plant materials used to decorate them. Roots constituted the major plant material used, while feathers and shells were the most common animal material used. Magnetite was the only mineral identified by Mason. Mason provides both the scientific and Indian names for all materials used and identifies the particular part used in the production of the baskets. He also details specific procedures the Pomo undertook to design their baskets.

After discussing both materials and basic procedures, Mason then describes two different types of weaving in detail. Twined and coiled weaving were the two major methods employed by the Pomo. Sub-divisions are also identified according to the different combinations of plants, animals, and minerals used.

Finally, Mason explains the diverse ornamentations incorporated by the Pomo in the decoration of their baskets. Such ornamentation includes bands of twining or coiling in a different stitch, geometric patterns, and even the addition of feathers and shells to the baskets.

TROY WOOD University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Mason, Otis T. The Hudson Collection of Basketry. American Anthropologist April-June, 1900 Vol.2(2):346-353.

In this article, Mason provides a detailed description of Dr. J. W. Hudson’s collection of Pomo basketry. The Pomo were a Native American group of people living in California at the time of Hudson’s study. Mason lists and describes the plant materials that were used in basket making and the mineral and animal materials that were used in the decoration of the baskets.

One prominent technique of Pomo weaving was twined weaving. Hudson divided the twined types as follows: Pshu-kan; Pshu-tsin, which was used in granaries, sheath-making, and game fences rather than in basket making; Bam-tush; Shu-set, the most decorative type of twined weaving; and Ti, the most difficult and prized type of twined weaving. Another common weaving technique employed by the Pomo was coiled weaving.

With regard to ornamentation, the Pomo only implemented weaving styles, rather than techniques such as embroidery and overlaying. Hudson noted six patterns of ornamentation, including geometric weaving patterns and bands of patterns that had a lacey appearance.

Mason ends the article with Hudson’s observation that the basket patterns and shapes make reference to Pomo cosmogony and totemism.

EMILY RICHARDS University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Mason, Otis T. Traps of the Amerind-A Study in Psychology and Invention. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 657-675.

The study of the traps of the Amerinds (American Indians) shows the intellect they possessed as they dealt with early problems in mechanics and engineering. The early Amerinds faced many challenges in catching and trapping animals for food. With this problem, they came up with many useful ways to trap animals for consumption that had a similar basis throughout the Americas. Groups mentioned in the article includes: the Hopi, Aleuts, Eskimo, Cree, Concow, Achomawi (or Pit River Indians), Athapascan, Tarahumari, Autiamgue, and Zuni.

Mason is trying to show us the strategy behind each of the traps the Amerinds used and the deceit and temptation that it bestowed on the animal. The Amerinds had a vast knowledge of all the animals they were trying to capture. They understood their foods and smells, how to send them into traps, and how to lure them into a different direction. They knew how the animals acted to the traps and made adjustments. Their traps had classes of parts that enclosed, arrested, or killed their prey. The Amerinds demonstrated a skill and created devices still used among hunters and trappers today.

American Indians relied on land, water, and air traps. These traps are divided into three groups that enclose, arrest, or kill the animal. The enclosed animals remain alive trapped under a box or net. Arresting the animal meant to catch part of its body to hold the animal in place. Kill traps killed the animal instantly. These traps can use nets, poles, hooks, and heavy rocks for crushing. These traps in all forms demonstrate the concentration, talent, and intellect the Amerinds possessed and acted on.

KELLEY DYKES University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Mason, Otis T. Traps of the Amerind–A Study in Psychology and Invention. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2: 657-675.

Mason defines the term Amerind and trap to introduce his discussion of trapping techniques, invention, and psychology. “A trap is an invention for the purpose of inducing animals to commit incarceration, self-arrest, or suicide” (657). A trap is an invention in that in its simplest form it is something an animal becomes subjected to and in its peak form it involves mechanical workings that use the power of gravity and elasticity. A trap is also the result of the psychological consciousness of a human. It is the result of careful analysis of animal behavior and habit.

Traps consist of two parts. These parts are the working part and the mechanical, manual, animal part. As traps became more complex and efficient, the number of parts required increased. Mason moves into a discussion of various traps. Traps are classified by the environment in which they are used. Three areas are referenced: land, water, and air. Traps are also grouped into three categories based on their purpose. These include inclosing, arresting, and killing. Inclosing traps incarcerate the animal causing neither injury nor death (663). Four types of these traps are pen-traps, cage-traps, pit-traps, and door-traps. Arresting traps are created to cause the death of an animal by seizure without directly killing it (666). Types of arresting traps include mesh nets, set-hook, noose, and clutching devices. Killing traps are those formed with the intent to cause immediate death to the animal. Weight-traps, point-traps, and edge-traps are examples of killing traps.

Mason addresses distribution of traps in America. The occurrence of particular traps is due to the presence of animals and the availability of materials to create traps. Climate and trade also played a role in trap distribution. Trapping is the result of the Amerinds ability to overcome difficulties through the use of technology.

LAUREN MILLER Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Mathews, R. H. The Toara Ceremony of the Dippil Tribes of Queensland. American Anthropologist 1900 vol. 2: 139-144.

This article is simply a full description of the To’-a-re ceremony of initiation in Australia. Mathews lists the principal languages in the areas where this ceremony takes place. Four tribes the Barrang, Banjoora, Bunda, and Terrawine, are named, with the first two belonging in a phratry called Karpeum, and the last two in the Deeyajee phratry.

This ceremony is quite basically a male initiation rite, where young boys are admitted as men to the tribe. Men and women are called to the ceremonial area and a fire is lit. Then, the visitor reveals a portion of either a feather or porcupine quill, and states that the other part of it is hidden in the embankment “bounding the Toara circle”. While the neighboring tribes are being summoned, an open area is cleared and cleaned, with debris becoming part of an embankment, which surrounds this circle. Another circle identical to it is cleared and embanked, with two stumps set into the ground in this one. Once the right people arrive, the people associated with the special object then go to find its match, which results in much joy. That night, all sleep around the Toara ring. The morning brings the painting of bodies and more ceremony. A fire ceremony happens in this ring, then the young men are helped into the other enclosure where they are to look at two men standing on the two stumps mentioned earlier and then let out again. The night passes with another camp-out, and the morning following, each young novice loses one of his upper incisors. They then hunt with the men all day, and then a mock battle takes place in an area of tall grass. The next morning, the Deeyajee and Kapeun groups are involved in a noisy ritual where the young men get new names. Up in the trees, men hide and mimic sounds of totems of their belief system, who the elders call ghosts. Mathews discusses the end of the ceremony and he says they do not marry women until more ceremony and ritual happens. A new language is taught to them, a mystical one that people outside their culture fail to understand, and then Mathews ends. He has no conclusions and does not tie in this culture or society to the ritual other than simple description during ritual activity.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Mathews, R.H. The Toara Ceremony of the Dippil Tribes of Queensland. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 139-144.

Mathews introduces the Toara ceremony in order to enable comparison to other ceremonies throughout Australia. The Dippil tribes include the Dippil, Turubul, Kahbee, Goonine, Kurranga, Kanalloo, and others. The tribes are divided into four sections: Barrang, Banjoora, Bunda, and Terrawine. The Barrang and Banjoora form the Karpeun phratry and the Bunda and Terrawine form the Deeyajee phratry.

The Toara ceremony begins when the headmen believe there are enough young men ready to become members of the tribe. A messenger travels to a neighboring tribe with an invitation to participate in the ceremony. He delivers the message and a small parcel. The other part of the object in the parcel is hidden in the embankment of the Toara circle. The locals engage in preparation for the ceremony. This includes the clearing and enclosure of land to produce two circles.

When the visiting tribes arrive, the search for the secret object ensues. When this is found, much joy is expressed. That evening, camp is made near the Toara circle. The next morning, the young men awaiting initiation are painted with red ocher and grease and placed close to the embankment with their heads bowed. Heated leaves are rubbed on their bodies. A ritual act involving fire and burning brands is performed and is followed by the novices treading down the path to the other enclosure. After reaching the enclosure, the novices raise their heads and look at two old men within the enclosure. Camp is again made and the next day marks the removal of an upper incisor tooth for the novice. The novices then go hunting with the men. Men in war paint imitating a strange tribe make an attack. The graduates are then presented with the symbolic bullroarer. The next morning the two groups of Deeyajee and Karpeun separate and occupy trees on different sides of camp. The novices are brought out and given new names. The novices are also taught a language that is only understood by those who have participated in the initiation ceremony. It should be noted that men must pass through several Toaras before they may have relations with women.

LAUREN MILLER Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Mathews, R.H. The Wombya Organization of the Australian Aborigines. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 495-501.

R.H. Mathews’ article attempts to define the social structure of the Wombya organization, an Austrialian Aboriginal tribe, in terms of their marriage practices. Within the Wombya group, there are eight different intermarrying groups which he examines. There is a complex system within the divisions of these groups which dictates rules that regulate intermarriage of the sections and the naming of the offspring. One particular group, the Chingalee, are divided into two phratries or subgroups. The sons of either phratry will marry daughters of the other phratry. This seems to be a matrilineal culture in which the determination of phratry comes from the women.

There are also many customs which need to be followed by an individual prior to marriage. Prior to marriage, a man must be circumcised and a woman must be introcisied. In certain tribes, there are certain death rites. The death of a child results in the mother carrying the body with her for several weeks or even months. If a husband or an adult son dies, the wife or mother is not permitted to eat meat, or use her voice for communication, until the father of the deceased bites her on the palm of the hand.

Totems are also used in this group, and tend to follow a patrilineal descent from the father to his offspring. Totems are pairings of animals, plants, and other inanimate objects. Mathews also states that these pairings vary from generation to generation in each father to son relationship.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Mathews, Washington. A Two-faced Navaho Blanket. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 638-642.

Many people believe American Indians to be incapable of advancing themselves through either their own inventiveness, or by imitating the progress of others. Belying this, however, is the development of weaving among the Navaho. Although their neighbors, the Pueblo, are known to have woven cotton before the arrival of the Spanish, the Navaho did not begin weaving until 300 years ago. From this time, however, they began to cultivate the skill of weaving, learning from the Pueblo and eventually surpassing them in skill. Mathews did research among the Navaho from 1880 to 1884. He did an intensive study of their weaving. During this time he only observed single-faced blankets, or blankets whose two sides were identical. When he returned six years later, he found a Navaho blanket that had two unique sides. It is likely that within this six-year period a Navaho invented a new form of art, the two-faced blanket. Mathews tried to find the woman who had woven the blanket, or anyone who had information about the style. However, his informants reported only that such blankets were made by Navahos in some other area, but they did not know where. It is probable that whoever invented the technique shared it, and now the practice is being used by others. This is remarkable because the distinguishing feature of an Indian blanket was thought to be that both of its sides were identical. A popular blanket trader in New Mexico confirmed this, and, when questioned, suggested that the Navaho had invented a new style.

The Navaho loom is a complex machine. It is a mark of progress to move from a simple tool to a machine. The usual loom used by the Navaho is Native American in origin. Some alteration must have taken place either in the loom or in the method of weaving to produce the new style. Changing from one way of using a machine to another, better, way of using it is also a sign of progress among the Navaho. Mathews could not tell how the change was made without seeing the weaving taking place. Even Americans and Europeans have not produced a similar fabric, which proves that the Navaho artist was not copying a style produced by white people. It is possible that the Navaho came into contact with Indians of the Pacific Coast who made baskets with different designs on the outer and inner sides. However, the baskets were woven by hand, and the Navaho used a loom, so the two are not comparable.

LEE ANN LOWE Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Matthews, Washington. A Two Faced Navaho Blanket. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2: 638-642.

Matthews speaks of a legendary craft known only to be made by one group of Indians, the Navaho. A two-faced Navaho blanket is a creative way that Mathews explains how the blanket is a garment that is comprised of two sides. Each side has a different pattern woven in to it. As the history of the Navaho culture shows, this group was not known to weave. As the Navaho began trading and intermarrying with sedentary Indians, they began to pick up this skill and later mastered it. The Navaho made all their blankets on looms, but there have been no looms made in their time with the ability to produce duel woven sides. The only other two-sided woven items before the Navaho’s blanket with duel sides were hand woven baskets. The creation of the two faced blanket remained a mystery to Matthews. The observation made by Matthews told that the blanket pattern is in existence, but his findings revealed that the Navaho were not the people who were making them themselves, due to his lack of evidence on the reservation he was on. It was as if, by chance, these blankets were given as gifts, or traded. But were they rarely kept in the hands of the creator? It is possible that the reservation Matthews was on had no weavers of the two-sided blanket. The observation made by a local trader confirmed that he knew the blankets to be of Navaho invention, and he knew their tribe to be the only one that practiced the pattern.

STEFFONIE C. SCHREIBER University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Phillips, W.A. Aboriginal Quarries and Shops at Mill Creek, Illinois. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 37-52.

The author describes one of many quarries in this region. This particular site appears to have been exposed by a stream, which once flowed over the site and exposed the chert nodules from which tools were made and traded throughout the Mississippi Valley.

Three trenches are specifically documented. They consist of the depression dug into the quarry as well as the dump piles beside them, out of which trees are noted to be growing up to two feet wide. Within these trenches were found three digging tools, chert flakes (probably the result of testing the nodules), and nodules discarded after preliminary testing was conducted on them. Outside the pits, broken nodules were found as if discarded in a selection process. Although these three trenches were chosen for documentation, the author states that the number of depressions was not countable, but probably ranged into the hundreds with many more having been plowed away.

Further shaping of the chert tools was apparently done in what the author terms `shops’ on the cleared land at the southern end of the hill. These shops consisted of flint chips, broken pottery, mussel shells and charcoal. The flaking refuse in the area occurred in well-defined circular spaces with charcoal deposits at the center leading to the interpretation of these areas as lodge sites.

The nodules from the trenches at Mill Creek appear to have been well suited for long, thin blade shapes, such as would be required for tools. Flakes in the shop areas were consistently large, thin and wide and indicate they were the byproducts of spades or hoes being shaped. The author also notes the production of leaf-blades at the site and a notable lack of the smaller flakes that would indicate the manufacture of smaller lithic tools, such as projectiles.

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Phillips, W. A. Aboriginal Quarries and Shops at Mill Creek, Illinois. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 37-52.

W.A. Phillips’ main concern is with the source of the large stone tools found in the Mississippi Valley. These tools are characteristically large hoes and spades. The chert used is not remarkable, except for its usefulness in making long, thin blades. The chert is common in Illinois and Missouri. The number of quarries in the area around Mill Creek, Illinois, places an emphasis on the region. Phillips examined the quarries and shops in the surrounding area. The quarries are in depressions scattered throughout the hills. Much refuse from on-site selection is present under the vegetative matter. Finished forms are rare at the quarry site, as are preforms. Most of the tools present were used in the work of digging the quarry. Average length of tools is eight inches, but some are up to thirteen inches long. The land had been cut for a railroad line close to the sites, offering a view of the stratigraphy. There is a layer of clay followed by a layer of chert, a layer of clay, and finally limestone. Chert is common throughout the second layer of clay. Nodules of chert near the surface have been found only near streams. Several mounds are nearby; the dirt used to construct the mounds is littered with stoneworking refuse. The mounds are within a large midden area, up to five feet thick and several acres long. The amount of refuse indicates that the area had been used for many years as either a yearlong site or a seasonal site. Most of the unfinished blades found are rejects. The rejects were meant to be different types of tools upon completion, yet most are typically thin and long. Hammerstones found are of the common type. Grinding stones are abundant; rejects were used as grinding stones, as the incrusted nodules were rough enough to grind effectively.

The article is merely a report on the site of Mill Creek. It is not meant to be a declaration of Phillips’ certainty that Mill Creek was the main site for the hoes and spades. There is, as yet, not enough evidence for the declaration of the source. There may be many sites like Mill Creek, as the stone extends across two states.

EVELYN BROWN Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Powell, J.W. The Lessons of Folklore. American Anthropologist. January 1900. Vol.2(1):1-36

Powell’s purpose for writing this article is to “present a sketch or outline of this new science”, that is the science of folklore. He describes chronologically how, as men advance from savagery through barbarism and on to civilization, the changes that occur in systems of cosmology. He begins with ‘savage’ groups recognizing three worlds, the upper, middle, and lower, and on to recognizing as well, the four cardinal directions, north, south, east, and west. These evolve into recognition of the four elements of which all things are believed to be made: earth, wind, fire, and water. He finds that tribes will then assign values to each in a binary fashion, i.e., good/evil, heaven/hell.

In ‘barbarism’, the emphasis is on causation and its effects. These lead into beliefs or reincarnation and ghosts. The barbaric tribe will perform ceremonies and rituals to both protect themselves from and ally themselves with ghosts, which, free from a physical form, may reside in anything. Societies are organized to influence these ghosts, whether for good harvest, protection from disease, or successful warfare.

Powell describes dreams as hallucination, seen only by the insane or primitive as being meaningful. Within the ‘civilized’ society he recognizes only mascots and taboos as vestiges of the folklore tradition.

Powell discusses the systems of explanation known as idealism and materialism; the idealists believing all physical objects are generated from the mind, the materialists believing that all physical objects are generated by forces. He criticizes both as a return to mysticism and dismissal of science.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Powell, J. W. The Lessons of Folklore. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 1-36.

Heritage plays a major role in the movement of ideas through time. Ideas are passed from one generation to the next much the same way that genetic traits are passed. J. W. Powell gives his opinions on how folklore is molded by time. “The study of folklore is the study of superstitions” (p. ). Powell looks at some of these superstitions in order to gain accurate knowledge of the development of folklore.

First, he addresses the idea that superstitions have probably been held by humankind since barbaric days. He states that, much like physical traits, ideas can be vestigial. In barbaric times, humans wandered the earth uncivilized, just like the beasts that surrounded them. “Beasts are men, and men are but beasts” (p. ). In these olden times, people believed that beasts probably were superior to them. Humans based their philosophical beliefs on the idea that beasts were gods possessing magical powers. To them everything had a spirit, be it a lion, snail, rock, or even the stars. Humankind, in the eyes of the savage, also could have magical powers. The most powerful were those of the jossakeeds (shamans, priests, etc.). Prehistoric people limited their concept of beliefs to seven “world” stages: 1) the zenith world—the heavens, 2) the mid world—the things around them, 3) the nadir world—evil places such as hell, 4) the worlds to the north, 5) the worlds to the south, 6) the worlds to the east, and 7) the worlds to the west. The latter four came from interaction between varying tribes.

In the last stages of savagery, new ideas came into being. Savages began to believe that everything was made up of earth, air, fire, and water. These were the most powerful substances, much like in the Captain Planet cartoon. They narrowed thoughts of worlds into three categories: the upper, mid, and lower worlds. Powell states that “folklore is ancient error still believed by the ignorant” (p. ). Wise people of the past came up with the ideas to explain why things are the way they are, and people of lesser intelligence simply followed the leaders. This explains the Indian dances to the clouds and sun, in the aspect that these ceremonies would make happy the gods that would in return give them rain for crops and animals to hunt.

Powell also writes of the idealism theory. As quoted from James Ward, “idealism is a theory that all of the material objects of the universe, other than human beings, are created or generated by the mind and that human beings are the real things and all other things are but concepts of humans beings” (p. ). This idea rejects scientific research and therefore is difficult to adopt, in my opinion. From reading Powell’s essay, I found that there have been many changing views of exactly how our “world” is what it is. He did an excellent, very in-depth look at how human views change over time. Many of these changes and ideas are molded into our modern day religions. Basically, I feel that every person has the ability to believe what he or she wants to believe—some are simply more adventurous than others.

RUSS REED Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Powell, J. W. Philology, or the Science of Activities Designed for Expression. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2: 603-638.

Powell’s article is a meditation on the nature of language or, as he calls it “artificial expression” because “expressions which are designed to convey concepts constitute language”, while on the other hand “natural expressions are not designed to convey concepts.”

Powell makes an important connection between natural expressions and “activities” which he defines as “the primeval expression of animals by which their thoughts are interpreted by other animals… Activities constitute a natural language expressing the minds of active bodies, but such expression is not designed to be understood by others.” Thus Powell lays the groundwork for the body of the article in which he classifies various types of languages along these two lines.

Powell divides the article into five parts: Emotional language, Oral language, Gesture language, Written language, and Logistic language. In each section, he defines the type of language and provides examples. Of emotional language he writes: “the natural expression of strong emotion is cultivated by man in earlier stages of society and likewise in childhood, so that an artificial language of emotions is produced.” He offers five examples of this type of language of which “smiling as an expression of pleasure,” and “showing the teeth as a sign of rage” are two. In each example he describes what happens physically in the expression of the emotion and how humans have adopted it and suited the expression to their ends by means of evolutionary processes.

In Powell’s discussion of Oral Language, he writes that through evolution, man developed oral language instead of emotional language as a more efficient means of communicating because emotional language, as he defines it, depends heavily on visual cues as the primary means of communication. He defines and characterizes oral language by dividing it into five components: phonics, lexicology, grammar, etymology, and sematology which according to Powell “is the science of the signification of oral words and sentences.”

Powell’s article continues with a discussion and analysis of gesture language (“a means of communicating between tribes having diverse tongues); written languages (‘Modern written languages differ from speech in that sounds are represented by letters”); and logistic language, a kind of language that according to Powell essentially includes numbers, units of measurement, and symbols designed for calculation.

The discussion of each type language above is characterized by a discussion of its origin, its utility to mankind, and the manner in which it shares qualities with the other types of languages.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Powell, J. W. Philology, or the Science of Activities Designed for Expression. American Anthropologist 1900 2: 603-637.

Philology is the study of the ways in which people express themselves.
Philology is made up of five branches that study different types of languages people use to communicate, and how they evolved. Human forms of expression are distinguished from that of non-human animals by the fact that a person expressing thoughts or feelings does so intentionally, and a human listener is actively involved in interpreting the expression. The first branch of philology is the language of emotions. Humans began cultivating this language when they were more similar to other animals.
Early on this language took the form of individuals spontaneously expressing their emotions. However, in time these expressions became customary and were used for the purposes of communication. This can be seen in the phenomena of humans pretending to cry or laugh for the benefit of others, or with the intention of deceiving others. This example shows that laughter and crying, among other emotional expressions, are not natural reactions, but rather are intentionally used methods of expression.

Another form of philology is oral language. Oral speech probably evolved because of its usefulness. People can speak and listen when their hands and eyes are being used, precluding gestural communication. The first forms of oral speech were probably calls, such as warnings or invitations, which non-human animals make. The idea of pronouns was developed later, followed gradually by vocal inflections and simple adjectives. Before any spoken language was possible, however, early humans had to evolve speech organs. These probably evolved because of the greater benefits of language over emotional expression. Human speech organs make a wide range of sounds possible. Because there are so many possible sounds, each human language focuses on certain sounds and ignores the rest. This makes it easier for listeners to correctly interpret what speakers are saying because there is slight variation in each individual¹s pronunciation.

Language is now universal among humans. Some languages are more highly developed than others. The languages of non-literate peoples can be compared to ancient written languages to investigate the uniform stages of linguistic evolution that each language passes through. There are some important differences between the lexicology and grammar of less developed and more developed languages. Lexicology refers to dictionaries of possible sounds, or vocables, which are a series of sounds occurring in a certain order, as well as their meanings. Grammar, or syntax, is the method by which words are ordered in a sentence. In the less developed languages, monovocable sentences are often used. This tendency to use a single unit of sound to make up a sentence is termed holophrastic. Early language was probably holophrastic and early sentences were probably commands. Evolution has moved from these holophrastic sentences to more efficient types of sentences.

Etymology is the study of the development of words and vocables. Words and vocables are thought to have originated in small bands or family groups. Intergroup communication led to gestural language. Migration and contact between groups facilitated the development of language, as people came into contact with new ideas that they wanted to express, and new ways of expressing ideas. This has occurred along with a general trend among people for small groups to come together, forming larger groups, which eventually led to the formation of highly sophisticated nation-states. The same phenomenon occurs with language, as languages used by small groups fuse with the languages of other groups. All languages will eventually fuse together into one highly evolved universal language.

Sematology is the study of the meaning of words and sentences. Words are symbols that stand for meanings. In the languages of non-literate peoples words are not symbols for abstract meaning, but are descriptions of qualities. People gradually distinguish more qualities of things, and then properties of things, and then eventually the things themselves are named. As languages evolve, words take on more and more meanings, because earlier meanings that words are used for are not discarded when new ones are adopted. This is referred to as the ³disease of language² and leads to ambiguity. Ambiguity is also caused by the use of metaphor. Written languages contain symbols that stand for either spoken sounds, in the case of alphabets, or for things and ideas apart from the spoken sound used to represent them. The latter occurs because of shamanic and religious practices where people are required to have calenders for religious cycles or to communicate with deities. Through time these records and pictures become increasingly complex, until individual pictures become customary. Logistic language is the language of math and science. In its early manifestations it takes the form of counting on fingers. Then it develops into lines being clustered in sets, such as sets of ten. This leads to the use of various measuring tables, and finally to the languages of math and science. The primary characteristic of logistic language is its universalized meanings which make ambiguity impossible. Eventually logistic language will develop a grammar and will be used for non-ambiguous reasoning.

Clarity: 2
LEE ANN LOWE Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Smith, Harlan I. Archaeological Investigations on the North Pacific Coast in 1899. American Anthropologist January 1900 vol. 2(1):563-567.

Harlan Smith began “Archaeological Investigations of the North Pacific coast in 1899” by defining what he wanted to accomplish in Washington state. He was looking for evidence of burial styles transferring from other areas of the coast to Washington, and also to investigate the “shell-heaps of Puget sound”, with special concerns to where they are located, both to the South and North; whether Columbia peoples influenced them; and in comparing them with other similar sites.

Smith gives artifact and grave descriptions that he found in certain valleys of Washington State. Of the shell mounds observed, he said they are similar to those found on Vancouver’s east coast. By examining artifacts from the Columbia valley, Smith noticed that the cultures of this region probably did influence the southern region of Seattle. Arrowheads, grooved hammers, sinkers, stone clubs, and other bone or antler artifact were used for this assumption. He states that the North Pacific coast culture stretched from Shoalwater to the north, and to Seattle in the south. With the shell heaps, Smith defined a major difference from region to region, the difference being a darker black soil which was a result of lowland water. Smith did not explain skeleton presence and frequency; he did not have data for these differences. He did cover grave goods, and goes into the finds with detail.

Smith ends with the need for more fieldwork and archaeological investigation. Areas he wanted to look at were the Columbia River regions in Washington and Oregon, where he felt the British Columbia influences in Washington would be answered. Overall, Smith used artifacts to help learn about culture transfer and how stylistic and functional differences in the artifacts moved around the region.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Smith, Harlan I. Archaeological Investigations on the North Pacific Coast in 1899. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 563-567.

On the Pacific coast of Washington State, Smith did archaeological investigations directed towards solving problems that were attained from the previous two years of research in the same area. To solve the problems of the area, it was planned to extend the existing knowledge of the distributions and character of cairns and burial mounds.

Along with this was the need to make a reconnaissance of the shell-heaps of Puget Sound and the western coast, to aid in determining their character and distribution. Also, the southern limits of the North Pacific cultures and any possible influences and analogies from the upper Columbia (British Columbia) area were investigated.

Mentioned in the paper are numerous places that have turned up archaeological evidence. The artifacts from these places are compared to similar artifacts found at other sites. Artifacts range from skeletons and skulls to shell and arrowheads. There were some very similar artifacts turning up in various places that are long distances apart.

Smith comes to the conclusion that more archaeological investigations are needed in the area. This will allow knowledge about the history and people of the area to grow. He also recommends that other nearby places be investigated and compared to the already investigated areas.

JASON LEE PARRISH Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Swanton, John R. Morphology of the Chinook Verb. American Anthropologist April-June, 1900 Volume 2 (2): 199-237

Swanton’s article examines various aspects of the grammar of Chinook verbs. This article builds upon a number of previous studies conducted on the Chinook language. Subjects covered in the article include phonemic laws, parts of speech, tenses, suffixes, and prefixes.

Emphasis is placed on phonemic changes in the Chinook language. Replacements, omissions, and additions are described through extensive conjugation of various verbs. Special consideration is paid to the relationships between sounds that serve equivalent grammatical functions, such as the pairs d and t, s and c, and e and i. Several laws are defined designating the ways in which different letters are arranged in separate situations. Also, changes due to accents are outlined.

Swanton comments that in order to obtain an adequate conception of Chinook verbs, one must have some knowledge of the other parts of speech as well. He discusses the five genders utilized in the Chinook language — masculine (i-), feminine (o-), neuter (L-), dual (c-), and plural (t-) – which at the time of this analysis remained undefined. Swanton also states that possession plays an important part in Chinook and lists the prefixes commonly seen.

Next Swanton moves on to describe the five tenses — transitive, transitional, continuative, future, and perfect – present in Chinook, indicating particular suffixes that mark the separate tenses. A discussion of prefixes and suffixes follows, outlining the uses of each, their locations in a sentence, and indicating factors that govern their placement. Mood and verb-stems are briefly discussed as well.

Swanton concludes the article with a description of similarities and differences between Chinook and other languages spoken in the Americas. He indicates several idiosyncrasies of Chinook such as the excessive use of onomatopoetic elements and a well-developed pronominal system, which are untouched elsewhere on the continent. A nominal gender is also noted, traces of which are found in a few other Native American dialects.

GYPSY CLAIRE PRICE University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Professor Margaret Wiener)

Swanton, John R. Morphology of the Chinook Verb. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2: 199-237.

Swanton’s goal was to understand the language of the Chinook. He used the notes taken by Franz Boas, as the languages had practically become extinct. The Chinook language is based on the verb. The verb’s usage, the placement of prefixes and suffixes on the verb itself, use of onomatopoetic elements, verb-stem modifications, the pronominal system, and the nominal sex gender distinguish the Chinook language from other American languages. The Chinook language uses five genders: masculine, feminine, neuter, dual, and plural. There are also five verb tenses: transitive, transitional, continuative, future, and perfect. Many of the sounds change depending on the surrounding phonemes. For example the sounds l, n, and e are substituted for each other depending on usage in the sentence or phrase. The accent placed upon the individual words is important as well. This allows for the omission of certain syllables. Verb tenses are indicated by prefixes and suffixes. The use of a third object is similar to the function of the English preposition. There are also three prefixes that carry a prepositional meaning. For the possessive case, a reflexive prefix is needed for a transitive verb. Adverbs are, again, prefixes; six are known. The Chinook verb may also take three types of suffixes: locative, derivational, and generic. The locative suffix shows the directions in which a motion may take place. The derivational suffix shows the duration of an act, and generic suffixes are similar to active and passive English verbs. The Chinook verb is normally indicative, while the verb-stem itself is often from a different source than that of the verb. Onomatopoetic elements allow the verb to have a verb-stem that is not fixed; the syllables change according to its usage. Substantives are commonly used in Chinook. The language of the Chinook is thus based upon the verb.

All of the points are made through numerous examples of the Chinook language. The article is very jargon-friendly, with several lingual terms. The accompanying table is confusing and not useful.

EVELYN BROWN Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Thomas, Cyrus. Mayan Time Systems and Time Symbols. American Anthropologist 1900 vol. 2: 53-62.

Thomas wants everyone to know right away that a Mr. J. T. Goodman had discovered answers to some of the mysteries contained in certain Mayan glyphs. These findings were of glyphs, which stood for time counting and time symbols. A description of how Mayan glyphs are looked at for learning their counting methods is listed. What Mr. Goodman had to contribute to this knowledge was what he figured out about time relations within these codices, the Dresden codex most specifically.

The glyphs, in relation to numbers, are combinations of dots and short lines that are respectively stacked on top of each other, thus creating a bigger number. Goodman had found that when time was concerned, there were glyphs that had their own names that signified value, and their relative position to each other was not a factor of value. Goodman’s findings also helped to unify the calendars or time systems of different Mayan tribes. It was this knowledge that allowed Goodman’s findings to actually work. Thomas lists three comparative tribes and how their day names relate to each other. He then relates the codices compared to the Mayan tribes in their respective locations, and how the difference in day names verifies the different dialects of the regions. Thomas also defines the meaning of some of these words or glyphs, and relates the different translations to the dialectical differences also. The month names, he says, have the widest variation. The most interesting findings Goodman uncovered were the similarities in the Dresden codex and glyphs found elsewhere. For instance, the symbol for the month Pop is seen as an interlacing figure, which denotes matting, and in Maya pop means “mat”.

Thomas ends with the fact that this new knowledge helped to tie the calendars together more closely than the historical record used to allow. Goodman used this information to say that the Mayans were tied together and were not all separated and stated that they were bound together into the “grandest native civilization in the Western Hemisphere”. These inscriptions helped to prove the belief that the Mayan names for dates and days, months, and so on, were in effect long before the Spaniards came to the Americas. It was believed that the Mayan names were borrowed. This new knowledge would have set the foundation for much more work in the future in learning what the actual age for the glyphs are.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Thomas, Cyrus. Mayan Time Systems and Time Symbols. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 53-62

Cyrus Thomas examines the names of days and months of the Mayan calendar, as well as symbols used to represent them, in this article. Basing most of his research on that of Mr. Goodman, Thomas uses mathematical expressions to display the method of counting in Mayan tribes. He uses these expressions to deal with calendar days, or “different orders in time counts” (54). Specific characters were used to represent such time counts, and a certain series of numbers follows to give an exact date. This part of Thomas’ article is difficult to follow. He is basing these assertions on the work of Mr. Goodman; the reader begins to wonder whether Thomas understood fully what Goodman was talking about.

Goodman’s research did reveal some interesting facts. The names of the months and the order of the days were quite similar among the Maya, including the Tzental and Quiche-Cakchiquel tribes. Although these three societies begin the year with different days, there is a striking resemblance in the months used.

Thomas believes the origin for the symbols of time is Mayan. He says: “The similarity in the form of the day symbols can be taken as an indication of a similarity in the names” (58). He then provides examples based on this statement. The largest difference between symbols involves the months, displayed by Thomas in codices.

Thomas then wonders whether the different nations were more homogenous than originally thought. It is on this thought that the author ends his article, leaving the origin of the months and days to the Mayans.

PAULA ANDRAS Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Voth, H. R. Oraibi Marriage Customs. American Anthropologist April, 1900 Vol.2 (2):238-246.

The marriage customs of the Oraibi village of the Hopi Indians are studied in this article because Oraibi is the largest and most primitive village in Tusayan. Although there are some slight variations between different villages, overall the marriage customs are the same for all Hopi Indians. The Hopi do not sell their brides, but instead, gifts are given to the bride and by the bride throughout the wedding festivities; and furthermore, young people are allowed to choose for themselves who they wish to have as their husband or wife.

Young people are given the chance to publicly date, and later privately date after their feelings for each other have been known. It is customary for a young man to have a horse, burro, money, blankets, and maybe some beads before marriage, but these are not necessary requirements. Marriages are usually performed in autumn or winter.

After the betrothal has been announced, the bride’s hair is taken down and on one side the hair is loosely tied at the end in a knot. Then late at night or early in the morning the mother and daughter go over to the soon-to-be mother-in-law’s house with a tray of meal from white corn. There, the bride will work at the meal-grinding trough for the next few days. Little communication is given to or by the bride during this time. The first two days of corn grinding, white corn is used, while on the third a bluish-black corn is used. The girl’s friends bring trays to the groom’s house, where she is staying until the marriage customs are completed. The forth day is called the wedding-day proper, in which after rising early, female relatives and friends bring water. Each other’s mother washes the heads of the bride and groom with suds from the pounded roots of yucca. After the heads are washed, the ones who brought water pour it over the heads of the couple, and after wards the couple wrings out their hair and dry it by the fire. This is a time of much joy and merriment for all, but afterwards the visitors leave and when the couple is dry they each take a pinch of cornmeal and sprinkle it over the edge of the mesa near Oraibi, making a wish.

After the couple is finished they head back to the house for breakfast, and after this the father of the groom takes some of his cotton and gives it to family and friends. A bridal costume is started several days later by the groom, his father, and any one else who wishes to help carding and spinning the cotton. While the men are working in the kivas, the women are cooking them food. When the spinning is done, the bridal costume is begun. The costume consists of two robes, a white sash, a reed mat, and buckskin moccasins. The robes are coated in kaolin and when dry, tassels are made and attached to them. The bridal costume is complete; she then puts on one of the robes and the moccasins and places the other robe in the reed mat. She walks to her house where her mother takes the mat from her. This last act ends the marriage ceremony, although the young couple has been married for several weeks now. The marriage customs of the Oraibi show the joy and excitement of the occasion through their jokes, laughter, and “horseplay” which are especially demonstrated by the males, throughout this time.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann E. Kingsolver)

Voth, H. R. Oraibi Marriage Customs. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2: 238-246.

In this article, H. R. Voth describes the “complicated and protracted” (238) marriage customs of the Hopi Indians of Arizona. He does this by following the path that a yound couple must take, beginning with the decision to marry and ending with the marriage itself. Along with this are descriptions of the ceremonial clothing and a brief mention of how the Hopi are different from many other tribes when it comes to their marriage practices.

The differentiating factor between Hopi marriages and the customs of other “half-civilized peoples” is that, for the Hopi, “marriage by purchase does not exist” (238). Also, both the future bride and groom are willing participants and consent from their parents is neither requested nor given.

When a young Hopi couple decides to marry, this begins the ceremonial process. Much of this process revolves around corn and the bride’s (movi) wedding clothes. Once the marriage is announced, the movi spends several days at the home of her groom, silently grinding corn. Different kinds of corn are used on different days. After the fourth day the grinding ceases and people arrive at the home with vessels filled with water. This will be used to wash the bride’s and groom’s hair when enough is received. After their hair is clean and dry, a meal is served to all in attendance.

The next phase of the marriage process involves the production of the movi’s costume. Cotton is collected by the groom’s parents and taken to the groom and his friends. It is their responsibility, along with the groom’s father, to make the costume. This could take several weeks. Once the clothing is presented to the bride she must go to the house of her mother, as a married woman. She and her groom will live there until a house of their own can be built.

The purpose of this article seems to be to present a descriptive analysis for the reader, as opposed to arguing or trying to prove a specific point. If this was indeed the goal of the author, it was successfully accomplished.

LACEY CULPEPPER Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Wardle, Newell H. The Sedna Cycle: A Study In Myth Evolution. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 2: 568-580.

The Sedna Myth is present in many native, ancient cultures throughout the “new world,” but prominently only in the Central regions, such as Smith Sound, western and southern Greenland, to Angmagsalik. Mythology is a formative element of a culture, so the Eskimo culture-home is most likely based around the Hudson Bay area, where the myth is most highly concentrated. The absence of the myth in the Alaskan region shows that most likely the western area was not one of the ethnic cultural developments.

The story seems to focus on the creation of sea mammals, but a closer look reveals the importance of the changing seasons. One version begins with the departure of Sedna in the fall when she is won over by the fulmar (the wind). They travel to his home over the sea, only to find it is miserable, cold, and desolate. After a long winter Savirqong sails toto visit his daughter and kills the fulmar for deceiving her. They sail back to their home, interrupted by a storm brought on by the other fulmars, when they find their companion dead. Her father throws Sedna overboard to appease them, but she clings to the ship. He cuts off her fingers and hands until only stumps remain. The pieces fall into the ocean and create the seals, whales, and land seals. The fulmars leave her for dead, and Savirqong pulls her back into the ship. Sedna waits until they are home and calls her dogs to chew off her father’s feet for revenge. He awakens and curses all of them, sending the whole hut into the underworld.

The fulmar represents birds in other versions, while the father always seems to represent winter. When he sleeps, the dogs (the rays of the sun) chew off the edges of the icebergs. Sedna is the summer. All versions of this myth seem to focus on the biennial cycle and the cjhanging seasons. The Angukut story has Sedna being very large and can hardly move, which is an attempt to show her power through size. Savirqong is a cripple and takes the dying to lie with him. The Greenlandic version shows her as a protectress of all animals. On Smith Sound, Sedna starts to eat her parents, but they awake in time to take her out to sea. In the northern areas, the father has more prominence in the stories, since winter is much longer than summer. Since vanquished to the underworld, they live together in opposite ends of the same house, so summer and winter do not overlap.

Wardle shows that many myth similarities throughout a broad region of the northern world. These studies shed much light on the development of culture and suspect how they were dispersed many years ago.

MEGHAN M. MULCAHY University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff).

Wardle, Newell H. The Sedna Cycle: A Study in Myth Evolution. American Anthropologist 1900 2: 568-580.

In the hopes of reconstructing the culture-history of the Inuit people, Newell Wardle embarks upon an examination of folktales and mythology collected by researchers such as Boas, Kroeber, and Rink, as well as stories recorded by travelers and explorers throughout the arctic region. Wardle approaches this study with a set of preconceived notions concerning the nature of myths and folktales. The author believes that the folktales of a people are subject to change over time “like all organic structures subject to rise, progress, and decay . . .”(568). Alterations to a myth are not necessarily caused by contact with a foreign culture, but are subject to corruption by “any material change in culture or environment” (568). Those myths with the widest distribution are deemed to be the oldest, and the area of greatest prevalence is considered the place of origin.

Wardle traces aspects of the Sedna myth found in the recorded folktales of various Inuit tribes throughout the arctic region. Based upon its distribution, Wardle determines that the Inuit culture first emerged on the coast of the Hudson Bay. Because no evidence of the Sedna myth could be found among the peoples of Alaska, the possibility of a Western origin was dismissed. Linguistic analysis of the names of the principal characters within the myth reveals that the story reflects a seasonal cycle. Similar analysis of what is believed to be an even older tale, “Woman who Married a Dog,” reflected a diurnal cycle. This is believed to indicate an earlier “culture-home south of the arctic circle” (580).

In this paper, Wardle raises interesting questions about the relationship between environment and culture as evidenced in the symbology of creation myths and folktales. But the subjective nature of the material he is examining, coupled with the indefinite mechanisms of dating the relative ages of these stories, makes any assertions concerning the place of origin of Inuit culture doubtful.

AGNES AUSBORN Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Wead, Charles K. The Study of Primitive Music. American Anthropologist 1900 vol. 2: 75-79.

Wead begins by noting how people perceive different words, or how words may sound strange when spoken by people of different language backgrounds. This was brought up when Boas studied Eskimo words. Wead then says that listening to strange music or hearing music which one has difficulty in understanding is paralleled with the language differences and difficulty also.

Wead then gives a description of how a person versed in Western music will make attempts to learn the “savage” tunes, apply the European notation to the “savage” notes and rhythms, and then even transpose, or change the original key signature, in order to make it have fewer accidentals on the register. Sometimes, notes are changed just to make sense in an 8-note European scale, and then “to permit it to enter good society”, it gets written for an ensemble, or changes of notes are again made to satisfy the composer’s liking. Phonographic recordings were ideal in capturing the song, but it was very variable and inaccurate. Wead gives a form of instruction for accurately playing and writing semitones (notes between the 12-note Western scale), which are often used in music of different cultures. Wead ends by stating that the earlier interpretations, and, musical ethnographers should “strive always to obtain and to report the objective truth”.

ANDREW AGHA University South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Wead, Charles K. The Study of Primitive Music. American Anthropologist, New Series Jan., 1900 Vol.2(1):75-79

An 1889 American Anthropologist article by Francis Boas inspired Wead to write about primitive music. The Boas text concerned the difficulty in transposing alien phonetics to correct scientific alphabetic notation. Wead was alarmed that the same important skepticism about the transliteration of native languages was not being applied to studies of “savage” music.

The song cannot be wholly grasped from the pitch, according to Wead, though this is what contemporary ethnographers were doing. It is a mistake to obsess over the keynote (derived from pitch) because the keynote may occupy a staff that doesn’t necessarily include all of the notes of the song. The end product then, is not a note-for-note transcription of the song, but an approximation. The subjectivity of the observer has tainted the truthful presentation of primitive music.

This article was difficult because of its brevity and because Wead does not explain musical theory. The reader must understand semitones, harmonics, the standard staff of the diatonic scale, and the process of musical notation to wholly grasp Wead’s conclusions.

JEFF REHNLUND University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Wead, Charles K.. The Study of Primitive Music. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 75-79.

After reading an essay by Franz Boas on “sound blindness,” Charles K. Wead decided to take Boas’ ideas on the misinterpretation of words and apply it to foreign music. He looks at the problems in hearing and recording music that is strange and new to the observer, and offers suggestions on how to reduce the chance of error or misinterpretation.

He begins with describing the process the average observer goes through when recording new music. Observer hears basic sounds that differ in pitch, force, and duration. Usually they hear a pitch, attempt to match it to a European musical note, and then transpose the native song into a European piece. There would be no key signature, only accidental sharps or flats throughout the melody. The resultant song, according to Wead, is hardly similar to what the native song was originally; it now has “features of the dress of civilization” (76).

The author suggests the use of a phonograph to record the native song, but admits that the chance of error remains high because of pitch interpretation. He proposes recording more than one person singing the same song and obtaining several records of the song to lessen the error.

The observer, then, should “train his ear to recognize and estimate fractions of a semitone” (emphasized in original) by listening closely to the music, and recording every difference in pitch on a chromatic scale (77). Secondly, the observer should use a chromatic scale only, so include all “syllables on a diatonic scale” (78). Only then, Wead believes, can the music be best recorded.

He reminds the reader that most native, foreign music is intentional, and not made for the pleasure of harmony. It contains historic elements and importance to the particular culture, and should not be treated with any less significance. Wead’s article is short, but to the point: native music must be carefully recorded, and the errors must be reduced in order to gain an accurate representation.

PAULA ANDRAS Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)