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American Anthropologist 1899

Babcock, William H. The Nanticoke Indians of Indian River, Delaware. American Anthropologist 1899, Vol. I: 277-282.

There are only two remaining Indian populations in eastern Delaware, the Moors of Kent County and the Nanticokes of Indian River in Sussex County. Of these two populations, Babcock is only able to report on the Nanticokes who number around sixty in the sandy pineland country that lies between the northeastern shore of Indian River and the coastline. However, many of these people have migrated to other areas in the United States.

As a result of this migration, the Nanticoke are very particular about segregating themselves from non-Nanticoke people. Whenever any of the Nanticoke move, they are sure to marry whites, only if Indian people are not available. In Indian River country, the rule is imperative; a Nanticoke must marry one of their race. When an Indian marries a Negro, they are considered to have “gone astray,” though that person is not ostracized from society.

The Nanticoke people in nature are of medium height, possess a strong bulky frame, and do not have general characteristics among themselves. It is important to mention that the people have lost their language and also their customs. They are self-sufficient and do not receive any kind of aid from the government or the Indian Bureau.

In conclusion, Babcock admits his admiration for the Nanticoke people. He mentions that they are interesting people who should no longer be ignored. Babcock relays that it is evident that these Indians have white attributes of the mind, body, habit, and temper. Babcock laments that his only wish is for these people to be recognized by science and to receive their own schools for their children.

CHRISTINE SIXTA University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Boas, Franz. Anthropometry of Shoshonean Tribes. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 751-758.

Franz Boas’ brief article describes the result of anthropometric observations that were conducted by Messrs. T.L. Bolton and Walter R. Shaw. These measurements were recorded between 1891 and 1892 for an exhibit for the anthropology department on the “World’s Columbian Exposition.” The Shoshoni, the Bannock, and the Unitah were the tribes that had members who were measured. A total of 294 members were measured, 33 of whom were “half bloods”.

The majority of the measurements are relatively identical. The only exception appears to be the breadth of face. Boas explains that the Ute of Colorado, who were measured by Shaw, tend to have narrower faces than other Native American groups. He also makes a claim that there is a difference in this facial feature between the Shoshonean tribes of Utah and of Colorado. Children’s measurements are also compared to those of adults, and Boas shows that children tend to be more short-headed than adults. Boas states that there is a problem when using relative description terms instead of empirical measurements to measure ear and lip sizes. Large and small were used to describe ear size, and thick, medium, and thin were used to describe lip sizes. There are no distinct criteria outlined for these categories, and they are recorded by two different observers. He states that different observers will use the same terms with less accuracy and consistency when using descriptive terms. Boas seems to assert that a distinct criteria defined for observers may prove useful in these studies.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Boas, Franz. Anthropometry of Shoshonean Tribes. American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol. 1 (4):751-758.

Franz Boas deals with the anthropometry, or metric measurements, of numerous facial features and basic body height and reach of several North American Indian tribes. The tribes included in the study are the Shoshoni, the Bannock, the Uintah, White River, Uncompagre, Moache, Capote, and Weeminuche Ute. The two men taking the statistics were Messrs T.L. Bolton and Walter R. Shaw. Both Bolton and Shaw measured facial characteristics such as length and breadth of the head, nose, and face, the height of the ear and lips, and the height sitting, finger-reach, and width of shoulders. The data of all the tribes was divided into men and women and then averages for the sexes was calculated. Averages for length and breadth of the face, nose, and head were also compared between the eight tribes. All of the tribes represent an overall uniform type with similar numerical averages for all categories measured. Based on the measurements of both Bolton and Shaw on the same tribes, their range of difference is accounted to, by Boas, as measurer error. Boas feels that Shaw’s measurements fall somewhat short due to improper measurement taking; on the other hand, Boas feels confident regarding Bolton’s measurement taking skills because he was a pupil of Boas.

Measurements of the thickness of the lips and the size of the ear lobes are also taken. Only the ear is measured metrically, but both are also scored by numbers representing thin to thick. Boas argues that in judging the thickness rather than measuring it that the two men’s findings were much closer in agreement. This further shows that Shaw’s facial measurements were taken differently than Bolton’s. Boas goes on the say that there seems to be considerable ambiguity when assigning terms of thick and thin, large and small. He concludes that descriptive feature scoring results in lessened accuracy and that actual number measurements are of greater value scientifically.

NIKKI JOHNSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Boas, Franz. The Cephalic Index. American Anthropologist July, 1899 Vol.1(3):448-461.

The author addresses the cephalic index to determine its validity. The percent of the breadth of the skull to the length of the skull is the cephalic index. Boas believes other characteristics influence the length of the skull more than the breadth of the skull. Boas ran experiments to determine the degree of correlations between other characteristics.

One of the results from an experiment showed there was a slight degree of correlation between length and breadth of the head, and there was a larger degree of variation among different races. Boas figured there would be little variation among humans. His explanation for the value on modern Parisians as to why it was so low, is because there is a wide variety of skull size between people in France and this mixture was evident in the skull samples.

Boas ran numerous statistical tests to determine the coefficients of single, double, triple and quadruple correlations. He compared the length and breadth of the skull to its height, and the diameter of the face with the capacity of the skull. His findings show that correlation between the diameter of the face and the capacity of the skull were the strongest and the correlation between the length and breadth of the skull was the lowest. He also concluded that the diameter of the skull was determined by its capacity.

His results determined the cephalic index to be an inaccurate portrayal of the correlation between length and breadth of the skull, whereas the diameter of the face has a stronger correlation with the capacity of the skull.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann E. Kingsolver)

Boas, Franz. The Cephalic Index. American Anthropologist July-September, 1899 Vol.1(3):448-461.

The purpose of this study is to determine the biological significance of the cephalic index. The degree of elongation of a skull can be determined by measuring the length and breadth of the skull. The cephalic index is represented by the breadth expressed in percents of the length of the skull. Previous studies have discovered that individuals with a certain length of head do not always have a breadth that corresponds to the length multiplied by the cephalic index. In fact, the heads which have the greatest lengths have the lowest indices.

Boas proposes that measurements of stature, cranial capacity, and height and breadth of the face also influence the cephalic index. He uses the measurements of 57 adult male Sioux Indian skulls for this study. The length and breadth of the skull are compared with the height, bizygomatic diameter of the face, and cranial capacity. Correlations of the bizygomatic diameter with cranial capacity showed the strongest significance. However, correlations between length and breadth showed the lowest significance. After doing double, triple, and quadruple correlations, the data shows that the diameters of the skull are primarily determined by its cranial capacity. The height of the skull is associated closely with its capacity, while the length is least associated. Boas attributes this to the assumption that the development of the frontal sinuses and the occipital protuberances depends upon the general development of the skeleton and not upon the form of the inner cavity of the skull. Boas, however, warns upon introducing data beyond quadruple correlations, due to the fact that errors are prevalent in values of multiple correlations.

Boas concludes that the cephalic index is not an expression of the direct relationship between length and breadth of the skull, but rather an effect of the changes that take place when the capacity of the skull increases or decreases in size. However, the proportion between the diameters of the skull and the cranial capacity shows an intimate biological relationship. He states that the diameter of the head must be due to a tendency for the brain to assume a certain size and form in different types of man. The cephalic index is a convenient expression of the form of the head, but it does not express any significant anatomical relationships.

KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Boas, Franz. Property Marks of Alaskan Eskimo. American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol.1(4):601-613.

Boas examines and compares the property marks of the Alaskan Eskimo, which are usually found on weapons, such as whaling harpoons, walrus harpoons, sealskin bouys, lance-heads, and detachable arrowheads. These marks were not discovered on tools, therefore, the marks were most likely to be identity marks in which the person who injured or killed the animal could claim that they were the one or ones to kill the animal. The meat of a whale is divided between those on the island whose property mark is present on the weapon which brought down the whale and the people of the village where the animal became stranded after it was injured. If there are multiple arrowheads or harpoons in an animal, then the owner of the weapon closest to the head receives the meat.

Boas discovered some property marks are individual marks and some are communal marks, through the abundance or lack of different styles of property marks. The form and decorative style of the weapons are ways in which a person can individualize the weapons with their property marks. Boas also notes that not all weapons, which typically have property marks, have them; some harpoons or other hunting weapons may not have property marks on them. Often villages share a similar form with a wide variety of ornamentation, where as when comparing between villages there is even greater variety with less chance of similar property mark characteristics. Property marks can be placed on different areas of the weapon, be shaped differently, and can have different orientations on the weapon, with varying styles of design. Some of the villages in which Boas conducted his research were Point Hope, Point Barrow, and Port Clarence.

Boas conducted research on the Alaskan Eskimo to study about the property marks on hunting weapons. The major difference of the orientation of the walrus harpoon and the whaling harpoon is that the ornamentation is on the face of the walrus harpoon, and the orientation of the whaling harpoon is on the side. The forms and ornamentations of the property marks can vary greatly between villages.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Boas, Franz. Property Marks of Alaskan Eskimo. American Anthropologist October-December, 1899 Vol.1(4):601-613.

This article discusses the use of property marks on Alaskan Eskimo hunting implements. These marks typically consisted of lines or circles incised on hunting tools such as whaling harpoons, walrus harpoons, sealskin buoys, lance-heads, and detachable arrowheads. These tools were made to detach in the animal’s hide, and when the animal, a whale for example, washed up on the shore it could be easily determined which hunter made the kill. Often, animals were discovered by people other than the hunters. In this case, they would look for the property marks in order to identify and contact the hunting group, who would share the bounty with the finders. Boas speculates that the use and placement of the marks and the style of the implement were specific to individuals or groups of individuals, such as a family or clan unit. He also notes that property marks were discovered solely on hunting implements rather than on other kinds of tools. The majority of the article discusses types of property marks and their placements on hunting tools. Boas uses artifact examples primarily from Point Hope, Point Barrow, St. Michael, and Nunivak with lots of good illustrations showing property marks. He also argues, very briefly at the end of the article that similar markings seen among the northeastern tribes of Asia imply that this aspect of Alaskan Eskimo life may have been due to contact with Asiatic tribes.

KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Boas, Franz. Some Recent Criticisms of Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):98-106.

Around the turn of the last century there raged a debate regarding the effect of genetics vs. environment on human bodily form. Franz Boas, in this article, addresses the criticisms voiced by opponents of physical anthropology, and advocates the importance of studying physical anthropology for broad descriptions and analyses of our human past.

In the beginning, descriptions of general appearance of individuals to form the basis of physical anthropology were important. Later, skeletons were analyzed for racial characteristics, and were more readily available for study than soft tissues.

One criticism of physical anthropology Boaz addresses is that of the role of numerical measurements rather than descriptions. He suggests that descriptions are inadequate due to the very small variations (detected by measurements) in determining the race of an individual. He notes that these small variations are not at fault in physical anthropology, but simply bring attention to the importance of accuracy and standardization. Also, descriptions are subjective, and descriptions of soft tissue are unavailable for most of human history. He suggests that physical anthropology is useful only for analysis of large patterns, i.e., two skeletons do not describe an entire ‘race’ of people, and that it is important not to ascribe value to certain racial characteristics.

If it can be shown that heredity is the primary factor in producing physical characteristics, the history and movement of humankind can be traced through the presence or absence of local variations. Boas views physical anthropology as allowing an investigation of the mixing of racial types, statistically and methodologically, rather than simply for descriptive purposes.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Boas, Franz. Some Recent Criticisms of Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist January,1899 Vol.1(1):98-106.

In the late 19th century attacks were made against the methodology of physical anthropology. These attacks were directed toward two main points: the possibility of classifying mankind according to anatomical characteristics and the practicability of descriptions of types by means of measurements.

Before replying to these criticisms, Boas remarks on the development of the methods used in physical anthropology. He states that the original classification of various races was made by verbal description. Throughout the years, increases in the amount of material that can be used to describe a human skeleton became so great that verbal description alone was impossible to make clear classification differences. Therefore, “these conditions have led to a most extensive application of the metric method in the study of the human skeleton”. (Boas, 99) Boas explains that if it can be shown that heredity plays a predominant factor, then the use of anatomical investigations can give hope toward tracing the early history of mankind. Where these methods have been applied, results have shown that heredity is the strongest factor in determining the form of the descendant.

In response to the second criticism toward the practicability of descriptions by use of measurements, Boas replies that the purpose of developing a system of measurements was not to compare only one characteristic. It is to combine a series of measurements to provide a clearer description of the skeleton as a whole. Boas also tries to show that measurements can be used to prove the homogeneity or dishomogeneity of groups of certain individuals. Defending the measurements used by physical anthropologist, Boas compares the tactics of physical anthropology to that of linguistics and ethnology. In conclusion stating, “The three branches of anthropology must proceed each according to its own method; but all equally contribute to the solution of the problem of the early history of mankind.” (Boas, 106).

CARRIE CROZIER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Brinton, Daniel G. The Calchaqui: An Archaeological Problem. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):41-44.

Daniel Brinton outlines conclusions to archaeological inqueries concerning the Calchaqui culture of Argentina in this short article that compiles the work of various archaeologists working in this area. This serves as a “where are we now” in the most current investigation of the Catamarcan Valley in 1899. The reader is not privy to any work done by the author himself with these sites, but he goes through others, such as, Lafone Quevedo, Quiroga, Florentino Ameghino, Ambrosetti, von Ihering, and Th. Waitz, all of whom offer theories as to the nature of Calchaqui language, ruins, and art.

Brinton states that there are no positive remains of the Calchaqui language, so actual material for basing supposition is quite thin. However, there are analyses of local names offered by Quiroga that suggests they spoke a language related to the Araucanian or the Guaycuru dialects of the Chaco. Likewise, Ameghino argues that their language was a dialect of the Aymara, while Waitz concludes it was a corrupt dialect of Quichua. As Brinton states, these contradictory conclusions truly reveal the lack of good evidence to strengthen any one hypothesis.

Another of the chief concerns within this work is the exact relationship of the Calchaqui and Inca. Ambrosetti emphasizes that the Catamarcan remains are Incasic, “in design, technique, and symbolism.” If this is accepted as true, then the question becomes one of affiliation. Were they a part of the culture, but outside Incasic jurisdiction, a part of the state, or the very birthplace of Incasic culture itself? Brinton admits that these questions are still open and the current work may reflect either opinion. However, he concludes that though the culture of this valley is decidedly Incasic, it had already been destroyed before the arrival of the first whites and the nations found in these areas were not the builders or destroyers of this region.

T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Brinton, George E. The Calchaqui: An Archeological Problem. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1, no. 1:41

Archeologists have marveled at the ruins and artifacts found in the ancient province of Tucuman located at the foot of the Andes in present day Argentina. In Catarmaca, an area of the Tucuman province, sophisticated uses of stones were found in the remains of the Watungasta, a fortress described by George E. Brinton as having cylindrical brick towers and fortified walls twenty-three km long and three meters high (42). Aside from the fortress, painted pottery, carvings, and rock paintings were also uncovered. Because of this evidence, archeologists consider Catarmaca a significant site, perhaps the location of a great civilization. If Catarmaca is indeed the site of a great civilization, then who created this accomplished society that supposedly rivaled the Incas civilization in Peru? In this article Brinton analyses Calatarmaca, the language spoken in Catarmaca, and the people (the Calchaqui), who were living in Catarmaca during the first European contact.

In 1536, when the Europeans first explored Tucuman, the Calchaqui inhabited Catarmaca. According to the first Spaniards to explore and record the Calchaqui, the Calchaqui’s incessant wars ultimately led to their extinction in 1664 (42-43). Brinton states that because of the Calchaqui’s early departure, archeologists and antiquarians have had difficulty determining whether the Calchaqui were indeed the builders of Catarmaca. Because not a word of the Calchaqui language survived, the Calchaqui’s role in building Catarmaca is still unknown. To whom are they related? Was their language related to that of Aymara and Quichua (Native American peoples who lived in Bolivia and Peru until the Incas replaced them)? Florentino Ameghino argues that the Calchaqui’s spoken language was a dialect of Ayamara, but it’s relation to any other languages remains unknown (43).

Brinton observes that those who argued that the Calchaqui were not the engineers of Catarmaca justified their claims by pointing out the similarities between Inca art and Catarmaca art. For instance, the Peruvian trinity called tangatanga was found in carved wood in Catarmaca. Furthermore, Incasic symbols (such as the curious old man with a long beard) were also found in Catarmaca vases. Brinton puts forward the possibility that Catarmaca may have just been a part of the Inca culture and not a completely different civilization.

Brinton states that the Calchaqui and Catarmaca are still open subjects, as the evidence is inconclusive. In the end, however, he argues that the Calchaqui could not have been the builders of Catarmaca because information recorded during contact never stated that the Calchaqui were a civilized people. He adds that the culture in Catarmaca may have been Incasic influenced by the Inca culture) until a tribe such as the Calchaqui took it over and destroyed it. Therefore, Brinton believes that the Calchaqui were not the architects of the ruins found in Catarmaca rather they were “but the destroyers of the ancient glory of the region” (44).

MARIA ROSA LAWENKO Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Brinton, Daniel G. Professor Blumentritt’s Studies of the Philippines. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1 (1):122-125.

Given that the Philippine islands are under American control, Brinton states, a safe and scientific investigation of the islands is possible. Brinton then begins to tell of Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt an his intensive studies of the people of the islands. Blumentritt has authored 146 writings on this subject, all done between 1880 and 1899. Brinton begins by summarizing this large amount of material for, as he says, the anthropologist. However, he only lists tribe names and the journals they are written in.

Blumentritt’s works include: “Ethnography of the Philippines”, printed in Peterman’s Mittheilungen, 1882; “Alphabetic List of the Native Tribes of the Philippines”, an important ethnography, published in Zietschrift fur Erdkunde, 1890; and also four pertaining to ethnologic interests. One is on the census of the individual tribes, one on the ancestor worship and religion of the Malayan tribes, also one on proper names of the natives and the religious significance behind their names, and lastly, one on governments of the villages of the natives. Blumentritt talks a lot about the Negritos, in which he discusses their language; their dwellings in Limay, Baler, Pampunga, and Luzon, and other information, in which Brinton gives names of all journals these accounts are in. Blumenttritt talks about “Igorrotes”, or wild tribes, in a number of articles. Of these, he talks about the Caligans, the Ilocanes, the Tyngnianes, the Ilongotes, the Zambals, and the Gadadanes and Ibilaos. He gives accounts of creation myths of the Tagals, and also interesting facts about the Bicols. Brinton’s section on The Bisayas, covers many groups on many islands. In Brinton’s section of the Moros, the Sulu islands and their inhabitants are referenced in a number of journals.

Brinton then lists everything else Blumentritt has studied. The list ranges from Spanish dialects to mineral deposits, volcano systems to mission influences, and native dialects, too. The last statement is somewhat political or nationalistic. Brinton assumes that Blumentritt believes the Philippine islanders can have their own government, and that America will help in “wresting them from Spanish Misrule”.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver).

Brinton, Daniel G. Professor Blumentritt’s Studies of the Philippines. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1 (1):122-125.

In this article, Brinton’s objective is to steer our attention to Professor Blumentritt’s articles pertaining to the Philippine islands. Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt is an author who stood first among the scientific writers of his time period. He devoted his life to investigations concerning the diverse inhabitants of the Philippine islands. This has been shown through the multitude of articles he wrote, from the 1880s-1900s, concerning the inhabitants of these islands. Since Brinton was pressed for space he mentions only the most valuable of Professor Blumentritt’s articles to the anthropologist.

Professor Bulmentritt’s articles present a great deal of information. He bestows upon us the proper names of the specific inhabitants of the Philippine islands, their form of government, religion, and their native dialects. Professor Bulmentritt has also published several contributions on the use of dialectic Spanish, on political, labor, and immigration questions pertaining to the Philippine islands.

This short article is easy to read and provides us with important information about Professor Blumentritt’s articles. Through these articles we as a reader are able to see how valuable Professor Blumentritt was as an ethnographer of his generation.

REBECCA KULAGA Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Culin, Stewart. Hawaiian Games. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:2(201-247).

The author documents an extensive list of ninety-one different games or amusements that existed among the Hawaiian people. Culin begins his discussion of Hawaiian games by stating that they generally coincide with their holidays and are seen as a reason for betting, an activity to which an earlier researcher stated the Hawaiian people were addicted. When possible, the games or activities were compared to similar games played on other Pacific Islands, such as Tahiti, the Marquesas, and Samoa.

Many of the games documented were children’s games common to many cultures, such as skipping rope, playing with dolls, catching dragonflies, blowing bubbles, swinging, making and sailing boats and playing on a see-saw (listed by their Hawaiian names), among others. The author does not correlate children’s activities to his initial assertion that games were used as a means for gambling. Other amusements for children are also described, such as tops, wooden puzzles, cups and balls, and pinwheels.

Games for adults ranged from mental challenges to physical encounters to activities strictly for amusement. Examples of activities that were mental challenges were simple games such as a version of `Simon Says,’ in which the leader calls out a direction or body part and the participants are supposed to point to a different direction or body part in an established pattern. Another example of a familiar game requiring concentration is patting one leg, while rubbing the other. Games of a physical nature included wrestling in the sea, boxing, hill sliding, surfing, dancing on stilts, numerous ball games and a variety of forms of racing.

One particular activity that seems to have been strictly for amusement and unique to the geography of the islands is called O-i-li-pu-le-lo. This involved lighting firebrands and sending them down the sheer cliffs leading to the sea at night. Depending on the changing winds coming off the ocean and encountering the cliff, the firebrands might drop, rise, or both with firebrands possibly crossing paths. The spectacle of lights could be seen from the beach below or from canoes on the ocean.

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Culin, Stewart. Hawaiian Games. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Vol.1(2):201-247.

Stewart Culin cites four Hawaiian sailors, all from Honolulu as his sources of information for this paper. He utilized Andrews’ Hawaiian Dictionary in order to authenticate the games the sailors described for him. He complements his research by using notes from other islands with comparable games. Culin notes that “many of the amusements have practically disappeared,” but still the people “retain their pleasure loving characteristics.” Citing Alexander as his source Culin explains that the Hawaiians resorted to games for the purpose of betting, to which they were excessively addicted.” As Culin describes the games he indicates whether primarily children or adults play the games. When available he gives both the Hawaiian and English name for the games.

First, Culin describes the Hawaiian New Years Festival, which consists of six days of rituals, feasting, and games. Four days of the festival are explicitly reserved for games and feasting. According to Culin, games that may be played during this festival and any other holidays enjoyed by Hawaiians are: jumping rope, swinging, see-sawing, horse riding, head-standing, boxing, fencing, wrestling, wrist wrestling, wrestling in the sea, rope-pulling, neck-pulling, finger-pulling, foot racing, burden racing, sack racing, one-foot jumping, stick jumping, wheelbarrow racing, swimming racing, canoe racing, tub racing, surf racing, precipice jumping, sledge sliding, stilt walking, hand clapping, eye-pointing, wood pointing, rubbing, cock-fighting, dragonfly catching, dragonfly flying, leaf canoeing, doll playing, paper playing, buzzing, bullroaring, wind-wheeling, humming-top playing, wooden top playing, squirt-gunning, soap bubbling, cats-cradle, wood puzzling, string-cutting, kites, cup and ball, coconut shell casting, ball playing, ball kicking, pit shooting, jackstones, coin betting, seed shooting, stick casting, hop-scotching, one-by-one counting, hand betting, hide and seek, play counting, prisoner’s play, blind-man’s bluff, prisoner’s base, mice shooting, arrow shooting, ring casting, stone hiding, draughts, fox and geese, stick drawing, jackstraws, pig guessing, and card playing. Culin gave a brief description of all games and compares them with games recorded on other islands. He gives the reader a comprehensive list of games played in Hawaii, as well as similar games that may b found elsewhere.

TERA CREMEENS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Dorsey, A. George. Notes on the Anthropological Museums of Central Europe. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:462-474

The objectives of this article were presented by the author as such: (1) to study the anthropological collections of Northwestern Europe’s great museums, and (2) to observe the technical methods in which these collections are catalogued, displayed, labeled, and organized. The author had visited several well-known museums in the Autumn of 1898, including the Ethnological Museum of Oxford, the British Museum of Natural History, the Hunterian Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons and the Natural History Museum in London, the museum of the School of Anthropology, the Louvre, the Trocedero, the Artillery Museum of the Hôtel des Invalides, the Musée Guimet (the last seven in Paris), the Vienna natural History Museum, the Ethnographical Museum and the Museum für Volkerkunde (both) in Berlin, the Blackmore Museum of Salisbury, as well as other museums in Zurich, Hamburg, Dresden, Munich, Bremen, and Leyden. The discussion is divided among the four fields of anthropology, namely somatology, ethnology, archaeology, and ethnography, and not by the museums in question, so the article jumps around a lot. The author outlines what each collection contains, making sure to note whether some include rare, exclusive, or otherwise noteworthy artifacts, as well as their area of specialty. He is keen to point out that no single museum covers all the fields mentioned above, and that most only cover two. He seems to have a particular interest in the differences between the different “races” of man, and notes any assemblages of so-called “race skulls”, especially whether they are labeled correctly or not.

The article also goes into the accessibility of the collections, how they are lit and displayed, as well as how appropriate are the buildings that house them. This is done from the perspective of someone who considers the American Museum of Natural History in New York is the ideal model for housing, displaying, accessing, and studying anthropological exhibits. Some of the comparisons seem rather unfair, such as the fact that many European museums have very limited ability for expansion and for displaying their vast collection, due mainly to lack of space, given that many were not built with this originally in mind. The author concludes the article with observations about the lack of cataloging techniques in certain museums. He goes into some detail about how all museums should follow the example of the Field Columbian Museum in this matter.

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Dorsey, George A. Notes on the Anthropological Museums of Central Europe. American Anthropologist July-September 1899 Vol.1(3):462-474.

Museums are representative of the ways in which we organize our world, and in the late nineteenth century we can see how differently anthropologists organized their world through the lens of the European museum. Dorsey has two objectives in his examination of Central European museums. The first objective is to determine whether or not each museum adequately represents the four fields of anthropology. His second objective is to inspect each museum’s techniques for exhibiting and preserving the artifacts as well as note the general layout of the museum.

Although the article primarily consists of a laundry list of which museum has what collection, or which museum has adequate labeling etc., what is fascinating about the piece is the look into Victorian anthropology that it provides. For instance, the four fields of anthropology that Dorsey was looking to be represented in each museum were: somatology, ethnology, archeology, and ethnography. Though they certainly have a familiar ring, anthropology has changed a bit since 1899. Dorsey also notes that most museum exhibits in anthropology at the time were often either organized by the “five physical divisions of mankind” as was the case at the British Museum, or by “man’s many lines of industry” such as fire-making and mortuary customs as was found at the Oxford museum. No longer do we tend to organize by race, but museums do still continue to exhibit human behaviors on a cross-cultural scale.

Dorsey also notes whether certain museums are accessible to students or to the public. Many of the museums that Dorsey examined had catalogues available that served as “illustrated guides” to collections. It is evident that early on there was an effort made by museums to educate the public. Although many things have changed over a century in these museums that Dorsey visited, some have not. At the end of the article, Dorsey describes the process of accessioning new collections. Even today, when a new artifact is acquired by a museum certain information is recorded and each artifact is assigned a number.

LISA PORTER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Alosaka Cult of the Hopi Indians. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 522-544.

Fewkes describes many aspects involving the Hopi Indian Alosaka rituals. Fewkes studied these Hopi rituals based on the findings of Mr. T. V. Keam from Keam’s Canyon, Arizona. There, Keam found idols in a cave that was located near the old Pueblo of Awatobi. Mr. A. M. Stephen sketched these idols, and Fewkes bases his studies of the Alosaka rituals on these sketches, and also on ethnographic notes written by Stephen. The horns (ala) that come out of the heads of the idols give the idols their name. The cliffs of Walpi, a place Fewkes barely describes, was home to ceremonies and Aaltu, or Horn-men. The ceremonies, the Flute, the New-Fire, and the Winter Solstice, are the most important of the Alosaka cult, and Fewkes goes into a short description about them.

Clans introduced the Alosaka cult from the south of Awatobi. These clans were the Patun, or Squash, and influenced the New-Fire ceremony through the introduction of a figurine called Talatumsi, in which the fire-god representative of this figurine was portrayed through a Hopi’s actions in the ceremony. Fewkes notes that the most interesting aspect of the Winter Solstice ceremony is that of a Bird-man, named Kwataka or Kwatoka, who is supposed to represent a solar god. Here, a Hopi Indian dresses up as the bird man seen in a figurine within this article, and does an elaborate dance. The dance is a symbolic dramatization, representing the fertilization of the earth. This figure is supposed to represent an old war-god, or a sun god. Fewkes then describes the four figures of Hopi Sun Symbolism (common sun symbol; “Big-head”, a solar god; Kwataka, a bird with sun symbolism; and, Ahole) that are seen on a plate in this article. He covers mainly the sun symbol, and later ties in its significance with other items of Hopi ritual use.

The infusion of these symbols show up on an elaborate cloth screen that was used in a prayer to Alosaka for rain, fertilization of seed, snow, and abundant harvests. On this screen, Alosaka becomes a figure that represents the rituals and beliefs involved with them. Fewkes also briefly mentions an Alosaka shield that is comparable with the screen. Besides Alosaka, the other types of horned gods: Ahole, Calako, Tunwup, and Natackas, are associated with the sun. Fewkes then lists the ceremony names for these horned gods. The Tunwup gods Calako-taka, Natacka, and Ahole, were involved in the ceremonies Niman and Powamu. A. M. Stephen’s account of the Alosaka legend is quoted next in this article. Fewkes then gives the male and female names involved in the totemic ancestor worship that Alosaka incorporates. In conclusion, he sums up the belief very simply. The Hopi worshipped horned beings called Alosakas, which once existed at the ruined pueblo of Awatobi; their ceremonies are performed mainly to bring rain that corn needs to grow; and, the Alosaka cult was a high form of animal totemism, where the Alosaka are supposed to represent the mountain sheep.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Alósaka Cult of the Hopi Indians. American Anthropologist July, 1899 Vol.1(3):522-544.

The Alósaka cult is represented in katcina ceremonies among the Hopi. Traces of evidence for the cult exist only in some aspects of their ceremonies. Alósaka is a god who embodies the Aaltu priests, or the ‘guardians’ of the cult. Of the numerous legends regarding the origins of Alósaka, Fewkes discusses in detail one in which the Alósaka is eventually born and represented by horned twins who bring fertility to the crops. This legend is perhaps favored because of the importance of figurines carved in the image of Alósaka, images which seem to allude to the recovery of idols found in an ancient Hopi pueblo. These idols indeed bear resemblance to other representations of Alósaka, and once Hopi priests discovered that they were removed, they were quickly collected. The main physical characteristic of Alósaka are sheep horns, which can be seen represented in the Aaltu today in certain rituals, namely the Flute, New fire, and the Winter Solstice. The horns, according to Fewkes, very likely represent a modified form of animal totemism. Pictorial and graven evidence portrays horned beings associated with the sun, rain clouds, and often seeds. Fewkes connects this to ceremonies in which Alósaka is linked to crops and fertility. He also discusses other aspects of Hopi ceremonies, such as the Bird-man’s rites. The author gives a detailed description of the ensuing rituals, and links the Bird-man and Alósaka together by comparing figurines and pictorial representations of both. Another aspect of Fewke’s article is to discuss the variations of katcina ceremonies in Hopi pueblos. This is likely due to the collaboration of neighboring Puebloan groups with differing ceremonial practices. While this likely occurred in some areas, in others it did not. Fewkes reasons that the Alósaka cults migrated north near Hopi pueblos; the southern cults likely were integrated into katcina rituals of some Hopi pueblos. In Hopi pueblos where there exists little or no evidence of Alósaka cults, this is likely due to the lack of exposure to the earlier cults that brought the practices to the Hopi region from the south.

RACHAEL WILLIS Southern Illinois University at Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano Pueblo. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 251-276.

Fewkes compares and contrasts the practices of the Hopi people at Walpi to those of the Tewa people at Hano. While both groups had winter solstice celebrations, the majority of clans at Walpi had no altars. The altars at Hano involve a clay representation of a “Great Serpent” whose head always points southward, painted prayer-sticks or “ladders,” drawn symbols, sprinkled grains of corn or meal, and sand or powdered coal outlines. There are nine days of ceremony; some of the ceremonies include singing; some include various objects such as eagle feathers or a conch shell. Fewkes states that the purpose of the midwinter ceremonies of both the Walpi and Hano pueblos is similar. It is to ensure the fertility of corn and other seeds and to bring general prosperity to the people.

Fewkes’ main argument is that the location of the pueblo does not determine its religious practices. While the Walpi pueblo and the Hano pueblo are in the same proximity, the people’s rituals differ greatly. Even their calendars are very different. The author explains these observations by tracing the lineage and migration of both groups of people. He also highlights the fact that practices of the people of the Walpi pueblo are the product of intermarriage of and assimilation of many different clans over time. Thus, Fewkes argues that the Hano pueblo’s practices are more closely tied to the original rituals of their ancestors. The article also includes several sketches of the altars, including an illustration of a sun ladder.

ASHLEY VAUGHAN University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

J. Walter Fewkes. The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano Pueblo. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Vol.1(2):251-276.

By providing an objective comparison of two different prevailing cultures of the Hopi Pueblo in northeastern Arizona, J. Walter Fewkes uncovers secret Winter Solstice ceremonies performed by the Hano tribe, and also describes the cultural significance of these ancient rituals.

The Walpi or Hopi tribe is comprised of several smaller settlements that have merged into one over the course of a few hundred years. Those small clans include the Ala, Pakab, Asa, and Honani. The clan known as the Hano, which the author focuses on in this article, has managed to avoid being immersed by the larger and influential Walpi tribe. Those preserved cultural aspects have particular relevance in regards to the Winter Solstice Ceremonies held by these two different groups. Although both groups perform these annual rituals, the Hano tradition is distinctly different since it was still directly related to their ancestral tradition from the East Mesa near the Rio Grande, rather than taking on other traditional Hopi traditions. The author not only gave a meticulous account of each person by name, but also described the relatively steady influx of small Tanoan (Hano) clans also from the East Mesa. Furthermore, he implies that these small clans (Asa and Katcina) contributed to this ancient cultural preservation.

After explaining the origins of the different tribes, the author uses the rest of the article to analyze the sequence of events that take place during the winter solstice. These ritual practices are considered extremely important because they are a basis for distinguishing between different tribes. Both the Walpi and Hano solstice traditions fall on similar dates and contain similar Katcina dances. But the Hano rituals that take place behind closed doors, or hatches within a ceremonial structure known as a kiva, are what make these ancient rituals so interesting. The rituals are a sacred cultural activity which includes prayer sticks, fetishes, corn meal and other seeds, arrow points, and other valued goods, all placed in a particular sacred form atop a raised alter made of hard-packed sand. These collected goods were methodically placed so that they represent the Great Serpent heading south as the sun had, in order to bring the rain clouds, which in turn added to their prosperity. The tired sun, as it was so low in the southern sky, received aid from sun ladders that the Hano had constructed. Fewkes explains the significance of the sacred meal within the medicine bowl receiving a ray of light from an angled fragment of glass. This complex ritual should be read in the detail provided by the author since it contains so much symbolism. The main point of this article is the significance of the distinctly different rituals practiced by two groups living within shouting distance of one another. Furthermore, the common notion that these puebloan people all practice the same cultural and ceremonial activities is a stereotype that must be avoided in order to get an objective account of these peoples’ lifestyles and origin.

KEVIN CONNORS Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Fillmore, John Comfort. The Harmonic Structure of Indian Music. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:297-318

This article is introduced by Alice B. Fletcher, who obtained John Fillmore’s manuscript when he died unexpectedly before the article reached publication. It is accompanied by musical excerpts in Western notation, recording melodies from the Navajo, Kwakiutl, Yaqui, Tigua, and Omaha tribes.

It may be asked what direction the voice of the Indian takes when he expresses his feelings in song, and whether that direction is the same for all men or differs between races. There is a common impression that Indian music is based on scales different from, and employing smaller intervals than, those of ‘civilized’ music. Ten years’ study of Indian music both through recording and personal experience show that, on the contrary, the laws governing the melodies of the Indian are essentially the same as apply in ‘civilized’ music.

The process of development, as illustrated both by Indian examples and by old-world folk-songs, is as follows: (1) The key-note and its chord. (2) The addition of one of the sixth and second of our major scale. (3) These tones, together with the chord compose the five-tone scale. (4) The tonality is major or minor according as the do or the la is made the point of repose. (5) The fourth and seventh of the major scale are added to complete the dominant and subdominant chords. While the Indian’s music is almost universally monophonic, harmonies are implied and, indeed, when supplied by piano, receive the approval of the Indian performers. Thus, the natural perception of the harmonic relations of tones is the shaping, determining factor, which determines the line of least resistance along which spontaneous development occurs. This natural perception seems universal, depending our physical constitution, the laws of acoustics, and the psychical laws that relate music to emotion.

The impression given that the Indian employs diffent scales and intervals is misleading, and derives from the fact that they frequently sing out of tune, or employ quarter tones for emphasis of other notes in the standard tonal structure. Microtones are transitional, not structural. The music of the ‘savage’, rather that being a different kind of music from that of the modern musician, represents a different stage of development.

JOSHUA ROBINSON University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Fletcher, Alice C. A Pawnee Ritual Used When Changing a Man’s Name. American Anthropologist. 1899 Vol. 1:82-97

The ritual of changing a man’s name is a sacred event to the Pawnee Indians. Fletcher records, translates, and interprets this important event. Her motive is to preserve “the ancient rites of the tribe¼as a part of the history of the American race.” With the assistance of Mr. Francis La Flesche, she made contact with a Pawnee priest who could perform this ritual and was willing to perform it. This priest, who belonged to the Chau-I’ division of the Pawnee, is described in great detail. Fletcher comments, with much fanfare, upon his arrival and reactions to the city of Washington, D.C., the location where the ritual is to be performed.

Fletcher explains the many implications that a name change entails. She explains that a man who changes his name must strive to live on a higher, and more spiritual, level. The man is only allowed to take a new name after he has proved himself worthy, or of great character. The ritual must be performed by a Pawnee priest while in the presence of the people who have witnessed the man’s worthy acts. The man’s new name symbolizes the character traits that are manifested in him, and all of his tribesmen will recognize him by that new name.

The actual ritual consists of three “movements,” or parts, in which the priest explains the custom first, then describes the man’s actions and petitions the gods for a new name, and finally, the new name is given and the old name is forgotten.

Gaining a new name is an accomplishment of great importance to the Pawnee, marking the progress a man had made in his life. Gods and men both recognize this progress through the ritual. The new name must be spoken with reverence. A name is not simply a label, but a sacred gift.

SHELLEY CHRIST University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Fletcher, Alice C. A Pawnee Ritual Used When Changing a Man’s Name. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):82-97.

Before this article by Alice Fletcher, little was known about the rituals used by three divisions of the Pawnee nation for changing a man’s name when he achieves an important accomplishment. She states that there is much difficulty in getting priests to talk about the rite; they won’t speak about it to strangers so a more intimate relationship must be found in order to gain access into this sacred area. For Fletcher, this relationship came through a Pawnee named James R. Murie, an educated man who brought with him a priest named Ta-hi’-roos-sa-wi-chi. The priest was traveling in his old age to pass on knowledge to the son of the head-chief of the Omaha, both of whom go unnamed. In the course of her work with this priest, Fletcher was able to record the entire ritual song on phonograph as well as translate and transcribe it, with the help of Murie and the Priest.

Before the actual translation of the song, Fletcher tells some anecdotes about how the priest reacted to some of the items of white culture he was exposed to. For instance, when the offer was made for him to stay in a comfortable cottage, he refused on the grounds that the sacred articles in his care must be kept in an earth lodge, and so must he in order to fulfill the duties of his people. When the offer was made for him to go up into the Washington Monument again he refused because he had climbed the mountains of Ti-ra’-wa. Fletcher states that despite being exposed to these modes of living, and having to conform to some of them, “the atmosphere of his mind was seemingly unaffected by the culture of our race.”

Fletcher also illustrates some of the key principles of the name change as explained by the priest. The life of a man is what the priest called an “onward movement.” Throughout his life he is given opportunities to “climb up” if he is determined and seeks the favor of the gods. As this occurs, a man does something that marks a point of his life where he has the opportunity to express in action his peculiar powers. This act creates a new stage that he has achieved so he takes a new name to signify that he is now ahead of where he had been before.

T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Gatschet, Albert S. “Real,” “True,” or “Genuine” in Indian Languages. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:155-162.

Gatschet examines the words that are used in different Native American dialects for the terms “real,” “true” and “genuine.” The purpose of his article then is to compare the dialects in an attempt to analyze and expose the similar origins of the words in these various languages.

In order to conduct this study, Gatschet examines six different Native American linguistic groups. The six groups include the languages of the Algonquian, Iroquoian, Kiowan, Shoshonean, Tonkawan, and Northwest Coast peoples. Each of these larger language groups is then divided into its respective dialects.

For each language and dialect, he translates the three words and gives examples of how they are combined with other words. For example, about the Shawnee dialect of the Algonquian language he writes that the Shawnee “[employ] hileni (abbreviated leni) for “real,” “genuine,” and the same term is in use for “man” and “Indian.” In his discussion of the Mohawk dialect of the Iroquoian branch of languages he writes that “onwe” means true and that “onkwe onwe” means “true man.” There is a preponderance of evidence presented from the majority of the languages that leads Gatchet to discover a connection between the words of real, genuine, and true and man. He writes, “perhaps the most interesting result to be derived from what has been recorded is the close affinity between the terms for `genuine’ and those for `man.’”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Gatshcet, Albert S. “Real,” “True,” or “Genuine” in Indian Languages. American Anthropologist January 1899 Vol.1(1):155-161.

Gatschet’s study was aimed at how Native American languages indicated something real, true, or genuine. The languages that he studied withn the Algonquian family included Peoria, Miami, Delaware, Nipissing, Cree, and Arapaho. The Iroquouian language that he studied was Mohawk. He also studied Kowa, Comanche, and Tonkawe and reviewed Kwakiutl and Chimmesyan of the Northwest Coast.

His study focused on the way Native tongues dciphered meanings from these terms compared to one another and to a lesser extent to the English language. He hypothesized that by finding out what these groups tended to identify as real, true, and genuine he would learn much about their cultures. For example, his findings seem to indicate that they used these terms in reference to what was most common or significant to them. Gatschet indicates this by telling the reader that the terms that are translated are often found in the terms that refer to man and Indian, or at least to refer to the members of the tribe that they belong to. Another way that he illustrates that these terms signify cultural norms is that one of these terms was used in several languages to describe right-handedness.

TERA CREMEENS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hilder, F.F. Origin of the Name “Indian.” American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1: 545-549

Hilder considers the validity of the term “Indian” in this short article. He provides a background history for the voyages of Columbus, noting the convictions of the Genoese sailor that he had in fact found India. Upon returning to Europe, Columbus sent a letter from Lisbon to his friend and financier Louis de Sant Angel in which he specifically mentions the Indians he had brought back with him. Since then, the term has been adopted to mean all Native Americans. Hilder states that, considering the invalidity of the initial reference, there is no reason to keep the term around, though he does recognize that it will be difficult to un-entrench it, and does not provide a substitute name. Although this is a clear and straightforward article, it fails in one respect: it does not consider whether the name “Indian” was generally used to represent all Asians before 1492. The letter Columbus was carrying with him on his first voyage was not to some raja of India, but to the Great Khan, which indicates that he was expecting to find not so much India, as Mongol China. The readers should not expect this to be a well-documented scholarly essay, but rather a short article that reads like a college paper.

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hilder, F.F. Origin of the Name “Indian”. American Anthropologist July, 1899 Vol.1(3):545-549.

In his article, F.F. Hilder sets out to explore the origins of the English usage of the word “Indian” to represent the indigenous peoples of the North American continent. The author takes a primarily historical approach to answer the question of the beginnings of what he deems as an inappropriate representation of the people of the New World.

The influence of Italian commerce, based out of Venice and Genoa, upon the discoverer of the New World, Christopher Columbus, had much to do with the entrance of the term “Indian” into popular language. For centuries travelers such as Marco Polo and Friar Odericus had brought back grand reports of the riches of Eastern Asia, exciting merchants in Europe into a frenzy to find new paths to the Eastern Lands. According to Hilder, Columbus was also driven by the desire to find the Eldorado of the East, but it was thought that Portuguese sailors under Prince Henry had discovered the closest sea route, around the Cape of Good Hope. However, Columbus with the help of his astronomer friend, Toscanelli, believed that he could find a new path to the riches of the orient by traveling west in-spite of the common belief that this path led to sea-monsters, and the edge of the world.

Carrying a letter from the present King of Spain, Ferdinand, addressed to the Grand Khan of Eastern Asia, the Genoese sailor sighted land upon the western horizon and mistakenly believed, due to his latitudinal location, that he had arrived on the eastern shores of India. He then naturally designated the natives as “Indians”. Upon his return, as Hilder explains, Columbus used the term “Indians” in a few letters and reports thus allowing the term to be adopted into popular culture.

The Author concludes the article pleading that although the term had been adopted into the popular language and is used almost universally, it is time that an attempt is made to supplant the wrongful designation with a more appropriate and scientifically correct name.

CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Holmes, William H. Preliminary Revision of the Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in California. (First Paper.). American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol1:107-121.

After the gold discoveries in California in 1849, miners were often coming across the remains of previous human cultures. In J. D. Whitney’s, The Auriferous Gravels of the Sierra Nevada, he presents the idea of human occupation in California during the Pliocene era. The author of this article, William H. Holmes, was sent to California in September, 1898 by the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution to gain knowledge of the sites that would be useful to the National Museum. The evidence that he presents shows Whitney to be completely wrong in his dating of the archaeological material.

Whitney’s dating was based on two sources of evidence. First, relics came from portions of the auriferous, or gold-bearing, gravel that could be assigned to the Pliocene period. Also, the relics were found in association with the remains of extinct plants and animals. With the help of scientists, Holmes verified the age of the gravels, but with the help of animal remains, plant remains, human remains, and remains of human handiwork, he verifies the later and more conceivable date of the artifacts.

Dr. Joseph Leidy identified the remains of several species of animals. Although all the species were found to be extinct, they all dated to the Neocene age, not the Pliocene. Although all plants, identified by Dr. Leo Lesquereux, were extinct and of the Pliocene, many could be of the Miocene. In addition to plant and animal evidence, all human remains represent a human no different than the California Indian of the present time (although Whitney claimed they had some characteristics of the Eskimo). Holmes also believes that the human material remains belong to the Neocene.

Holmes drives his argument through the evidence of human remains that are no different than those of anatomically modern humans. In addition, the fifteen to twenty varieties of art found are all of recent types. Also, the stone implements found are the same as those manufactured by native California Indian tribes and those of the recent past.

Holmes uses geological and archaeological evidence to explain how the artifacts were moved and deposited in the gravels of the earlier time periods. Through reexamining the work of J.D. Whitney, the author accurately dates the artifacts and clears up the controversy over the auriferous gravel man.

CHAD KALBFLEISCH University of Southern Illinois Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Holmes, William H. Preliminary Revision of the Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in California. (Second Paper) American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 614-645.

This article looks at the evidence in support of, and contradicting the presence of, a culturally developed group in the Table Mountain region of California vastly predating the accepted history of habitation in North America by Native Americans. If this material were validated, the culture it represented would have remained constant over many centuries to directly resemble the material culture of the current native inhabitants. The evidence in consideration comes from mineshafts constructed during the California gold rush in the 1800s, which were dug to extensive depths. The evidence is in two categories: cultural remains, including a grinding stone and lithics, and a human skull recovered from the Montezuma mine on the western slope near Jamestown.

In evaluating the material remains, the author discounted these for three reasons. First was the large population of the `Digger tribe’ of `mountain Indians’ that lived in the mining camps and worked in the mines. He felt that it was very likely that some of the artifacts were modern items used by these workers and that they had either fallen into the mine or had been taken into the mine by the Native American workers, unnoticed by the mine supervisors due to the workers’ low status. Related to this reason was the possibility that the artifacts were from relatively recent Native American burials. This suspicion is reinforced by testimony that the `tribesmen’ consulted about the artifacts did not wish to discuss them, and refused to touch them, consistent with cultural taboos regarding burials and burial goods.

The third reason for discounting the artifacts was that it was quite possible that the artifacts were present as a result of a practical joke being played on the mine supervisor or owner. This is particularly true of the human skull, which showed evidence of post mortem trauma, such as would be expected in the pit-style burials of the region, but about which there were numerous statements that the skull was intended as a joke upon the mine owner. The author makes it evident that a lack of cultural awareness and ability to document the artifacts, their original locations and/or the probability of site disturbance, makes all the support of a culture contemporary with the European Stone Age indefensible.

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Holmes, William H. Preliminary Revision of the Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in California. (Second Paper). American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol.1(4):614-645.

William Holmes further argues against a Tertiary man in California in the follow-up to his first paper. In this paper, in order to support his theory of a much younger culture, Holmes focuses on the discoveries of artifacts in the auriferous gravels, the inexpertise of many observers involved in the discoveries, and the mishandling of the Calaveras skull

Artwork from the gold-bearing gravels in California were previously thought to have been very primitive. After better examination, the work was found to belong to the polished stone age and similar to modern implements. It is suggested that many had fallen in from Indian camp sites or brought in by Indians themselves. The findings had been shaped by processes used by the natives of the modern region and served the same purposes they do now or of the recent past. In addition, none of these objects showed wear that would be associated with the Tertiary.

Holmes stresses his view against the antiquity of the sites through the activities of the modern tribes living in the region. Indians, having lived there for centuries, often buried their dead in pits, caves, and deep ravines. Miners often called the area “place of skulls”, suggesting the dense burial patterns of the region. Most of the finds that led to Whitney’s theory were made by people without expertise in the field. These people often falsified information such as where the artifacts were found, and even engaged in practical joking at the expense of scientists. One skull, known as the Calaveras skull, which Whitney also based theory on, did not even make it’s way to proper investigation until thirty years after it had been discovered. When properly examined, it was found to be filled with modern material such as a snail shell and a shell bead.

In this article, Holmes strengthens his case on the antiquity of man in California. Through visits to the sites, talking to workers and residents, and his own examinations of the artifacts found as well as his own findings, Holmes convincingly corrects the misinterpretations of his predecessors.

CHAD KALBFLEISCH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hough, Walter. Korean Clan Organization. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):150-154.

Hough interviewed Kiu Beung Surh several times to compile information concerning Korean clan organization. The author outlines Korean clan organization, such as its government, burial practices, laws, offences and penalties, support of poor members, adoption, political parties, and family names.

The clan head is determined to be the direct male descendent of the earliest ancestor. The counsel delegates, who come from various parts of the country, are elected. If a village does not send a delegate then the village is fined and also the members of the clan are fined. The money raised from these taxes is put forth to maintain ancestral tombs, shrines, land and the clan house, to pay for sacrifices, and also to invest in land. The counsel usually meets in the capital of Seoul to conduct meetings, where they discuss matters deemed to be within the interests of the clan. An earth doctor determines the proper place for a burial ground. Cemeteries are usually in the mountain and each family is responsible for their immediate family plots, but if the land is degrading or the family cannot properly maintain it, the tax money will be used for the upkeep. Another important aspect of Korean clan organization is the law of the clan.

Law prohibits marriage to members of the same clan name, remarriage by a widow, and marriage to a deceased wife’s sister. The first of three major offenses is the determination of a person to be a traitor to Korea; this is punishable usually by excommunication. The second worst offence is illicit intercourse between families, punishable by excommunication through the clan. The last major offence was to be disrespectful to parents or old people, and was usually dealt with within clans.

Although the clan seems to be close-knit, it is not obligatory to help poorer members. Another aspect of Korean clan organization is the use of adoption to maintain families. A second son is often the child to be adopted. The political parties dictating the area are based on geography and are thus named, North, South, East, and West. Hough also mentions some of the Korean family names. Ye and Kim are considered to be two of the six high family names and Ta and Pi are two of the six low family names.

The clan head and the counsel, meeting and business of the counsel, burial practices, laws, offences and penalties, the support of poor clan members, their idea of adoption, political parties and family names are some of the aspects mentioned by Kiu Beung Surh when Hough interviewed him on the Korean clan organization.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann E. Kinglsover)

Hough, Walter. Korean Clan Organization. American Anthropologist January-March, 1899 Vol.1(1):150-154.

This rather concise article depicts Korean clan organization as seen by “an intelligent Korean”. Hough discusses nine topics – “Clan head and council delegates”, “meeting place of the council”, “business of the council”, “burial grounds”, “laws of the clan”, “offenses and penalties”, “support of poor members”, “adoption” and “political parties”.

Each topic is very brief. “Clan head and council delegates” summarizes appointments of clan head and family head (both male) as well as delegates to the clan council. This section also includes a brief discussion of tax collection and its appropriation. “Meeting place of the council” discusses the spatial situation of the clan house and that the keeper (also the tax collector) is charged with the houses upkeep. “Business of the council”, the third topic, pertains to any business involving one clan. One such topic is the premise of topic four – “burial grounds”. Basic policies of internment, upkeep of burial grounds, “earth doctors” and land acquisition are discussed there in. “Laws of the clan” depicts rules of marriage including prohibition of same clan marriages and the remarrying of widows. Topic six goes on to discuss who takes cognizance of multiple offenses against the clan and how or what punishment may be enacted. Illicit intercourse, traitorous practices and disrespect of elders are the offenses discussed. “Support of poor members” is the seventh topic and notes the lack of a need to insure such practices. “Adoption” addresses how the custom of adoption helps to prevent Korean families from going extinct. Also briefly discussed is the antiquity of Korean family clans. The final topic, “political parties”, provides a list of the most important family names in Korea and discusses Korea’s political division.

Hough relays quite well his informant’s information on clan organization in Korea and associated topics. This article is a quick read and generally informative.

JEFFERY BROWN Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hrdlicka, Ales. An Anomalous Ulna- Supra-Capital Foramen. American Anthropologist. 1899 Vol. 1(5):248-250.

Found by the author in a burial cave in Chihuahua, Mexico, an ulna of an adult male is found to exhibit a large foramen in the distal head. Although the cave in which the bone was found was filled with human skeletons, they are all disarticulated, so it is impossible to examine other bones from the same skeleton. The proximal end and shaft of the ulna appear normal. However, the distal end shows a more round articular facet than is normal (rather than semilunar) and the styloid process is described as short.

The foramen, or hole, is measured to be eight millimeters in height and six millimeters in width, with normal bone around it. There is no evidence of injury or remodeling to the surrounding bone. Hrdlicka suggests three possible interpretations for this foramen. He suggests it may have been for the transmission of an artery or tendon, or may have lodged a benign growth. He admits all three suggestions have their objections, but in any case, concludes that the anomalous foramen was likely congenital.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hrdlicka, Ales. An Anomalous Ulna-Supra-Capital Foramen. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Vol.1(2):248-250.

In this article the author discusses an ulna found near Chihuahua, Mexico. The bone, which appears to be male, was located in a burial cave containing many other bones. This one in particular warranted greater attention. Upon observation, it was noted to be abnormal, containing a foramen, or an opening that went through the bone at the head.

Local tradition of the Tarahumare, believed to be the descendants of the remains found in the burial cave, tells that the bones were once mummified bodies. Another local story lends more validity to the state of the remains. The legend tells of an irrational Indian who believed that the dead were “dancing and singing,” so to stop the sounds he piled up stones in the cave until they were all buried.

The author is attempting to determine what may have caused the unusual hole that appears in the ulna. He points out that there is no chance of comparison between the ulna and the rest of the skeletal material due to the condition of the cave. Therefore, theories must be produced based on one piece of available evidence.

Three theories can be derived from the location and appearance of the hole. First, that this was the location of an artery that moved through the bone. Second, that a tendon was situated through the hole. Both of these theories are discredited due to the understanding of how bone reacts to such bodily elements as arteries and tendons. The final theory is that the hole “may have lodged some sort of benign growth.” Unfortunately, this theory also meets with some problems similar to the first. There is no indication of assimilation of bone around the area, nor is the bone thickened in any way, which might substantiate a benign growth.

The author concludes with the idea that this deformed arm bone was most likely caused by a birth defect or some trauma that occurred during the early years of this individuals life.

TINA HASTINGS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hrdlicka, Ales. A New Joint Formation. American Anthropologist June, 1899 Vol.1(3):550-551.

This article describes a unique elbow joint. The joint was found by Harlan I. Smith during his excavation of a “prehistoric burial place” in Kentucky, and consists of a left humerus (upper arm bone) and of the left radius and ulna (the two bones in the forearm, the radius is on the thumb side).

This new joint is different from a typical joint. First the ulna appears to have been broken and in the absence of medical attention to have impacted and fused into the radius. The result is a bony structure the bridges the gap between the ulna and the radius. The two bones together look like an extremely horizontally elongated “I.” The second oddity is that the radius doesn’t connect to the humerus in the typical spot. The head (part ofthe radius closest to the elbow) has been wrenched out of place and sits right above the joint itself. It is sticking right into the region where the elbow bends. The last oddity is a growth right above the elbow joint on the humerus. There is a shaft of bone sticking out to meet the head of the radius.

The most amazing aspect of this new joint is the process growing out of the humerus. The bones examined all seem to be those of an adult, so this new and seemingly spontaneous growth is highly unexpected. Bone growth of this type is extremely rare. The Author give a brief guess as to what may have caused this new growth, attributing it to a “moderate injury of the ligaments or the periosteum” (th e bone’s outer shell).

Hrdlicka is very excited over this new joint, and in all fairness it is very intriguing, but I have to question his assertions. First he doesn’t seem to have done enough research to say that this is a unique occurrence. Second, I don’t know if they had all the expertise they needed back in 1899 to declare the bones adult prior to the injury. All in all he has done a tremendous job of describing this new joint in an unbiased way.

GLENN MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan D. Hill)

Laufer, Berthold. Petroglyphs on the Amoor. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 746-750.

Berthold Laufer’s brief article is about the petroglyphs that he examined during the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. These petroglyphs were carved on stones and boulders which were once built up as a dike or dam on the Amoor River. The author provides a few examples of these petroglyphs through sketches. Human faces and animals are commonly represented on these boulders through a series of spirals and angular lines. Multiple petroglyphs are found on a single boulder at times. The author is unclear as to whether or not these boulders are burial markers, and he claims that further work is necessary in order to determine their use.

The second half of this article briefly explained some of the ideology that is behind the petroglyphs, which he claims to be related to Korean ideology and mythology. This is explained in a creation story of the earth where three men, three divers, and three swans are responsible for all of the rivers, lakes, and mountains worldwide. The story eventually explains life, death, and hibernation. Laufer’s article ends by explaining that in relation to the petroglyphs, a character named Ma’milji drew pictures on stones when the stones were soft. After another character, Ka’do, killed two of the three suns in the sky (leaving us with the sun we see today), the earth cooled and the rocks that Ma’milji drew upon hardened, and his drawings were made permanent.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Laufer, Berthold. Petroglyphs on the Amoor. American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol.1(4):746-750.

Berthold Laufer’s article examines several petroglyphs found along the Amoor and Orda, near the Gold village of Sakacha-Olen. The banks of these two rivers form a sandy beach, where large rocks were decorated with carvings of human faces and animals. Some of the petroglyphs were badly damaged, and therefore paper tracing were made of the images. The rock carvings all shared the same general characteristics. The author describes the tradition that refers to the origin of these rock carvings. The tradition states that in the beginning there were three men, three divers, and three swans. The men sent the swans and the divers to dive for soil, stones, and sand. When they arose, they brought the soil, sand, and stone and proceeded to create the earth wherever they flew. The three men made a man and a woman, they had a child, and the people multiplied. Their child is said to have carved the drawings on the rocks.

The author did not indicate any historical significance of the petroglyphs, and simply described the carvings. The article could have been much more effective if it supported the idea that perhaps one of the images found on the rocks could be linked with the rocks described in the tale. The author did not discuss any such possibilities, and should have addressed some sort of concern or interesting fact from the carvings found. The article is a good descriptive piece of the petroglyphs and is a basis for further study on the findings.

AMY CREASY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Loria, Achille. Social Anthropology – A Review. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1: 283-296.

This article presents a critique of The Social Order and its Natural Foundations by Otto Ammon. The article is largely divided into two parts. The first part is devoted to a summary of Ammon’s main claims concerning Social Darwinism. The claims are listed and discussed, and here Loria’s discussion is only lightly peppered with critical remarks. It is not until the second part of the article that Loria attacks Ammon’s arguments.

Loria begins by placing Ammon within the tradition of the Social Darwinists. He writes that Ammon begins his work by arguing that “sociology…must be based on anthropology since man is the cell of the social organism except through a careful analysis of cells of which it is composed.” It is upon this biological framework that Ammon constructs his case. Loria writes that Ammon claims that those of supreme intelligence are few in number while those of medium intelligence compose the greatest number of a population, and those of very low intelligence are few in number as well. Loria writes that Ammon’s point here is that in any society the “best positions be assigned to the best men and the inferior positions to the inferior men” in order that society might “progress” as successfully as possible.

Among the other claims that Loria includes in his review is Ammon’s argument that any society interested in its success should enact legislation designed to prohibit marriages between the classes or “individuals gifted and not gifted.” Loria continues by summarizing Ammon’s discussion of what he sees as the direct correlation between intelligence and wealth and how the two burdens should shift from the wealthy to the poor. Taxes, according to Ammon, threaten to diminish the power of the superior classes as does universal suffrage, a notion to which Ammon is opposed.

Such is a summary of Loria’s discussion of Ammon’s main claims. In the second part of the article, Loria begins by taking serious issue with the claim that “sociology must be based on anthropology.” His critique of this claim is that the development of “social phenomena” is not the result of human forces but of material forces. In this vein, Loria argues that ” the mother science of sociology is not anthropology but political economy.” Loria gives primacy to the material mode of economics instead of to the organic analogy of society as an organism of which man is a cell. In fact, Loria argues that “The interpretation which the author gives to the biologic theories from which he draws his motives, often shows that he has not succeeded in comprehending them.”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Aboriginal American Zootechny. American Anthropologist. January 1899. Vol. 1(1):45-81.

Mason’s purpose, in this article, is to describe all the various ways that Native Americans interact with their environment. These activities he classifies as zootechny. He breaks this field down into seven categories under which animals, including birds, fish, reptiles and amphibians, and insects, are used by different Native American groups. Category one describes the animals that are available in a specific environmental or geographic zone for use, although he notes that it is quite clear that nowhere are all possible animals used by a group. Category two describes the articles used to capture animals, and suggests a natural evolution of hunting and capturing skills that are increasingly more complex. Mason describes in detail, the various ways that animals are caught, and gives several references to his observances or those of other naturalists/ explorers of his time. Although he notes that domestication is not a method of capture, per se, he does include it in this section, and again, gives several good examples of early domestication. Category three describes the processes of zootechny, or, what is done to the animal after capture to prepare it for use. Some examples of this include eating it on the spot, butchering, and drying and smoking. Category four explains the products, or uses, for the animal after it has been processed. These may include storage, eating, clothing, furniture, and even portions of the house itself. Category five concerns the relation of animals to the sociology of the group. Hunting may require that the group work together and cooperate, and division of labor is often assigned to certain animal-related tasks. Mason also asserts that human society was originally organized around its animals. Category six is knowledge. Mason suggests that large portions of human knowledge come originally from either learning from the animals themselves, or by devising ways to outwit them during hunting. Category seven is religion. Mason notes the large number of groups that use animistic forms of belief; even those that don’t generally have myths involving animals or use magic related with hunting. Many groups also relate their histories through that of the animals in the form of totems or clan representatives. This article is valuable for its many examples, illustrations and lists, and its close look at the relationships between humans and animals.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Aboriginal American Zootechny. American Anthropologist January-March, 1899 Vol. 1 (1): 45-81

In “Aboriginal American Zootechny”, Otis Tufton Mason organizes those of “man’s” activities associated with animals into seven “chapters”: “(I) American Indian Zoology, or ethnozoology in America, (II) Exploitive zootechny – the activities associated with the capture and domestication of animals, (III) Elaborative zootechny – the activities practiced on the animal after capture, (IV) Ultimate product of zootechny and their relation to human happiness, (V) Social organization and cooperation, (VI) the progress of Knowledge in Zootechny including the growth of language, (VII) Religion and the animal kingdom”(49). The majority of this article deals with activities associated with the procurement of animals as food. Open to discussion is Mason’s completeness. He does give a great number of examples from a long list of groups of peoples, but he certainly does not say it all.

Mason hypothesizes that American aboriginals’ inventive faculty is the result of necessity. He does not set out to prove or disprove his hypothesis, but rather dissects all human activities associated with the procurement of animals as food into 11 categories: “Gathering or taking with the hand with out implements; gathering with devices; striking, stunning, bruising; slashing with edged weapons; piercing with a great variety of implements; taking in traps and blinds; by means of dogs or other hunting animals; with fire; by means of drugs; the whole class of accessories to the hunter”(52). Mason then gives an extensive list of examples from tribes throughout the north and south Americas. Mason gives the most examples for category two, but includes a wonderful discussion of the bow and the arrow in which he briefly discusses 18 different types of each

Tribes in Mason’s discussion include the Fuegians; Greenland, Hudson Bay, Baffinland, Cumberland, Western and Norton Sound Eskimo; Chipewaian; Yahgans; Aleutians; Cancow; Makah; Mission; Wintun; Aiyan; Big Meadow; Wailaki; MicMac; Choctaw; Seri; Pueblo; Tarahumari; Modok; Antilles; Xingu; Macus; Peruvians; Mura; Panamint; Copehan; Mato Grosso; Cree; Chetinacha; Cariv; Napo; Greenlanders; Seneka; Puget; ‘Digger’; Pima; Payas; Moguexes; Papago; Nootka; Haida; Souan and the Ogalala Sioux.

After several pages of examples of each category Mason very briefly discusses processing, products, sociological problems (in relation to animal foods), knowledge (as procured through the need for invention), and religion. Mason’s descriptive style is easy to read and entertaining.

JEFFERY BROWN Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan D. Hill)

McGee, W.J. Anthropology at Columbus. American Anthropologist. 1899 Vol. 1: 759-763.

McGee reports on the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in Columbus, Ohio, August 19-26 1898. There were over three hundred and fifty people in attendance. Prof. F.W. Putnam and vice-president Wilson addressed the meeting. The title of Putnam’s speech was A Problem in American Anthropology and Wilson’s, Beginning of the Science of Prehistoric Anthropology. According to McGee, Wilson lead the meeting’s section on anthropology with E.W. Scripture, the author, Robert Clerk, Frank Russell, George Grant McCurdy, J. McK. Cattell, M.H. Serville, and Amos F. Butler. There were five objectives of this section: the memorial proceedings for Dr. Daniel G. Brinton; the presentation and discussion of the report on White Race in America; an informal report on the winter meeting in New York in December 1898; to decide where to hold the winter meeting for 1899; and the appointment of a committee to promote the teaching of anthropology at universities. Other notable attendees and presenters were: W.W. Newell, Franz Boas, A.G. Fried, Charles E. Slocum, G.F. Wright, John Hyde, H.T, Newcomb, Washington Gladden, John S, Clark, C.M. Woodward, James Mooney, Dr. Robert Steiner, Charles K. Wead, Henry Farquhar, Mansfield Merriman and Prof. Edward Orton. Approximately twenty-eight papers were presented.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

McGee, W.J. The Beginning of Mathematics. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 646-674.

In this article, W. J. McGee outlines the evolution of number development, focusing on egocentric binumeration and the origins of arithmetic. It is not the numbers or how they come about that McGee focuses on entirely in this article, but rather the advancement and growth of knowledge through natural processes.

McGee begins by explaining how mathematics evolved from mysticism. Scientific chemistry from mystical alchemy, scientific astronomy from mystical astrology, and a mystical system of math, which he calls almacabala; all are examples of early occult or semi-occult based systems which led to scientific systems. He closes his natural growth argument by saying that environmental conditions are hereditary traits affected the maturation of mathematical systems. According to the author, “primitive men” are ceremonial and mystical elements and beliefs are the prime influence in their lives and development. McGee states that as these people grew into writing, and along with it, a loss of occult tradition, mysticism lost its control over the human mind. “Simple counting is an accomplishment common to men and many lower animals”, he states. He gives many examples of Australian aborigines and their binumeral counting system. Next in development is the number four, then the number six and their uses. He then goes into more detail of the concept of the “mystical 2” and the Australian Aboriginal uses.

What McGee manages to explain so well is that these counting systems augment the existing counting system with another, i.e., applying the binumeral system to the quaternary system. By realizing the augmentation possibility in creating larger numbers by using a very simple mathematic principal, the societies that lost their mystic-reliant system gained a mathematical foothold in advancement up the mathematical latter, as McGee envisions it.

In the closing pages of this article, McGee reiterates his findings. A sort of ego-based two-sided cosmos (fear/safety, forward-unknown/behind-unknown) view or perception gives only the need for simple counting. Then, from a “cult of the Halves” come a “cult of the quarters”, where left and right sides of the ego are taken into account. This is the origin of the four number system, and if the “self” is added, the five number system. To this, augmentation is applied, and then math follows.

McGee ends with how these systems gave way to a belief of numbers (a baker’s dozen 13th loaf, 1000 and 1 nights, etc.) and how an inherent carryover of early math allows us to still be ego-centered in a logical mathematical system.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver).

McGee, W. J. The Beginning of Mathematics. American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol.1(4):646-674.

McGee attempts to analyze and describe the various numerical systems from around the world. He also addresses the great disparity in the mathematical abilities found among the peoples of the world.

The author explains that like chemistry and astronomy, mathematics arose out of a “mystical system.” He cites the development of algebra from the ancient Arabic occult science of “almacabala.” McGee highlights a great many cultures from around the world whose mathematical systems are reliant upon the highest number they can readily count to. These people categorize larger numbers by multiples of their largest number plus a smaller number. For example in a system where two is the highest number counted to, five widgets might be referred to as two, two and one widgets. He expands upon this system for cultures where four or six is the dominant number.

He further connects a culture’s dominant number to the culture’s perception of the world. Those with two as the dominant number divide the world into two parts. He provides the example of a Polynesian tribe to illustrate this point. Those with four as their primary number divide the world into four parts, usually aligned with the four cardinal directions. These number systems developed special numbers with added meaning. Some of these numbers (7, 12, 25, etc.) retain some of their meaning today.

Overall McGee’s logic is sound. Unfortunately, some of his basic assumptions would be proven wrong in the years to come. McGee’s work was an element forming late 19th century unilineal evolutionist theory. This theory held that man evolved in a single non-branching line, and that those people who were not as “intelligent” were not as highly evolved as those from Europe. Over the years, this assumption would be challenged and overthrown. In 1911, Franz Boaz provided evidence that these peoples with a modicum of teaching could learn to count just as well as any one else.

GLENN MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan D. Hill)

McGee, W.J. The Trend of Human Progress. American Anthropologist July, 1899. Vol. 1(3): 401-447.

W.J. McGee was the President of the Anthropological Society of Washington when he presented this paper before the Washington Academy of Sciences in February 1899. It well encapsulates the line of progressivist thinking popular in anthropology in the late eighteen hundreds. From his very introduction, McGee clearly separates himself from his anthropological subject of “man.” Assuming the role of the unbiased scientist, McGee attempts to use the scientific methods of anthropology to provide clarity on whether man is “drifting toward annihilation” or will one day be able to “possess the earth.” His treatment begins with a discussion of five modes or methods for defining the “sum of human experience.” These methods are vaguely described in this article, but move from a basic numerical approach toward a sequential interpretation of human experience. Pivotal to McGee’s argument is his belief that anthropology has moved from the study of the individual unit to the collective unit, but must advance further by identifying “activital products” and discerning pathways of human activity. (A note of this article states that the Anthropological Society of Washington had been reorganized the month before to reflect such an “activital classification.”) Accordingly, McGee’s article addresses each classification area: somatology (anthropology of the body); psychology; and demonomy (the social group), which is broken into activital subgroups of esthetology, technology, sociology, philology, and sophology. McGee concludes that peoples can be grouped into culture-grades of savagery, barbarism, civilization, and enlightenment based on their activities. Additionally, the evolution of man or the “trend of human progress,” he observes, is generally upward; the peoples of the world are gradually converging into the same culture-grade through intermixing of blood and association with higher grades. Peoples of enlightenment and civilization are continuously moving forward; whereas, those of barbarism and savagery are left behind and die off, leaving only the strongest (and associatively, lighter-toned) peoples of their class to move up the cultural scale.

MARY KOSKO University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

McGee, W. J. The Trend of Human Progress. American Anthropologist June-September, 1899 Vol.1(3):401-447.

In this very flowery discussion McGee, in third person, gives his narrative of “the birth of anthropology” (404). McGee some how manages to pull everything bad from early 1800s anthropological findings and writings into an incoherent babble of the Collectives views on such topics as “grades of culture” (savagery, barbarism, civilization, enlightenment) (405), “race” (White, red, black and yellow – in that order)(405), “organic law” and the “fundamental modes of interpreting facts – numerical, space, motion or powers, sequence and reflexively” before proceeding to discuss “Somatology” at great length, as well as “Psychology”, “Demonomy” – “the product of intelligence applied to the regulation of human affairs” (436) (culture with a bourgeois bias) and the “Advance of Culture”.

McGee’s discussion of “Psychology” by and large outlines cultural stages. McGee outlines cultural stages as “(A) Prescriptorial or receptive, comprising (1) pronominative and (2) associative thinking; (B) Scriptorial or directive, comprising (3) coordinative and (4) inventive thought; and perhaps (C) superscriptorial or (5) creative mind – work plus local and temporary phases of thinking”. McGee also notes “no thinker in any stage or sub-stage can comprehend the thinking of any higher plane, or fully assimilate that of any lower plane” (434). McGee comes to this outline as conclusion after “analyzing the incongruities in mode of thinking displayed by diverse people” (430). Each sub-division is quite well delineated by McGee and he cites the questionable findings (relayed as fact) of a few others (Cushing, Hewitt) as well as his own introspection before characterizing each stage. Religion, language, the use of machines, and the ushering in of the age of technology in which all persons of the world are connected (he uses the telegraph as an example) are the primary features he uses to delineate each subdivision.

“Demonomy”, McGee dissects into “5 great groups of activities” the subject matter of each, a “special science”. These activities and special sciences are (1) activities giving pleasure, or arts: Esthetology; (2) activities promoting welfare, or industries: Technology; (3) activities uniting men, or institutions: Sociology; (4) activities expressing thought, or languages: Philology; (5) activities for organizing knowledge, or philosophies: Sophiology.” (436). Each of these topics McGee discusses at length and each he shows to be graded depending on the level of the group in question. McGee seems well read and his writing is provocative.

JEFFERY BROWN Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Mooney, James. The End of the Natchez. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1: 510-521.

The Natchez, an eastern Indian tribe, were losing their identity as a separate group of Indian people because of the French invasion of their homelands. As they were forced to hide their special cultural practices, they were also forced to integrate and relocate. They no longer embraced the uniqueness they once processed as they meshed into other American Indian societies. The basic argument is that the Natchez could still be a people as a whole, but they were forced to hide their heritage and only practice minimal attributes that link them to their original culture. The French were out to extinguish the Natchez, so they had to fold into other cultures within other Indian tribes to keep their numbers healthy. The evidence to support this claim is that it was “found that the Natchez were living jointly with the Cherokee, and that they ere indistinguishable in dress and appearance, and they nearly all spoke broken Cherokee-while still retaining their own language.” Other proof that the tribe remained hidden but alive were the adaptations of the name Natchez. There were introductions of the names “Natchee” and “Notchees”. These names are similar in spelling and they developed as the tribe moved throughout the Southeast.

STEFFONIE C. SCHREIBER University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Mooney, James. The End of the Natchez. The American Anthropologist October-December, 1899 1(1):510-521

In this article, James Mooney tells the sad story of the eventual dissipation of the Natchez Indians, a tribe that hailed from present day Mississippi. Around 1699, their population was perhaps 2500 persons, but this was soon to dwindle with much warfare to come from the French and other Indian tribes, as well as many of their members being sold into slavery.

Many still have a vivid interest in the Natchez for a variety of reasons. Their language seems to have had no other connections with any other tribes, which makes it unique in itself. This tribe proved a very formidable opponent for the French, not only because of the great fighting ability of the warriors, but also because of their ability to consolidate with other tribes and their cleverness at knowing when to leave an area or battle. Other areas of interest include the Natchez Indians strong central government and peculiar religious practices.

Slowly but surely, mostly in the 1700s, warfare with the French was bringing about the certain end to the Natchez. In a common effort, the Natchez won the support of many Indian tribes in their fight against the French. Before these tribes eventually died out or were killed off, the Yazoo, Koroa, and Tioux, offered their help and support against the French and their Indian allies, namely the Choctaw. The French basically destroyed the Yazoo, Koroa, and the Tioux, but many of the Natchez were able to escape from these skirmishes and they were coined “irreconcilable enemies”.

The Natchez were a constant pain to the French, but slowly their numbers started to dwindle. Around 1731, their numbers were down to about 240 warriors, with 1200 total persons. The final blow came in October of 1731 when a body of over four hundred Spanish and Indian allies attacked the Natchez and they were forced to retreat, having lost all of their chiefs and about 80 warriors. The end was near for the Natchez. After this point, they were a mere tribal band and sought the help of other tribes. The Cherokee and the Chickasaw offered the most help, and indeed many accounts have been recorded of small numbers of Natchez living with these tribes and the tribes protecting them even from the French. It seems that the majority joined the Creeks, but this is not well documented. Whatever the case, the dissolution of this tribe is almost complete with the few survivors living with the Creeks in Mississippi, or the Cherokee to the North.

ALAN THIES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Mooney, James. The Indian Congress at Omaha. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 126-149.

Mooney article opens with describing how the Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition held in Omaha from June to October of 1898 was one of the most successful fairs held in the United States. Mooney credits the ethnological exhibits on the Native Americans with much of the success of the fair. The idea for the ethnological exhibit was from Edward Rosewater, a proprietor of the Omaha Bee. A Congressional bill appropriated $40,000 towards an ethnological exhibit. The purpose of the expo was to attract members from different Native American tribes to illustrate similarities and differences between them. Most of the Native American delegates arrived in August, when the exposition was already half finished.

Numerous tribes were represented in the exposition: Apache, Arapaho (southern), Assiniboin, Blackfoot, Cheyenne (southern), Crow, Flathead, Iowa, Kiowa, Omaha, Oto, Ponka, Potawatomi, Pueblo (of Santa Clara), Sauk and Fox, Sioux, Tonkawa, Wichita, and Winnebago. Mooney organizes these tribes into different linguistic stocks or groups: Algonquian stock (Arapaho, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Potawatomi, Sauk and Fox); Athapascan stock (Chiricahua Apache, San Carlos Apache, Kiowa Apache, Lipan); Caddoan stock (Wichita, Kichai); Salishan stock (Flathead, Spokan, Kalispel); Siouan stock (Assiniboin, Crow, Iowa, Omaha, Oto, Ponka, Sioux, Wimmebago); Tanoan stock (Santa Clara Pueblo); Tonkawan stock (Tonkawa); Yuman stock (Mohave). A comparison between these languages is provided by a table inserted at the end of the article. The table lists each tribe words for the numbers one through ten, as well as the proper tribal name, man, and woman. Mooney goes into detail describing each one of these tribes geographically and culturally based upon his observations from the exposition.

Many tribal ceremonies were performed, such as the ghost dance of the Plains Indians tribes, the Wichita mounted horn dance, and the Apache war dance and devil dance. They were also foot races between the different tribes organized. Mooney concludes the article by stating that an arrangement between the exposition management and the Bureau of American Ethnology appropriated a special fund for securing portraits of the Indian delegates. According to a systematic plan devised under the supervision of a member of the Bureau, the Native American delegates were photographed in costume in tribal groups and singly, in bust, profile, and full length, resulting in a series of several hundred pictures forming altogether one of the finest collections of Indian portraits.

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

James Mooney. The Indian Congress At Omaha. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):126-149.

In this article, the author gives a descriptive account of the twenty different Indian tribes that appeared at The Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition held in Omaha in 1898. Mooney begins the article by providing a brief synopsis of the gradual increases in government funding for different ethnological projects, enabling The Bureau of Ethnology to more adequately inform the public. With public interest at it’s highest ever level, this article has particular significance because of the detailed ethnographic account of so many different Indian tribes.

Although the exposition was structured around the interests of the “white man”, James Mooney focuses on much more than primitive rituals and lifestyles. Some different aspects of these Indians lifestyles described include location, language, subsistence patterns, alliances, and other cultural attributes. The different tribes’ origins as well as their current reservation locations are accounted for providing the reader with a grasp of diverse relationships with neighboring tribes. Mooney provides thorough explanations for the rise and fall of tribal populations, which range from 53 to 25,000. In addition, different language patterns are accounted for making it possible to compare linguistic origins of a particular tribe. Furthermore, by describing different subsistence patterns among the different tribes, these peoples’ lifestyles are adequately captured. While some lived in pit houses, and others in tipi houses, these subtle differences all lead to a better understanding of these peoples life way. Differences in ceremonial ritual, agricultural and hunting technology, warfare practices, subsistence patterns and more, are all important cultural aspects that were accounted for. Many of these people had never even been observed on an ethnologic basis, and maybe never would have been without this convening at Omaha, and James Mooney’s detailed accounts of this congress.

KEVIN CONNORS Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Pierce, Perry Benjamin. The Origin of the “Book of Mormon”. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):675-694

Pierce’s article aims to examine the origin of the Book of Mormon and its “place in the literature of the world”. On the first count, Pierce succeeds. Using both primary and secondary sources, he examines not only the origin of the book but also the origins of its author/translator, Joseph Smith, Jr. Pierce traces Smith’s family history and circumstances and then first-hand accounts of the writing/translation of the book to set forth his discussion.

Pierce bases his discussion on the number of textual errors in the original Book of Mormon. (The text in current use has been edited for grammar and style.) The primary sources as well as Mormon experts insist that Joseph Smith Jr. translated the book verbatim from the gold plates, with the aid of the ‘seer stones’, the Urim and Thummim. If this is true, then God erred significantly with His grammar. However, if Joseph Smith Jr. wrote the book, the whole of the Mormon religion is based on a lie, according to Pierce. He contends that the style of the original book more closely resembles what one would expect from a semiliterate New York farm boy familiar with the King James Version of the Bible and accustomed to hearing traveling evangelical preachers in the early 19th century rather than the Word of God.

Pierce does little to illuminate the “place in the literature of the world” of the Book of Mormon. He offers no comparison to the writing of other sacred texts, nor does he discuss the notion of faith. His is a purely linguistic argument. The sources available to him are excellent, for example, interviewing individuals who knew Joseph Smith Jr., as is his defense of his position. It is clear from the tone of the article that Pierce believes the Book of Mormon was written by humans rather than by God.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Pierce, B. Perry. The Origin of the “Book of Mormon” American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol.1(4):675-694.

In this article the author sets out to examine more closely the origin of the Book of Mormon. Pierce starts by giving a short history of Palmyra, the town in which the book’s author Joseph Smith Jr., wrote the book. The article then shifts focus to the family of Joseph Smith, and their reputation among their peers. It would seem that Joseph Smith Senior moved west and settled in Palmyra around 1815. He was a farmer with a large family, and from the beginning the family started acquiring the reputation of persons who were not afraid to “borrow” from their neighbors. Pierce then goes into numerous interviews with people from the town of Palmyra who claim to remember the Smith family. All of those people who could recall Joseph Smith Jr. stated that he was extremely uneducated and that he and his siblings would use any excuse to stay away from the schoolhouse. As for the writing of the Book of Mormon, most people agree on the main facts. An angel of god named “Moroni” visited Joseph Smith Jr., and this angel revealed to Smith that there were golden plates hidden in a hillside near town. With these plates were two stones in silver bows which god had prepared for the translation of these golden plates. Smith retrieved the plates from their place of hiding and started translating them from behind a curtain, which was somehow ordained necessary by God, and narrating them to his scribe Oliver Cowdery. No one was allowed to see the golden plates save Joseph Smith Jr. himself. After the book was finished and printed the Smith family started preaching what is now a religion followed by tens of thousands.

From the outset of his article Pierce views the origins and authenticity of the Book of Mormon very skeptically. He makes sure that the reader is informed of the low level of education received by Smith, and of his reputation around town. His most compelling argument against the divine origin of the Book of Mormon is its content. He sites many verses, which are obviously written by a person of little education and in a dialect unique to the local area in which Smith lived. Other passages are taken directly out of the Old Testament. Even the passages derived directly from the Old Testament after inspection show mistranslations.

The overall tone of the article is one of sarcasm. The author obviously started the examination of the Book of Mormon with his tongue in cheek. The article is generally well written with its points well defined, however the first three paragraphs seem to be irrelevant to the topic of discussion.

BRANDON A. HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Powell, J. W. Esthetology, or the Science of Activities Designed to Give Pleasure. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):1-40.

Humans engage in activities which give pleasure, and therefore, are avoiding pain. Powell uses an analogy; pleasure is to pain as good is to evil. He states that what a person perceives as being pleasurable or painful is judged through that person’s point of view. Powell used the example of buying items for a thousand dollars. Buying a coat for one thousand dollars does not have the same quality as buying a farm for the same amount. The property, one thousand dollars, is the same, but the quality is not. Activities designed to give pleasure are based on qualities. The categories of activital pleasures Powell illustrates are ambrosial, decorative, athletic, games, and fine arts.

Ambrosial pleasures Powell discusses include eating, drinking of all different types of beverages, smoking, and breathing in air, such as the aroma of a rose. Decorating pleasures include such items as jewelry and clothing. Many have a utilitarian purpose but also are used for decoration. Architectural structures are designed for utility, but at the same time each structure is decorated in an appealing décor. Athletic pleasures are physical activities, like football, which are based on physical fitness. These activities are shared from one person to another. The activity of infants, such as when they are learning to eat and use the toilet like older people, are included in this category, because they are mimicking their parents to learn to eat, drink, etc., which will give them pleasure. The pleasure of winning to a soldier in a war takes away the pain he may receive from a musket-ball. This is an example of pain from the soldier’s point of view. He may not realize how painful the wound is until he focuses away from the pleasure he is receiving from watching his side win. The next pleasure category Powell introduces is games. This category involved the pleasures of games, which are determined by skill and chance, such as hunting and fishing. Fine arts include many subcategories of pleasurable activities, including music, graphic art, drama, romance, and poetry. Music produces the most emotion, and includes such elements as rhythm, melody, harmony, and symphony. Graphic art includes sculpture, relief, perspective, and chiaroscuro. Drama includes several religious elements, dance, sacrifice, and ceremony. Histrionic art is the element of drama, which does not deal with religion. The subcategories of romance include myths of beast fables, power myths, necromancy, and novels. Poetry includes the pleasurable elements of personification, similitude, and allegory.

All of these subcategories and elements within these activities are determined to be pleasurable or painful depending on the qualities each person deems as pleasurable.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann. E. Kingsolver)

Powell, J. W. Esthetology, or the Science of Activities Designed to Give Pleasure. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Volume1(1):1-40.

In this article, Powell considers the similarities and differences observed in human activities over the course of time. Humans, he posits, make judgments regarding whether objects encountered in the world are “good” (pleasure-inducing) or “evil” (pain-inducing); consequently, human activity is carried out in relation to these entities as a result of an individual’s attempt to experience pleasure and avoid pain. The activity categories or “aesthetic arts” he considers to this end include the “ambrosial” pleasures of partaking in food, tobacco, and intoxicating beverages; the “decorative” pleasures such as ornamentation and color, experienced through touch and vision, that add value to utilitarian objects; the physical pleasure experienced by those participating in sports; and the pleasures of the mind generated by music, graphic art, drama, “romance” (defined as myths, fables, and novels), and poetry.

Powell does recognize that differences exist between people regarding which objects elicit pleasure or pain for them, and states that not all people perceive the world in the same manner. However, this variation is attributed to the degree of “progress” that has been attained by the group in which a given individual is a member. The concept of the advancement of certain groups over time toward a presumably eurocentric pinnacle is present throughout the article, and firmly anchors the work in its historical period. All of the aforementioned aesthetic arts, according to Powell, have been subject to change over time as man “…proceeds along the way of life from wildwood time to the higher civilization in representative time…” (p. 17). For example, the elements found in graphic art “progressed” from objects rendered in a flat, two-dimensional manner to those utilizing the effects of light to represent a three-dimensional perspective as the artist evolved from “savage” to “barbarian” to “modern”. In conclusion, Powell attributes the ability of these particular groups of individuals to advance beyond others, both culturally and scientifically, as being due to the greater liberty available to those groups operating within the “free institutions” found under “representative government.”

LINDA SMITH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Powell, J.W. Sociology, or the Science of Institutions. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 475-509.

In this article, Powell outlines his views on sociology and its related sciences – statistics, economics, civics, history and ethics. According to him, sociology is the science related to the control of human activities by institutional forces. Its related sciences are a distinct result of its function in every day life. Statistics is the counting of human beings and the material they produce. The results of this count are used as the basis for national and state legislation or for comparisons of different conditions. Economics is related to the incorporation of persons to secure solidarity and the division of labor. It is the science of wealth and is made up of five elements: property, wealth, capital, investment and endowment. Powell reviews various types of corporations and explains their functions within the society. Civics is related to the system of laws or justice established in a society. Again he describes in detail various configurations of civic systems. Powell concludes his article with the discussion of civics, promising to return to the other topics (history and ethics) in the October issue of the American Anthropologist.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Powell, J.W. Sociology, or the Science of Institutions. American Anthropologist Oct, 1899 Vol.1(4):695-745.

In this essay J.W. Powell offers an “historics” of human society, a record of the key developments in social life. Powell begins by dividing social history into four categories: savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and democracy. He then proceeds to categorize behavior and social organization in each. He mainly draws from the research and experience of others; there is no reference to his own personal experience of any of the stages he describes. The argument is mostly a linear history of development and progress which ends with some comments on religion and ethics. At times he seems to be influenced by the promises of the industrial revolution and perhaps by developments in Christianity.

For Powell, savagery and barbarism are both marked by tribal organization. Tribal societies group people according to kinship and the elder man of a clan or tribe is the ruler. Under savagery, clan membership is decided by female bloodlines, while under barbarism kinship is traced through men. (In civilized societies, by contrast we cannot know the bloodlines of all people.) Also, savages marry incestuously within their clan (though Powell notes that all people have incest taboos) and barbarians marry outside their clan. For tribal peoples personal property only includes clothes and jewelry, which are buried with their owner. Food, shelter, gardens, transport, etc. form communal property.

Among savages, women gather and care for children, while men hunt and enforce clan custom. Tribal councils settle disputes. Medicine men or shamans regulate spiritual activity. The development of agriculture and horticulture calls for increased dependence on women and children. At the same time calendrical systems are created to regulate religious activities such as fasting, feasting, and dancing.

Monarchy, first displayed by Hellenic and Latin tribes, was most famously developed by the Romans. Monarchy transforms the slavery relationships developed by conquering tribesman into client relationships, in which those in power reap the benefits of low-cost labor. Tribal society becomes national society when the high priest of a tribe decides to become the high priest of everyone. Central cities and central governments develop under authoritarian rule. In monarchies, each individual is born into a social status or rank. Under such systems lineal disputes often threaten political stability.

While tribal governments are pure democracies, modern civilization functions under republicanism or representational government. Columbus’ proof that the world was not flat began to develop faith in science which ended superstition (reliance on God) and eventually gave way to the Republic. Now brawn is governed by brain, and invention has raised toil to the “dignity” of industry. The sphere of commerce is subsequently enlarged, and under Republicanism the spread of knowledge further fuels human discovery and progress. The development of bureaucracy and a jealous guarding of individual rights further aid progress.

In the last section, Powell touches on culture, in the form of the arts and religion. For instance, he says that as society develops so do the arts. Religion (which he holds to be identical with ethics) is a doctrine of securing happiness, and all fine arts originate from religion. Powell claims man can know good from evil through the teachings of the ancients, the teachings of the priesthood, and the “voice of conscience,” an instinctive impulse to moral conduct. Powell claims that while every human has a hereditary aptitude to act in a moral way, this ability must be developed by exercise. Cleansed of animism, religion will forever bless mankind.

BRENT CLARK The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Powell, J.W. Sociology, Or the Science of Institutions. American Anthropologist June, 1899 Vol.1(3):475-509.

In this article J.W. Powell set out to explain the social phenomenon that his science, sociology, attempts to dissect, measure, understand, and explain. While he admits that sociology or, as he defines it, the science of institutions is a field that can shed light upon the workings of any society, the author has chosen to apply it in this scenario to workings of the United States of America. In the article he attempts to explain some of the major social institutions of society including the areas of economics, corporation, and civics, ending the article in a discussion of the working relationships between the various major departments of the American government. Within the argument he restricts the discussion to the development and basic principles of these wide-ranging institutions.

Powell begins the paper arguing about the methods and purposes of sociology. In essence saying that sociology is the science of societal control by the means of institutions and that in order to measure this statistics must be properly employed as to express an unbiased, factual description of the society in question. He then departs into a description of the aforementioned institutions.

In dealing with the area of economics the author states that humans interact to accomplish a goal of production. Such an interaction results in cooperation of labor. Cooperation of this type, with the goal of solidarity and division of labor, results in the development of a corporation. These corporations can take multiple forms including, in Powell’s terms, those of assisting, partnership, creative purposes, investing, and contribution. Each of these forms has a separate purpose, but they all rely on the author’s five principles of economics: property, wealth, capital, investment, and endowment. These are the basic aspects, in Powell’s thought, that drive all forms of labor that take shape within corporations, or economic organizations.

The author then assumes that the next logical progression from corporations with production, wealth, and labor as goals are organizations that seek to administer these smaller organizations and a populace as a whole. Logically, these organizations could be called governments. Powell then lays out four principles that these institutions, that only exist in civilized nations, are regulated by. These include equity, equality, liberty, and charity. It is these concepts of justice that are supposedly ingrained into the U.S. government which is further divided into separate departments that include the constitutive, legislative, operative, executive, and judicial aspects. Powell argues that these institutions, the highest in the land, must be distinctly separated and must be no bigger than the parts and corporations that compose them.

CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Powell, J.W. Sociology, or the Science of Institutions (Concluded). American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol.1(4):695-745.

In this article Powell starts by explaining the idea and meaning of the word Historics. Historics, according to the author, is history in which biographies are included. It would seem to this reader that all history contains, to a greater or lesser degree, biographical information. The author then sets out the groundwork of the paper. He does this by stating that all periods or stages of social history can be grouped into four categories: savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and democracy.

According to Powell, savagery to the anthropologist is any group of people who are forest dwellers. Savage cultures differ though from barbaric cultures in that savages are grouped according to kindred or family. These groups of savages are called clans. The author then goes on to explain in greater detail the inner-workings of the savage kinship system, which is said to be characterized by the reckoning of kinship through females to some ancestral female, real or imagined.

Concerning barbarism, Powell says that the tribes are made up of groups called gentes, and have a gentile organization. Gentile organization is best understood by thinking of the ancient Greeks and Romans. In contrast to savage tribes, one marker of barbarism is the reckoning of kinship through males. The author here asserts that it is his belief that all “tribes” originally form as clans, or savages and over time evolve to gentile or barbaric tribes. He points to the North American tribes as examples. Powell continues on about barbarism, giving us an in-depth look into such a cultures daily life and organization.

Powell opens his discussion on monarchy with these words, “The cradle of civilization was rocked by the waves of the Mediterranean.” Powell then states that the Roman Empire is a wonderful example of monarchy. This gives the impression that Powell feels that a European ideal is necessary to qualify as a civilization. The most telling attribute of monarchy is in its government. A monarchy has a centralized power. A king, priest or some other such figure who rules over many other rulers.

Powell, for reasons of partisanship, changed the former category democracy to “republickism”. Not to be confused with republicanism, which is also partisan. When there is an enlargement in the sphere of commerce; with the invention of machinery and scientific processes; when language is no longer a barrier, and when we see the development of governmental principles due to the increasing intelligence of civilized men; then we have the beginnings of republickism. Powell states that republickism requires these four maxims: (1) Reward must be secured for the leaders; (2) protection must be secured for the leaders; (3) the followers must have justice; and (4) welfare must be secured for all.

BRANDON A. HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Powell, J.W. Technology, or the Science of Industries. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1: 319-349

Mr. Powell has written a rather unconventional article. In it, he attempts to make a science out of industry. Every term is defined using other terms, which also need definition. The author, thus, is creating a basic terminological hierarchy, as well as guidelines for the future study of “technology.” From the tone of the article and from the lack of any source material, it is evident that no such work has been done in the past, which may explain the abundance of examples that serve to illustrate each proposition and term. The article is written in outline form, proceeding as follows.

Technology is the science of industries. Industry is an activity done for the purpose of welfare (i.e. subsistence). In mammals, including humans, the basic industrial activities are those involving air, water, rocks (i.e. minerals), plants, and animals. These resources are utilized in production for the purpose of consumption by humans. This process Powell calls substantiation, because it is the acquiring of substances needed for human welfare. Modification of these substances into useful artifacts, on the other hand, is called construction. Mechanics is the utilization of powers needed for such construction. The devices required for it are the hammer, lever, wedge, wheel, and pulley, collectively known as forces. The powers involved are muscles, wind, water, heat, and electric. Humans will harness these powers for their welfare. Another type of industry is commerce, which is the exchange of goods created using the forces and powers listed above. The five elements of commerce are: goods, transportation, labor, money, and advertising.

In the end, Powell includes the industry of medicine, which is used for securing welfare and alleviating the effects of disease. This, he says, is an industry of opinions. Medicine is divided according to the five fundamental properties of human bodies: the organs of metabolism, circulation, activity, reproduction, and nervous system. Interestingly, the author discusses how medicine was “emancipated” from religion, a side-note which occupies most of the latter part of the article. He calls imputation the practice of attributing effects to erroneous causes, such as blaming evil spirits for a headache, and notes how “savage men” (specifically Native Americans) will often follow this practice. This leads to a sort of social criticism of such beliefs, especially among “civilized men”, and turns into a plea for the proliferation of modern medicine, based on solid scientific facts.

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Powell, J. W. Technology, or the Science of Industries. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Volume1(2):319-349.

In this article, Powell’s objective is to both enumerate and explain the roles played by the elements comprising the “science of industries.” The term “industry” is used to designate human activities whose immediate motives are the production of welfare or livelihood for the self and for others, with “welfare” being the promotion of the strictly physical aspects of life. To this end, Powell elaborates on many of these activities—from farming and lumbering to banking and medicine—through the use of detailed explanations delineating the chains of events that take place as raw materials are transformed into the products that contribute to the welfare of humans. In doing so, Powell puts forth the mindset that the elements of the natural world are to be categorized according to their utility in producing human welfare, and states that he has organized them in this manner because “…[n]ature has established the order in which properties must be considered, for Nature herself considers them in this order” (p. 335).

In this work, as in his work on esthetology in an earlier issue of this AA volume, Powell employs a point of view that rests on the concept of the “progression” of humans to explain the changes that have occurred in the use of technology by humans over time. He elaborates on this to the greatest degree in the section addressing the industry of medicine, attributing the progression of science to the progression of humans through savagery and barbarism to the monarchical stage of culture. This process was still incomplete at the time of the writing of this article, according to Powell, who states (p. 347) “…progress is slow, and forever there is a war in both departments between science and superstition. How long, oh, how long will it last!”

LINDA SMITH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Saville, Marshall H. Exploration of Zapotecan Tombs in Southern Mexico. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:350-362

The author describes his own excavations at the little village of Xoxocotlan, south of Oaxaca, not far from Monte Alban, a site attributed to the Zapotecan Culture. He was sent there in the winter of 1897-98 by the American Museum of Natural History. Two miles south of the village is a series of 17 mounds, locally known as the Mogotes of Xoxo. One of the mounds had previously been excavated by a local collector and revealed a tomb, so the presumption was that the other mounds, all of varying size and shape, would also produce valuable finds, thus Seville began excavating seven of the larger ones.

Each mound contained several layers of cement covered by earth. The bottom layer served as the roof of a square or rectangular enclosure which served as the tomb. In most cases, there were odd numbers of small funeral urns (usually 5, though in one instance 3) on top of this roof, thus outside the tomb. Two tombs had these urns built into the facade of the doorway into the tomb, right above the stone slab covering it. Though the author does not speculate as to the purpose of these outside urns, they seem to be guarding the tomb.

The contents of each tomb (4 were found) varied, but there were some similarities. The presence of human skeletons was noted. Some of these were scattered or piled up in one corner of the tomb, while others were arranged in heaps with the skulls on top. The fact that many of the bones were painted red means that they had been de-fleshed before burial. One painted dog skeleton was also found. In the center of each tomb were found urns, some very highly decorated, representing human faces or serpent masks. Interestingly, the teeth on the human masks were filed, as were those found on some skulls. Figurines carved out of human teeth were also found, as well as scattered potsherds, and a few terra-cotta figurines.

Seville also describes several finds nearby the mounds, such as an oven, which he thinks was used to fire the urns, a large 6-foot terra-cotta warrior, the largest such figure found in all Mexico, and a terra-cotta pipe, made of several sections cemented together. One end of each pipe was smaller than the other, so that when arranged in succession, it would fit into the larger end of another section, thus producing a pipe of 36 feet, leading from the wall of one tomb and ending in a field nearby, some 3 feet from the surface. No such tubing had previously been found in Mexico, and the author does not venture a guess as to its function.

Finally, the last tomb excavated was apparently covered in painted plaster, which showed scenes of Zapotecan life. These had crumbled from the walls and were now scattered all over the floor of the tomb. It was not stated whether there was any attempt to collect and reconstruct them. The same tomb also featured what the author believed to be a hieroglyphic inscription carved on the stone lintel, again such as had never been found in Mexico before. Seville offers a few rough conclusions at the end of his article, but these only illustrate the differences or similarities between the mounds he excavated.

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Saville, Marshall H. Exploration of Zapotecan Tombs in Southern Mexico. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Vol.1(2):350-362.

Marshall H. Saville describes the tombs contained within a grouping of Mogotes at a Zapotecan site just south of Oaxaca, Mexico, in the small village of Xoxocotlan. Hired by the American Museum of Natural History, Saville carried out explorations in southern Mexico in the winter of 1897–1898.

In the valley of Zachila Saville executes a series of excavations at an area of the site of Xoxo, known locally as the Mogotes of Xoxo. In this grouping fourteen mounds were identified and numerically ordered. Six of the mounds were excavated. Those numbered 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9, two (#3 and #4) were located in the main plaza, # 5 and #7 lay within 200 m of the plaza, and the remaining (#8 and #9) were located over 400 m away from the main plaza.

Four of the excavated mounds (5, 7, 8, and 9) contained tombs. Mound 5 had been previously excavated by Dr. Sologuren, but surprisingly yielded many artifacts not excavated in the previous exploration including many ceramic vessels, an onyx jar, fragments of human skeletons, beads, and human teeth.

Mound 7 is interesting because a terra-cotta pipe was found extending from the mound thirty-six feet until it came to an end near the edge of a cement floor. The explanation for this tubing was not conclusive although Seville suggests it may have formed “an outlet for the escape of the shade of the dead” (362), as several funeral urns were excavated from near the pipeline.

Mound 8 produced a terra-cotta figurine standing nearly six feet tall, apparently the statuette of a warrior, which was broken into many pieces. While Mound 9 contained forms of Zapotecan inscriptions on the plaster coated walls of the chamber.

Clearly each mound at this site contained tombs of very different character that the author presents as a reason to further the study of Zapotecan culture in this particular territory in hope that other groups will be similar to those of Xoxo.

BETHANY J. MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Smith, Harlan. Stone Hammers or Pestles of the Northwest Coast of America. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 363-367.

The author describes the stone hammers and pestle specimens from this region that are housed in the American Museum of Natural History. The author defines the difference between the two tools as that the stone hammer has a concave working surface from impacting items, while the pestle will have a slightly convex base due to rubbing actions.

The author discusses five different varieties of hammers and pestles from five specific regions of the Northwest Coast. The specimens from the valley of Thompson River and the upper Columbia are conoid shaped and the top is sometimes formed into the shape of a face or an animal head. The second variety comes from the valley of the Fraser River, near Lytton, B.C., and each has a well-defined cylindrical body with a conoid knob at the top of the handle. The tools found in the delta of the Fraser River include those types found in the valley of the Fraser River, but also include many different types, indicating that this region was visited by a variety of `tribes’. In the western and northern parts of Vancouver Island, the tools have heads and bases that are basically symmetrical, with the head being smaller than the base. The fifth and final group comes from Alaska and is the most intricate of the region. One variety of tools from Alaska has a wide top portion with two handles at the top and a small base. The author compares this variety to the poi pounders found in Hawaii, but does not imply a cultural connection between the two.

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Smith, Harlan I. Stone Hammers or Pestles of the Northwest Coast of America. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Vol.1(2):363-368.

Harlan Smith examines and compares stone hammers or pestles of the Northwest coast of America, from a collection at the American Museum of Natural History in New York. He looks at hammer styles from the Thompson River Valley and the upper Columbia near Spokane, the Fraser River Valley near Lytton, in British Columbia, and from regions in Alaska and compares their similar shapes and functions. Towards the end of the article he also compares the previous American Northwest forms with Hawaiian hammers or pestles to look for resemblance and try to link the different regions.

Hammers or pestles from the Thompson River Valley in British Columbia are conical in shape with a blunt flat base that becomes concave after use. Some have a rounded head, a hat-shaped head, or sometimes they were made in the form of a face or animal head. Hammers from the neighboring Fraser River Valley near Lytton, in British Columbia, also have rounded or hat-shaped heads, but there is also a cone-shaped head form. The hammers from the Fraser Valley also have more pronounced bases, less conical in shape but from the head downward the body tapers in to meet the base which starts at a right angle and forms a shelf base. There are two types of hammers or pestles from Alaska and one resembles the forms from British Columbia except that it has a more slender conical head. The other form of hammer or pestle resembles a handle and consists of a very short body that could be considered solely to be a head. There is also a type that seems to share the hat-shaped head of the British Columbian hammers or pestles, but it can also appear to be a cross-shape. Alaska’s stone handles that are used as hammers and pestles have a short rectangular base and going upwards have curvatures that lend to being side grips with an open top or a fully closed loop with a hollow center.

At the close of the article the Northwest hammers or pestles, including both British Columbian and Alaskan forms, are compared with Hawaiian poi pounders to test for similarities between the forms. The poi pounders have very convex bases, and a flat, handle-shaped head, with slender bodies that flare to meet the base resulting in a bell shape. Smith then states that there is great difference in the forms of hammers and pestles from the Northwest and closes by touching on the debate of the ages of all of the mentioned hammers and pestles and looks forward to more conclusive research on the subject.

NIKKI JOHNSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Thomas, Cyrus. Maudslay’s Archeological Work in Central America. American Anthropologist July, 1899 Vol. 1 (3): 522-561.

In this article, Thomas reviews some of the archeological findings of Maudslay’s explorations of Central America. Maudslay’s expedition took him to the ruins of Copan in western Honduras. The city is located on the river for which it is named, a tributary of Rio Matagua. The valley in which the ruins lay is approximately one and one half miles in diameter. According to Maudslay’s work the ruins may be divided into five sections (labeled A to F). D and F are pyramids, E the ruins of houses and A to C are terrace groups upon which most of the structures were built. He offers a detailed inventory of Maudslay’s findings. Thomas maintains that Copan was most likely a religious center. Further he believes that the city is an illustration of Mayan art as well as Central American and Yucatan culture. According to Thomas, the findings made by Maudslay endorse the work done by John L. Stephens; Mr. Catherwood; and the Peabody Museum.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Thomas, Cyrus. Maudslay’s Archaeological Work in Central America. American Anthropologist June, 1899 Vol.1(3):552-561.

In this article Cyrus Thomas questions the comparative level of culture the Maya obtained in relation to the Western world through the discussion of the then recent discoveries of Mayan art found at the Mayan site of Copan in Honduras. Specifically he focused on the work of Maudslay, but did not forget to include the work of Catherwood, Stephens, Holmes, and Goodman, as well as the works produced by the Peabody Museum.

Thomas relied on the illustrations and photographs of inscriptions at Copan for his discussion of the significance and symbolism behind Maya hieroglyphic writing. He focused on Temple 11 at Copan and on selected plates from the Dresden Codex in his attempt to confirm Dr. Foerstmann’s interpretation of the numerical series identified in the Dresden Codex and related it to the inscriptions found at Copan. In doing so he confirmed that there was a “close relation of the time symbols and time systems of Copan, Tikal, Palenque, and the Dresden Codex to one another, a relationship much closer than that which has been inferred from the historical records”(p.560).

Thomas also considered the issue of the immensity of the site of Copan and the vast amount of labor that went into the construction of the site, comparing it to the monuments at the sites of Palenque, Copan and Quirigua, as discussed in J.T. Goodman’s book The Archaic Maya Inscriptions. Goodman’s interpretations of the glyphs at these sites led him to the conclusion that ten thousand years ago the Maya were, by his definition, “civilized,” a concept Thomas clearly concurs with in this article.

While informative, and likely groundbreaking at the time it was written, this article is extremely difficult to follow since numerous plates from Maudslay’s work are referred to but never re-printed for reference. Without prior knowledge of the works of referenced scholarly publications mentioned in this article, this piece is nearly impossible to fully comprehend.

BETHANY J. MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Tooker, William Wallace. The Adopted Algonquian Term “Poquosin”. American Anthropology 1899 vol. 1: 162-200.

Tooker begins this discussion of the origin of the word “poquosin” by mentioning past descriptions and details about the use of the word and instances in which it was used. He lists dictionary spellings and mainly, first-hand accounts of the uses of poquosin. Prof. J. D. Whitney wrote of “dismals” as being “pocosins”, and noted that this word was an aboriginal word that was used to name a topographical designation. Mr. W. G. Stanard also says that “poquoson” is an Indian word that means marsh or low ground. John Lawson wrote of his encounters with “percoarson” in South Carolina. John Dawley, William Byrd, George Washington, W. B. Rogers, W. C. Kerr, and B. Symmes also wrote of the same kind of geographical feature, some using it to even name a river in England, but spelled a little differently by each. Tooker mentions that lexicographers agreed that the word poquosin was an Indian word for “a swamp or marsh”. Tooker then states that this is not the position he takes on the meaning, and that he intends to explore the actual Indian meaning for the word.

The rest of the article is a massive collection of variations of this word, some not even sounding alike, and many different regional variations of similar definitions. Tooker seems to feel that Algonquin is the root for the word, but mentions many different Indian groups having very similar words for almost similar meanings. He ends with even more examples, and only offers that more work is needed on this mystifying word.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Tooker, William W. The Adopted Algonguian Term “Poquosin”. American Anthropologist January,1899 Vol.1(1):162-170.

Like many words in the English language, the term “poquosin” has been borrowed and transformed from the Indian language. Currently, the term is used in some parts of the Carolinas, Virgina and Maryland as the meaning for low lands or marshes. Throughout this article, Tooker evaluates the origin and evolution of the word “poquosin”. The question he is asking relates to the analysis and etymologic derivation of the term.

There have been several different accounts where the term poquosin has been used with different spellings and dictations. The lexicographical variations of the term are pocoson, Poquoson, pocosan, pocosin, pocoson and/or poquosin. Tooker gives examples using numerous professors and writers names that have used this word in the same context; however, with what seems to be many different origins. Where one person used the word at ‘poccosen’, another writes it as ‘poquesink’. By evaluating these many variations, Tooker concludes that, “The application of the term, therefore, in its linguistic sense was to indicate or to describe localities where water “backed up” (Tooker 166).

In every sense of the word, the definition clearly indicates the involvement of a water-place, swamp or marshland. Tooker believes that where the word “poquosin” is concerned, there appears to be no question as to the definition of the word and the many variations of the word are likely to be mere dialect differences throughout the Indian language.

CARRIE CROZIER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)