Skip to main content

American Anthropologist 1898

Baker, Frank. Primitive Man. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol.11(12):357-366.

In this article, Baker sets out to present to his readers the present condition of the pursuit of the origin of man. He believes strongly that the attempt begins with the importance of what he calls the “cardinal principle of history”- that to comprehend what we are today we must know more about from where we have came. Baker discusses research and facts discovered holistically by those leading this expedition into the past from the years 1873- 1898 which he claims is mirror to the, then, present condition of man’s origin.

By using conclusive scientific data collected in this 25 year period, Baker builds an argument for his theory that 1) man is of great antiquity and 2) man has evolved from a savage state which is closely related to the primitive people of modern times. Evidence, such as the discovery of what he describes as “low type skulls”, logically concurs with other evidence of man’s primitive habits and conditions that give credibility to the theory that man was indeed preceded by a creature higher in scale than existing apes, yet definitely much lower than modern man. He deems it as more plausible that in mankind’s history there has occurred a slow process of evolution, whereas the brain, itself, has evolved as a product of this slow evolution through a complex system of experience and trial in effort to find more effective methods of subsistence.

Baker pulls his argument together by taking advantage of historical evidence that had been recovered in two ways: the discovery of human remains and the recognition of human products. He states that these discoveries have lead to verification that man is of great antiquity, has evolved from a savage state, and was widely diffused over several continents. Further examinations have pointed to the possibility that the link between an ape-like ancestor to man of the historical period probably exists in tropical Asia or in the submerged continent of Lemuria which continues to produce the most numerous and important evidence of man’s ancestry.

DORESSA BREITFIELD Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Baker, F. Primitive Man. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol. 11: 357-366.

This article examines discoveries of skeletal material, which were analyzed to support evolutionary theories. According to Baker, all systems of cosmogony attempt to account for the beginning of man. However, it is only through the memory of those still living that our inquiries as to primitive man have assumed a scientific form.

Citations for this article go as far back as Lyell’s great work on Antiquity of Man, published in 1863. It also mentions Darwin’s Descent of Man, which appeared in 1871. In this article, the author explains that in the twenty-five years after the publication of Darwin’s work there was a gradual accumulation of evidence that supported his theories. This evidence began with the finding of human remains and then moved onto the recognition of human products.

According to Baker, all evidence suggest that the present civilized state of man was preceded by a savage state similar to that of most primitive people of modern times. There also can be no question as to the great antiquity and wide diffusion of man. To support this topic, the article discussed the vast area where skeletal material has been found. Sites mentioned include: Cannstadt, Neanderthal, Egris, Naulette, Eguisheim, Spy, and Brux, as well as unknown places in South America and California.

Perhaps the most detailed discovery discussed is the one made by Doctor Eugene Dubois in Borneo. While conducting geological exploration in Java from 1890 to 1895, Dr. Dubois found a great find that anatomically resembled both apes and man. This archeological find was named Pithecanthropus erectus.

The remains, a skullcap, a femur, and two molar teeth in that time, excited so much attention since there were considered more complete than earlier finds. All of the remains were exactly at the same level and in precisely the same state of fossilization. An interesting deduction from the discussion of the Java ape-man is the probability that it exhibited erect posture was assumed much earlier than has been previously supposed. What this means, according to the author, is that bipedalism, must have preceded intellectual development, and perhaps was one of the conditions that led to it.

JOSE ANTONIO TOVAR University of Florida (John Moore)

Brinton, Daniel. The Dwarf Tribe of the Upper Amazon. The American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol.11:277-279.

Brinton addresses the notion of there being a tribe of pygmies living somewhere in the Amazonian forests in Brazil or Venezuela, which had been recently confirmed by the editor of the trade journal l’Anthropologie. His objection to the idea is due to the fact that no real proof of the tribe’s existence had been uncovered. This is a case wherein anthropology rejects unsubstantiated travel stories because scientific methodology had not been used.

Brinton argues that there has been no real confirmation of a dwarf tribe, and therefore claims suggesting otherwise are in error. In order to establish a scientific fact, data must be collected, the hypothesis must be tested, and others must be able to recreate the findings. North American and European travelers had in the past told stories of small people as did native peoples, but until modern confirmation has been made, the claim holds little water. Brinton makes his entire case by challenging the lack of scientific method in claims of his opponents.

Many accounts of the dwarves are second-hand tales, having passed from native people to missionaries and travelers in centuries past. Brinton wastes little time in questioning their validity. While individual cases of small people have been documented, there is no evidence showing that there are whole dwarf tribes. Since all prior information is dubious, Brinton feels confident in dismissing dwarf tribe as fantasy.

SCOTT LIMBIRD Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

Brinton, Daniel G., M.D. The Dwarf Tribe of the Upper Amazon. American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol. 11(9):277-279.

Dr. Daniel G. Brinton drafted this article in response to one published a few months prior in the June, 1898, issue of L’Anthropologie, wherein the editor published a story confirming the existence of a tribe of dwarfs along one tributary of the upper Amazon. The author, however, dismisses the accuracy of this assertion and insists that there is no corroborating evidence to support this claim. Dr. Brinton further states that the existence of an Amazonian dwarf tribe is strictly rumor – a fanciful story that should be classified among the other exotic stories created to describe the areas of dense tropical forest inaccessible to the traveler. Unlike most of these stories (i.e., a city made of gold and men with tails), which have vanished from history, some scholars still believe the unfounded claim of a dwarf tribe.

The author highlights some of the earliest publications that mention the existence of a dwarf tribe in the Amazon. First, the author details historians and addresses the likely error in interpretation of these works. For example, three separate travelers between 1642 and 1830, printed an account of a dwarf tribe solely from hearsay of another Amazonian tribe. In the case of Father Acuna, the Tupinambas told the father about a neighboring people, the Guayazis, which when translated means “little men.” The author suggests that Father Acuna may have “fell into an error, taking the term literally, when in fact, it was intended merely as an epithet of depreciation and contempt.” To further support his claim, the author mentions the publication of Father Coleti, who described the Guayazis as “partly enslaved by the Tupinambas.”

Dr. Brinton then lists some of the publications from physical anthropologists. Dr. Marcano was consulted to record the stature of a pre-Columbian skeletal collection considered to be possibly of a dwarf tribe; however, the measurements were not consistent with that finding. In addition, Professor Virchow published his data concerning the cranial measurements he recorded among a group of Goajiro Indians of Venezuela. While the people of this tribe were characterized as short in stature, they were in no means statistically “dwarfs.” In conclusion, the author states, “these facts do not show anything more than that there are undersized tribes in that part of the continent, with occasional individual examples of dwarfs, such as occur in all communities.”

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Brinton, Daniel G. The Factors of Heredity and Environment in Man. American Anthropologist September 1898 Vol. 11: 271-277

In this article the author describes some of the current and previous beliefs about heredity. He uses the works of Dr. Lombroso, Collignon, Vacher de Lapouge, Topinard, Jacoby, Otto Ammon, Horatio Hale, Hegel, Bastain, von Ihering, Ratzel, Capitan, E. T. Brewster, Thomas Dwight, H. F. Osborn, Weissmann, Darwin, Virchow, Galton, Benoiston, Reibmayr, Lamartine, Manouvrier, Wundt and compares them. He also uses his own ideas and puts them together with ideas of the scholars he believes to be true.

His main belief is that the environment is the controlling factor. The explanation of how hereditary traits are chosen is confusing and he never really comes to a definitive position. I think this is because, at the time he was writing, little was known of DNA. The scholars talked of a substance that contained traits and was passed on from generation to generation. But, many of the scholars he used had differing ideas. He does do a good job of putting them together.

This piece for its time was very intellectual. It shows how people used their own minds and the work of others to come to a conclusion. This is useful when the question cannot be seen and studied in a tangible manner. It does go in some circles because, he tosses out a couple of different answers, and the use of french gets confusing. When reading this piece one should take their time and look up any foreign words.

N. JASON RESLER Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

Brinton, Daniel G., M.D. The Factors of Heredity and Environment in Man. American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol. 11(9):271-277.

The purpose of this article is to summarize multiple ideas concerning the anthropological discourse of the 19th century over the question of whether “man” is influenced more by his inherited traits or by his environment. Brinton identifies French and German anthropologists as advocators of the argument of the heredity of race. He summarizes their position by defining race as 1) a “purely anatomical fact, seen in the shape of the head, the color of the eyes, etc.;” and 2) that the physical characteristics of a race are directly associated with differences in the brain (intellect, morals, etc.). These physical and mental traits are inherited from the parent to the child. Accordingly, the success of an infant is directly related to the race of his parents. Russian, English, and American anthropologists argue the environmental position. They believe that “the influence of the milieu is strong enough to annihilate all ethnic traits.” Little emphasis is placed on the reliance of “ethnic characteristics” to predict the success of an infant. Instead, they “assign a far greater influence to climate, food, and to social, industrial, and religious conditions.”

While reading this article, it is easy to recognize many outdated ideas that may have ignited Eugenics. Brinton includes one extreme example of an anthropologist who argued for the influence of environment over race. Horatio Hale stated that if a colony of Germans were located among Australia’s black tribes and both lived under the same conditions, the Germans “would in three generations become as degraded as they, and much like them in appearance.” Brinton, himself, also makes a shocking statement about the heredity of traits:

No one can question but that the broad physical traits which distinguish the subspecies of men are faithfully transmitted and have been for many thousand of years. Certain mental traits and faculties are broadly correlated to these physical features, and no amount of sentimentality about the equality of all men can do away with this undeniable truth.

The author states that there is no “pure” race due to gene flow among the “subspecies.” As a result, races are becoming more generalized. In addition, Brinton dismisses the idea that populations can undergo reversion or atavism – the belief that races have the ability to go back towards an ancestral type. He argues that this is impossible since variations are constant and are acted upon by multiple forces.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Brinton, Daniel G. The People of the Philippines. American Anthropologist October, 1898 Vol.11(10):293-307.

This article describes the people who live on the Philippine archipelago in a detailed ethnographic account. Brinton describes these people, who belong to a strange and varied population, in relation to each other and to their environment. This includes a description consisting of information about the environment, including geology and geography, and a brief history of Spanish settling, English conquests, and Spanish control regained.

Next, Brinton gives a general ethnology in which he attempts to give an accurate population count of six and a half million. This population consists of Europeans, European mixed blood, Chinese and Japanese, Negritos, and Malayans. It is the last two groups that Brinton focuses on. He describes the Negritos as politically the least important, anthropologically the most interesting. They are small in number, shy and mobile, according to the author. Brinton details their physical nature, emphasizing their unusually short stature. He describes their culture as primitive, having a patriarchal society and a simple religion revolving around the moon. Brinton then describes some of their customs.

Brinton divided the Malayans, or Filipinos, the largest group, into four subgroups. The first group is the mixed tribes of Luzon. They consist of a mix of Chinese, Malayans, and Negritos. He describes each tribe and their blood origins. Many of these tribes have not been converted to Christianity therefore retaining their cultural heritages. He briefly describes their subsistence patterns and their social and political organizations.

The next group is the Talagas and Bicols of central and southern Luzon. Brinton details their physical appearance, stating that it is the general appearance of all of the Malayans. They are patriarchal, have been converted to Christianity, practice agriculture, and live to gain wealth. Their language is written and has an alphabet. They love music and play several instruments.

The Bisayas of the central archipelago are Brinton’s third group. Brinton says that they have an appearance similar to that of the Talagas. They are mostly pagans, and are virtually untouched by civilization. They are honorable people who steal only girls and houses in order to uphold their ancestral customs. Their language seems to be borrowed from Malaysian.

The fourth and final group that Brinton describes is the Moros of eastern Mindanao and the southern islands. The Spanish called them the Moors. He explores how they came to the islands, suggesting that they originated in Borneo, and were pirates. They travel in open boats and are affluent in the law. This is the least elaborately described group that Brinton examines. He states that there is no reason to go into the ethnic element of the other group such as the Chinese, Japanese, and Europeans because they are already well documented.

KRISTIN DINSE Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Briton, D.G. The People of the Philippines. American Anthropologist. October, 1898 Vol. 11: 293-307.

This article examines the geographical, geological, historical, and ethnographical situation of the Philippines in the context of the Spanish-American War.

The descriptions are brief, without the specific location of the islands. The most specific data comprises the sizes of the principal islands: Luzon, of 41,000 square miles and Mindanao, of 35,000 square miles. The archipelago is a recent volcanic and coralline formation, with elevations that rise to 10,800 feet. Many of the volcanoes are active and the soil extremely fertile. However, a small proportion of the surface is cultivated. In the seventh century the islands were conquered by the Chinese, finally expelled by the native tribes in the fourteenth century. In March 1521, Fernando Magallanes took possession of the islands for the crown of Spain. England captured this possession between 1762 to 1764 and Spain administrated the archipelago until 1898.

Although Briton recognizes that it is impossible to reach accuracy in estimating the population, he states that a “conservative calculation would place it at six and a half million.” Of these, the pure whites, outside of those connected with the civil and military departments of the government, are not above 9,000. Those of mixed blood would add up to about 12,000 and those of Chinese and Japanese blood would come to near 50,000. The larger remainder would be made up the two stocks which were found in possession of the islands at their discovery, the small Negritos, now reduced to about 10,000, and the brown Malayan peoples, who are in the vast majority.

The article then concentrated on these two groups and speculated that the Negritos were the first inhabitants, which belonged to the same race as the Papuans and New Guineas. Malayans from the Asiatic mainland then invaded the archipelago resulting in the fact that, today, Negritos are nowhere to be found upon the coast with the single exception of northeast Luzon.

Other researchers have proposed that the Negritos and the Malayans evolved from the same race and were modified by environment. Briton, however, does not subscribe to this theory and he describes a process of colonization by the Malayans in at least three different historic moments.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Feather Symbol in Ancient Hopi Designs. American Anthropologist January, 1898. Vol.11(1):1-14.

In this article, J. Walter Fewkes is mainly concerned with discussing the feather symbol and the different forms and appearances it takes in Hopi designs. By doing so he hopes that it may be more readily recognized by students wishing to further study Hopi symbolism. It is his belief that by studying paleography, one can learn something of Hopi thought and religious feelings. Legends may become modified over time, obscuring their original meanings, but paleography remains unchanged from the time it was painted to the present day, providing one of the most direct ways to study the history of Pueblo beliefs.

In the paintings on Tusayan ceramics, Fewkes claims it is apparent which type of animal is being depicted. This is critical to his study, since he uses these figures to confirm the designs which represent individual feathers. By identifying the way feathers were drawn on the animals, he can then recognize feathers when they are drawn separately. He discusses several examples of different abstract feather designs. For each he presents several forms of corroboratory evidence that supports his belief that the designs do actually represent feathers. His main evidence is direct comparison to feathers identified on animal figures or to other symbols that he has already derived as representing feathers. Another source of corroborative evidence he uses widely is comparison to modern Hopi ceremonial objects. He finds a strong correspondence with the position of the painted feathers on ancient objects and the actual feathers tied to the modern ones. He uses these methods not only to identify which symbols represent feathers, but to realize that different kinds of feathers were indicated by the various ways in which those symbols were marked.

Fewkes states that feather designs occur on almost three-fourths of all decorated ancient Tusayan vessels. Modern Hopi ritual places great significance on the feather, therefore there is no reason to think that it was less important in ancient times. He says that in the past, Hopi artists were concerned with more than merely decoration. Their main motive was religious. Beauty and religion were not considered separately — one assumed the other. In contrast, modern pottery has been commercialized to the point where patterns are given consideration based on those most frequently purchased.

KARA HOLTZMAN Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Feather Symbol in Ancient Hopi Designs. American Anthropologist January, 1898 Vol 11(1):1-14.

In this article, Fewkes states “paleography is a picture writing, often highly symbolic and complicated, but from it the student can obtain an idea of Hopi thought and its expression at that remote time.” The author acknowledges the difficult task of reconstructing prehistory, but also states that through careful analysis of the “richly decorated” ancient pottery of the Hopi culture, insights into prehistory of these Southwest Indians can be gleaned. More specifically, Fewkes believed that “religious sentiment permeated and dominated all aspects of Hopi art as well as sociology, and that a study of the symbolism of the decorated ancient pottery is practically a study of their religion.”

While there is much artistic diversity among the ornamentation of ancient Hopi pottery, birds or avion forms (wings, feathers, flight) are both 1) depicted in the highest frequency, and 2) vary enormously in their representation. Fewkes states that birds and feathers carry important symbolism among the rituals of the “contemporary” Hopi, and were probably regarded by the ancient Hopi as important indicators of their religious customs and beliefs.

However, Fewkes also notes that prehistoric Hopi artists did not always employ realism, and often instead, conventionalized their ornamentation. Consequently, in order to understand the symbolism expressed by prehistoric Hopi pottery, one must be able to recognize the conventionalized symbols. In particular, in analyzing the depiction of the feather during prehistoric times, Fewkes states, “an accurately drawn feather…would be easily recognized; but the feathers made by the ancient Hopi decorators of pottery were not accurate representations –they were symbolic. The only way we can identify them is by association.”

In order to accomplish this difficult task, Fewkes first looks for association by comparison of ancient pottery to modern pottery. He notices that the “contemporary” Hopi tie feathers around the upper surface of the opening of a piece of pottery while the ancient pottery has painted feathers along the surface of the opening. After making this comparison, Fewkes switches to describing the different representations of feathers among ancient pottery. He notes that feathers have been conventionalized into three triangles and often appear in clusters of three. The author also states that studying the specific position of a feather on a piece of pottery, may provide additional insight as to what type of feather is depicted (i.e. a wing feather), which also, may express a deeper symbolic meaning such as flight. Lastly, Fewkes states that the feather continues to metamorphose and eventually “may lose all semblance to the preceding forms and become a simple triangle.”

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol.11(4):101-115.

The assault on the Shield bearer is called Soyaluna and is a part of the Winter Solstice Ceremony performed by the Hopi people. The ceremony involves many costumed people dancing and singing in the Kiva as well as richly decorated shields. In the article, “The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi,” J. Walter Fewkes wants to show part of the Warrior Ceremony of Soyaluna, which is part of the Winter Solstice ceremony of the Hopi that involves the Patki family. Fewkes desires to discover if the rain-making and growth of corn elements are dominant in the ritual as they are in most other Hopi ceremonies. Fewkes also shows that the center of the Soyaluna is a ceremony of the Patki people, and it is also a gathering of the religious societies of many clans who all perform their own rites and ceremonies.

Through examination of the Hopi at Walpi and Oraibi, Fewkes feels that he can explain and understand the Soyaluna. Overall, he wants to show where the belief in Sun worship and the worship of the Great Snake came from. He warns against trying to interpret the ceremonies and its objects, because the meaning of the ceremony can change. Through different times of year and new conditions, the purpose of the ceremony or the object in question can be greatly modified, and therefore one should respect and try to interpret the surviving ceremonies. The ceremonies practiced today can be different than they were in years prior. The Soyaluna or assault of the shield bearer is a dance using shields inside the kiva that involves many clans. Each society has its own delicately decorated shield. In the dance the shield bearer jumps and thrusts the shield into his clan members’ faces and jumps back. The dance is quite a frenzy with beating of feet on the floor and rhythmic singing and dancing. Fewkes believes that he shows that the Hopi ritual is a composite of clan totem rites, each one having its own specialties.

Fewkes provides a colorful description of the ceremonies that take place in the Soyaluna. At the end of the article, he provides a resume of the Walpi Ritual, which goes through many Hopi rituals, and provides a small summary of each. His evidence is shown through the totems of the Patki people, who have the Sun and the Rain-cloud as the highest clans. Rain and Sun are so important because in the desert area where they live, rain is a valuable resource. The growth of corn is also shown as highly important since it is placed in a stack on the altar and because Kachina maids carry it in baskets. Fewkes explains the importance of the Bird-man as the War-god, Kwataka. This main character in the ceremony is the first arrival in the ceremony as the war-god is the first arrival in a Mexican variant. It was seen that the Patki clans control the main part of the Soyaluna ceremony, but other clans can take part in the ceremony and remain in the kiva. Also, as the Kachinas parade around the village, the people from all clans line up and watch the ceremony.

ANNE KRAEMER Ball State University (Dr.Larry Nesper)

Fewkes, J. Walter The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi (Concluded) The American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol. 11:101-115.

This article summarizes notes from a record made in 1891 on an aspect of the Soyaluna (Winter Solstice ceremony): the totokya, or assault of the shield bearers. This ritual is interpreted as an enactment of an attack on the sun by hostile powers, dramatized by chiefs holding decorated shields with radiating eagle feathers, and dancing in seeming combat with others who are lunging at them.

The main interpretation of the Winter Solstice ceremony overall encompasses: 1) the Hopi ritual as a composite mosaic of clan totem rites due to inter-familial melding; 2) rain worship as important because of the arid agricultural environment; 3) and the association of katcinas with the winter solstice due to a link between the return of the ancestors with changes in the Sun’s position. The author also perceives the ceremony to function in the distribution of ‘ceremonially fertilized’ seedcorn for planting.

This study of the Winter Solstice ceremony is situated within the study of Ceremoniology, in which the persistence by which ceremonials survive is compared to changes in beliefs. The author interprets much change to have occurred within the original context of these rituals, and thus predicts new interpretations of meanings to emerge, all awaiting investigation and comparative work. In accordance with this theory of ritual change, the reader is reminded to guard against:

confounding the present object and the real meaning of rites in the attempted interpretation of ceremonies. The object of a ceremony may change when a people change their environment, or as their prayers change. Ancient rites are thus made to do duty for purposes wholly new and thereby become greatly modified, so far as their objects are concerned… The tendency always is to adapt old rites to new conditions, and interpret them accordingly.

The article concludes with a bibliography of the author’s writings on all recorded aspects of the Tusayan ritual complex.

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. An Ancient Human Effigy Vase from Arizona. American Anthropologist June 1898. Vol. 11(6):165-170

The article discusses a female human effigy vase found in a cave north of Pueblo Viejo in the Arizona Territory. It was the first of its kind found that far north at the time. The vase is made of coarse material with a rough exterior. It has an irregularly spherical body with a flat base. There is greater detail on the head than on the body or limbs. Short parallel lines painted with white pigment extend down from the eyelids. The author sums up the description of the vase by saying it has a “Mexican” influence.

The author also addresses the question of whether the human effigy vase art form arose independently in different areas or spread from a central location. It is the author’s opinion that the style arose originally somewhere in Oaxaca and Chiapas. This is supported by the fact that they do not appear north of this location, and, in fact, increase in frequency further south.

The author then turns to talking about a form of pottery that is unique to the Gila Valley, but a specimen of which was found at Four Mile Ruin on a branch of the Little Colorado. The pottery was brownish earthenware with black ornamentation and red banding. His explanation for its appearance at this site was that it was likely traded. He supports this assumption by pointing out that seashells from the Pacific coast have been found in both areas, suggesting a trade link. This is further evidenced by the Diary of GarcËss, which accounts that the Hopi traveled to the banks of the Gila to trade seashells and other items.

ERIC BAILEY Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Fewkes, J. Walter. An Ancient Effigy Vase from Arizona. American Anthropologist June, 1898 Vol. 11(6):165-170.

In this article, Fewkes examines an ancient human effigy vase found in a cave in the area known today as Tempe, Arizona. The vase was found in an area called the Pueblo Viejo valley, a geographic area rich in ancient Pueblo history. Fewkes determines that this specimen is unique due to the rarity of human effigy vases being found among ancient collections, and in turn, wrote this article to highlight the significance of this find.

Fewkes first offers the reader a description of the vase. He states that the artist has focused more detail and time in representing the features of the head, such as the eyes, nose, mouth and chin. In contrast, after a slight constriction in the vase to denote the neck, less emphasis is placed on representing the torso and arms. In addition, the vase completely lacks any representation of legs. The author further notes that under the lower eyelids, “short parallel lines (are) painted with white pigment,” and briefly states, that these markings are also found on Zuni dolls.

The second half of the article describes two conflicting theories concerning the reasoning of why the Arizona specimen shares artistic similarities with ancient effigy vases found in Mexico. The first theory supports the notion that each culture area “evolved independently” and crafted the human effigy vases without any contact or influence from the other. Fewkes refutes this reasoning, and states, 1) “why…did not the potters north of the Mogollones also invent the same form, for they were equally skillful…?” and 2) how do we account for why there is an “increase in the relative number of effigy vases as we go south?” To answer these questions, Fewkes provides the second theory of Mexican influence. He believes that ancient trade alliances provided the opportunity for introduction of human effigy vases from Mexico through barter.

Fewkes ends the article with a plea to his readers. He asks the readers to contact him if they have any knowledge of ancient human effigy vases being found north of Southern Arizona. Fewkes would possibly like to further investigate the idea of barter and the extent of introduction by examining the geographic locations that include a human effigy vase among their ancient collections.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. Hopi Snake Washing. American Anthropologist January 1898. Vol.11(1):313-318.

In this article, Fewkes attempts to describe and demystify the ritual washing of snakes by the Hopi Indians in their religious ceremonies. Additionally, he compares the ritual as practiced between several villages to one another, nothing the differences between them.

Fewkes describes the entire snake washing ritual and its context in the ritual culture as being approximate to the cleansing and bathing rituals of the priests who preside over the religious snake dance in which the snakes are to be used. He cites Hopi totemic belief that the snake society is descended from the same family as the snake, and thus, the snakes are to be treated as family members.

At the time of this article publication, the snake washing ritual was not especially well known, and Fewkes, with one other white man, were among the first professional observers to the rite. As such, his article addresses some misconceptions about it, such as the sedation of the snakes, to pacify them for the handling they would endure. Fewkes refutes this, saying that no such sedation took place, that the men handled the snakes with no protection.

Finally, Fewkes addresses the different ways in which the rite is performed, giving several possible reasons for the differences: 1) that the rite was simpler and has become more complicated in one of the locations studied, 2) that the other locations are a simpler offshoot of the snake society, and 3) that the rite was originally more complicated, but has become progressively simpler. Fewkes states that the third option is least likely, as it is “hardly probable that they once had snake altars and tiponis (term not defined) which in course of time were lost”.

The clarity of this article was excellent, with unbiased descriptive terminology and personal accounts of experience.

ERIC PTAK Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Fewkes, J. Walter. Hopi Snake Washing. American Anthropologist October, 1898 Vol. 11(10):313-318.

In this article, Fewkes details the unique opportunity afforded him on multiple occasions over the last decade as the first anthropologist permitted to observe the Hopi Snake Washing ceremony. During this time, he has observed the Snake Washing ceremony among different Hopi tribes, including: Oraibi, Cipaulovi, Cunopavi and Walpi. His studies have revealed that no two ceremonies are celebrated in the same manner. Fewkes theorizes that these variations may be due to the geographic location of the ceremony itself. On this premise, the Snake Washing ceremony is the most intense in the geographic locale where the ceremony originated and becomes less complex in Hopi societies farther away from this center. Fewkes also relates the continuity he observed in each ceremony. Foremost, the Snake Washing ceremony is an act that reaffirms ancient Hopi beliefs. Hopi Indians and reptiles – snakes – are both believed to be descendants of the same ancestress Snake woman.

Fewkes describes in detail the Snake Washing ceremony. The ceremony takes place on the same day and proceeds in the same sequence for all Hopi tribes. The first act of the ceremony comprises one of the members of the society spreading sand along the floor of the kiva in a rectangular layout. The wall of the kiva forms one of these walls, and the other three are lined with male elders, who are not clothed for any part of the ceremony. Snakes in jar receptacles are placed in the center of the rectangular area. The Snake chief then sits along the longest side of the rectangle with one or two of the eldest men alongside him holding rattles. The Snake chief orchestrates the entire ceremony.

The Snake chief begins the ceremony by drawing symbols in the sand in front of him. He then picks up a wash-bowl, which has previously been placed before him, and pours liquid into it. In pouring the liquid, the chief will make sure to pour liquid into the bowl from all four cardinal directions. Next, the chief adds pinches of sacred corn meal into the wash-bowl. Again, he adds it from all four cardinal directions, and from above and below. A root that the chief has been chewing during these earlier rites, is added to the bowl. All men seated around the rectangular area smoke tobacco and blow into the bowl from all cardinal directions.

The next part of the ceremony involves the washing of the snakes. Each snake is taken out of its receptacle and plunged once into the bowl. The snakes are then released into the interior of the rectangular area. Prayers are recited and followed by songs. Fewkes states that the washing of the snakes is similar to the washing of the priests that happened earlier in the day. The Snake washing ceremony is a purification rite and a statement to the “kinship” between reptiles and humans.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Hawly, E. H. Distribution of the Notched Rattle. American Anthropologist November 1898 Vol. 11: 344-46.

With globalization on so many people’s lips and long-distance cultural relationships back in vogue, students of ethnomusicology will appreciate the author’s efforts at relating the pam-pu-ni-wap of the Utes, the truh-kun-pi of the Hopi, the guira of the West Indians to the yu of China and Japan, the slentam of Java, and the charra played by the Usambara of Africa in this rather short article. All these percussion instruments have two parts: a notched surface that another piece is drawn across to create a rhythmic rattling sound. Readers familiar with the use of washboards in Cajun music are on the right track.

AMANDA B. WREKONDWITH Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

Hawley, E. H. Distribution of the Notched Rattle. American Anthropologist November, 1898 Vol. 11(11):344-346.

The author of this short article writes in response to a September article in this journal, entitled “The Musical Bow In Ancient Mexico.” The author disagrees with Saville’s identification of a musical bow being depicted on pages eight and nine of the “Le Manuscript du Cacique.” He feels that Figure 6 depicts a notched rattle type of musical instrument rather than a musical bow as stated by Saville. Hawley states that if a musical bow was being depicted, the figure would be holding the strings facing outward as evidenced in later depictions. Since the bow is not represented in this fashion, the author suggests that the musical instrument shown is a notched rattle.

Hawley provides a description of this musical instrument, of which there are two parts. The first is a round stick that is approximately twelve inches in length and about an inch in thickness. The surface of the stick has been flattened on one side and grooves have been cut lengthwise down the stick. The second part is a small rod made from either the scapula of a deer or sheep. The rod is manually slid up and down across the notches of the stick to produce sound.

Hawley further notes that there is evidence of notched rattles covering a large geographic area. Notched rattles have been located in the Great Basin of the United States, as well as, in all of ancient Mexico, the Caribbean, West Indies, China and Java.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist. March, 1898 Vol. 11 (3):65-87

As one of the first pieces of literature dedicated to the description of the Hopi Winter Solstice Ritual, J. Walter Fewkes’ The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi begins the task of recording the particulars of the ceremony and its comprehensive history. Fewkes argues that the ritual derives from multiple origins, and that numerous religions have influenced Soyaluna, the common name of the Winter Solstice Ceremony.

In 1897 Fewkes observed parts of the Winter Solstice Ceremony and he dedicates much of the article to his detailed physical descriptions. Soyaluna spans a period of thirteen days with priests presiding over the ceremonies within multiple kivas (sacred chambers). Similar objects used during the ceremonies are found throughout the kivas. Fewkes further explores the historical features of these artifacts. For instance, small, rough clay animals found in kivas also have been discovered among ancient ruins. Speculations of connections and influences between prehistoric to Hopi eras were formed. In addition, Fewkes describes the physical characteristics of the altar of Soyaluna, with bundles of grass, artificial flowers, and shrubbery creating a striking appearance.

To begin the ceremony, priests gather in a semicircle around the altar and participate in a ceremonial smoke. Fewkes describes the singing that takes place as both “beautiful…and weird.” Complicated night exercises remain the most important of all the Soyaluna ceremonies. First, ceremonially dressed novices are brought into the room, followed by priests who offer the prayer. Next, the first Bird-man and the second Bird-man enter, both imitating birds on the altar. Following the dance of the Soyaluna-main, similar to an Antelope ceremony, Eototo, the leader of the katcinas, makes his entrance. To a certain extent Soyaluna celebrates the return of the katcinas. Eototo makes the first masked entrance in the kiva, signifying his power and importance. His presence suggests a supernatural visitor. Eototo closes the ceremony by gathering everyone into a song and dance. Fewkes concluded this article in a later April edition.

JENNIFER BRISTER Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Henning, Charles L. On the Origin of Religion. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol.11(19):373-382.

While much research has been done to trace the development of religion, little inquiry has been put into pursuing the origin. Henning believes this is a difficult task due to the confusion of trying to understand other’ s beliefs, dogmatic prejudices, and the insufficient knowledge of the languages of the particular people being studied. However in terms of the necessities of life, one aspect that every culture appears to have in common is economics. According to Henning, every man wants to improve his

condition. Therefore, Henning is led to believe religion developed out of cognitive life and originated out of economic conditions.

In order to prove his conclusion, Henning develops his argument around three assumptions he deems as false. The first pertains to the idea that primitive man possessed religion. According to Henning, primitive man was not capable of the sophisticated intellectual capacity assigned to him by past researchers. Primitive man exhausted all mental energy on his struggle for existence, therefore religion had to have developed only after man settled and began to own property. The second assumption relates to the belief that the worship of ancestors and souls are the origins of religion. While he agrees that these two are definitely stages or forms of religion, perhaps even the earliest, he does not accept that they are the founders. Both are merely the historical evolution of religion, not the origin. Lastly, he demands that the study of religion belong solely to anthropology even though it has previously been the task of such disciplines as theology and history.

DORESSA BREITFIELD Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Henning, C. L. On the Origin of Religion. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol. 11: 373-382.

This article discusses one of the most prominent theories that tries to explain the origin of religion based on methods of the “true science of man”: anthropology. In this article, a survey of the literature during the last decade is made. According to Henning, the first one on the list is E.B. Tylor’s “Primitive Culture,” whose principal statement was that the minimum definition of religion is the belief in spiritual beings. Henning states that Julius Lippert shows that the root of all historic development of religion will be found in the worship of the soul. In addition, the article connects Tylor and Lippert’s research with the work of Herbert Spencer, which concludes that the origin of religion comprehends all worship of the dead.

Additionally, different opinions are also considered. Comparative mythology is explored by mentioning authors like J.W. Powell, Dr. Daniel Briton, and Adolf Bastian. Andrew Lang’s “Myth Ritual, and Religion” is examined to comparatively show work between people of antiquity and living primitive people.

Although Henning mentions previous theories, he believes that Adre Lefevre’s theory is much deeper and more logical than the rest. Lefevre is neither an adherent of the theory of soul worship nor of the origin of religion from the perception of death. According to him the lowest form of religion is not animism but “anthropism.”

Finally, the author defines his own position, closer to that of Lippert than to Lefevre. His argument rests on ancestor veneration that people give to the deceased who made important contributions to the community.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Hilder, F. F. Cist Burials In Illinois. American Anthropologist September 1888 Vol. 11:46-48

The author offers a narrative account of the discovery and excavation of two stone graves he found hitherto undisturbed on a bluff overlooking the Cahokia plain near east St. Louis, Illinois. The author provides measurements, speculative autopsy, and inventory of the graves’ contents. The latter include unio shells, stone points, earthenware pottery containing bird bone. The second burial, that of an adult and a child together, also contained pottery and mussel shell.

Hilder gives no indication that he used any method beyond naked-eye examination and he suggest no relationships to other sites.

AMANDA B. WREKONDWITH Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

F.F. Hilder Cist Burials in Illinois. American Anthropologist February, 1898 Vol 11: 46-48

The purpose of this article is to describe what was found when two grave sites on a bluff in St. Clair County, Illinois, were disinterred and examined. Upon arriving to the summit of the bluff, the author relates that many of the area’s ancient burial places had been thoroughly explored. After searching intensively, the author found two unopened stone graves, or cists, made of flat slabs of unhewn limestone. Intruding upon the first grave, the author finds the skeleton of a male adult with wounds to the head. Articles in the grave arranged around the corpse were examined and described as a seashell, four unio shells, fine stone arrowpoints, and a small earthenware pot with vegetal substance and a bird bone.

The second grave was also intruded upon and found to contain two skeletons side by side and face up. These skeletons seemed to belong to a woman and small child and had various articles arranged around them including a small pot with pierced ears, another pot with a bone of the pelvic arch of a child, a mussel, and a four-inch long scalloped bone. Because the graves were filled with compacted soil, the author deduced that the earth must have oozed into the graves, without being able to explain why the level of soil remained unaltered when the space immediately around the graves were excavated. The author concludes that it was inconceivable that the graves would have been purposefully filled with earth, since, in the author’s point of view, that would have made the cists “superfluous.”

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

Hough, Walter. The Origin and Range of the Eskimo Lamp. American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol. 11(4):116-122.

In this turn-of-the-century article, Walter Hough investigates the characteristic lamps of the Eskimos. Eskimos are unique, Hough stresses, based upon their lamp usage. Hough describes the Eskimo lamp in detail and declares this possession a vital part of an Eskimo’s existence. Indeed, Hough tells us that Eskimo migration patterns and population distribution can be directly linked to the invention and use of these distinctive lamps.

Hough theorizes the invention of these original lamps was necessitated by the environments the Eskimos inhabited. It is important to note these lamps function best when burning particular fuels and Hough points out that fish, seals and other aquatic mammals supply fats which have high fuel value. The fat of reindeer and other land animals is of low fuel value and would not be useful to the Eskimo in his specific type of lamp, thereby showing that the lamps were invented in a cold coastal climate. Interestingly, stones with natural cavities have been found along seacoasts and it is with these raw materials that Hough believes an Eskimo first fashioned his lamps. Typically, an Eskimo lamp is made of soapstone in the shape of a shallow dish. The oil reservoir is a hollowed-out place on top of the stone. Upon the edge is placed a wick of ground moss. The lower end of the moss wick touches the oil and the flame burns clear and smokeless (if the wick is maintained properly) at a height of about two inches.

According to Hough, Eskimo lamps differ in design from others found in neighboring geographic areas. This design difference indicates their all-important function in an Eskimo household. They are used, most importantly, for melting snow and ice for drinking water. Additionally, lamps are needed for lighting, warming, cooking, and drying clothes. He points out that even Eskimo home construction can be correlated to the lamp–homes are built low and compact–the better to utilize the lamp-heated air. In Eskimo societies, each head of a family must possess a lamp–even if two or more families share the same house. The women are the lamp possessors even unto death–their lamps are placed upon their graves. So vital is this appliance that there is no phrase that can express more misery than “a woman without a lamp”.

This article is clear, easy to read and understand.

REBECCA T. FAURE Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Hough, W. The Origin and Range of the Eskimo Lamp. American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol. 11: 116-122.

The principal objective of the article is to probe the correlation between the extreme climatic environments and the use and refinement of the Eskimo Lamp.

The conditions which have regulated the migrations of various peoples in the long process of populating the earth are many. Of these the food supply or the quest for food has been mentioned as the most potent factor. It would seem, however, that in relation to primitive migration, the acquaintance with fire and the possession of means to readily produce it, mark the era of movement of peoples, especially into zones of unequal temperature.

For Hough, “a few of the drawbacks incident to the spread of a people into the environment of the Eskimo may be mentioned. There are the cold, the long nights, the hardships of travel, the scarcity of wood, and the difficulty of obtaining drink water.” The solution, a household utensil: the lamp.

The conclusions reached are that the Eskimo, before they migrated from their pristine home, had the lamp. One of the most important functions of the lamp was for melting snow and ice for drinking water the lamp is also employed for lighting, warming, cooking, drying clothes, and in the arts (not specified by Hough). Additionally, the architecture of the house is related to the use of the lamp –the house is made non-conductive and low in height in order to utilize the heated air. The lamp also encompasses a social factor, a sign of the family unit, with each head of the family (the women) having her lamp. As might be imagined, the invention of the lamp is determined to have taken place on some seacoast, where the fat of aquatic mammals of high fuel was abundant. The author also explains how the lamp in low latitudes, below the circle of illumination, are found to be less specialized than those of higher latitudes.

Finally, the author specifies that there are three kinds of Eskimo lamps –the house lamp, the small lamp for temporary use by hunters and travelers, and the mortuary lamp.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Hough, Walter. Environmental Interrelations in Arizona. American Anthropologist. May, 1898 Vol.11(5): 133-155.

In Environmental Interrelations in Arizona,, Walter Hough explains human adaptation in relation to the environment. He suggests that environmental conditions in Arizona play a major role in plant adaptation and thus, affect human reliance upon these plants. An underlying implication of his article is the role of natural selection in plant adaptation and the harsh conditions of the Southwestern climate. The unique information that can be obtained in the Southwest is valuable to scientists of diverse disciplines including ethnobotanists, geologists, archaeologists, and ethnologists.

Within this framework, Hough discusses the Southwest Indians’ specialized knowledge of plants, particularly the Moki. In order to survive in their environment the Indians have had to utilize plants for food, shelter and further have incorporated their medicinal value into their practice of healing. They have familiarized themselves with these plants not only for practical reasons, but also for religious ceremonies, ritual and the arts. He considers this knowledge as beneficial to the field of science and suggests the value of these people’s understanding of their environment.

To convey and support this argument, Hough explains the companionship that the Indians have with Nature. They understand the interrelationships between flora and fauna and have classified plants accordingly. Hough states, every Moki is a botanist; not a botanist, of course, in the scientific way; one for practical purposes, rather, who had given descriptive names to his plants long before Linnaeus (137). He specifically credits the Indian herb doctor, or medicine men and women who have specialized knowledge of the medicinal properties of an array of plants.

Hough’s argument begins with an explanation of plant adaptation in the Southwest and the location and distribution of certain species. His comments regarding the environmental conditions of aridity, elevation, wind, and scarcity of water appeals to the geologist and the archaeologist. Then, Hough emphasizes that through experiment the Moki have found beneficial results from the plants in this environment. He further categorizes the full range of plant usage among the Indians by giving the plant’s Moki linguistic term and an English definition. Finally, he provides a systematic list of plant species in the Southwest. Throughout his display of evidence, Hough frames his points scientifically while at the same time aiming to prove the utility of the Indians’ knowledge.

SARAH BRICKER Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

Hough, W. Environmental Interrelations in Arizona. American Anthropologist May, 1898 Vol. 11: 133-155.

The main purpose of this article is to summarize the use of plants by indigenous people from Arizona. It is comparatively late in the study of ethnology of the nineteenth century evidenced by the attention given to the preeminent importance of the environments of tribes. This work gives a detailed description of ethnic names and uses of over 160 indigenous species, and further divides them into groups. These groups are as follows: Agriculture and Forage (not cultivated), Arts, Architecture, Domestic life, Games and Adornment, Folklore, Food, Medicine, Folk and Empirical, and Religion. The research was done in the summers of 1896 and 1897 in Tusayan and the collection now forms part of the National Herbarium.

The author begins with the description of the climatic and geographic conditions of Arizona and New Mexico, comparing these places with the East Coast of North America and the Artic. In addition, some important elements of the geology and anthropology regions are mentioned, without any deep explanation of them. The major amounts of salt called “alkali,” extreme climatic conditions, and distribution of men and plants depending on water resources are additional issues the author examines.

Descriptions of the indigenous group studied are absent. In addition, it is difficult to understand if the ethno-botanical work was done with either the Mokis or Hopis. The article leads to the observation that the food plants useful to the indigenous group are the plants under cultivation (native and acquired) and plants that are usufructuary to nature. The Hopi brought back from their ancestor’s home corn, beans, melon, squash, cotton, and some garden plants. They have also acquired peaches, apricots, wheat, and a number of other plants that they cultivate less frequently.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Hrdlicka, Ales. Study of the Normal Tibia. American Anthropologist October, 1898 Vol.11(10):307-312.

In this article, Ales Hrdlicka is reporting the results of a study he undertook to measure nearly 2,000 adult bones. He examined the variation in shape and size of the tibia in normal males and females of “Caucasian”, “African”, and “Native American” descent. To study the shape he looked at transverse sections taken at the middle of the bone.

According to Hrdlicka, the tibia varies greatly in shape from skeleton to skeleton and even within the same body. Of the “races” he examined, he found that variations were most numerous in “white” individuals. He describes which shapes he found to be most frequently associated with male versus female tibiae, and which characteristics were most frequent in which “race.” He found that there were strong “racial” variations in the shape as well as the length of the tibia. There was also a prominent shift in the frequency of the shape depending on the sex of the skeleton. Hrdlicka also looked at the weight of the bone in relation to the bone’s size by measuring its displacement in glycerine. He found that “the tibia is heaviest in proportion to its volume between 20 and 40 years of age,” and that the diminution of bone after forty is greater in females.

Hrdlicka states that the male tibia is generally better defined than the female, which retains an infantile character. This is likely due, he explains, to the male’s greater muscular activity. While he admits that the source of the variations cannot be determined with certainty, this fact, along with the variation he found between tibia on different sides of the same body, leads Hrdlicka to conclude that in most cases the differences are not due to inherent circumstances but were probably caused by the habits and occupation of the individual.

KARA HOLTZMAN Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

Hrdlicka, A. Study of the Normal Tibia. American Anthropologist. October, 1898 Vol. 11: 307-312.

This article presents a study of the fore bone, the tibia by comparing the morphological variation of this bone among different groups. The corpus consulted is the large collection of normal bones in New York College of Physicians and Surgeons. The records represent an analysis of data derived from the examination of about 2,000 normal adult bones of persons of various nationalities and of both sexes.

Variation is, writes the author, the most striking peculiarity. The bone is hardly ever exactly alike in any two skeletons, and it will occasionally differ markedly in the same body. Descriptions of the differences are done in the extremities, with the variations being in the shape of the shaft and the size and weight of the tibia.

Construction of six groups of bones (by shape of the sections of the shaft of the tibia) is complemented with some of the differences founded by sex and race. Most frequently, in both the female and male, the shape of the shaft is that of a prism.

Diametrical measurements of the bone were taken both at the middle and at the height of the nutritive foramen. Detailed characteristics of the tibia were made at this moment.

Results also include an observation that the variations of tibia are much more numerous in individuals of the white race than they are in the other two races analyzed. In addition, proportion of weight varied by years of age.

For a proper comparison of the weight, the author disputed three different methodologies. The first one was “approximate and unsatisfactory” by calculation from the different measurements. The second one was accurately, but “laborious” by shot or seeds. The last one was “not absolutely accurate, but fully efficient” as a result of immersing the bone in a graduated jar in some heavy liquid.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Hrdlicka, Dr. Ales. Physical Differences Between White and Colored Children. American Anthropologist November,1898 Vol. 11(11):347-350.

Over a two-year period, Dr. Hrdlicka examined 1100 white children and 300 black children. He studied the differences in children ranging from ages five to the age of puberty and found that physical differences did exist between the groups of children. Hrdlicka organized three categories in the paper; a difference not dependent upon age or sex, differences peculiar to boys, and differences peculiar to girls.

Under the first category, Hrdlicka states that whites present more diversity and colored children more uniformity. Also, physical abnormalities of a congenital nature appear much more frequently in white children. He goes onto state that blacks on average are taller, while whites on average are heavier. His data found that heads of black children are slightly smaller, due to size of the body being taller and more slender. Hrdlicka states that there are individual exceptions to this rule. Other differences discussed are hair, foreheads, face shape (prognathism), and muscle development to name a few.

Secondly, Hrdlicka describes the differences between boys. He found black boys generally to be well built, lean and muscular, unlike most white boys. A black male’s body is also straighter and more symmetrical with a deeper chest.

Lastly, Hrdlicka decribes the differences among girls. He states that before puberty and sometimes afterward black females are shaped more like males than white females, and that white girls look much more feminine throughout childhood and puberty.

The purpose of Dr. Hrdlicka’s paper, a brief overview of a larger work that was to come later, was to express the more obvious physical differences between black and white children of the same ages and sexes.

WES PERKINS Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Hrdlicka, A. Physical Differences Between White and Colored Children. American Anthropologist. November, 1898 Vol. 11: 347-350.

This paper presents a study of the physical conditions that exist between “white” and “negro” children from the same sexes and same ages. During a two-year period, the author observed approximately fourteen hundred children from five years of age to slightly past the age of puberty..

The author observed that in a general way, “white” children presented more diversity and “negro” children presented more uniformity, in all their normal physical conditions. As to physical abnormalities, those of congenital origin were much less frequent in the “negro” child than in the “white” one. With acquired abnormalities, principally the result of rachitic conditions, the case was almost the reverse, those characteristics being less frequent in the white children.

In detail, the article described some significant differences. The average height of “colored” children was found to be, in all ages, from one to three centimeters greater than that of “white” children. The average weight, unlike the height, was greater in the white children at all ages up to puberty. The size of the head was, on the average, slightly less in “negro” children that in the white. The form of the head was less variable in that of the “colored” children that it is in the “white” children.

Hair, nose, lips, teeth, and ears were also analyzed, showing that, in the opinion of the author, there were significant differences between the two groups. In conclusion, the author added some facts about the differences found in males and females, between races.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Mathews, R. H. The Victorian Aborigines: Their Initiation Ceremonies and Divisional Systems. American Anthropologist. November 1898 Vol. 11(2):325-343.

Mathews sought to describe the initiation ceremonies and divisional systems of Victorian Aborigines. Mathews broke down the various groups, their language, ceremonial, and divisional similarities. Mathews described these similarities based on dialects and boundaries. The author studied languages and dialects within the populations in order to group people together geographically which allowed Mathews to distinguish between initiation ceremonies. Mathews argued that because ceremonies were guarded, these accounts might have been incomplete.

The author felt it appropriate to compare various communities to one another if they showed similarities in group structure. These groups all had similar speech and social organization. First Mathews began with the Bongarong Nation located in Central Victoria. The Bangarong were divided into two groups, Boonjil and Wah, which intermarried. Another group, Wiradjuri, began their initiation ceremony by separating boys from the group, knocking out their two front teeth, and educating them. At this point the boy was known as Wang-goon. A ceremony again occurred at around the age of eighteen, after which the young men were known as Beebowak.

Coastal tribes performed the Tib-but ceremony which involved a fourteen to fifteen year old boy whose head was shaved, he was given a small garment, and had his body covered with clay, charcoal powder, and filth. The boy walked around the village calling out Tib-butî throwing filth at anyone who dared leave their hut to watch. He then was cleansed by women who later danced for him and painted his face. The Jibaua people had a similar ceremony.

The Kurnai Nation was a collection of smaller tribes further divided into local clans, which supplied wives to each other. The Bovan Dik Nation contained two class divisions, Kumite and Krokee for the males and Kumite-gar and Krokee-gar for the women. These groups had to cross-marry. The system was matrilineal and supported by totems. The totems described who could eat what foods. The ceremonies performed by the Kurnai involved plucking hair from the body, especially the beard.

The Narrinyeri Nation had a very involved ceremony. It began with invitations being sent to neighboring tribes. Novices were painted with red ochre and grease and sat behind the men, women sat behind novices. Women would frantically cut themselves after which an older man led some men to spear other men in their out-stretched left arms. Nets were attached to the spears, which were arranged in a row on the ground. Novices were then laid down and had their pubic hair plucked from their bodies.

No explanation or interpretation was given for any of these ceremonies or structures. Mathews described a few differences in ceremony such as circumcision ceremonies performed by people who lived on the Yorke Peninsula. These individuals had a different language and social organization compared to their neighbors the Murray Tribes. For the most part however, Mathews showed that the languages and customs of neighboring tribes were similar to each other.

LINDSAY CONRAD Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Mathews, R. H. The Victorian Aborigines: Their Initiation Ceremonies and Divisional Systems. American Anthropologist November, 1898 Vol 11: 325-343

This article seeks to define the approximate boundaries of the indigenous nations present before the colony of Victoria, Australia imposed its own political boundaries. The author argues that a nation can be defined as the conglomeration of “several tribes…bound together by affinity of speech, hav(ing) the same divisional (or class) names, and similar initiation ceremonies.” This approach to categorizing “nations” is taken to describe of each of the pre-colonial nations in the region, providing information on these divisional/class names, and the nations’ respective initiation ceremonies. As the author explains however, the survey should have been completed fifty years prior when “natives were yet sufficiently numerous” as the cultural evidence provided in the article for each nation is extremely sparse and derived mostly from secondary accounts.

The Bangarang (in what was then, central Victoria) were divided into two intermarrying groups, Boonjil and Wah, “but unfortunately the tribes had been almost wiped out before any one took the trouble to inquire into their organization.” Extending from the seacoast northerly to the Australian Alps, the Kurnai made up a collectivity of a few small tribes, who were divided into local clans and furnished each other with wives to prevent interbreeding. The Booandik Nation had been comprised historically of five tribes, divided into two classes, the Kumite and Kroke, the children belonging to their mother’s class and each class associated with different totems. Finally, the Narrinyeri Nation adjoined the Booandik Nation and comprised several tribes with similar dialects. Although the article highlights some of the initiation ceremonies undertaken by the tribes, including the pulling of teeth and the plucking of hair in ritual, overall the information on the ceremonies is largely speculative.

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

Matthews, Washington. Use of Rubber Bags in Gauging Cranial Capacity. American Anthropologist June, 1898 Vol. 11(6):171-176.

In an article published in the premiere anthropological journal, the American Anthropologist, a heated debate was presented with the purpose of giving notoriety to the first person that came up with the concept of using india-rubber bags and water to measure the cranial capacity of a human skull. The first person to receive any credit for coming up with the concept was a medical student from Berlin by the name of Mr. H. Poll. There was at least one man who disagreed with this opinion. That man was Mr. Washington Matthews, the author of the article that discusses this debate in the June 1898 volume of the American Anthropologist. Mr. Matthews supports his claim with evidence to prove that Poll was not the original inventor, and so the debate began.

The original notoriety should actually have been given to Paul Broca, who had developed this concept some twenty-four years prior to Mr. Poll’s stumbling upon it. Broca used the india-rubber bags with slightly less than one liter of water. First, he placed the empty bag into the foramen magnum, then he added the water. After attempting this experiment several times, most of the bags ended up tearing on the sella turcica. After making several improvements to the experiment, such as, increasing the bag size, and trying different degrees of pressure in the supplying tube, Broca concluded that this method was unacceptable in the measuring of cranial capacities.

Many years after Broca’s failed attempt, there were several others who attempted to get conclusive results from this experiment. Most of them made moderate adjustments to the original procedure but none were welcomed with much success. That is, none until Mr. Matthews himself.

After researching all of the previous techniques and even after experimenting with them himself, Matthews began to try new methods. After many months of trial and error, he finally came up with the method the world had been waiting for. He completely threw out the concept of using the india-rubber bags to get a solid measurement of the cranial capacity. Instead, he covered the outside of the skull with a layer of putty. This seemingly simple procedure was absolutely ingenious. He had created a seal to hold the water in and was able to get a conclusive measurement of the cranial capacity. He accomplished what he had set out to do in the beginning, which was to discover the inventor who used the first india-rubber bags to measure cranial capacity, but little did he know, he would discover that he himself was the person who perfected cranial measurements.

HEATHER BERGREN Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Matthews, Washington. Use of Rubber Bags in Gauging Cranial Capacity. American Anthropologist June, 1898 Vol. 11(6):171-176.

This article was drafted in response to one published a few months prior in the February, 1898 issue of this journal. The author of the February article, Frank Russell, highly praised a method of gauging cranial capacity by the use of india-rubber bags and attributed the “original invention” of this technique to a German medical student, Mr. H. Poll. The purpose of Matthews’ response is to address two issues: 1) Mr. H. Poll is not the first person to invent nor utilize the use of india-rubber bags in measuring cranial capacity, and 2) the technique is handicapped due to multiple faults which limit its application to the study of craniometry.

According to Matthews, there were four predecessors who had performed the same experiments as Mr. H. Poll. These individuals include: 1) Paul Broca who reported his technique before the Society of Anthropology on May 16, 1872; 2) Dr. Wilhelm Friedrich Pacha whose first experiments were in the year 1880; 3) the author of this article who applied this technique in 1883 and 1884; and 4) Mr. W. Krause who published his accounts in a German Anthropology journal in 1896. The author further comments (in regards to the predecessors of Mr. Poll), “it is an interesting fact that within a period of 24 years, four different individuals should have invented this system, each believing himself to be the original inventor.”

Matthews also provides a description of the procedure. An empty india-rubber bag is placed though the foramen magnum of the skull and then filled with water by using the pressure of a standing column of water. Once the rubber bag is filled, cranial capacity is measured by recording the difference of how much water is left in the standing column. Matthews states that rubber bags were very difficult to work with since they would either burst due to high pressure or not completely fill all regions of the cranium. The author further states that both Paul Broca and himself came to these same conclusions by testing the accuracy of the bags under three different conditions. Broca simply filled an intact cranium with water from the standing column without the use of a bag and then remeasured the same cranium with the use of a bag. His results indicated that the second measurement was lower than the first and was attributed to the bag not expanding into the minor fossae of the cranium. Matthews tried two different methods. He first placed a rubber bag in a cranium with broken sections and then examined the bag as it filled with water. Matthews then smeared a rubber bag with “a mixture of unguent and lamp-black,” placed it into the foramen magnum of the skull, and filled it with water. After the bag was withdrawn from the skull, he studied the smearing pattern on the bag. Both of these techniques demonstrated, like Broca’s earlier results, that the method of gauging cranial capacity by filling rubber bags was flawed.

Matthews concludes that regardless of what type of rubber bag is used and the technique of filling the bag with water, the same inaccuracies will result. Accordingly, the technique is of limited value and new emphasis should be placed on the development of another method to study craniometry.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

McGee, J. W. Anthropology at Ithaca. American Anthropologist January 1898 Vol. 11 (1): 15-22.

McGee writes what is, for all intents and purposes, a summary and review of the 1898 annual meeting of the Society of American Naturalists, and affiliated associations. He begins by commenting on the valuable role played by this meeting, as well as its contrast with the older American Association for the Advancement of Science. Following this, he describes the areas of interest that various sections of the organization gave papers on at the meeting.

McGee briefly summarizes a number of papers presented by various organizations at the meeting, and shortly recapped some of the discussions that followed on these topics. Among these topics were the Presidential Address by Professor J. Mark Baldwin, a paper on “Invention” by Professor Josiah Royce, and the resulting discussion between Jastrow, Boas, and McGee. Following these, there was some discussion on Viking houses of the saga times, Eskimo Boot Strings, and the beliefs of the Bella Coola Indians.

The article concludes with congratulatory remarks about the quality of scientists assembled and the number thereof.

ERIC PTAK Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

McGee, W. J. A Muskwaki Bowl. American Anthropologist March, 1898 Vol.11:88-90

In this article, W.J. McGee describes a small wooden bowl from the Climbing Bear family a member of the Muskwaki tribe located in Iowa. McGee discusses the method of carving that was used on the bowl and also the mystical properties the family associates with it.

This particular bowl, which was made from maple wood, was carved with a beaver- tooth knife in an imitation of Algonquian styles, a common practice for the date of the bowl. There is a historical importance to the bowl in that it was carved with a blade that is no longer used by the Muskwaki. Similar bowls are now found in burial mounds.

The bowl was purchased from an old woman that had inherited the bowl from her grandmother. She related to him the story of the bowls history. She described how the bowl was made before the tribe crossed the Mississippi River in a time when the Muskwaki were warring with the Sioux. She told W.J. McGee of her ancestor’s husband who killed two Sioux warriors. The old woman’s ancestor in commemoration of the event carved the bowl. The warrior’s wife carved the slain Sioux’s bodies, without their scalps, onto the bowl turning it into a sort of trophy of the warrior’s victory. The warrior was served food from this bowl at every meal until his death. The significance of eating from the bowl was, the warrior would claim the Sioux warriors’ strength and bravery, forever giving him victory over the Sioux.

This article is a short read with all the main points clearly stated. The reader should have no problems interpreting this article.

WES PERKINS Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

McGee, W. J. A Muskwaki Bowl. American Anthropologist May, 1898 Vol 11:88-91.

This article focuses on the Muskwaki people, who had re-settled upon a tract of 3000 acres purchased piecemeal from white settlers along the Iowa River. Although the author describes these people as “very conservative,” continuing many aspects of a ‘traditional’ lifestyle, this article also foregrounds some of the changes they were undergoing at this time. One thing that hadn’t changed by this time however, was the use of ‘heirloom’ utensils passed on from generation to generation.

The author describes in detail one small wooden bowl that had been preserved in a single family over three generations. The bowl evidenced the use of a beaver-tooth knife, no longer used by the Muskwaki. It also possessed a story of strong import to the heirs, in which a great-grandmother had carved it in tribute to her husband’s slaying of an enemy Sioux, and had converted it, through ‘deep thought’, into a “perpetual invocation to the Great Mysteries.”

After much deliberation among the surviving custodians of the bowl, and confirmation with the shaman that no future harm would come from their enemies, the author describes that the family reluctantly agreed to his offer to purchase it for “tender.” The author justifies the appropriation, by stating that “to the Indian mystic this simple utensil is fraught with a mysterious potentiality rendering it an object of veneration, almost of worship…[but] ….to the Caucasian student it is a pregnant record of primitive industry and primitive faith.”

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. Ojibwa Feather Symbolism. American Anthropologist June 1898 Vol.11(6) :177-180.

According to W.J. McGee, information relating to the Ojibwa Indians is best found in the writings of Kahkewaquonaby, better known as Reverend Peter Jones. He was the son of a non-Indian surveyor and Algonquian chief’s daughter. In early childhood, Jones was given a great feast where he received his Ojibwa name, Kahkewaquonaby, which means “sacred waving feathers”. This refers to the feathers plucked from the scared bird, the eagle. By this name, he was dedicated to the god of thunder. At the feast he was presented with a war club and several eagle feathers to keep as a memorial to his dedication to both the eagle and the thunder god. His totemic affiliation is also the eagle clan, this being the clan in which his mother belonged.

The plume and feather headdress are representative of the symbolism of other aboriginal tribes in the area. The intricate design is made of a hollowed stone bottom fixture where the feathers attach. The meaning of this symbolism shows that the plume was at the same time, name, totem reference, and fetish-a sign of super-physical potency. The headdress symbolic feature was a mystery wand made of porcupine quills and eagle feathers. The headdress is meant to denote leadership or chief-like power, but the inclusion of the mystery wand deems it to be the symbol of the shaman, in other words, a magician-warrior. It also serves as vehicle for carrying on the tradition of the Ojibwa Indians; it gave them a tangible object of great importance to help preserve their culture at a time when written records were not available and tradition was communicated orally and through ritual practices.

The symbolism and importance of the plume is indicated by the use of it as a material form of meaning and history. It speaks of the culture in ways that words cannot The interest of the symbolism is that it may provide a connection to the language and meet prewritten cultural needs to preserve the memories of these traditions in the same way that literature supplements our written culture.

TYLER PIPPIN Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

McGee, W. J. Ojibwa Feather Symbolism. American Anthropologist June, 1898 Vol. 11(6):177-180.

In this article, the author focuses on the history and symbolism of a feather headdress and war club belonging to different members of the Ojibwa tribe of Upper Canada. McGee admits early in his article that a majority of the information learned about the Ojibwa Indians is a direct result of the autobiography of Revered Peter Jones, also known within his tribe, as Kahkewaquonaby. Revered Peter Jones was the son of a Welsh surveyor, who married the daughter of a chief of the Ojibwa tribe. Due to his father being away a great part of his life, Revered Peter Jones was brought up by his mother and “christened in accordance with the tribal custom.”

When Revered Peter Jones was anointed with his Indian name, Kahkewaquonaby, meaning “sacred waving feathers,” he was given a feather headdress and war club. The feathers of both the headdress and war club were considered sacred since they had been plucked from the sacred bird, the eagle. In addition, the eagle feathers were also considered to represent the god of thunder. The purpose of the dedication was to place Kahkewaquonaby within a specific clan of the Ojibwa tribe. Accordingly, he became a member of the Eagle Totem, the clan to which his mother also belonged.

The feather headdress and war club were passed down to one of Reverend Peter Jones’ sons, known as Kahkewaquonaby (Junior). McGee was able to photograph and inspect these two “sacred heirlooms and priceless records of the past,” when Kahkewaquonaby (Junior) wore them in full regalia once in Washington. McGee provides a detailed description of these two items and offers additional symbolism that may be learned from analysis of their construction. For example, a barrel that is made from the femur of an eagle attaches the eagle feathers of the headdress. In addition, McGee suggests that the headdress is a symbol of leadership and could be possibly associated with shamanism.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

McGee, W. J. Piratical Acculturation. American Anthropologist August, 1898 Vol. 11: 243-249.

W. J. McGee argued that human development was social and could be measured by the degree of acculturation that a particular society had reached. He distinguished between degrees of acculturation by placing four subgroups within two larger frameworks. The first of these being the “higher culture-grades” or civilization and enlightenment, and the second were being “lower culture-grades” or savagery and barbarism. He referred to the first grade as being amicable acculturation and the latter as being inimical and adventitious or piratical acculturation.

The author used a number of examples expressing how the “law of piratical acculturation” worked. The stonework of Seri Indians was the first example. He described two phases of stonework, the first involving the selection of cobbles for basic needs such as crushing seeds or braking bones. This was described as being a protolithic method. McGee looked at this as doing something convenient that did not require thought or planning. Technolithicî tool usage however, was done for a particular reason with a specific goal in mind. Steps had to be taken to ensure the goal would be met. This use was associated with warriors and war, while the first example was associated with women.

McGee believed that the “primitive mind” associated weapon use with belief and mysticism. The warriors mimicked one another in an attempt to gain favor with the opposing group’s deity. McGee argued that those who were technolithic used a weapon for practical reasons and viewed it has having a physical function. Marital acculturation was another example given.

Barbarism was the second phase of piratical acculturation. According to McGee, barbarian societies sought to develop bonds with other groups and accomplished this through semi-antagonistic marriages. A barbarian society moved towards the third level through increased intelligence. As this intelligence developed, marriage because less antagonistic and more peaceful.

The third phase brought the society into civilization and the “higher culture-grades.” This phase was marked by an interchange of goods for profit or personal gain. The fourth phase was labeled enlightenment and was marked by a desire to manipulate nature for personal need. An exchange of ideas was also an important marker for this transition.

LINDSAY CONRAD Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

McGee, W. J. Piratical Acculturation. American Anthropologist August, 1898 Vol. 11:243-249

This article offers a model for the processes of progressive acculturation differentiated between “piratical” and “amicable” acculturation. “Piratical” forms of acculturation, interchanges described as “inimical and adventitious”, are ascribed to evolutionarily “lower” forms of social organization (i.e., in the author’s view, the aboriginal Americans), while “amicable” forms of interchange, supposedly of lessor importance to “primitive peoples”, is deemed characteristic of “civilization” and “enlightenment.” The proposed model is thus evolutionary in nature, beginning with the “stage of savagery”, and culminating with its implicit opposite, “enlightenment”.

Although the model is inherently biased, relegating the pinnacle of cultural development to Europeans, it provides an early view into the categorization of different modes of acculturation. The first, described as characteristic of “lower savagery,” comprises cases in which one tribe strives to gain power over another by invoking the enemy’s “mystical potencies” through an imitation of the other’s weapons and symbols. The second, presumably characteristic of “higher savagery” and “barbarism,” is described as mating between tribes for the purpose of joining together the “mystical potencies” of each in an effort to defend or enlarge one’s domain.

Both of these forms of acculturation are considered “piratical” because of the inimical context of the first (warfare), and the “semi-antagonistic” nature of the second (inter-tribal marriage). Interestingly enough however, the author admits that this antagonistic element of marital acculturation “survives in a curious fashion even in civilization and enlightenment.” The author thus views marital acculturation as the first step towards “raising acculturation from the martial plane to that of amicable interchange.”

The article describes two other forms of acculturation, “commercial” and “educative.” The former “arises in barter (during “higher barbarism” and matures in commerce” (during civilization), while the last stage culminates in the “free or regulated exchange of ideas” and is considered paramount only during “enlightenment.” The author maintains that the modes of acculturation should be represented in successive curves that overlap and extend over congruous spans of time. One very arguable contention, however, lies in the author’s explicit assumption that these later stages confer increasing “cosmic progress”, bringing “peoples and nations into harmony.”

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. Ponka Feather Symbolism. American Anthropologist May, 1898 Vol.11:156-160.

McGee asserts that aboriginal peoples decorate themselves not just for the sake of ornamentation, but for the communication of ideas. In this article, he addresses the use and meanings of decorative eagle feathers in the Ponka tribe, a group within the Sioux language family. Feathers worn in the hair are common to many Native American groups, but the Ponka use them extensively, and for very specific reasons. This article is representative of the anthropological trend of the time to document rapidly diminishing Native American folkways.

McGee relays the symbolism as revealed by the Ponka leader, Chief Buffalo. For example, those who have captured enemies wear upright feathers on the crown, those who have taken scalps wear inclined feathers on the crown, and those who show special leadership skills wear inclined feathers low on the head. Specially marked feathers indicate the wearer as successful scouts, and eagle down decorates only shamans. McGee also provides a detailed description of the apparatus that fixes these feathers to the wearer.

Because there had not been any previously published accounts to work with, McGee uses Chief Buffalo as his primary source of data in this brief article. He first documents the manners in which feathers are worn, then goes on to describe the meanings that these manners communicate. His detailed accounts of specific uses of feathers and their meanings adequately support his claims about symbolism.

McGee goes into great detail about the way the Ponka wear feathers as well as the symbolic meanings that each use conveys. With ample measurements and several diagrams, the reader can easily visualize and understand this aspect of Ponka culture.

SCOTT LIMBIRD Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

W.J. McGee Ponka Feather Symbolism. American Anthropologist May, 1898 Vol 11: 156-159

Anthropologists “engaged in researches among primitive peoples” had come to consider the ornamentations of their subjects as largely symbolic in nature, with an importance that would be lost as the “culture advances.” The Ponka had traditionally used feathers on hair and dress for symbolic ornamentation, but their use of these had declined due to their “changed condition”. Although it is not clear whether the author considers the change in Ponka ways a result of ‘cultural advancement’, he nevertheless perceives a need to document their feather symbolism. To this end, he engages one of the Ponka’s leaders, Buffalo Chief, to relate the principal meanings of their traditional feather use.

Ponka feather symbols, which by convention exclusively employed eagle feathers, were related to have the following meanings: 1) upright feathers on crown signifying “Captors” in battle; 2) feathers inclined to right on the crown signifying “Scalpers”; 3) and feathers left and low to head representing “Leaders”. Furthermore, eagle down worn by shamans indicated “control by the Mysteries,” “alert and swift,” and “invisible to enemies and invulnerable to arrow and tomahawk.” Feathers were also attached to painted staffs that represented power and authority, and indicated wounds received in battle.

The author also carefully details (and diagrams) the process by which feathers were attached in a way that allowed for the flying quality of the eagle to be mimicked in the feathers’ movement. The pieces for attaching the feathers are related by Buffalo Chief as being “just as the Ancients made them”, and the feathers themselves a gift from the Ancient Eagles, serving an enlivening role in ceremonies. Not surprisingly, the author records much hesitancy and what is perceived as “diffidence” on behalf of the Ponka tribe leader’s narration of his people’s sacred understanding.

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

Mooney, James. The Jicarilla Genesis. American Anthropologist July, 1898 Vol.11(7):197-209.

In this article, we find a simplistic structure of a standard creation myth. Rather than saturating this particular essay with theory, we are presented a basic reconstruction of one myth constituting the construction of the Jicarilla Indian society.

The Jicarilla’s, at the time this was penned, were found to be occupying a territory of northwest New Mexico, numbering approximately 853 members. The information contained in Mooney’s essay was derived from an informant in November of 1897, and was told by a prominent medicine man of his people. This myth, which Mooney delivers, is not unlike any common creation myth. It involves the relationship between man and animals, and their dependence on the sun and moon. What is interesting in this creation myth is its ability to explain fine details of natural existence in relation to their causes.

The myth begins with the world covered in water, with all living things owning the ability for speech. Everything existed in the underworld, which was naturally quite dark. This mere fact gave rise to a dispute between the creatures of the light and those of the dark, the light reliant creatures wanting more of this commodity. It is said they played a game, which would be a simple equivalent of the thimble and ball game of today. Through a somewhat dishonest manner the people win this game, and the goal of achieving greater light began. The sun, which could see many things, informed the people of a world on the surface, so they began to reach for the surface. The myth at this point gives meaning to the idea of boys ending their growth cycle when lying with a woman for the first time, by telling of four hills meant to be a path to the surface, which stopped growing when their flowers were picked by young girls. The story grows into a crusade of the sun’s male child who is sent to conquer the things that cause the people pestilence. In his trials, the boy kills many beasts, all of which have offspring which are not allowed to grow by command of the boy. This is meant to explain the size of frogs, eagles, elk and bears.

Throughout this genesis, we are shown causes for such things as polecats’ (skunks) and badgers’ black feet, having been stuck in the mud after a freshly dried earthen surface was cleared, and the bend of the buffalo’s horn, as they were used as ladder rungs to reach the upper world. There also was a strong emphasis on direction in this genesis, as each direction, north, south, east and west all were attributed a color, which was consistent throughout the story.

This story is fully saturated with bits of folklore concerning the creation of our world. The anthropological significance is clear when considering that this is merely a cultural means, not unlike the Christian biblical tales, to explain that which has no obvious or traceable answer.

JOSHUA SLAVEN Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

James Mooney The Jicarilla Genesis. American Anthropologist July, 1898 Vol. 11: 197-209.

This article is a retelling of the Jicarilla people’s creation story told by a medicine man and translated by the man’s son. Detailing how the ‘Jicarilla’ came to establish their origins in the “middle of the earth”, the myth is also a testament to the importance of maintaining balance in the world. In the story, one of the main protagonists, the son of the Sun, was named by his father Naye-nayesxuni, “the destroyer of dangerous things” and sent forth to eliminate different creatures that had grown too large and powerful and were endangering the Pueblo people. Each time, Sun-boy destroyed the dangerous beings, he would spare the children of these overgrown creatures, reminding them that “they must never grow any larger.” When their final work was done, Sun-boy and his brother Moon-boy left the village with twelve men, putting one man in each of the 12 mountains to wait for their return, and retreating into the western sea.

The author’s introduction to the myth glimpses into the constitutive political processes encompassing the lives of these people, including the fact that the Spanish had established missions among the Jicarilla two centuries prior. We learn that the term Jicarilla is a Spanish word for “little basket,” applied by the Spanish to describe their basket-making skills; Dine is what the people actually call themselves; and Mountain Apache is how they are known to the plains Indians. The author also relates that the storyteller’s son’s name is Asinsti, but is “better known to the whites under his school name of Ed. Ladd.

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

Murdoch, John. Eskimo Boot-Strings. American Anthropologist January, 1898 Vol.11(1):22-.

In this brief article, Murdoch discusses the previously unaddressed topic of leather tie-strings in Eskimo footwear. At the time, very little attention had been paid to Eskimo attire, with the focus going towards what even Murdoch calls “more interesting lines of research”.

The author has the straightforward goal of informing the reader about Eskimo footwear. He describes both dry-weather and waterproof boots in regards to how they are tied up. Since there had been no earlier accounts of boot-strings, Murdoch felt that they too deserved to be documented. He also encourages others to take up this study so to complete a fully detailed description of Eskimo folkways.

Because there had been no prior published accounts, Murdoch relies on his own research, provided by data gathered on the Barrow Point Expedition. He is able to supplement this data with photographs from Lieutenant Peary’s expedition as they appeared in Scientific American and with actual specimens from the National Museum.

Murdoch describes Eskimo boots as well as he can, but without photographs or drawings, his account falls short of giving the reader a real understanding. Apart from its lack of graphics, the article is concise and clearly written.

SCOTT LIMBIRD Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Murdoch, J. Eskimo Boot-Strings. American Anthropologist. January, 1898 Vol. 11: 22-.

This article describes the way Eskimo boot strings are arranged in order to protect their feet from extreme weather conditions. The waterproof sealskin boots are thick and need to be protected from humidity so that the soles do not swell.

The strings are arranged so as to hold up the soles at the toe as well as at the heel, and serve their purpose. On each side of the foot are two little leather loops, one just back of the ball of crossed above the heel and one on the quarter. The string runs across the toes and back along the sides of the foot, passing through both loops. The ends are crossed above the heel and tied round the ankle. Finally, pulling the ends of the string tends to draw the edges of the sole up at both ends.

Additionally, the author cites pictures printed in the Scientific American from October 16, 1897 that show great similarity to his previous description.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Poole, W. H. Evidence of the Mound-Builders in Johnson County, Iowa. American Anthropologist February, 1898. Volume Number (Issue Number): 41-46.

W.H. Poole’s main concern in this article is the evidence left inside the 21 mounds in Johnson County and what they symbolize about that culture. Poole writes “there is hardly a section of land in Johnson County which does not furnish more or less evidence of the mound-builders and their occupancy of this country.” His larger concern, as made clear in the article, is not to forget entirely a great race that once occupied and possessed this vast continent.

Poole doesn’t set out to prove one particular theory or fact. The article is mostly descriptive in his findings. Even Poole himself states that he only engaged in the work for a limited time and that he fully realized that he was not in a position to give the matter exhaustive study. In the main pages of the findings, he mostly concerns himself with the location and size of the mounds in proportion to each other, and what was found inside the mounds themselves.

The types of evidence used in his findings are the artifacts themselves, coupled with the position in which they were found. For example, in the second mound studied, several arrowheads and a fragment of cranium about 2 by 2 inches in size were found. In the largest mound of the group, a child “so badly decayed that it was impossible to preserve any part of them” was found. In all mounds, quantity of sandstone, pebbles, and fragmentary granite (all broken by heat) were found. Poole uses these findings to conclude that these sites were probably only used for interment purposes.

The only real, definite findings in which he does not second-guess himself, however, is that these mounds were not used for defense. He uses the pattern in which the mounds are scattered and the fact that there was “no evidence of circumvallation or other warlike arrangements as found in mounds of defense.” The only other finding he makes is that they were not employed as places of worship, as nothing like temple mounds appear.

Poole’s article is very easy to understand, although it leaves the reader with a lot to be desired. Going into the study with some hypothesis or theory, or even some education on the area would have been helpful in making more definite conclusions. If you are interested in just the artifacts of the excavation, however, this article will be very interesting.

KRYSTEN CROELL Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Poole, W. H. Evidence of the Mound-Builders in Johnson County, Iowa. American Anthropologist February, 1898 Vol 11(2):41-46.

In this article, Poole writes of his preliminary research on the mounds located in Johnson County, Iowa. The author states that this geographic locale is almost entirely covered with evidence of an ancient mound building culture. Poole focuses on four mounds located along the acreage of a townsman’s farm.

Through the archeological method of trenching, Poole indicates that the following items are recovered among the strata of each mound: 1) fragments of pottery, 2) granite used as fire-stones, 3) chips and flakes made of chert, and 4) bone. By analysis of these materials, Poole proposes that the mounds provided dual purposes for their builders. First, the mounds were selected for burial sites, and second, the height of the mounds, provided the perfect elevated location to use as a “signal station.” In Poole’s own words, “it’s prominence made it possible for them to signal great distances, and in case danger threatened, or for any other purpose it became necessary to summon assistance, they had but to build a fire at this site.”

Poole also states that the mounds were probably not sites of ancestor veneration. Some mounds recovered ash instead of bone. Poole maintains “the opinion that it was a place of interment, and that the body was cremated at some adjacent spot and the ashes and charcoal buried as found upon excavation.” The author further indicates that there was no evidence in the mounds of personal adornments or art. The absence of any cultural material found in association with either bone or ash suggests that the mound builders did not have a custom of burying possessions with the deceased.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Rink, S. The Girl and the Dogs – An Eskimo Folk-Tale with Comments. American Anthropologist June, 1898 Vol. 11: 181-187, Vol. 11: 209-215.

The purpose of this article is to summarize one of the principal Eskimo tales and discuss the common translation “the origin of Indians and white men” using a linguistic analysis as well as ethnographic work of a remote Eskimo settlement.

The folk-tale began with the story of a man who lived with his daughter at the winter hamlet. The girl rejected the advances of every suitor, stating that her father would not allow her to marry. However, once a dog came to the hamlet, by whom the daughter had progeny, ten in number, half of whom had upper parts like men, but limbs and feet like dogs. The other half contrasted with the first ones in that their upper portions were that of dogs and their legs that of humans.

The tale states that the father accepted these “monsters” like “ordinary children” at first. However, as time went on, it occurred to him that his grandchildren might possibly exhaust all of his resources, so he turned both them and their parents away (the girl and the dog). He sent them to a barren island, but nevertheless permitted the dog to swim to the mainland occasionally and fetch a little food for the family, for which purpose the wife was to hang a pair of women’s boots about his neck. After a awhile, the grandfather was not eager to give the family food; therefore, on one occasion, he placed stones in the boots together with the food, so that the dog sank and was drowned on the way home.

The mother was furious at this, and called on her sons for revenge; whereupon they all swam over and ate up their grandfather. However, when they returned home, she informed them that they must support themselves from then on. She said to half of them “you can sail to the land and become ‘irquigdlit’ (‘Indians’ in the free translation)” and to the other half “you may go off from shore and become ‘qavdlunait’ (now understood as ‘Europeans).”

According to the author, the translations for the words ‘irquigdlit’ and ‘qavdlunait’ to Indians and Europeans are not the correct translations and offer different theories. The meaning of the first word came from the remote villa of Anadyr, in eastern Asia. The semantic meaning of ‘irquigdlit’ is “repulsive men of short stature.” The semantic meaning of ‘qavdlunait’ is wolf. This would mean that mother actually said: “Go ye to the land and be men, after me, your mother; and ye others, go ye out into wild world and be wolves, after the wolf, your father.” The second explanation came from historic speculation that associates the encounter of the Europeans with the Eskimos with a sort of return of the ‘qavdlunait’.

Finally, Rink offered the “far less intelligible” theory, where other author (Dr. Petitot) assumed different meaning of the words ‘irquigdlit’ and ‘qavdlunait’ and translated them to be “small people of a repulsive appearance” and like “brown eyed” respectively.

Jose Antonio Tovar University of Florida (John Moore)

Rink, Signe. The Girl and the Dogs- an Eskimo Folk- Tale with Comments. American Anthropologist May, 1898 Vol. 11: 181-187, Vol. 11: 209-215.:181-187.

In this article, Rink attempts to describe the real meaning of the Girl and the Dogs folk-tale. He attempts to trace the linguistic origin of the tale in order to reveal its original meaning.

Freely translated from the Eskimo language into English the Girl and the Dogs tale is called “the Origins of Indians and the White Men.” However, Rink argues that this tale has been in existence before Eskimos encountered Europeans, therefore the tale must have had a different meaning in the past. He looks at a number of key words in the tale and argues that these words may have changed in time, as a result of a number of cultural influences. The changes in these words ultimately changed the meaning of the tale.

DREW HUCK Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Russel, Frank. An Apache Medicine Dance. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol.11(12):367-372.

In this article Russel describes the physical components of the Apache Medicine dance. He does not, however, attempt to describe the symbolic significance of the dance; his description is purely based on his observations without attempting to explain those observations.

He first describes the process of building a medicine lodge, where the four-day ceremony is to take place. After the lodge is built, a group of men makes a painting on the floor under the direction of the medicine woman. These paintings are different each day, and they always involve a representation of a single animal or a group of animals. After this is done the person with the sickness or disease is brought into the medicine lodge and made to sit on the painting. Then the medicine woman and the group present in the lodge perform certain ceremonial rites. Here Russel also gives some examples of division of sex, although he does not go into great detail about the subject.

The second and third days of the ceremony differ only in the style of sand paintings. Again Russel makes no attempt to explain this phenomenon. On the fourth day Russel describes the activities of a group of clowns that partake in the ceremony.

Russel presents a linear, physical description of the events he witnesses. His sole purpose in writing the article is to describe what happened during the four days of the medicine dance. He breaks down the ceremony into four sections, one section for each day. No attempt or argument is made to explain any aspect of the dance.

DREW HUCK Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Russell, Frank An Apache Medicine Dance. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol. 11: 367-371

This article describes in detail an Apache medicine dance organized among the Jicarilla tribe. The author notes that he was not permitted to attend the actual ceremonies, but received daily accounts on the symbols, songs, dances, and ritual activities enacted in the four-day ceremony. The author also notes that at the time of this writing, there were no medicine men or women present among the Jicarilla in “active practice” and no medicine feasts had been performed on the reservation for several years.

This particular medicine dance was called into being by Satl+, the husband of an invalid, Kes-nos-un-da, for which Sotli, an elder medicine woman rode 100 miles on burro to create. Once she arrived, a medicine lodge and an enclosure were immediately constructed in a nearby CaZon. The ceremony quickly commenced with the older men being selected to assist in the lodge on account of their abilities to outline dry paintings according to Sotli’s direction. The medicine used in the ceremony followed the homeopathic principle, in that, because Kes-nos-un-da was diagnosed with snake-and-bear disease, similar images were used for the healing: the sand paintings depicted snakes and a dancer embodying a deity represented a bear. The ceremony also offered opportunities for the rest of the participants to receive medicine and cast off their diseases. The ceremony in its entirety took place over four days, and on the last night, the lodge emptied and all participants offered cornmeal to the trees, shaking off the last of their ailments. It was this morning that Kes-nos-un-da was cured.

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

Saville, M. H. The Musical Bow in Ancient Mexico. American Anthropologist September, 1898. Vol.11:280-284.

Saville is concerned with the history of the musical bow in ancient Mexico. At the time he wrote the article, as he points out, there was a notion that the musical bow wasn’t indigenous to the New World. He cites an earlier article from Mason in which Mason states, stringed musical instruments were not known to any of the aborigines of the Western Hemisphere before Columbus (p. 280). Apparently Mason believed the bow to originate from Africa. Saville believes that the bow was indeed present before the arrival of Columbus and writes this article in an attempt to prove it.

Saville is under the impression that the musical bow was indeed in the Western Hemisphere before Columbus landed. His evidence is in the artwork of the indigenous people of Mexico. He searched through a book entitled Le Manuscrit du Cacique by Henri De Saussure (1892). This text itself has an interesting history which Saville details. In the version that Saville read there were six figures printed on pages 8 and 9.

The six figures according to Saville are an unique representation of what may be called a pre-Columbian orchestra (p.283). Indeed when one looks at the figures, for they are reprinted in this article, this description makes sense. It is the last figure that Saville saw what he was looking for: Figure 6, the last of the row, which most concerns us, represents a seated person with a bow held by the left hand, the string being pressed against the arm near the elbow (p. 283, italics mine).

Here is all the proof the Saville needed to write this article to defend the position that musical bows did indeed exist before Columbus arrived in the new world. He also states that this bow might still be in use in Misteca at the time the article was written, but there is no ethnographic record of this place.

NATHAN L. MORIN Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Saville, M. H. The Musical Bow in Ancient Mexico. American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol. 11(9):280-284.

Controversy existed among anthropologists of the nineteenth century regarding whether stringed musical instruments were present among pre-Columbian American cultures. There were two conflicting theories – one advocating that stringed musical instruments existed in the Americas in pre-Columbian times, and the other, suggesting that stringed musical instruments were only introduced to the Americas after the Conquest.

In the first half of this article, Saville lists the names and articles of anthropologists of both veins of thought. The advocators of the belief that some stringed musical instruments were indigenous to the Americas include: 1) Dr. D.G. Brinton who wrote of a four stringed gourd instrument, the quijongo, located in Central America;

2) Dr. S. Habel described a similar instrument among the Nahuatl-speaking Indians of San Salvador; 3) Dr. H. ten Kate illustrated a musical bow instrument from Patagonia; and 4) the author, witnessed a musical bow, called a hool, being played by Yucatec Mayas. In contrast, both Drs. O.T. Mason and E.S. Morse agree that there was absence of any stringed musical instrument in the Western hemisphere prior to Columbus. Dr. Carl Sapper agrees with this thought, and further suggests that the musical bow, the hool, was introduced from Africa.

In the second half of this article, the author decides that a search of ancient Mexican codices for representation of a stringed musical instrument would be a good indicator to support their pre-Columbian existence. Saville locates one such representation in the Mexican codex, “Le Manuscrit du Cacique” (the Codex). The Codex is a copy of the original and was published by Henri DeSaussure in 1892. On pages eight and nine of the Codex, Saville located six figures holding instruments and states the figures may be musicians and possibly “a unique representation of a pre-Columbian orchestra.” The author describes each of the six figures and the musical instruments they are holding. In particular, the sixth figure appears to depict a musician playing a stringed instrument, possibly the musical bow. In conclusion, the author states that the ensemble of musicians, including a stringed instrument, is likely to be adequate proof of their existence in the Americas in pre-Columbian times.

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Solotaroff, H. On the Origin of the Family. American Anthropologist August, 1898 Vol.11(8):229-242.

Sexual relations among primitive humans are based upon the bio-psychic states in which primitive humans are found, according to H. Solotaroff. Solotaroff also states that the primary form of marriage has been a state of promiscuity on behalf of the male. The bio-psychic state is what men and women are inherently born with. The male state is that of many sexual relations that are of temporary union. For the female, it is a sexual relation with a male for a temporary time to produce a child, after which the child is the natural accompaniment of the mother. The overarching theme states that marriage came about by the female demanding shelter and nourishment for her young and in turn granted sexual favors to the male.

Solotaroff is attempting to show that primitive man evolved from ape-like humans who mated during certain times of the year. Since we evolved from these human-like creatures, we, in turn, have their psychic disposition. One is that of the male has a sharp sexual appetite while the female does not. Since men have such an appetite, they are full of restlessness and tend to move onto unfamiliar women for sexual alliances. The current family situation emerges out of the male’s need to fill his sexual appetite. The male will join the family strictly for sustained sexual relations.

The bio-psychic state is defined as the primitive man who is restless and changeable and the woman is more taciturn and passive. Through the examples of so-called primitive groups among the Australians such as the Weddhas and the Botocudos, Solotaroff provides information about women. In these societies the woman constructs the home, gathers the food, locates the wood, takes care of the children, and prepares the food. While the men are involved in war exercises, hunting, or idleness, women perform all the duties of the house. This proves that from the earliest humans, the only function of the male was to fill his sexual appetite. The origin of marriage was originally a temporary alliance. As with the Wintun, the man takes nothing but simply lives with his wife, which makes the marital relationship loose and easy to terminate. Other forms of marriage included putting the couple together for a year, and if a child was produced then the couple was married, as in the Scottish Highland custom of handfasting. The family foundation according to Solotaroff is a mother and her children, since a woman will create her children through different sexual relations. The female pursed the male to stay with her so he could help with the family, and in turn, she gave the male sexual favors. Men have a large sexual appetite, and through the socialization with others at work, he will have the chance for promiscuity, tracing back to man’s early need to fulfill his sexual appetite.

ANNE KRAEMER Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Solotaroff, H. On the Origin of the Family. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol 11:229-242

This article draws upon scholarship on the conjugality of humans through sexual relations to provide evidence for the origins of the family. A sampling of literature on different societies, from the “Indians of California” to the “Scottish Highlanders”, each associated with a greater or lessor relation to “primitivity,” is used to trace the early evolution of marriage as a mutual contract in such forms such as temporary and experimental heterosexual unions. This evolution in the organization of social relations is understood to begin from a “universal stage of promiscuity” involving sexual relations with “little or no restraint,” “freedom,” and “scarcely such an attribute known as virtue and chastity in either sex before marriage.”

It is from this stage that the “workings of bio-psychic individual peculiarities of the male and female” are shaped by social forces differentially and result in the males’ movement towards exogamy and the females’ role as a mother and provider. It is the author’s assertion that the first family thus originated in the form of a mother and her children, the male soon exchanging his “help and protection” “for the purpose of satisfying his sexual appetite”. The author’s intervention to the discussion on “primitive unions” is in his approach to sexual intercourse, highlighting it as “the highest expression of the ecstasy of play” instead of what others “inaptly termed savage licentiousness.”

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)

Stevenson, Coxe Matilda. Zuni Ancestral Gods and Masks. American Anthropologist February, 1898 Vol.11(2):33-40.

The article begins with a short introduction to the classes that the Zuni are divided into with the subdivision of one of the classes regarding the wearing of mask and those who do not. The remainder of the article is informative of the creation of the ancestral gods and with their classification.

The information obtained, in an attempt to explain the Zuni culture, was so highly guarded that only four men knew the story of the Zuni origin. The punishment for betrayal is death so the fact that she had convinced two of the four to loosen their tongues was quite an accomplishment and assistance for those who have studied the Zuni Indians.

What looks to be an article on a closely hidden secret of the Zuni and their gods can be explained as an attempt to open others eyes about other societies. What you may have believed to be true about the culture may be false. She further goes to support this by the telling of the gods and how the Zuni arrived where they are. In receiving and relaying the story she herself had a “revelation” about the Zuni. What others and her alike believed about the Zuni gods was mistaken. They had not in fact believed that their gods had human bodies with monster like heads, but in actuality they wore masks.

The whole structure of the society and building are accredited to their origin story. This is demonstrated with several practices. When a boy is born there are two or more “doctresses” whom ever “receives” the child will decide which of the six houses named of the gods the boy will belong. The Husband, son or any male related to the Doctress will escort the boy to the house in what is considered an involuntary initiation at the age of four or five. This male is considered the godfather of the boy. During that stage the imitators of the gods wear the mask and the boy is lead to believe the impostor is the god. The mask is kept hidden well. When the boy turns ten he is then voluntarily initiated into the house. By that time he understands the truths and is sworn to such secrecy that death is threatened upon him if he reveals the truths.

A masked dance society had been created from their origin folklore. The mask themselves are so important that they are kept by special keepers. When a man dies he is buried with his mask. When a man wears his mask and impersonates the god he must conduct himself as such. Other such societies were formed in connection to the origin story.

This article was very intriguing to read. I found it somewhat vague on the topic in the first paragraph and in regard to the living arrangements of the boys. Over all the connection with the story and factual events was nicely done.

MARLA VIEIRA Ball State University (Dr. Larry Nesper)

Stevenson, Matilda Coxe. Zuni Ancestral Gods and Masks. American Anthropologist February, 1898 Vol. 11(2):33-40.

The purpose of this article is to familiarize the reader with the Zéni belief of creation and classification of their ancestral gods. Only few – both within the Zéni culture, as well as, the rest of the outside world, know “the genesis of the Zéni.” Like many other cultures, the Zéni belief of creation incorporates the concepts of complementary duality, the four cardinal directions, and distinction among the earth, sky and underworld levels. The author recites the story of Zéni creation in detail. However, the following summary describes one element of the history of creation that is intertwined in the contemporary customs of these people.

Due to an unnatural union of two gods (a brother and sister), the offspring of this union, as well as the parents, were ordered by their parental gods (the Moon and the Sun) to find a new place to live. They found a “mystic lake” that they named Kothluwalawa or Dance Village. This place was called Dance Village because of the gods love for dancing. While this group of gods was ordered to find a new place to live, it was believed that they were not confined to it exclusively, but could also travel to other areas. Accordingly, a rule was made that when the gods of the Dance Village were dancing away from their home, they must wear a mask to cover their face. Therefore, when members of the contemporary Zéni society see dancing gods with masks, they believe that they are the gods from the Dance Village.

In “contemporary” Zéni society, there are nine male members who have been assigned the honor of personifying one of the gods of the Dance Village. Ceremonies associated with rain and fertility incorporate these nine Dance Gods since they are associated with water. In addition, the Zéni belief concerning the gods of the Dance Village has been incorporated into every male child’s initiation into adulthood. When the child is young, he is taught to believe that “the personifiers of the gods are the gods themselves. All masks, when not in use, are kept carefully from view of the younger children, but at voluntary initiation the children are made acquainted with the real condition of affairs…” In order to ensure that the knowledge of Zéni creation and the history of the Dance Gods only continues to be known by few, at the time of voluntary initiation, the male children are “told (that) if they betray the secret reposed in them their heads will be cut off with a stone knife.”

NICOLE A. NOWAK University of Florida (John H. Moore)

Tooker, William. The Problem of the Rechahecrian Indians of Virginia. American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol. 11 (9): 261-271

This article investigates the mixed origins of the Rechahecrian Indians classified with the Cherokee. Using linguistic and historical accounts of various testimonies from those associated with the Cherokee, the author pieces together a possible alternative origin not so associated with the Cherokee for the Rechahecrian Indians.

Many historical accounts have provided clues as to where the Cherokee originated and where they were at a particular time. An account describing the practice of historical oration of the Cherokee spreads them from the upper Ohio River to the Little Tennessee River. Legends, if they are given credit, of the Delaware Indians’ war with the united Cherokee and Nanticokes (who lived on the shores of Maryland) can place them in the Virginia area at one time.

On the account of the Rechahecrian Indians, Captain John Smith’s quote from John Pory describes them as a collection of unruly Indians. The description of their settlement is designated as SmithWss Isle bordering against the Great Dismal Swamp. This group of Indians was most likely a collection of different small refugees that at times plundered the landscape. The colonist of the area gave all predatory Indians the title “Rickahakians.” The conclusion is that the name Rechahecrian was designated for these Indians that lived on Smith’s Isle. Another historical account states a tribe of Indians known as the Rickahake was driven out of Virginia in 1623 pushing them into Powhatan territory. A later invasion by the Rickahake, in 1656, can explain a misinterpretation with the Powhatan tribes with the Rickahake.

The Cherokee language comprises of a mixture of Shawanose, Iroquois, and others, which indicate a group that has absorbed other groups over time through either expansion or migration. From this a possible absorption of the Rechahecrian Indians took place. The term Rechahecrian is of an Algonquian source. Delaware, Cree, Otchipwe, and others use similar words that closely resemble Rechahecrian, as a word to describe loneliness or solitude.

The disappearance of the Rechahecrians was unclear from those who followed after Smith. Yet within the travel writings of Lederer, he makes reference to learning the location of a nation known as the Rickohocans near the Suala Mountain. This nation, if the location is correct, was an early synonym for the Cherokees.

The overall conclusion would be that all the clues surrounding the Rechahecrian tie in together to solidify an origin. Clues such as the association with the Powhatan after being pushed westerly by colonists thus confusing their origins to the colonialists. The colonial designations that were associated with a general group of Indians but specifically toward thus title Rechahecrians. The word’s associations found in many forms of the Algonquian language, describing “lonely” or “solitude” corroborate with the geographical location of the Rechahecrian. All evidence points to the possible conclusion that it was this group, known as the Cherokee who were thought to have not lived further inland, spread to the eastern shoreline and eventually were called Rechahecrian.

DOUGLAS J. DENNIS Ball State University (Larry Nesper)

Tooker, William Wallace The Problem of the Rechahecrian Indians of Virginia. American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol 11: 261-270

This article uses previously overlooked data to respond to the question of the fate of the Rechahecrian Indians of Virginia (having disappeared from the historical record) by revealing that the term Rechahecrian may in fact have been an early synonym for Cherokee. While both Cherokee tradition, as well as published scholarship on the Cherokee, recognize the Cherokee as a “mixed people,” connections between the Cherokee and the Rechachecrian Indians had not previously been explored. By summarizing traditions, stories, linguistic affinities, and “fact,” the author creates a story attesting to the events and intermixtures resulting in the amalgamation of the Powhatans, along with a segment of the Cherokee population known as the Rechahecrians, into the northern branches of the Cherokee people.

To substantiate the hypothesis, the author identifies information that corroborates an account John Haywood had made of the Cherokee’s oration of their migration story. This tradition asserts “their migration from the west to the upper waters of the Ohio, where they erected the mounds on Grave creek, gradually working eastward across the Alleghany mountains to the neighborhood of Monticello, Virginia….” (and) where they were “removed to the Tennessee country about 1623.” The subsequent evidence obtained by the author further substantiates this account. The author argues that upon migrating to Virginia, these people had lived on islands in the “Great Dismal Swamp” of Virginia, their name Rickahakians, meaning “people of a lonely place.” In 1622-23, they became involved in a massacre of three hundred and forty seven Virginians, and were thus driven back “over the mountains” and reunited with northern Cherokee.

J. HALE GALLARDO University of Florida (John Moore)