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American Anthropologist 1895

Cushing, Frank Hamilton. The Arrow. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 20:307-349.

Cushing’s article is an in depth look at the development of the arrow as a tool used for food procurement and defense by earlier peoples. Cushing explores the arrow as a vital tool for indigenous peoples, and as a window for contemporary anthropologists to understand part of earlier people’s way of life in theoretical, practical and mythical contexts. The main types of evidence used are direct experience by the author, the manufacture of his own arrowheads, as well as examining artifacts in museum collections. He begins by describing the events that led to his own discovery of the manufacturing methods needed to form points made of lithic material. The techniques probably used by Native American hunter-gatherers are described through his early attempts at arrow point manufacture with flint and other stones, to his discovery of the bone flaking. He continues with a very comprehensive description of the arrow making process, from the selection of the correct lithic material for the points, to the proper feathering technique for the shafts. So comprehensive is this description in fact, that the reader is given a virtual instruction manual for the building of such tools. He continues with an equally involved description of the gradual evolution of the arrow, from the earliest pikes and lances, throwing spears, and finally culminating with the bow and arrow.

Cushing has made a very careful examination of the archaeological material pertaining to this topic. Also impressive are his attempts to create the same tools in much the same conditions as the original craftsmen. He does not mention, however, if he has actually spent any time in any hunter-gatherer cultures. I cannot speculate on the logistical realities of forming a bond with Native American communities in the author’s time frame, but the knowledge of arrow making techniques observed first hand would have been a valuable perspective to complement his research. Cushing also seems to take a rather broad approach to the manufacture and development of pointed throwing implements. He presents many examples from different cultures, but presents his evidence in a unilineal fashion. Again, my own knowledge and experience is lacking in this area, however it seem plausible to me that the development of lances and arrows would have followed slightly different paths and reached slightly different conclusions in different cultures. Perhaps the study of one cultural group’s manufacturing processes and use of said lances and arrows would have led to a more concrete conclusion. Also, without the access to radio-carbon dating for his museum artifacts, the chronological dating of these materials can always be questioned, and thus destabilize Cushing’s argument pertaining to the development of point manufacturing practices. The only hindrances to easy reading of this article are his somewhat round about manner of presentation, and his propensity to use very long sentences.

MIKE METCALF University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Cushing, Frank Hamilton. The Arrow. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8:307-349.

Frank Hamilton Cushing presents the arrow as a near-perfect invention with a traceable lineage and history largely separate from the bow. Cushing passionately describes the arrow as the single most important tool ever devised. He describes his personal experiences with arrows, his observations, and a description and chronology of arrow evolution. By immersing himself in the material conditions that produced the invention of the arrow, Cushing hopes to rediscover the stages of arrow development through time and even “divine how the men of old felt about their arrows.”

Cushing experimented with arrow manufacture and collected artifacts and information from people who actually used arrows for their intended purposes. Beginning at a young age, the author collected arrow points and attempted to recreate them himself with some advice from the locals and the Zuni Indians. He immersed himself “in the most primitive moods” in an attempt to recreate the situation in which arrows were actually used for hunting and war. Cushing’s experiences made it possible to describe a general arrow-making process in detail.

Observing other people and animals gave Cushing ideas as to how and why the arrow developed. He observed the acts of monkeys, “imbeciles,” and young children to gain insight into early tool use by “awkward-handed, experienceless-minded beings.”

The author describes in detail what he believes is the basic chronology of arrow evolution based upon historical examples and his own experience. Cushing describes many types of arrows and their place in in his evolutionary scheme. Digging sticks, spears, harpoons, arrows, bows, and atlatls are some examples of arrow evolution. The Zuni, Australian, and Eskimo peoples are used as historic examples of arrow-users.

Cushing leaves a partial analysis of the arrow “to be continued.”

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

Ernst, A. Upper Orinoco Vocabularies. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol.8: 393-401.

In this article, the author points out to us that a Frenchman by the name of Mr. F Montolieu published a manuscript of some of the vocabularies of languages spoken on the Upper Orinoco. Those languages included those of the Baniva, Barre, and half of the Yavitero. Ernst felt it would be of some interest to finish the Yavitero vocabularies, as well as publish the vocabularies of the Puinabo and Piaroa languages.

The article is almost entirely comprised of these vocabulary lists. The Yavitero list is made up of words from L-Z, as Mr. Montolieu had previously published the vocabulary up to the letter H. Ernst points out that the system of arranging the vocabulary list was adopted from Monotlieu. He listed the words in Spanish and Yavitero, and as an addition, he included the English meanings and some of the scientific names of plants and animals. Then the Puinabo and Piaro vocabularies are listed in similar formats. He makes some brief comments concerning the pronunciation of the languages, as well as other authors who have published similar lists, and some of their opinions throughout the article.

Though the article is fairly simple and direct, the author does seem to take for granted that the reader should be previously familiar with the languages of the Upper Orinoco region. He does not even make mention of where the Upper Orinoco is situated. His article has very little explanation as to how to interpret the vocabulary lists. It would have been very beneficial to the reader had a short explanation been provided.

CARMEN MONCRIEFF University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Ernst, A. Upper Orinoco Vocabularies. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol. 8(4): 393-401.

This article is a survey of some of the languages native to the upper Orinoco region. The Orinoco River flows through the middle of present-day Venezuela and empties into the Atlantic. Some of the indigenous languages of the Orinoco are: Baniva, Barre, Yavitero, Puinabo, Tupi, and Piaroa. Ernst draws his linguistic knowledge from the vocabulary compiled by a Frenchman named Mr. F. Montolieu, who was governor of the Venezuelan territory of Amazonas from 1870 to 1876. Most of Montolieu’s work was published in the Bibliotheque linguistique americaine (Paris, 1882). Drawing from Montolieu’s research, Ernst provides more complete vocabulary lists of the Yavitero, Puinabo, and Piaroa languages.

Ernst’s lists include the Spanish, English, and indigenous meanings of words and phrases, organized alphabetically by the Spanish words. Ernst provides the English scientific names of plants and animals, and prioritizes the vocabulary words in terms of what would be “useful for ethnographic classification.” His only criticism towards Montolieu was that he was not aware of how to organize his linguistic data around what would be valuable for ethnographic research. Unlike the other languages, the Piaroa seems unconnected with the other vocabularies. In this list, the Spanish and English meanings are provided, as well as indigenous vocabulary collected by two researchers in addition to Montolieu: Crevaux and Chaffanjon. Ernst admits that these languages were still imperfectly known in 1895, but does not explicitly say whether the aim of these reference lists was to encourage more directed linguistic data collection on Orinoco vocabularies.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. A Comparison of Sia and Tusayan Snake Ceremonials. American Anthropologist April, 1895 Vol. 8:118-141.

J. Walter Fewkes compares the Sia and Tusayan snake ceremonials through a systematic comparison of ethnographic and linguistic data gathered by himself and another ethnographer, Matilda Coxe Stevenson. Through such a comparison, Fewkes hopes to show conclusively that “…other things being equal, from geographical position we should expect the Sia ritual to be more profoundly changed by Christian influences than the pueblos of Tusayan, and that the performances of the Sia snake dance would be more modified than in the isolated province of the Hopi.”

From the beginning of white contact in the region, Christian influence has slowly crept in to the worldview and religious practices of the Pueblo peoples. Both material and religious consequences of the “Aryan” influence can be observed and heard throughout the Southwest. Those groups with ongoing heavy contact with whites, namely those nearest the Rio Grande River or near the railroads and including the Sia, have seen their religious beliefs considerably altered through the influence of Catholicism. Fewkes states that the ongoing mission system and influence of the friars has been so great among the Pueblos that “…in some instances, although still observing ancestral ceremonials and holding aboriginal beliefs, they are nominally Catholic” and “no one can deny that Christianity is today a well-grounded and accepted faith among them.”

Other Pueblo groups however, such as the Zuni or Tusayan peoples, are either more geographically isolated or aggressively anti-Catholic and as a result show (in 1885) little to no white influence in either secular or religious things. The Tusayan, according to Fewkes, are the “least modified of all these people.” Among the Tusayan there are no churches, no consecrated burial ground, and no Catholic priests. The mission period among the Tusayan lasted only sixty years (1629-1680) and no Catholic missionary had lived among them since the year 1700. The Tusayan, therefore, are a yardstick by which to compare other, more modified, groups in order to “afford a reliable picture of the aboriginal culture which distinguishes the Pueblo peoples.”

Fewkes’ analysis relies heavily on a linguistic comparison of the terms used in the snake ceremonials of both the Sia and Tusayan peoples. Fewkes examines the shared religious terminology between the two groups, among which include terms for Earth Gods and Goddesses, Sky Gods, Kopishtaia (Elemental Gods such as rain or thunder), Cult heroes, and World Quarter (directional) Gods. These similarities, according to the author, mean contact between the Pueblo groups before white influence. Despite differences due to Christian influence, the supernatural personages identified by both groups during their respective snake ceremonies are similar enough to bear witness to the related cultural origins of these groups.

An understanding of Native Southwestern history, and of basic linguistic terms, is helpful in reading this article.

Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, Walter J. A Comparison of Sia and Tusayan Snake Ceremonials. American Anthropologist April, 1895 Vol.8:118-141.

After conducting his own research concerning the mythology and ritual of the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest United States, J. Walter Fewkes moved on to a comparative analysis of Pueblo ceremony in this article on Sia and Tusayan snake ceremonials. Fewkes does not base this comparison on his own field research on Sia ritual. Instead, hee uses Matilda Coxe Stevenson’s ethnological work, “The Sia” as a reference against his own work and familiarity with Tusayan culture. While Fewkes criticizes Stevenson’s lack of detail throughout his comparison, he uses her data to demonstrate the similarity between Sia and Tusayan mythologies. Even though the Sia and Tusayan are “generally ascribed to two different linguistic stocks (118)” their gods and spirits have similar powers, spheres of influence, and mythologies. Furthermore, Fewkes demonstrates that in both Sia and Tusayan culture, gods and spirits are categorized and worshipped on different levels, and that both mythologies begin with an already created earth.

After thus establishing the ideological similarities between the Sia and Tusayans, Fewkes moves on to discuss the physical similarities and differences of the snake ceremonials. Fewkes begins by launching into a detailed account of the different aesthetic qualities concerning the tiponi altars that serve as the main focus of the festivities for both the Sia and Tusayans. Then conversely he notes the familiarity of the sacred liquid, paho (prayer stick), sacred dancing, and the importance of the snake hunt to both the Sia and Tusayan.

Throughout the article, Fewkes continually questions the context of Stevenson’s information, while also condemning her lack of attention to detail. He suggests that a more detailed and scientific ethnology would provide more insight into the similarities and more importantly, the differences between Sia and Tusayan ceremonials. Nonetheless, Fewkes acknowledges the data collected by Stevenson is important and commendable because it provided at least some basis for comparison of Pueblo ceremonials.

ALANA STEPHANSEN Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The God “D” in the Codex Cortesianus. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8:205-222.

Walter J. Fewkes argues that gods B, G, and especially god D depicted in Mayan codices are deities related to the sun, not lunar deities as proposed by Dr. Schellhas. Fewkes describes the commonalities and differences between the gods depicted and the interpretations postulated by academics as to their classification. Identifying god D as being Itzamna, Kukulcan, or a Moon god was in favor at the time the author wrote the article.

Fewkes uses features common to the figures of god D in the Codex Cortesianus to form the basis for his argument. Characteristics such as toothless upper jaws, headresses, and torches are listed but the association of certain symbols with the figures is emphasized. The kan symbol for maize, kin symbol for sun, akbal symbol for darkness or night, and the ahau symbol for master are used by the author to reinforce his belief that god D represents a beneficent deity connected with life and the sun.

Fewkes uses the research and opinions of other people to both support his position and offer possible alternatives. He uses Schellhas’s own data to argue the solar aspect of god D and refute the claim that he represented a Moon god. The author considers the interpretation of akbal as ” a significant factor in the identification of D.” E. Selers interpreted the symbol as meaning the night, Fewkes suggests that it represents the sun in the underworld when associated with the figure or symbol of god D. The symbol ahau is interpreted by Selers as being an important association with the gods of light and life, not lunar or hostile deities “which are often sinister and dark in nature.” Selers believes that god D represents Itzamna, a solar deity, and the author tends to agree. D. G. Brinton believes that god D was Kukulcan based upon some rather inconclusive or incomplete evidence.

Fewkes comes to the conclusion that whether gods B, D, or G are Kulkulcan, Itzamna, or some other being, they are solar deities. He believes that the exact identity of the figures is not proven but that the recognition of them as solar deities “is a step forward in the interpretation of the pictorial elements of the codices.”

The article contains many quotes in different languages that are not translated into English.

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

Fletcher, Robert. Colonel Garrick Mallery, U.S.A. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol.8(7):79-80.

In his obituary of Colonel Garrick Mallery, Robert Fletcher gives the reader a short and concise summary of his life and work. The reader is given a positive and extremely complementary view of Mallery. Fletcher informs us of the many accomplishments of Colonel Garrick Mallery, and more importantly his contributions to the field of anthropology.

The author begins the article with a brief outline of Mallery’s early life starting with his family background. He then moves his focus to Mallery’s scholarly and military achievements. Fletcher goes into some detail about the many military adventures of Colonel Mallery, but concentrates mainly on his anthropological work.

Fletcher then begins to explain the origin of Mallery’s work in anthropology. After his service in the military, Mallery had taken an interest in the culture of Indian tribes with whom he had come into contact with through his previous experiences. The reader learns of the extensive and precise studies Mallery conducted which later led to his anthropological publications. Fletcher specifically point outs one important publication of Mallery’s: “Picture-writing of the American Indians,” an 822 page book with 1,290 illustrations. By mentioning this, Fletcher demonstrates to the reader Mallery’s level of commitment, skill and dedication to his work in anthropology. Not only was Colonel Garrick Mallery an accomplished writer in anthropology but he also was one of the founders of the Anthropological Society of Washington as well as its president for a number of years.

Robert Fletcher gives enough information to convey to the reader the importance of Mallery’s connections to anthropology as well as his aid in the developments of this field. It is easy to tell from reading this article that Fletcher was a great admirer of Colonel Garrick Mallery and would like to see his contributions to the discipline of anthropology more widely praised and recognized.

EMILY KOLMOTYCKI University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Fletcher, Robert. Colonel Garrick Mallery, U.S.A. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol.8(1):79-80.

One of American anthropology’s earliest practitioners is honored in this obituary. Colonel Mallery, a graduate of Yale College and a former Philadelphia attorney died on October 24th, 1895. He was sixty-three years old.

With the outbreak of the American Civil War, Mallery joined the army, where he remained until his retirement in 1879. It was this experience that drew him to the profession of anthropology. Being stationed at frontier posts introduced him to the cultures of American Indians. Colonel Mallery was especially fascinated by their “sign language” and “pictographs,” and he compiled exhaustive data for the Bureau of Ethnology. His Picture-Writing of the American Indians (1894) included over 800 pages of text and 1,290 illustrations. He was characterized as an accomplished scholar and linguist, and was known for “graceful writing” and his attention to style in composition. He helped found the Anthropological Society of Washington, and was a member and president of the Philosophical Society.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

Hager, Stansbury. Micmac Customs and Traditions. American Anthropologist January 1895 Vol. 8 (4):31-42.

In this descriptive and comparative article Stansbury Hager focussed on Micmac myths, dances, games, and territorial signals. His intentions were to preserve the customs that he saw disappearing, and to draw parallels between the Micmac stories and those that he had heard about in other parts of the world.

Hager described five examples, beginning with a “system of communicating while in the woods.” This was a way for Micmac to signify to others their territorial boundaries or routes. By using sticks and hidden picture-writings, they were able to show others the direction in which they travelled. This would indicate to others not to travel in that same direction.

Hager then provided precise details about a dice game called Woltestomkwon. This complex game uses a wooden bowl (woltes), dice and various sized sticks. Hager concludes that the scoring in this game, which relies heavily on odd numbers, is connected to the calendar. He notes a similar numbering system among the Maya. Another game that he learned is tooadijik, or football. He explains how two teams oppose each other on a field to score by kicking the ball between two goal posts. It is here that he comments that in ancient times players used to catch opponents by the neck and scalp them. However, he does not tell the reader who he acquired this information from.

Hager also describes the choogichoo yajik, otherwise known as the serpent dance. This dance seemed to puzzle him, as he questioned local authorities who told him that rattlesnakes were not native to Nova Scotia. He came to the conclusion that this dance was common to other cultures, like the Yucatan, and was related to the seasonal cycles of the year.

Finally, Hager discusses two stories. One (accredited to Abram Glode), is the story of a man who falls in love with a woman he must capture for his wife. Hager compared the story to that of the Chippewa, who have a similar legend. In the case of the Micmac, the woman lives in the water, whereas with the Chippewa, she lives in the sky. The second story is about a culloo or “winged monster.” It is a story of a man who is captured and taken to the nest of the monster. In order to escape, he steals the wings of the monster’s child, and flies home. Hager he compares this story to one he heard about the Illini myth of the Piasa.

Hager’s sources included two Micmac men, Abram and Newell Glode, and the work of a Dr. Rand and a Mr. Leland. However, Hager did not always specify who gave him what knowledge. In addition to providing evidence in support of the diffusion of traditions, Hager concluded that the myths of the Micmac were slowly disappearing, and that fewer and fewer people were retaining the traditional knowledge. As such, it was his purpose to have a recording of the stories in order that they could be preserved.

JANET JANVIER University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Hager, Stansbury. Micmac Customs and Traditions. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol. 8 (1):31-42.

This is an ethnography describing a few of the traditional customs and folklore of the Micmac Indians in Nova Scotia. Stansbury highlights several traditions from over thirty collected by him during fieldwork (not his word) of the previous summer. He credits his two major narrative sources, Abram and Newell Glode, and claims that they helped him see cultural and symbolic connections between the Micmac and other American Indian cultures. This article can be viewed as a precursor to Claude Levi-Strauss’ writings on Pan-American myths and their basic symbolic structures. Stansbury, however, follows no overt, theoretical principle; he portrays certain customs and makes some observations about cultural similarities.

He explains in great detail the rules, materials, and the goal of a Micmac dice game called wolteslomkwon. In this game, sticks are supposed to represent a number of points, but not in the sense that one stick equals one point. Three, plain sticks equal one point, and a notched stick equals five points, for example. Stansbury points out that what may seem “extremely clumsy” from our point of view is actually a system embedded in “mystic or allegorical motive.” In this case, there is an emphasis on odd numbers and their combinations, which are believed to be lucky. Furthermore, two of the even numbers that appear in this game (52 and 32) are significant in the calendars of Central American Indians, the Maya in particular.

Stansbury follows this example with a description of the serpent dance (choogichoo yajik), that signifies the coiling and uncoiling of the rattlesnake. This is an interesting phenomenon given that rattlesnakes are not believed to have existed in this geographical area. It is important to note that the serpent is prominent in many mysteries of the “Old World,” as well as the “New.” He infers that this ritual is significant for it symbolic representation of exuviation (molting) in a particular season. He then narrates a Micmac folktale about the water fairies, and notes its resemblance to a Chippewa legend (“The Magic Circle in the Prairie”), and even to the biblical story of Moses and the Red Sea crossing. Stansbury does not pose any theoretical conclusion, but he does hint at the lost opportunities for research as knowledge of these customs disappear.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

Hodge, Frederick Webb. The Early Navajo and Apache. American Anthropologist July, 1895. Vol.8(14):223-240.

Frederick Webb Hodge critically examines the historical events of the early Navajo and Apache Indians, as interpreted by Western and European peoples. Hodge uses Indian tradition and knowledge to disprove any pre-conceived notions held by Western and European peoples. He corrects many false assumptions regarding historical events, dates and views of the Navajo and Apache peoples. Hodge is able to correct the reader’s historical understanding of the early Navajo and Apache, while at the same time, demonstrating the importance of Indian tradition and their own method of historical chronology. More specifically, Hodge criticizes the Western and European ways of interpreting and recording historical data, and implies a greater need for our society to value, utilize, and perhaps model ourselves after the Indian tradition and methods of historical reconstruction.

Hodge begins his examination by establishing the origin of the Navajo peoples, identifying which groups of people joined the Navajo to create additional clans, and establishing without a doubt, the fact that the appearance of the Navajo ancestors did not occur any earlier that 1485. He continues to analyze the abandonment of the Marata and the adoption of its people, giving support to the time frame in which the Navajo acquired the first flocks and herds, an event that changed the Navajo way of life. The period in which the Navajo was made up of nineteen clans and the drastic change it had on the institutions and industries of the Navajo is also explored. Studies of the southwestern Athapascan peoples and their history help Hodge confirm that the Apache were already stationed in the southwest before the arrival of the Navajo. He addresses the abuse that the Pueblo tribes had undergone, determining that the Navajo and Apache were not responsible for the attacks.

Furthermore, Hodge uses the early writings of the Piman tribes to establish the fact that the western pueblos defensive structures were the result of “intertribal broils”(p. 239), not predatory enemies. Hodge acquires support for his statements through Indian traditions and legends, covering a time period that begins with the first two ancestors of the Navajo and continues through to the late seventeenth century. Among the examination of historical events, Hodge clarifies the relations between the Navajo and the Apache people, establishing the fact that the “Navajo cannot be regarded as an offshoot of the Apache, as previously supposed”(p. 239).

The examination and evidence supplied by Hodge convinces the reader of the validity of Indian tradition and legends, while at the same time forcing the reader to question the interpretation of previous historians. Hodge not only emphasizes the importance and value of the Indian tradition, but also undermines previous methods of interpretation and classification of historical events. The reader is forced to re-evaluate their own understanding of historical events, how the data has been interpreted and question whether or not their own knowledge of history is valid.

AMY MARTIN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Hodge, Frederick Webb. The Early Navajo and Apache. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8:223-240.

Frederick Webb Hodge uses historical accounts to verify the creation tradition and chronology of the Navajo people, as interpreted by Dr. Washington Mathews, and presents the argument that the genesis of the tribe is a more recent event than previously believed. The author challenges the idea that the Navajo were formed 500-700 years ago by comparing Navajo and Spanish accounts.

Hodge analyzes the Navajo creation tradition with an emphasis placed upon clan chronology and important events that can be compared with historical accounts. Navajo tradition marks the addition of different clans, of which there were nineteen, by their distance in years from creation. This clan chronology can be used to help order the development of the Navajo if a start date can be determined. Hodge uses a Navajo reference to a raid on a Mexican settlement near Socorro by an adopted Ute band, an event fixed at 1650 by the Spanish, and the mention of an old, feeble chief named Big Knee from the Cqa’paha’-cine people as evidence for a more recent date for Navajo creation. The date the Ute band was incorporated was not recorded by the Navajo, but it is known that the Cqa’paha’-cine people were included 76 years after creation. Hodge uses Navajo tradition to estimate the age of Big Knee at the time of the Socorro raid at about 120 years old, estimates his age to have been about thirty when his people were incorporated by the Navajo, and arrives at the conclusion that the Navajo people were formed about 1485. With a start date established, the author uses the clan chronology and events as points from which to compare with historical Spanish accounts.

Spanish accounts are used by Hodge to substantiate Navajo tradition and support his belief that the genesis of the Navajo tribe was more recent than previously believed. Spanish accounts, such as the introduction of sheep and cattle in 1540, substantiate Hodge’s chronology while others, seem to contradict it. The first Apache bands were incorporated around 1560, according to Navajo belief and the start date proposed by Hodge. The author argues that Spanish descriptions of Apache in southern Arizona before 1560 were probably descriptions of Piman peoples.

Hodge concludes with the summary of fourteen key points presented in the article.

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

Hodge, F. W. The First Discovered City of Cibola. American Anthropologist April,1895 Vol.8(10):142-152.

In 1538, a Franciscan friar named Marcos de Niza was ordered by the viceroy of New Spain to set out from Mexico City in search of the seven cities of Cibola. F.W. Hodge’s objective was to establish which city was the first seen by Niza and his companions. He provided a detailed analysis of evidence from traditional Zuni storytelling, combined with excerpts from Niza’s personal accounts, and historical and geographical information offered by a variety of researchers.

Hodge proposed that Niza was accompanied by a Negro Mexican named Estevan, and several Pima who were his companions. Estevan and his group were sent in advance and as Niza followed, his group encountered a terrified Piman coming from the north, ranting about the Cibolans killing the “Negro Mexican”. Nevertheless, Niza was determined to obey his orders in seeing a Cibolan city for himself. He was escorted to the heights, glanced at the city, erected a wooden cross to claim the land, and retreated immediately back to Mexico City. Once in the capital, he reported his journey, describing a wealthy and highly populated city. However, upon returning one year later with another man interested in the riches of Cibola, Niza guided them to “his city”, only to find a village of stone and mud. Here began the controversy as to which Cibolan city Niza first viewed: K’iakima or Hawikuh?

Adolf F. Bandelier had concluded that the city initially seen was K’iakima, because the Zuni of the region had long told the story of the “Black Mexican” being killed by the Cibolans in the city of K’iakima. However Hodge argued that three centuries of storytelling is not substantial evidence. Bandelier also used aspects of Niza’s personal accounts, such as his description of the city’s multi-storied housing. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, however, supplied historical data stating that the houses in K’iakima were in fact only single-storied, thereby indicating that K’iakima was not the city Niza perceived. The houses in Hawikuh, on the other hand, were multi-storied, implying that it was the first city located. Furthermore, geographical data suggested the only possible city in view when coming from the south is Hawikuh. The author contributed further geographical facts from a variety of researchers, adding to the understanding of his argument, but also adding to the confusion of his essay structure. Hodge tends to be unclear with the organization of his points.

Hodge did not accept Bandelier’s argument, he denied the reliability of the Zuni tradition, and concluded Niza’s accounts were nothing but hearsay. He sided with the historical and geographical proof provided by Mindeleff, and concluded that Hawikuh, and not K’iakima, was indeed the first identified city of Cibola.

NIKI KUX-KARDOS University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Hodge, F. W. The First Discovered City of Cibola. American Anthropologist April, 1895 Vol. 8: 142-152.

F. W. Hodge attempts to identify which of the “Seven Cities of Cibola” of present-day Arizona was the first to be encountered by Franciscan friar Marcos de Niza and his guide Estevan in 1539. The author briefly describes Spanish and native accounts of the expeditions into the region and describes the viewpoint of Adolf F. Bandelier that it was the K’iakima village first contacted by the Spaniards. Hodge presents evidence that it was Hawikuh that was the site of Estevan’s death and the village Niza sighted.

Hodge describes Bandelier’s belief as based upon native Piman and Zuni tradition, a source the author believes is unreliable, and the description of the village from a distance by friar Niza. Hodge argues that the Spanish account is valid and reliable but it has been misinterpreted by Bandelier and that archaeological evidence should be used instead of native accounts.

Archaeological and geographical evidence is cited by the author to support his argument that Hawikuh was the village where Estevan was killed. Hodge states that the natural approach to the Zuni region was from the southwest through several valleys, a route described by Niza. This route led directly to Hawikuh, not K’iakima, the author argues. The ruin of Hawikuh was surveyed by Cosmos Mindeleff and described as having occupied a slope on a rounded hill on a plain, a similar description was given by Niza. K’iakima was not on a plain and it could not have been observed from the south because of an interposing mountain. Niza’s description of the multi- storied houses of Cibola is used by Hodge to demonstrate that K’iakima could not have been the village seen because Mindeleff suggested that houses did not exceed one story at K’iakima but did at Hawikuh. Niza’s use of the singular in “the village now in view” is cited by the author as support for his theory because K’iakima could not have been viewed without having seen the village of Halona.

Hodge makes it clear that he considers native accounts totally unreliable. Piman and Zuni traditions seem to contradict one another and include fanciful details. Zuni accounts include only Spanish names for villages that seems to indicate that their tradition is based largely upon Spanish accounts themselves. Writing from Hawikuh in 1540, Coronado stated that it was the place where Estevan was killed. Hodge reiterates the “untrustworthiness of Zuni tradition” and the reliability of Spanish descriptions.

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Similarities in Culture. American Anthropologist April 1895 Vol.8(2):101-117.

Mason was President of the Anthropological Society of Washington, and this was the subject of his retiring address in February of 1895. He summarizes and evaluates some of the contemporary theories on similarities in culture, which he identifies as an “important question in ethnology.” He surveys the theories, and urges his audience to subject the study of cultural similarities to a more rigorous, comparative scientific method. Presumably, the purpose of this address is to move the field into a more effective comparative methodology. He claims that before anthropologists can approach the study of similarities, they need to disentangle themselves from the confusion between “folk-lore and science, between truth and falsehood (115).”

The three schools of thought Mason identifies on the theory of cultural similarities are the ethnographic, the accultural, and the anthropologic. The first theory attributes cultural similarities to common ancestors (by blood or national/cultural identity). The second argues that similarities arise from contact or common teachers. This theory includes the spread of “things and ideas” by commerce, “globe-tramping” by itinerants and peddlers, and migration by bands and/or colonies. The third explains similarities by humanity’s interaction with similar environmental stresses. Mason concludes from these theories that they are all true, depending on the category of the similarity in question. It is the scientist’s duty to organize his “specimens” (presumably cultural artifacts) into correct categories of similarities in order to arrive at the “true theory of their production (105).” He urges the ethnologist in particular to employ the method of the natural historian who examines the attributes, structures, and functions of organisms. In the same way, if ethnologists can identify likeness in structure and function of cultural similarities, they can more securely claim evidence of a common origin.

Mason then explores the theory of independent origin of similarities, associated with the anthropologic school, a popular theory at the time of this address. The different components of this theory comprise the general premise that cultural similarities arise from a universal interaction of humankind with its natural environment. Proponents of this theory point to human anatomy, the domestication of animals, the use of plants, and the invention of tools, among other examples. Mason argues that the question of similarities in culture should not be one of origins, but of the “number, kinds, and degrees of similarities in the artificialities of life (113).” He re-emphasizes that the theories of the ethnographic, accultural, and anthropologic schools all contribute to the explanation of similarities, but that it depends on the geographic and historical development of a cultural artifact.

Mason concludes by cautioning against the premature conclusions drawn by superficial impressions of similarities with no comparative method of structure and function. He accuses ethnologists and philologists in particular of this muddled reasoning. He does conclude that similarities arise from common natural stresses, acculturation, and kinship/race/nationality. Mason’s larger purpose is to open the field to more careful “scrutiny,” and advise anthropologists to not draw any conclusions not based in a scientific procedure similar to that of natural history.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

Mathews, R. H. Australian Rock Pictures. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8:268-277.

R. H. Mathews, in “Australian Rock Pictures,” offers a detailed description of Aboriginal paintings and carvings recorded by the author in three Australian caves. All three caves contain similar images, in painted or carved form, including depictions of men, women, land animals, birds, fish, the sun and moon, imaginary creatures possibly related to tribal legend, and implements of daily use (such as baskets). Mathews explains that the most common color used in the paintings is black, though red, yellow, and white are also occasionally used. The paintings are executed on the roofs or walls of caves in various colors, while the carvings are often done in the nature of “outline engraving or carvings cut or ground into the surface of the rock.” The article is purely descriptive in nature and offers no analysis or commentary on Native technique or symbolism behind the paintings and carvings. For this information, the reader is referred to an article previously written by Mathews and published in the Journal of the Royal Society of New South Wales, Volume XXVIII.

Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, Pierce, Hodge, Hewitt and Ward. American Anthropologists 1895 Vol. 12(8): 175-184.

The five authors listed above contributed obituaries of men who were esteemed by many anthropologists at the time of writing. The men listed were Robert H. Lamborn, Franklin Austin Seely, Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, Charles Candee Baldwin, James Owen Dorsey and William Bower Taylor. The authors detail accomplishments and life experiences of these men, including their valued contributions to the American Anthropologist Society

The anthropologists profiled began by donating a sum of money to a contest, the winner of which would receive the “Distinguished Board of Commissioners Award”. The challenge, which is recorded in the Journal of American Anthropologists on April 1893 (Volume vi, Page 223), was to write an essay on who was “the most useful citizen, regardless of occupation”. The founders of the contest were never revealed before these five obituaries where written.

It was interesting to read that all these men were successful in their careers and were well known in the anthropological society. They all made vital contributions through writing books and reporting personal field experiences within many different cultures. None of the men stayed with only one occupation, they frequently changed careers and moved on to other aspirations. The men appeared to be very successful within each of their occupations and with the contributions they made to the anthropology society.

This article was fairly easy to understand. It was clear on its intentions and explanations.

DEANNA L’ABBE University of Alberta, (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Mcgee, W. J., et al. Obituaries. American Anthropologist. April, 1895 Vol. 8:175-184.

Robert Lamborn was born at Pennsylvania in 1836 and died at New York in 1895. He studied mining and metallurgy in Germany before making a fortune in the railroad business. Lamborn’s early publications were mainly technological, such as “A Rudimentary Treatise on the Metallurgy of Copper.” After he retired, Lamborn devoted his life to philanthropic endeavors. He was a member and contributor of the Anthropological Society of Washington.

Franklin Seely was born at Pennsylvania in 1834 and died at Washington in 1895. He studied at Yale college, served in the American Civil War as a quartermaster, and was later employed by the Patent Office. He wrote mainly about industrial technology, such as “Time-keeping among the Greeks and Romans.” He was an early member and secretary of the Anthropological Society of Washington.

Joaquin Icazbalceta was born at Mexico City in 1825 and died there in 1894. He had little formal education as a youth, but became a talented critic of historical works involving the New World, especially Latin America. He wrote “Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico”.

Charles Baldwin was born at Connecticut in 1834 and died at Ohio in 1894. He graduated with a law degree from Harvard and became a lawyer and eventually a judge. Baldwin worked in Ohio archaeology, was a member of the Anthropological Society of Washington, and was one of the founders of the Western Reserve Historical Society.

James Dorsey was born at Baltimore in 1848 and died at Washington in 1895. He attended the Theological Seminary of Virginia and became an ordained deacon of the Protestant Church. He conducted mission work among several Native Indian tribes and learned several indigenous languages. Dorsey was chosen as a member of the scientific corps of the Bureau of Ethnology. He wrote prolifically about the genesis and the development of languages, such as “The Comparative Phonology of Four Siouan Tongues.”

William Taylor was born at Philadelphia in 1821 and died at Washington in 1895. He graduated from the University of Pennsylvania, practiced law, and worked for the Patent Office. Taylor became a Smithsonian editor and a member of the Anthropological and Philosophical Societies of Washington. While primarily a physicist, he was knowledgeable in a wide range of general sciences.

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. Obituary: James Constantine Pilling. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8(1): 407-409.

This concise article is the obituary of James Constantine Pilling, who was born in 1846 in Washington, D.C. Pilling’s life work was divided between two separate roles: that of an administrator and a bibliographer. As an administrator, Pilling’s various duties included chief clerk of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and also of the United States Geological Survey. However, in addition to his profile as a high-quality administrator, Pilling’s lasting impression remains in his library of bibliographic works of Native American languages.

In the early part of his career as a bibliographer, Pilling came in contact with Major J.W. Powell, who strongly influenced Pilling’s interest in linguistics and Native Americans. Powell quickly became an important advisor and friend to Pilling.

W.J. McGee’s obituary lists many of Pilling’s important bibliographic works. McGee notes that Pilling’s most significant works are bibliographies of the Wakashan, Salishan, Chinookan, Algonquian, Muskhogean, Siouan, and Eskimo languages. McGee goes into great detail of the length, date of publication, and format of these bibliographies. However, McGee does not provide any particulars regarding the subject matter of these bibliographies.

McGee’s obituary is not completely of an informative format, and does include some of the author’s opinions. McGee describes Pilling’s work as being influential and important, stating that Pilling’s bibliographies are known all over the world of anthropology. The major drawback of this article is that it does not mention how Pilling influenced the field of anthropology.

This article is succinct and easy to read, but includes a very extensive and sophisticated vocabulary. It provides a very abridged view of James Pilling and his work. At his death on July 26, 1895 of locomotor ataxia, a disease associated with the sexually transmitted disease syphilis, James Pilling was survived by a consort and a young daughter.

ERIN QUINN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

McGee, W. J. Obituary: James Constantine Pilling. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8:407-409.

James Constantine Pilling died on July 26, 1895, of locomotor ataxia, at the young age of 48. Mr. Pilling was a most prolific scholar. As a young man, Mr. Pilling worked with, and was greatly influenced by J.W. Powell. It was through this association that Pilling became intensely interested in Indians and linguistics. During his tragically short career, Pilling authored nine volumes on the languages of various North American Indians that included, among others, the Chinook, Wakashan, Muskhogean, and Eskimo languages. These works culminated in 1885 with the publication of a bibliography of languages of the North American Indians, a volume of nearly 1,200 pages. For several years Mr. Pillings was also chief clerk of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and also of the United States Geological Survey. He performed both his academic and administrative duties with a high degree of skill and accuracy and, according to McGee, “No class of scientific publications of the Government has been received with greater favor by scholars; wherever anthropology is cultivated throughout the world, there Pilling’s bibliographies are known.”

Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. The Beginning of Agriculture. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8 (21): 350-375

In this article, McGee addresses the influence that a difficult desert environment can exert on people. Through a detailed physical and archeological examination of the region and its human inhabitants, McGee also reaches the conclusion that the arid desert is where agriculture first began.

The author begins to build his argument by describing the desert region known as “Papagueria”, a Spanish term for the “land of the Papago Indians”. This region is located in southwestern Arizona, south of the Gila river, and in the Sonora region of Mexico, northeast of the Gulf of California. The author then describes the region itself, paying great attention to detail. First, he discusses the elevation of the land, before discussing the streams and waterways of the region, which are often relatively shallow. In addition to the relatively low volume of naturally occurring water, the region receives little precipitation. Through these descriptions, McGee gives the reader a good sense of the difficult conditions that humans, animals and plants in the region have adapted to. He then extensively describes the vegetation of Papagueria. He explains how plants have adapted to arid conditions by making optimal use of their relatively short water supply, including concentrating chlorophyll and developing protective thorns and spikes.

The animal life and its adaptations to the land are then described. The animals of the region have varying features and adoptive qualities, ranging from protective coloring and swiftness to venomous capabilities. In response to the region’s difficult conditions, both plant and animal life interact symbiotically in order to insure their survival. By giving so much detail on these practices, it supports the argument of how people have had to adapt to an area where even wildlife has developed forms of social organization to survive.

Like the flora and fauna, the Papago people had also adapted to the region. Their ways of life at the articles time of publication is then described. They can go for days without water, eat sparingly, and are very strong, fast, and have great longetivity. McGee also describes the “primitive” way of life that the Papago had before being colonized. They hunted and gathered in season, had an extensive knowledge of where all water sources were, and planted crops in time for the rainy season. However, the author also argues that they had not made a complete adaptation, offering the fact that the Papago have never controlled their water supply, but that they have only harvested it.

Through the exquisite detail and observation of all aspects of the region, the effects that a desert environment can exert on both humans and wildlife is understood. In addition, McGee presents evidence that a region like Papagueria was the birthplace of agriculture in the area. By comparing archeological finds with the homes of the then current Papago population, he proves that an earlier culture was in the area before the Papago. They were an agricultural people, who had many more settlements than the Papago, and also had extensive systems of aquaducts, which neither the Papago nor the Mexicans had. Through both ethnographic and archeological evidence, he effectively argues for his claim that Papagueria was the birthplace of agriculture in the area.

Through these extensive and detailed observations, McGee successfully shows not only how life had adapted to the difficult desert conditions, but also how agriculture had first developed, in an easy to understand essay.

MIKE MLYNARZ University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

McGee, W. J. The Beginning of Agriculture. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol.8 (4): 350-375.

In a highly detailed and poetic style McGee describes the harsh desert environment of the “Papagueria” region in the American Southwest, or present-day Arizona. This article’s contents are the result of an expedition sponsored by the American Bureau of Ethnology and the Smithsonian to collect the “arts and industries” of the Papago Indians. McGee uses this region, however, as evidence for a larger, historical analysis of how agriculture originated in “arid districts.” He argues that the environment drives different modes of adaptation and stages of cooperation, the pinnacle of which is the practice of agriculture. In his words, “in its beginning agriculture is the art of the desert (375).”

McGee surveys the plant and animal life in taxonomic detail and in terms of their characteristics, and builds an argument for a “cooperation” of life as a survival strategy, concluding that biological and social organization can be explained in terms of environmental adaptation. His analysis is not a simple application of the theory of natural selection, however. He distinguishes between physical modifications driven by the environment, and “collective” modifications that “mold” the environment. McGee identifies three stages of cooperation. Communality characterizes those organisms in a symbiotic relationship with no individual modification. Commensality is the stage in which “individualities blend,” such as the biological relationship between the yucca and yucca moth. Agriculture is the final stage: the “voluntary inclusion or exclusion of organisms for the common welfare of the solidarity (375).” That is, organisms can exert control over the environment. For this stage, McGee draws an illuminating parallel between ant farms of the desert and human agriculture. The Papago Indians are not agriculturalists, but the prehistoric remains of complex irrigation systems in the region suggest that their ancestors were.

McGee organizes his article in such a way as to lead the reader from the simple to the complex forms of life in the desert in painstaking detail, articulating their relationship to the origin of agriculture at the very end. He starts out with a geographical description, highlighting the lack of water as an important condition. He follows with a discussion on plant life, focusing on the absence/presence of foliage, thorns, colors, etc., as organic adaptive strategies. The animals are not subject to the same degree of physical modification, but still exhibit adaptive characteristics (e.g., “protective coloring” and “fleetness”). McGee links the plant and animal characteristics in terms of communal or commensal cooperation. On his discussion of human life, he identifies certain adaptive characteristics of the Papago, strength and fleetness, for example. Yet he moves this section onto a larger scale of generalization, inserting mankind into this cooperation of life. Mankind is initially a consumer and distributor of the literal and metaphorical fruits of the environment, but evolves, via the “advance of culture,” to dominate this environment in the form of agriculture.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. Some Principles of Nomenclature. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8: 279-286

The thesis of Mr. McGee’s article “Some Principles of Nomenclature” is that the evolution of proper names follows the same evolutionary path as the development of language, signs, symbols, and writing. The process has followed from proper names with a multiplicity of meaning toward the simplicity of arbitrary characters expressing ideas only in combination. Mr. McGee also states that the evolutionary trend of multiplicity-to-simplicity (of names) is characteristic, especially, of the English language in America because of the directness of American thought and expression.

The author categorizes proper names in to two types. The first type, called connotative, is a “primitive class” and includes those names with associated meanings. An example of a connotative place name is Long Island. The second type, called denotative, includes those names without collateral meanings, or those whose collateral implication has been lost to the present population. An example of a denotative surname is Mr. Miller. “Mr. Miller,” explains McGee “is a man, tall or short, rich or poor, merchant prince or county pauper, as may happen, but neither the owner nor driver of a mill…” Another particularly American example of denotative names is the aboriginal origins of many of the United States’ rivers and mountains. Although these terms once undoubtedly meant something poetic or descriptive to the Indian, the words no longer hold meaning for the vast majority of citizens and are therefore denotative.

Mr. McGee further explains that he places these two classes of proper names in a specific order of development. The connotative names are ancient while the denotative names are modern. This is because “…however strongly sentiment may cling to the complex connotive meaning, economy of energy leads gradually, through instinct rather than definite consciousness, to the simplification of the ideas, until finally it is intuitively stored, used, and conveyed in its most economic form.” Economy in thought, according to McGee, leads to economy in the utterance and evolution of proper names.

Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

Mindeleff, Cosmos. Cliff Ruins of Canyon De Chelly, Arizona. American Anthropologist April, 1895 Vol. 8 (10): 153- 174.

Cosmos Mindeleff uses an archeological approach to examine several clusters of ruins located in Canyon De Chelly. More specifically, he seeks to examine the functions that the ruins once served. Earlier excavations of the canyon led to the hypothesis that the placement of the ruins directly correlated to defensive strategies. Mindeleff emphasizes location, specifically in relation to the canyon bottom, in order to divide the 140 sites found at the canyon into 4 categories or classes.

The first category includes those located in the upper part of the canyon, on the slopes and a great distance from the cliffs. All of these ruins were located close to streams without concern to the cultivatable land (located on the canyon bottom), and according to Mindeleff, did not appear as a defensive strategy.

The second category or class is located on the bases of the cliffs or in coves with reference to the cliffs behind. Unlike the first category, these ruins were located a distance away from streams, covered a greater distance, longer period of tenancy, and always rested whole, or in part on the canyon bottom. Residing on the canyon bottom implies some sort of concern with the cultivatable land.

The third class included ruins at a greater elevation then those of class one or two. The limited number of ruins found in this category were located in coves in the rock or at the top of a talus. These ruins could only be accessed over steep rock or narrow passes accentuating a defensive strategy due to the location.

The fourth category of ruins served as cliff outlooks or farming shelters. These ruins, the most numerous, were placed with direct reference to the cultivatable land and suggested a longer period of occupancy.

Mindeleff gives an enormous amount of detailed description throughout his article about the canyon: soils, cliffs, erosion, rivers and streams, and direction of water flow. However, he also described in detail, the important ruins belonging to each category such as measurements for walls, hearths and placement of ruins (relative to the canyon bottom) for most of the sites.

Mindeleff accomplished his objective by taking the earlier hypothesis and applying location of the ruins to discount the claim that the purposes of all these ruins were for defensive strategies. Rather, he proposes that because of the locations of many of the ruins which had a longer occupancy, were more concerned with the agricultural aspects, while the ruins that were thought to hold a short occupancy were for defensive strategies.

This article was fairly organized and easily understood.

DANA KYLUIK University of Alberta (Dr. H Young Leslie)

Mindeleff, Cosmos. Cliff Ruins of Canyon De Chelly, Arizona. American Anthropologist April, 1895 Vol. 8: 153-174.

Cosmos Mindeleff rejects previous categorizations of the Pueblo ruins of Canyon De Chelly, Tsegi in Navajo, as any single type of occupancy. The author cautiously suggests that at least four periods of occupancy occurred based upon archaeological evidence. Mindeleff describes the environmental conditions and pueblo architecture present in Tsegi as background to his argument before discussing evidence that suggests a wider degree of variance in settlement patterns than previously believed. He concentrates on the lack of defensive structures as evidence that Tsegi was not just a refuge for a defeated native population.

Mindeleff classifies the ruins “in a general way” into four periods of occupancy. Old villages on open sites lacking defensive structures were found to be heavily eroded and difficult to access, but were considered the first period of occupancy. Home villages on bottom lands lacking defenses situated near cliff bases made up the second category. Mindeleff considered these ruins the most important and longest occupied settlements based upon their large size and the presence of multi-storied architecture. Architecture that combines aboriginal and non- aboriginal features suggests continuous occupancy starting before the sixteenth century continuing into the historical period. The third type of ruins are villages located for defense in locations difficult to access. Sheep dung located beneath masonry and the possible presence of a dome oven suggest occupation during the historic period. The last and most numerous type are cliff outlooks or farming shelters situated near cultivable land. Lack of kivas and appreciable living space suggests that the sites were temporary residencies for farmers or guards and not permanent refuges or an intermediate stage of habitation. Cliff ruins are mentioned as a subclass of habitation sites that exhibit features found in all four types. Mindeleff believes that they were the result of resource pressure resulting from limited arable land and population growth. He emphasizes the lack of defensive measures and fresh water sources and therefore the unlikelihood that the cliff dwellings were designed for defensive purposes.

Mindeleff clarifies his belief that the poor conditions and cultural variability of the people who created the archaeological sites in Tsegi makes it impossible to make a complete and orderly chronology. He believes that the ruins are the “product of different tribes who at different times came under the influence of analogous causes”.

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

Pilling, James C. The writings of Padre Andres De Olmos in the languages of Mexico. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol.8: 43-60.

James Pilling’s article examines the remarkable grammar texts of Padre Andres De Olmos and their worth in grammar studies of his time. Much of Olmos’ life is represented in the article and seems to have had an effect on his writing of the grammar styles of the Mexican cultures. The notable interest of the article is that Olmos’ ability to decipher the languages of the country, particularly those of the Nahuatl, Totonaca, Huasteca, and Tepehuana; had, up until 1895, not been refuted. He wrote many manuscripts of the grammatical form of these languages and his most significant document, Arte Mexicana, had a profound effect on the instruction and education of the Nahuatl language, and many have “said that [it] opened and prepared the way for grammatical studies in the Nahuatl language”(44).

Pilling focuses on the discussion between contemporary authorities regarding Olmos and his manuscripts on Mexican/Spanish grammar. Such authorities as Beristain, Icazbalceta, and Torquemada discuss the suspicion of whether Olmos’ work was actually printed in the year it cites. Doubt exists about the existing copies that remain in archives around the world. Many examples from the aforementioned copies are represented in the article, and there are variations between the copied texts, which lend proof to Pilling’s theory, among others, that they were never published. Another important point to note is that the contemporaries of these manuscripts, regardless of whether they were published or not, find them to be invaluable to the education and studies of Mexican grammar.

This examination of Olmos’ manuscripts brings attention to the authenticity of duplicating the allegedly unpublished works, and yet still lends confidence to the importance of his pioneering efforts. This article will interest individuals who are fascinated with language and much of the process involved with verifying it, but for those who find the subject of language dull, this article can be difficult. With the many copies of Olmos’ work being represented, the examples from the copies are in different languages, such as French, Spanish, and Mexican, and may be difficult to follow if you are not familiar with the languages.

SAMANTHA KELCH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Pilling, James C. The Writings of Padre Andres de Olmos in the Languages of Mexico.American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol. 8(1):43-60.

Franciscan Padre Andres de Olmos was one of the earliest Spanish missionaries in the New World, as well as one of the earliest linguists. During his years in Mexico (1528 until his death in 1571), he became an expert in several indigenous languages, including Nahuatl, Totonaca, Huasteca, and Tepehuana. Olmos was one of the first Europeans in the New World to systematically research indigenous languages, recording their structures and vocabularies in grammar books. Like most Spanish missionaries, his aim was to spread the teachings of Christianity, so some of his manuscripts include translations of the Catholic sacraments and epistles against the mortal sins. For later students of philology, however, his manuscripts comprise an invaluable record of indigenous languages before intensified European conquest and colonization transformed them.

Pilling describes the known manuscripts written by Olmos, their present locations, and their rudimentary publication histories. The printed works he knows of are: Arte Mexicana (1555?), Gramatica et Lexicon Mexicana (1560?), Grammaire Nahuatl (1875), and a later Arte Mexicana (1885). There is doubt as to whether the first two were actually published during the dates given, but there is no exploration in this article as to why. For each manuscript, Pilling summarizes the content information in the original Spanish or French, and notes the library in which it is located. He also mentions some Olmos works that linguistic historians know of, but not all of which exist in print. These include, among others: Vocabulario Mexicano, Vocabulario de la lengua Totonaco, Libro de los siete sermones (The Book of the Seven Sermons in Nahuatl), and Arte de la lengua guaxteca (The Huasteca Language).

Pilling then describes in more detail the four known copies of the Arte Mexicana at the time of this article’s writing. The oldest is the “Aubin Copy,” which belonged to Joseph Marius Alexis Aubin of Paris, who spent much time in Mexico on the 19th century. The second copy is one that ended up in the Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris) in the late 17th century, and it is believed to be a revision of the Aubin copy. The “Maisonneuve Copy” belonged to the booksellers of the same name in Paris, and someone other than Olmos edited the work. The fourth copy was owned by a Senor Ramirez, sold to a London bookseller, and found its way to the Bancroft Library in San Francisco by 1883. Pilling does not explain who Sr. Ramirez was. This copy has more “modern Mexican characters” which puts it at a later date than the other manuscripts. All of Olmos’ prologues are excerpted in their original 16th century Spanish in this article.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

Porter, J. H. Caste in India. American Anthropologist January 1895 Vol.8 (3): 23-30.

According to J.H. Porter, the caste system in India developed mainly from overcrowding, social segregation, and religious hostility. This then caused a priesthood to take charge by creating a religious system whose laws were declared to be revelations from heaven. Porter’s explanation of the history of the Indian caste system focuses on the origin, progression and the hardships that India suffered at the hands of the caste system.

Porter begins his article by describing the four classes within the caste system. He then states that the organization of the caste system allowed the priesthood to find ways to increase their power. One way that the priests did this was by changing scholastic systems, and adapting them to their own advantage. This strengthened the priesthood’s power and control over the Indian people. Porter also examines the long battle between the Priests and the soldiers, both fighting for precedence. This battle was lost in history and all we really know is that somehow the Brahmans won. Porter’s descriptions of historical examples aided in the understanding of the progression of events that shaped the caste system.

J.H Porter provided detailed descriptions of the caste system in India, which was beneficial in the understanding of the origin, progression and hardships that were suffered. Although a thorough reading was required, the article was very informative and well written.

KRISTEN IBLE University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Porter, J. H. Caste in India. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol.8(1):23-30.

Porter describes the Hindu caste system in India, and argues that as caste formed for a host of social and religious reasons, the “priesthood” exploited it to establish its absolute power. The reader assumes that this priesthood is the forerunner of the Brahmanas, the highest caste of the present order. Porter, however, is not clear at this point, nor in any place in the article, about the historical chronology of caste development. The only points of reference we have are Porter’s use of “ancient,” sacred texts, and allusions to the failures of various Near Eastern empires, Christianity and Islam to assail the system. The reader is further hindered by confusing terms that Porter uses without qualifying them (i.e., “Aryans,” “aborigines,” “Pariahs,” etc.) This sketch of Indian caste is disembodied from a clear, historical foundation of analysis. It is also threaded with bias towards the system, in that Porter believes it to be an “incubus” that “crushed progress and public spirit.”

In Porter’s outline, caste is comprised of four levels: Brahmanas (Priesthood), Kshtriyas (warriors), Vaisyas (herdsmen and farmers), and Sudras (slaves). Drawing from religious records and other unknown sources, he informs us that the priesthood derives from ancient tribal organization in the Punjab in which chiefs became the authority on the rites of public sacrifices. They evolved into permanent priests, founded families, and used the caste system to consolidate their monopoly on power and knowledge. Other factors driving the development of caste are not examined in this article. This rigid system, in Porter’s view, is disintegrating to some extent, for reasons not sufficiently elucidated in this article. Porter discusses briefly the possibility of movement between castes and the use of priests in order to legitimate a lineage to a higher caste. In an unabashed conclusion, he argues that the “latent” possibilities in India that have been suppressed by caste are “now exposed to the quickening influence of Western culture.” In this statement, the late 19th century, evolutionary notions that positioned the West at the pinnacle of human culture are seen in high relief.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

Powell, J. W. Stone Art in America. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8: 1-7

In “Stone Art in America,” J. W. Powell reacts to a contemporary article by Mr. Reed of the British museum, who wrote what Powell deems a “naive misinterpretation” of the current status of knowledge in America concerning the analysis of Paleolithic man. Powell has written his objections in order to “save other well-meaning men from falling into like errors.” The article is a summary of the research problems and findings faced by archaeologists and geologists in America who had previously relied on differences in stone tool manufacturing techniques as the distinguishing marker between “Paleolithic” and “Neolithic” man.

Throughout the nineteenth-century, so-called Paleolithic and Neolithic manufacturing sites had been found across the eastern United States and were differentiated from one another based on stone working techniques. Paleolithic man was believed to have fashioned tools from rock by a chipping method, while Neolithic man was to have ground the stone into tools. Debitage, or the flakes and discards associated with manufacture, collected from quarry sites was interpreted as being associated with the time the formation was actually laid down geologically. Powell and his associates, however, could not help but notice in their various expeditions across the country that the same types of tools labeled as “Paleolithic” or “Neolithic” were being produced in great abundance by modern Native Americans. The difference in technique seemed to be adapted to the particular class of material found in the area.

In light of these new considerations, Powell and his associates reexamined all of the “proof” sites related to Paleolithic and Neolithic man throughout the eastern and western United States using the new or refined methods of geologic and archaeological control (i.e., stratigraphic control). These excavations took place over the course of several years under the supervision of Mr. Holmes, and “ever they told the same story.” Archaeologists and geologists in America were now convinced that the distinction between Paleolithic and Neolithic man, “as determined by the method of making the (stone) implements, is not valid for this continent.” Powell goes on to state, “If these facts or the conclusion flowing from them startle European observers in geology or archaeology, it behooves them to reexamine their own facts…” This article is written with a great passion for the subject and constructed with the great wit and self-assurance that is indicative of all of Powell’s writings.

Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

Powell, J. W. Stone Art in America. The American Anthropologist. January 1895 Vol.III No.1:1-7.

J.W.Powell became aware of the problem of a misconception in the scientific community. Upon reading an article by a Mr. Read of the British Museum, he noticed there was a misunderstanding of “Paleolithic” man in the Americas. In many cases in Europe, “Paleolithic” industry was no longer in use, and could refer to a time period wherein that industry was most common. However; at the time of the publication of this article, many cultures in the Americas still used “Paleolithic” industry, making any time classifications through industry useless. J.W.Powell hopes that through his article he may bring Mr. Read and others in the scientific community to a greater understanding of the term, and help them avoid future errors. He explains the situation through examples of past expeditions into the Americas. J.W.Powell describes in detail several tribes living around Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, and Arizona, all of which were known to create and use implements in the “Paleolithic” fashion. In addition, J.W.Powell explains an instance wherein such paleolithic stone art was believed to be older than it actually was, due to the gravel deposits it was found in. This stone art was exhibited in many museums around the world as being ancient. Upon closer inspection of the circumstances of discovery and methods used, the art was found to be no more than a few centuries old, produced by the same cultures still living in the vicinity. Finally he addresses the problem of “Paleolithic” and “Neolithic”; or more accurately, the problem of chipping techniques versus grinding. Both in use at the time of the paper’s publication, sometimes used at the same time by a single group. Powell argues that in many cases the tools created by these methods are not always specific to a period. Not only that, but they would often be used in separate situations as different materials are used. Powell also points out that in many cases, there were two areas where stone was manipulated; the quarry, and where it was finished, so dating items by workmanship in certain sites would not be accurate. J.W.Powell also explains that he is basing his assumptions upon cultural evidence, and concedes that geological evidence may prove a distinction between the older “Paleolithic” industry and the more recent.

NO NAME University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Putnan G. R . A Yuma Cremation. The American Anthropologist 1895. Vol. 8: 264-267.

A Yuma Indian cremation ceremony the author witnessed while working for the United States Coast and Geodetic survey is the focus of the article. This short article gives a description of what the author saw when a man died (though, much of the article is concerned with what people were wearing and what they looked like).

A young man died while the author was on a Yuma reservation in California. Putnan describes what he sees during the ceremony. He gives a description of the people, their clothes, and their reactions. He mentions the older members of the tribe and their fake show of grief several times. Putnan also gives a description of the ritual and the cremation itself. He writes about where the body was placed to how the funeral pyre was constructed. His descriptions are quite vague and no real detail is given.

The point of the article is rather convoluted. The author seemed to want to describe the cremation, but he seems more concerned with what the people looked like and what they were wearing. Though the article would be of interest to someone interested in 19th century rituals/ceremonies of Native North Americans because there are some rather interesting ( though vague) observations.

RHIANNE MCKAY University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Putnam, G. R. A Yuma Cremation. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8: 264-267.

G. R. Putnam briefly describes a Yuma cremation ceremony that he witnessed in March, 1892. He not only describes the ceremony itself but adds some description and explanation of the Yuma people themselves.

The deceased was a twenty-seven year old Yuma man named Antonio who fell ill one morning and died suddenly from an unknown cause despite the ministrations of the medicine man. His body was wrapped in a blanket and transported to the meeting house of the Yuma where he was laid on the ground in front of the building. Old women and men of the tribe stood close to the body and groaned, wailed, and remarked about the dead Yuma while young men and women stood to the sides. Putnam describes the dress, hair, ornamentation, and general appearance of the participants. The chief and several men cut wood for the funeral pile and lined a square hole they had dug in front of the lodge with the timber. The wailing over the body lasted through the afternoon and into the night until the relatives of the deceased arrived from a nearby town. The medicine man performed various rites over the body and the relatives and chief spoke. The lamentations continued until the full moon rose and Antonio was carried over to the pyre, placed in the center, covered with logs, and lit. The possessions of the deceased, a single blanket, was thrown on top of the burning funeral pile along with pieces of clothing donated by participants who believe they will have them returned in the afterlife. The wailing continued until the body and the timber was consumed and the Yuma silently dispersed. The ashes were gathered into the square hole and the dirt smoothed over.

The author simply describes what he saw and adds a few generalizations and personal comments.

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

Scott, Samuel Mathewson. The Huacos of Chira Valley, Peru. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol.8(2):8-22.

In the desert region of the coast of Northern Peru, Samuel Mathewson Scott embarked upon an expedition to uncover the remains of an ancient civilization. In the area known as the Chira Valley, he unearthed many graves and artifacts of a people he believed lived in this area preceding the Spanish conquest. Perhaps the richest of his findings, an ancient burial ground (or, as the natives in the region called it, a huaco field after “huacos”, or pieces of pottery), was discovered in a quiet valley in front of the village of Vichayal. The mummies of numerous adults, children, and chiefs were unearthed along with artifacts arranged in a regular pattern with regard to each grave. These artifacts were of a better craftsmanship, Scott noted, than the civilization which inhabited the region at that time. In addition, the soil with which many of the graves were filled contained the charred remains of vegetation and animal bones. Scott theorized that sacrifice surely must have been an integral part of the burial ceremony. On the basis of these observations, he inferred that religion must have played a great part in the lives of a people who placed

so much meaning upon death.

The extremely poor condition of the ruins in the region led Scott to assume that many of them must have already been in a state of deterioration with the arrival of the Spaniards. Such a short time period (about 300 years) would not have left them in such a state of decay. While the graves must have numbered in the millions, the lives of no more than a few thousand could have been sustained in the area, even despite evidence of a great canal and seemingly elaborate system of irrigation. There was also evidence of weaving, silversmithing and other handicrafts, in the graves. Because of the quality of these goods, Scott concluded that these ancient ancestors must have been of a higher intelligence than their descendents.

Although I am critical of some of Scott’s conclusions (for example, that the ancestors of the region must have been more “intelligent” based upon their handicraft skills and irrigation systems), and of his terminology (ie: referring to “half-breeds”) overall, this is a detailed and descriptive article of interest.

ERICA HOLT University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Scott, Samuel Mathewson. The Huacos of Chira Valley, Peru. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol. 8:8-22.

In “The Huacos of Chira Valley, Peru,” Scott details his archaeological investigations into the agricultural, architectural, and burial traditions of the Peruvian ancients in the Chira Valley. Although Chira Valley is surrounded by desert land, through it runs the principal river of the northern region and it is filled with the “ruins of the graves of this once flourishing civilization.” Scott excavated in various locales throughout the valley for over two years and made a huge collection of Peruvian antiquities that was turned over to the University of Pennsylvania

Working with a crew of local diggers and informants, Scott recorded several pyramids of various sizes and states of preservation, as well as a huge, hand-dug irrigation canal, nearly fifty feet in width, that ran from the valley’s central river nearly forty miles to the Pacific Ocean. At the time of the Spanish conquest, the valley was heavily populated and the author suggests that water from this canal and several smaller tributary ditches had brought much of the secondary surrounding lands (now barren) under cultivation. Pre-conquest burial grounds, however, were most sought after and recorded by Mr. Scott during his excavations.

Called “Huaco fields” by the local Indians, the skeletons and associated artifacts of pre-Christian burials are viewed with superstition by the locals. According to Scott, the locals believe that the burial artifacts, especially the pottery, are enchanted and can only be found on Good Friday, when they come near to the surface. On Good Fridays the “people go in large companies to the huaco fields…and spend the time in picnicking and digging.” Although the article is largely filled with explicit descriptions of Scott’s huaco excavations, the author also offers evidence of several significant trends in burial practice among the ancients including the idea of consecrated burial grounds, specific positioning of the body, marital jewelry for women, and family or tribal badges (symbols). The suggestion of marital jewelry, for example, was evidenced in specific graves by the recovery of finely crafted conical shaped (lower) lip rings. The lip rings were made of either silver or gold and were usually bejeweled or inlayed with stones, shell, or gold flowers.

In his article, Scott does not attempt to date any of his finds, burial or architectural. He concludes by saying that these pre-Spanish Indians were obviously physically and intellectually superior to their modern successors. He speculates that the dates of these remains, as well as the knowledge of “whether their civilization was in its zenith or in its decline at the time of Pizarro’s arrival among them” will probably never be known because of the lack of historical evidence. Building on the work of Scott and others like him, the past one hundred years has witnessed both archaeologists and historians adding much to our knowledge of the Inca and their ancestors.

Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

Tooker, William Wallace. The Algonquian Appellatives of the Siouan Tribes of Virginia.American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8: 376-392.

William Wallace Tooker attempts to answer several questions about the Monacan Indians of Virginia by analyzing the appellatives, or descriptive names, recorded by early English settlers. The author tries to identify the commodities of the Monacans, the reason the colonist believed there were precious metal mines in Monacan territory, whether any Mannahoacks can be identified with later historic peoples, and to identify the language used to describe the Monacans as recorded by John Smith. The author analyzes the descriptive terms used in historic documents for linguistic meaning and supports his argument with historical, geological, and archaeological evidence provided by James Mooney and Gerard Fowke.

The basis for Tooker’s work is the early accounts of English settlers dating from 1607-1609. Captain John Smith used Alqonquian-speaking Powhatan guides to identify a nearby enemy as Monacans, a group that has been classified by James Mooney as having been of Siouan linguistic stock. Expeditions were sent into the Monacan territory looking for precious metals, none were found. Smith recorded the Monacan tributary and alliance system and most of the names of the tribes involved. Tooker stresses the need to analyze these appellatives by using Algonquian references and not Siouan because the Powhatan guides used their own language to describe the Monacans.

Tooker uses several sources of information to answer questions regarding the appellatives used to describe the Monacans. William Strachey, secretary of the colony from 1609-1612, recorded the Algonquian language of the Powhatans and provided a foundation from which Tooker begins. By breaking down the appellatives into component linguistic parts and comparing them with other Algonquian terms, it is found that the names are actually descriptions of the Monacans themselves. An example is the appellative Monahassanughes. The name is derived from mona for “to dig,” hassan for “a rock,” and anough for “people”, which combines to mean “people who dig the rock.” Discovery of steatite quarries, lithic debris, and digging implements provides archaeological support for this interpretation. At least one tribe in the Monacan confederation, the Whonkentyaes or “people of a strange talk or another speech,” were Algonquian-speakers that came to be known later as Occaneeches.

Tooker arrives at several conclusions regarding the Monacans. The commodities sought by the English were misinterpretations caused by incomplete knowledge of language. There is evidence that some of the tribes of the Monacan alliance, such as the Occaneeche, survived into later periods. The names recorded by John Smith are Algonquian terms used to describe the largely Siouan Monacan confederacy.

MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)

Tooker, William Wallace. The Name Chickahominy, Its Origin and Etymology. American Anthropologist July 1895 Vol. 8: 257-263.

In his article, Tooker deconstructs the name Chickahominy in attempts to show the true root of the word. His main concern is that people are misguided in the etymology of Chickahominy and that they do not understand its full meaning in terms of “Algonquian grammar”(p.263). Throughout the article, the main argument of the author is that Chickahominy was used in reference to the tribe living along the river that now bares their name and that its meaning is “coarse-pounded corn” or “hominy people”(p.261).

Initially, the author expects the reader to know a certain amount about the geographical region, specifically the Chickahominy River. This proves somewhat confusing if the reader is not familiar with American history and geography. However, following this discourse, a brief history of the people known as the Chickahominy is provided. The fact that these people lived along the river serves to clarify some of the confusion regarding the geographical discussion opening the article. The author delves into a discussion regarding the arrival of Captain John Smith and his men to this region. The background serves to show how, without the help of the Chickahominy, Smith and his men would have never survived the winter and the foundation of the nation of America would have been severely delayed. The Chickahominy provided the men, who had very little food, with vast amounts of corn, which was integral in their survival. The Chickahominy were known for their corn use and this is most likely why neighbouring tribes first applied the name “hominy people”(p.261) to the group, since hominy relates to ground corn. This direct correlation to corn use by the Chickahominy supports Tooker’s conclusion that their name is translated in relation to the word corn.

Tooker uses John Smith’s writing on his encounters with the Chickahominy to focus the article from history into an in depth discussion on the exact etymology of the name. Tooker states that “in the proper interpretation of cluster words”, in this case Chickahominy, “we must find a clue, either historical or traditional, which will assist in unlocking its synthesis”(p.261). Tooker uses his historical knowledge of the Chickahominy people as clues to the meaning of their name. He breaks down the name into its component parts, concentrating on verb components, root words and sounds found in the name. He refers to other languages and other interpretations of the various components to prove that the meaning of Chickahominy is “coarse-grounded corn people”(p.261). This meaning for the name makes sense, as outlined throughout Tooker’s article, since the Chickahominy used corn as “their products of trade, or as was more probable, their principal article of sustenance”(p.262). This section of text requires careful attention, as there are many different words explained and the deconstruction of the name is very detailed.

Tooker discredits other conclusions on the etymology of Chickahominy, in support of his argument. By showing that other people have incorrectly associated certain meanings with the name, the reader sees how Tooker’s etymology would be correct. The article was well written and proved the author’s argument quite effectively.

MELISSA MCCLUSKEY University of Alberta, (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Tooker, William Wallace The Name Chickahominy, Its Origin and Etymology. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8: 257-263

William W. Tooker, in “The Name Chickahominy, Its Origin and Etymology,” dissects the etymological history of the word ‘Chickahominy’. The historical importance of the word, in reference to both a Native American people and their geographic namesake, are also examined. The word Chickahominy, according to the author, “deserves to be enshrined in letters of gold on the pages of our colonial history; for we cannot find a counterpart where a tribe of Indians, in its consequent results, did more for an English settlement than the friendly natives whom Captain John Smith found dwelling on the stream now bearing their name.”

Tooker argues against Rev. John Heckewelder, whose etymology of the word ‘Chickahominy’ states that it is “corrupted from the word ‘Tschikenemahoni’ signifying a turkey-lick, a lick frequented by turkeys.” Tooker states that this definition is entirely out of place as it ignores the historical context surrounding the word and is therefore “unworthy of further examination or reiteration.” Through research of historical texts, including the diaries of Captain John Smith, the word is traced to its historical antecedent, ‘Chick-ahäm-miD-anough.’ The special affix -ahäm implies “he beats” or in animate form “the beater” while the prefix chick implies “it is large, great” or fine vs. coarse. The object miD, when used in compound, refers specifically to corn, and the terminal of the word -anough refers to a particular group of people. Therefore, the word ‘Chick-ahäm-miD-anough’ literally means “coarse-pounded corn people” or “hominy people.” The word was probably bestowed on this group of natives by their neighbors in reference to their main product of trade and sustenance. Tooker further backs his analysis of ‘Chickahominy’ by referencing Smith’s diaries, as well as the diaries of other colonists, who describe trading for corn up the “Ryuer of the Chechohomynies” or in the “country of the Chikahamania.”

A basic understanding of linguistic terms is necessary in reading this article. The article, however, is clearly written and full of interesting, historically substantiated information on this Native American group, the type of which can only come from careful linguistic analysis.

Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

Valentini, P. J. J. Clay Figures Found in Guatemala. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol.8(2):402-406

In this article, P.J.J Valentini examines three different clay figures. Their overlooked importance among a collection of pottery found within ruins of Guatemala by a Dr. Ch. Lapper is emphasized. Dr. Seler of the Berlin Ethnologic Museum previously described these figures in sequence to Dr. Lapper’s own article. The author and his colleagues regretted that these three pieces were not discussed to greater depths by Dr. Seler and therefore discuss their views in this writing.

The author’s focus is on three notable specimens amongst one hundred and four described by Dr. Seler were imported into Coban, where they were unearthed. He maintains that they appear to differ greatly from any product developed by the Guatemala-Altos. One of the figures, a head or face, possessed characteristics that could have possibly represented a Spaniard. Valentini implies that this piece could not have originated in Coban, because white men were not permitted in this area at the time of production. Valentini discusses the other two figures, a model of a woman attempting to hold up a water vessel and a model of a head, as quite obviously representing “Indians”. But due to the artistic design and peculiar features, these two were also considered imports.

Great detail is given when discussing the figures, but it seems that the author searches and declares the source of the representations without much confidence. Valentini hypothesizes that the Chiriquians maintained some independence and artistic ability after their invasion of and absorption by the Zapotecas in Guatemala. This is represented as the most appropriate and acceptable explanation for the discovery of these seemingly imported artifacts; therefore credit is given to the Chirquians.

Although the opinions of P.J.J. Valentini and his colleagues are presented clearly, this article gives the sense that they are careful not to be overly confident, and even invite the expert to challenge them.

ELIZABETH OLSON-GLOVER University of Alberta (Heather Young-Leslie)

Valentini, P. J. J. Clay Figures Found in Guatemala. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8: 402-406

P. J. J. Valentini, in “Clay Figures Found in Guatemala,” offers a detailed analysis of three unusual clay figurines collected by Dr. Ch. Lapper in Coban (Verapaz) during his travels in Chiapas and Guatemala. Unlike the other one hundred and one figurines in Dr. Lapper’s collection, the three figures under study were obviously not made by indigenous potters. According to Valentini, the figures are “too nice, to individual, quite too artistic, and deviate too much from the conventional pattern exhibited in the pottery manufactured by the Indians of the Guatemala-Altos to be molded by their hands.”

One of the clay figures, asserts Valentini, can only be that of a Spaniard, or “Castilian bravo” because of its characteristic cropped hair, strong nose, mouth, and scissor trimmed moustache. This figurine has the added interest of being collected (by Lapper) from an area of Central America where, through formal agreements between the bishop of Guatemala and the chieftains of Verapaz, white men were forbidden to visit. In 1895, the year this articled was penned, Verapaz had been open to white men for only thirty years.

The other two figurines are definitely “specimens of an Indian race,” and possibly made by the Chiriquian Indians from the Nicaragua area. One figure, a male, sports a “peculiar cut of the hair,” a pearl style necklace, scanty shirt, and large square ear plates, all of which were foreign styles among the Indians in the Altos of Guatemala. The third figurine is of a woman stooped under the weight of a large water vessel on her shoulders. Valentini stresses that the artistic detailing of this figurine, especially in her troubled, angry face, could only have been made by the Chiriquian “potter-artist” of Nicaragua. The figure could have come in to the area along trade routes or be examples of pottery from conquered groups of Chiriquian Indians living in Guatemala. The Chiriquian Indian “shows himself the only one of the many races of the whole continent who knew mirth and merriment, and who did not deem it beneath his dignity to reproduce these sentiments in his much-beloved clay.”

Valentini ends his well-written and supported article with a call to the experts to refute or confirm his conjectures.

Clarity Ranking: 5
Deborah R. Mullins University of Florida (John Moore)

Ward, Lester F. Relation of Sociology to Anthropology. American Anthropologist July 1895 Vol. 8(3):241-256.

This article evaluates the classification of sociology as a subdivision under anthropology, according to the system articulated by the Anthropological Society of Washington in 1879. Anthropology included: Somatology, Sociology, Philology, Philosophy, Psychology, and Technology. Ward analyzes the distinction between anthropology and sociology; the former he denotes a “concrete science” concerned with material facts. What these facts are, Ward does not specify, but the reader can assume this includes cultural objects. Sociology is characterized as an “abstract science” concerned with “association” and the laws and principles behind it. There is no operative definition of “association,” but the reader can likely assume this means the organization of persons in a society, or the process of forming mental connections between ideas. Ward devotes the majority of his analysis to the sociological study of the associative behavior of man and animals, their relation to one another, and whether there are any phenomena that can be considered solely human. He examines some of the most common claims of what is in essence “human,” and draws certain conclusions, but does not argue explicitly for a new classification scheme of anthropology and sociology.

Before discussing in detail the characteristics that sociology identifies as essentially human, Ward establishes that man’s “superiority” to the animal world is due solely to his “highly developed brain.” He argues that had any other animal experienced similar brain development, that species would have been in a similarly dominant position. This highly developed brain has contributed to the human species’ erect posture, the changes in the craniofacial angle, and the development of speech. Ward then explores the sociological search for a fundamental idea of what man is, as distinguished from the animal world, based on characteristics deep in his “essential nature.” He investigates the ideas of amusement, sympathy, moral sense, volition, and sense of beauty. He also poses the question of whether animals can reason. He concludes that both animals and humans exhibit these qualities to differing degrees, but the fundamental difference is that animal characteristics are genetic, and subject to natural adaptation, whereas human characteristics are artificial. The example of beauty indicates that the adornments of animals are biological in formation, whereas “men create the objects of their admiration.” The central principle for Ward is that the “environment transforms the animal, while man transforms the environment” (252).

It is this distinction that explains the uniquely human development of language and reason. These two interact to give humans a form of self-consciousness different from animals. That is, humans are able to conceptualize and experience sensations and ideas not in the present, and they can employ an objective point of view separate from subjective needs. This intellectual ability of introspection, abstraction, and speculation “creates wants” and the means of satisfying them, whereas animals’ wants depend on natural supply. Ward concludes by answering the pressing question of sociology at the time: whether association is a factor in this intellectual difference between humans and animals. He answers that it is not just a factor, but the cause.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)

Wilkinson, W. H. Chinese Origin of Playing Cards. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol.8:61-78.

In his article, “Chinese Origins of Playing Cards,” Wilkinson examines the connections between ancient Chinese dominoes or playing cards, and the playing cards of modern Europe. Although not specifically mentioned in his article, Wilkinson is exploring the transfer of material culture between Europe and Asia.

Using detailed accounts of various Chinese card games that span centuries, Wilkinson details the changes that occurred in playing cards from their possible emergence, as early as the third century, to the present. Wilkinson provides numerous visuals in his article which assist the reader in following the progression of cards which are discussed. Descriptions of various card illustrations and naming systems are useful in drawing parallels between the Chinese decks presented and modern European decks. These details explain the possible origins of both the card suits of the modern European deck, and the origin of the twenty-two tarot cards in the Italian Tarocco pack.

Wilkinson suggests that perhaps European explorers of East Asia, such as Marco Polo, brought back to Europe, among hundreds of other foreign novelties, a deck of Chinese playing cards or dominoes. Without proper instruction in Chinese cards games, new games were created that demanded some minor changes to the deck; hence the Chinese origin of playing cards.

This article gives tremendous detail, thus Wilkinson is successful in persuading the reader to concur with his thesis. The multitude of detail, however, tends to interfere with the overall understanding of the article. Wilkinson mentions data that he did not include for reason that it did not directly apply; however, by addressing such data, he gives evidence of extensive research and convinces the reader of his expertise in the area. Despite his plethora of often confusing details, Wilkinson presents a well thought out argument and is successful in defending his position and convincing his readers of the same.

J. JOANNE KIENHOLZ University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Wilkinson, W. H. Chinese Origin of Playing Cards. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol. 8(1):61-78.

The main question for Wilkinson is how Chinese versions of playing cards influenced those of Europe. Historical evidence suggests that the earliest versions of playing cards date to the 3rd century A.D., in the form of Yu-p ‘u, an ancient form of poker dice. Wilkinson focuses on the evolution of paper playing cards, which can be traced to the form of yeh-tza (“leaves”). A popular and convincing theory on the origin of yeh-tza is as follows: During the T ‘ang dynasty (7th –10th centuries), cumbersome scroll books were substituted by books with detachable “leaves.” These included reference books on dice. The “leaves” became synonymous with dice, eventually replacing them altogether in the form of yeh-tza cards. These cards reached the zenith of their popularity in the 10th century. What is now known as kun p ‘ai paper cards in central China originated as “Sung money.” The Sung dynasty (10th –13th centuries) continued the T ‘ang system of “flying cash” (paper money), according to Vissering, a historian of Chinese currency cited by Wilkinson. The suits of kun p ‘ai, known as ping, tiao, and wan (cakes, strings, and myriads) were varying combinations of the sapeck (cash) unit. Hence, playing cards in the kun p ‘ai pack were originally bank notes with which the players gambled.

After this brief theory of the origins of playing cards, Wilkinson asks how these bank-note cards may have affected the development of European playing cards. He argues that the forms of Italian and Spanish tarrocco card packs were actually an early Venetian interpretation of kun p ‘ai packs brought back to Europe by the Polos (Niccolo, Matteo, and Marco) in the 13th century. Understanding the earliest European playing cards is easier if they are seen as interpretations of unfamiliar Chinese characters and playing directions “rendered vague by travel.” For example, the early Italian and Spanish card suits of coppes or copas (cups) were actually, Wilkinson suggests, an upside-down reading of the Chinese character wan (ten-thousand). He also argues that the 22-card tarot deck is derived from the 21-based Chinese dominoes with the addition of a blank “joker.” Further evidence to support the influence of Chinese playing cards on European cards comes from detailed descriptions of tarrocco, tarot, and kun p ‘ai game rules, numbers, combinations, and suits. While this evidence is too involved to list here, it does buttress Wilkinson’s argument that the similarities between Chinese kun p ‘ai and the earliest European playing cards are not coincidental.

Natalie Smith University of Florida (John Moore)