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American Anthropologist 1893

Blodgett, James H. The Rural School Problem. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:71-77.

In this article, James Blodgett describes several situations and problems of U.S. rural schools. He stresses the importance of improving such problems as an alternative to the stifling urbanization.

The author argues that the conditions in which rural schools are situated vary from state to state and from county to county. He compares some of the rural situations and their school problems. Some of the examples are: the small number of pupils in New England’s schools due to demographic dispersion; high public expense for the transportation of pupils especially in some thinly populated counties of Florida and Maine; lack of professional and technical training for teachers; “absorption” of qualified professors to “strong” schools; and rural works that necessitate children as temporary labor force during special portions of the year.

Blodgett concludes the article contending that to promote local interest in school education is of prime importance, since, without it, “external aid but hastens the dry rot of educational pauperism.”

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

Blodgett, James H. The Rural School Problem. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol.6: 71-78.

The main point discussed within this article is obviously the debate surrounding schooling. Throughout the article points are made in favor of children attending school and also points made for why children do not need to attend school at this time. Also, there is the debate going on between the cities and rural environments. This disagreement parallels the problems involved in the education system as well.

To begin Blodgett gives the picture of city and country life. He describes the city as follows, he city overwhelms us by aggregation of force and massiveness of concentration; (Blodgett 71). To contradict his opinion on city life is his description of rural life, which is a place where a new born can be given hope. The picture that Blodgett paints is that all of the advancements that are occurring in the cities do not make people that much better. The country is better suited to raise a child and a family.

Education is then tied in along with the country/city debate. This is presented to the reader by the use of charts and many other statistics that were not always easy to understand. Blodgett looks at states like Massachusetts, California, and Maine. One of the main problems within the education system at this time is the lack of funding for schools. To go along with a lack of money it is also very hard in this time period to find good teachers to actually teach students who do want to learn. It is also learned that rural communities spend a higher percentage of their money on schools while cities have to worry about expenses like: water, fire, sewer, paving, police, and etc. But in either situation the call for more money is definitely needed.

To conclude, another thing that is unavoidable is the numbers involved with this debate. Sometimes cities do not have room for possible students as classes are too big and there are not enough teachers. On the other hand in a rural setting the problem is a lack of students and teachers along with less money than in cities. The best possible solution would be to have a blend between the city and country lifestyle and education system.

GRANT HORTON Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Boas, Franz. Notes on the Chinook Language. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 55-63.

This article is intended as a primer for the Chinook language. It specifically addresses the grammar rules of the “Lower Chinook, spoken on Shoalwater Bay.” Regardless of this focus, the author makes it clear that there are only minor dialectic differences within this linguistic family. Before expanding on how the language operates, the author provides a list describing how sounds are formed. It appears to be a comprehensive list that provides the description using the English language. For example, the character “au” is said to be pronounced “as ow in how.”

The rest of the article describes how the language functions by contrasting it with English. The author shows how possessive adjectives require a circular sentence, so “I am sick” is stated as “My sickness is on me.” Also, many objects are named by the sound they make – leading to many onomatopoeic terms. These terms require no inflection, rather they are repeated. Thus, the term “to laugh” is expressed as “hë’hë.” And the author demonstrates that the singular/plural gender complexities that exist in Latin, also occur in Chinook. Perhaps most importantly to a non-native speaker, the author clearly describes how nouns and verbs operate in this language. Frequently the verb will communicate an entire English sentence: the root verb “-ukL” is conjugated to “ayä’mtukL” to connote the sentence, “I carry you two.”

By the end of the article, one who has an understanding of English grammar rules should have a rudimentary understanding of the Chinook language. This article stresses linguistic terms, and one should be familiar with these terms to fully comprehend the article.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Boaz, Franz Notes on the Chinook Language. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol.VI: 55-64

In this article, Franz Boaz is addressing the issue of Chinook language. Boaz is more specifically looking at the basic form of the language, such as gender, verbs, and phonetics. There is no specific argument to the article, but rather it is meant for the reader to learn a little about the Chinook language. Boaz tries to put the Chinook language into context with other Native American languages, so as a reader with background in other languages can ascertain some context without knowing the Chinook language specifically.

Boaz starts his article with a basic overview of the phonetics and dialects of the Chinook. This is done by listing words and giving a sound in the English or German language to which the sounds in the word might resemble. Also, there is given an explanation of sounds that an English speaker would not be able to perform, such as the guttural and palletized sounds. Boaz also explains nouns and noun formation with verbs. An integral part of this explanation is the gender of the nouns. There are three genders: male, female and neuter. The gender of the noun is dependent on the size of the object, going from large being male or female to small objects being neuter. Boaz also explains the use of verbs in the language. The language and the use of verbs are much different than an English speaker would expect and does require some explanation. Boaz only explains the use of three different types of verbs but it does give a literally translation so the reader can follow how a sentence would be formed.

Although this is a short article, it is a rather dense article. Boaz gives many examples and covers many different concepts. It is only notes on the language but the article does give a good overview of the language. The article, however, gives no cultural context to the language or any in depth comparison to other Native American tribes. The cultural context, in this article, is not as important as the linguistically knowledge that can be gained about the Chinook language.

KAMILA BEHNKE Lawrence University (Peter Peregrine)

Bourke, John G. Primitive Distillation among the Tarascoes. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:65-69.

In this short article, John Bourke describes the mechanism of a mescal distilling apparatus in a Tarascan (Purépecha) tribe area (Pátzcuaro), State of Michoacan, Mexico. After depicting such a mechanism briefly with a concise illustration, he calls attention to the fact that in this device “there [is] nothing used which [is] not strictly aboriginal,” arguing that even the crucification marked on it is a prehispanic religious emblem.

He also points out that this form of mescal distillation is seen in all parts of Mexico, assuming that it is one of the first things that Mexican natives learned from the Spaniards after the conquest of Mexico. Moreover, he recognizes the works documented by Spanish clerical writers as valuable ethnological material, even though, he says, they omitted to record certain things; one of which is this work of mescal distillation.

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

Bourke, John G. Primitive Distillation Among the Tarascoes. American Anthropologist January, 1893. Vol. VI.:65-69.

The overall concern that this article addresses is the lack of attention early Spanish writers paid to some areas of native Mexican culture. More importantly this article deals with the issue of whether or not certain aspects of Mexican culture found in the 1890 that were not mentioned by early Spanish writers, were native or introduced by the Spanish. The author believes that just because some areas of Mexican culture were not noted by early Spanish writers as having been indigenous, does not necessarily mean that those areas were introduced by the Spanish.

The article basic argument is that the technique of distilling liquor could have been indigenous to Mexicans before the Spanish arrived. The author argues that all of the parts of the Tarascoe still he saw used in the distillation process could have been made by Mexicans before the Spanish arrived. He does not however, answer the question of whether or not the process of distilling liquor was known to Mexicans before the Spanish arrived.

The evidence that the author uses are the various parts of the still he saw used by the Tarascoes. These parts included wooden hoops, bowl, ladle, tube, spoon, a wooden barrel, and an earthen bowl. The author then uses this evidence by first describing how the various parts were used in the distillation process, and then noting that with the exception of a few post-contact decorations, all of the parts of the still appeared indigenous.

This article was very easy to read. It began almost as a journal entry with the author describing his trip across Lake Patzcuaro to examine the ruins of a college established by Franciscans in 1581 in the district of Uruapan. During his trip the author was sidetracked to go see the Tarascoe distillation process, upon which the article became more technical in nature, but still remained very easy to read.

FELOMINO FLORES Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Chamberlain, A. F. Further Notes on Indian Child-Language. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:321-322.

This Chamberlain short article is a few additional notes to his previous paper “Notes on Indian Child-Language” (American Anthropologist, III, 237-341).

In this article, the author aggregates the following child-words (words especially used in baby talk) to the previous paper: Ba, Op, Bobo, Ioio, Kaka or kakash, and E or Enh. Also, Chamberlain contrasts some child-words with their equivalents in adults’ words (words generally used in the speech of adults) from some Amerindian languages (Haida, Bakairi, Kootenays, and Nakairié). He does this to illustrate what sorts of child-words exist and how they are different from their equivalent adult’s words.

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

Chamberlain, A. F. Further Notes on Indian Child- Language. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.VI: 321-322

This article is an addendum to another article published by A.F. Chamberlain in 1890. The first article, entitled Notes on Indian Child- Language obviously had either concepts left out or had words left out. In any event, this two page summary has no argument in which it is trying to prove. Rather it gives words or phrases and then translates them into English. These words are of the children of the Iroquois. It is impossible to know what age range is defined as children but the educated guess would rather young as the words are rather elementary. The words that are defined are for things such as pain and family members. There are other words defined in the article but they are translated from the Iroquois language into French, making it very hard to understand what their meaning could possibly be. This article is not meant to be read to gain any specific knowledge but rather to learn a little more about the language of the Iroquois. The notes are constructed by complying a list of words. There is some commentary on the words, but it is rather useless commentary unless one has previous knowledge of the first article. There is no mention of why these words were added and if they are proving a specific point. If they are trying to prove an argument, one could not tell by the way that they are presented. The article is not difficult to read, when it is in English but there really is no point to the article. However, to get the full meaning out of the article one must have knowledge of the French language, as some words are in French.

Kamila Behnke Lawrence University (Peter Peregrine)

Dutcher, B. H. PiZon Gathering Among The Panamint Indians. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 377-380.

The purpose of this essay is to give a brief sketch of how Panamint women collect piZon nuts. B. H. Dutcher begins by describing that during “a trip into Death valley…I had the good fortune to spend two nights and one day in a camp of Panamint Indians, who were engaged in obtaining their annual supply of ‘piZons’.” While he does use terms such as “buck” and “young squaw”, he provides a decent ethnographic account of this trip.

He first describes the basic shelter the Panamints built next to the piZon trees. For a group of approximately 20 people, “some five or six” rough lean-to shelters were constructed. At daybreak, the group roused and warmed themselves by converging around a communal fire. Apparently only the women are expected to gather the piZon nuts, as Dutcher remarks that the men are “disinterest spectators…[who] took no part in the industry.”

The remainder of the essay concentrates on the collection and processing of the piZon nuts. Dutcher illustrates how the women hit the trees and gathered the pine cones as they fell to the ground. After filling all of their baskets, the women use smoke to dry out the nuts, causing them to crack open. Once the cones are broken open, the nuts must then be separated from the kernels and random debris. This is accomplished by “tossing the nuts up and down, [to] let the wind fan out the lighter leaves and dirt.” The entire process appears to take roughly one day and provided “about one or two bushels” of processed piZon nuts. However, Dutcher does not comment on how the nuts are distributed.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Dutcher, B.H. PiZon Gathering Among the Panamint Indians. American Anthropologist October, 1893 Vol.VI(1):377-380.

Dutcher article is a journal-style short synopsis of his one day experience with Panamint Indians. Dutcher writing yields no argument, but is merely an informative account of his experience with pi n gathering and processing among the Panamint Indians.

In the 1891 expedition of Death Valley, Dutcher stumbled upon the Panamint camp with Indian mail-carrier John Hughes along a high, rocky mountain plateau in the Panamint mountains that was predominantly covered with pi n trees. The article is an account of the Panamint gathering and processing of pi n nuts (or pine nuts) during that day as a part of their annual supply of pi ns. He discusses the physical and temporal characteristics of the camp, the group total food supply, clothing, the gathering process, tools used, and the nutting process.

Dutcher begins with the locality and characteristics of the camp. The Panamint camp, he describes, was a temporary camp stablished only for shelter while the nutting was in progress (377). Located in a grove of pi n trees were five or six huts constructed with pi n branches that Dutcher refers to as orrals Eight to ten feet in diameter, these were used primarily for sleeping, privacy, and fire for cooking and warming. The Panamint were apparently in contact with settlers in 1891 due to Dutcher account of their food supply consisting of tea, sugar, flour, salt and refuse from the Keeler slaughter-pen. Their clothing according to Dutcher was also of settler influence. heir clothing, with the exception of hats and moccasins, was of civilized manufacture, consisting exclusively of sacks and skirts of greasy muslin or calico (378).

Dutcher says the gathering and processing of pi n nuts, or utting is done exclusively by women. He portrays the process as beginning after a eager breakfast while the men continue to sleep, smoke tobacco and play cards. Women used large conical baskets and beating sticks to retrieve cones from the pi n trees in the vicinity of the camp. Dutcher gives a detailed account of the manufacture of the wicker baskets and the beating sticks. The women would gather the cones until their basket was full, return to camp to dump the contents, and then return to gathering as was necessary.

Dutcher describes pi n cones as small with thick scales and very tough to crack open. Therefore, the Panamint devised the drying treatment in order to reach the nuts inside the cones. The drying treatment as begins with a dense pile of brush, six to eight feet long that they burn slowly with the cones atop and mingled within the heap. The density of the brush prevents rapid combustion. They allow the cones to roast in the burning heap until they crack open to a 45-50 degree angle. Dutcher then describes the processing of the nuts done by the women with two stones that he calls a hammer and an anvil. These groundstone tools are now called a mano and a metate.

Dutcher ends his article with a statement about the Panamint storing and marketing pine nuts in gunny-sacks. He notes that their collection of nuts seemed plentiful to him.

GABRIELLE FERLEY Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Fewkes, Walter J. A Central American Ceremony which suggests the Snake Dance of the Tusayan Villages. American Anthropologist Vol. 6:285-307.

In this article, Fewkes is attempting to correlate a relationship between the ceremonial dances of the Tusayan villages (Hopi) and the ceremonial dances of the Central American groups, particularly the Native Indian populations of Mexico. Fewkes believes kinships ties exist between these two populations through inter-marriage, trade, diffusion, and/or travel. With the help of Padre Sahagun, Fewkes is able to document many distinct similarities evident between the two dances.

The dance, known as the Festival of the unsalted, unspiced Water Pancakes, has many similarities. Both dances occur every eight years and usually in the month of October. The Mexican populations call the ceremony Atamalqualizthi and the Tusayan call it All Katcina, which both translate into, “all gods dance”. The ceremony’s purpose is to fast and when done consume plain water pancakes without chili spice, lime, or peppers, so as to give edibles a break from human touch. Masked figures are used in both ceremonies, noting that the lips, teeth, eyes and the tuft of feathers on the masks are quite similar. Even though these similarities exist, Fewkes does not have overwhelming evidence that proves these populations interacted some time in the past, which if true, could quite possibly have been the cause for such distinct parallels between both ceremonial dances.

An intriguing topic with consistent similarities, Fewkes assertions may be quite right. He has good evidence that this might be true, but more work remains ethnographically and archaeologically in his mind.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. A Central American Ceremony Which Suggests The Snake Dance Of The Tusayan Villagers. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol. 6: 285-307.

This article focuses on the Snake Dance of the Hopi (Moki) People from Central America. The Hopi People are the model for this ritual and were the group that was studied. The article looks into the traditions and functions of what goes into this entire process. Fewkes lays out his main point as follows, y purpose in this article to discuss the widespread distribution of the Serpent cult among the aborigines of America. (Fewkes 286). He was aiming to show us that this ritual is performed at many different levels.

What was learned from the natives of Mexico is as follows. First the ceremony happens every eight years. A time of fasting which is called Atamalqualiztli, the time of fasting was seven or eight days and the goal was to abstain from taboo foods like tamales for example. The festival is believed to occur in the end of October or the beginning of November. At the festival it is believed that all the Gods dance and are personified by different animals, such as birds, bees, butterflies, etc. The main god of the festival is Tlaloc, who is a water god. Certain things go along with this, such as eight years meaning eight circular characters and the months are believed to be in between the snake dance and the Flute Ceremonial.

As the ceremony takes place the dancing and music occur and the men swallow live snakes and frogs. They take them with their mouths and not their hands. Then baskets of tamales are passed around and all the women cry and say before the next time the ceremony occurs the women will all be dead. The following day a ceremony called Molpalulo, is observed which means hey eat other things with bread, (Fewkes 293). This is the people way of offering some forgiveness for what happened the day before.

Some differences have been seen between the Hopi and the Mexican people. One is what is done with the frogs and snakes when they are put in the mouth. The Mexican people swallow the animals right away where as the Hopi people carry the snakes and frogs in their mouths between their teeth. This article aimed at showing what lies within the sacred Snake Dance and did show what the ceremony is about.

Clarity RANKING: 3
GRANT HORTON Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Fewkes, Walter J. A-WA’-TO BI: An Archaeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 363-375.

Walter Fewkes begins this essay by introducting the known historical facts of A-wa’-to bi, a “large Tusyan pubelo…tragically destroyed.” The pueblo, consisting of a large village and a Spanish mission, was burned by neighboring groups around 1700. Fewkes offers the few documents that remained regarding the event, however he presents them in the original old Spanish. He does not offer a translation for, nor comments on, the documents. Nonetheless, these documents apparently offered little information. The remaining documents “have disappeared from the archives of Santa Fe.”

Fewkes then relates an account of the event, as told by a member of the Walpi. The Walpi were one of the attacking groups, therefore the story does not represent the events in their entirety. Fewkes then interprets the story through a series of footnotes. The reader should be aware that these footnotes are very long.

The rest of the essay describes the recovered remains from the site. Here, Fewkes offers a complete map of the site, as well as a plan view of the excavated area. He also provides details on the types of structures found, and the artifacts recovered from them. His interpretations of the events surrounding the destruction of A-wa’-to bi, and of the excavation, are interspersed throughout the text.

Fewkes’ essay is well-rounded and informative. As it is not a traditionally structured essay, it may be beneficial to read this essay more than once.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. A-WA TO BI: An Archaeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend. The American Anthropologist. October, 1893 Vol. VI.:363-376.

The general issue that Fewkes deals with are the ruins of what was once a large Tusayan pueblo called A-wa to-bi, and the legend of its destruction as told by the local inhabitants of the area. Around about the year 1700, A-wa to-bi was destroyed. According to legend the chief of A-wa to-bi, Ta-po lo, was very concerned by the actions of many of the men in A-wa to-bi, who were beating up farmers, raping women, and stealing game from the hunting parties. Eventually, after many incidents Ta-po lo called upon neighboring tribes for help against the troublesome men of A-wa to-bi. He managed to get the help of the Oraibi and the Walpi. When the Oraibi and Walpi soldiers entered the pueblo they found several of the A-wa to-bi men in a large ki-bva performing po-wa ko, sorcerer , rites. The soldiers trapped the men in the ki-bva and burned them alive. After the attack all of the men and most of the women of A-wa to-bi were tortured and killed. The soldiers spared the children.

The basic argument of the article is that archaeological evidence from the ruins of A-wa to-bi can be used to evaluate the accuracy of the Tusayan legend about the destruction of the pueblo. Fewkes used two main types of evidence to support his argument. First he used the Tusayan legend of the destruction of A-wa to-bi as it was told by the current inhabitants of the region. Second he used the evidence he obtained from his excavation of the ruins. He states that in almost every room he excavated there was evidence of fire. Some of the wood was only superficially charred, while other pieces had been reduced to ashes. He also found a storage room filled with charred stacks of corn suggesting the pueblo had not been attacked for the purpose of plunder. Finally he found a large underground room which he believes to have been the po-wa ko kib-va, where he found charred wood, ashes, and other evidences of fire . Also human remains were found directly below an old sky hole, which Fewkes believes could have been the sky hole from which the Oraibi and Walpi soldiers threw various burning items onto the men in the po-wa ko kib-va.

The organization of this article was clear-cut. Fewkes started out by introducing his topic and then retelling the Tusayan legend of the destruction of A-wa to-bi. He then followed the retelling of the legend by giving notes on several aspects of that legend. The notes mainly consisted of observations from a survey of the ruins, evidence from other scholars, and evidence from surrounding tribes, that relates to certain aspects of the Tusayan legend. Fewkes repeats this format with his archaeological evidence. He begins by giving an overview of the site and then breaks down the rest of his archaeological evidence into the specific rooms or important areas of the site, in much the same fashion as he presented his notes on the Tusayan legend.

Overall the article was very easy to read. The language was clear and the format of the article was logically laid out. The maps, however, were not as clear. The direction of the north arrow on the maps varied greatly which initially made the orientation of the maps confusing.

Felomino N. Flores Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Fletcher, Robert. The Poet–Is He Born, Not Made? American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:117-135.

In this article, Fletcher mainly describes the qualities of “true poets” in order to both reflect if such poets are born or made and reach his own perspective about this question.

The author points out the qualities for the true poets as follows: (1) Imagination or “sacred invention”; (2) Idealization of the characters and Nature they describe; (3) Imitation or appropriation of other poets’ virtues into their own use; (4) Impersonality (not introducing themselves into the characters they depict); (5) Universality (love toward truth and wisdom); (6) Accurate observer of natural and physical phenomena, and (7) Art in melody and “method.”

Concerning the issue of whether “true poets are born or made,” Fletcher, on the basis of the aforementioned qualities, provides his conclusion that both inborn talent and cultivation after birth are indispensable to be a true poet, quoting Aristotle: “Nature without art; art begun; art completed.”

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

Fletcher, M.D., Robert. The Poet s he Born, Not Made? American Anthropologist April, 1893 Vol. 6(2):117-136.

Fletcher concern lies with the adage, oeta nascitur, non fit, the poet is born, not made, a saying attributed to an ancient writer of whom not much is known. The author expresses concern that too often people incorporate age-old apothegms into daily conversation, assuming their meanings are well understood and shared by all. Fletcher hopes to investigate the origins and validity of this particular saying and its relevance to the time. The core of the matter focuses on whether works of poets result from dedication, training and hard work or are testimonies of the extreme gifts and blessings granted to a poet in his birthright. In essence, this article confronts the seeming age-old debate of nature vs. nurture: are poets rofound artist[s] or are they lind and luxuriant genius[es]?

In order to analyze the origins of poetic genius one must first identify the qualities necessary for the establishment of a rue poet. Fletcher establishes these qualities by looking at texts and prose, along with correspondence between other thinkers-both poets and critics-on the matter. The foremost of the qualities identified is imagination; poetry idealizes its characters with all other phenomena of nature. A poet must also master the arts of imitation and universality-the ability to depict and relate that which he observes and experiences. The poet must be a man of science, he must earn at least to accurately observe. Some claim cheerfulness is essential because beauty is the aim for poets; they feel it is the poet job to shed beauty over the earth. A finely tuned sense of meter is not necessary, but the poet must discover what writing style best enables him to convey his thoughts. A poet must also be diligent in polishing and proofing his lines. Above all, the poet must intensely study and be familiar with man, for it is through and around humankind that he bases his work. The truest poets love truth and wisdom, study humankind and its passions, are one with nature, and work to develop their styles and techniques. Upon this breakdown of qualities essential to the true poet Fletcher deducts that although poets may indeed be born with talents and gifts, it takes great devotion and dedication to cultivate these gifts to their potential. One can therefore conclude a poet is born and made.

Jenna Rompelman Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Fowke, Gerard. Aboriginal Remains of the Piedmont and Valley Region of Virginia. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 415-422.

Gerard Fowke’s essay is a summary on the types of ossuaries and burial mounds documented in and around the Piedmont and Valley region of Virginia. This area is the central and lower areas of the state, primarily below the James River. Unfortunately, no documentation existed that allowed him to assign the skeletal remains to any particular group. He does not make a distinction between time periods – presumably because eras such as Woodland and Mississippian had yet to be established. Nonetheless, Fowke’s accounts of the known mounds at the time are extremely descriptive. He not only comments on the skeletal remains, but the features and artifacts recovered, as well:

These were filled with earth like that in the stratum above, mingled with all the debris incident to an Indian camp-fire, besides many finely wrought celts, arrow-heads, bone implements, and shell ornaments. In only two were human bones found: in one, part of a child’s skull, and in another an adult’s skeleton, some of the bones much enlarged and roughened by disease.

His systematic account of the excavation techniques, types of mounds recovered, and their location serves as a wonderful repository of archaeological knowledge. While Fowke does not offer any interpretation, his essay would benefit any archaeologist researching burial mounds in this region.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Fowke, Gerard. Aboriginal Remains of the Piedmont and Valley Region of Virginia.American Anthropologist October, 1893 Vol. 6:415-422.

In his article boriginal Remains of the Piedmont and Valley Region of Virginia, Gerard Fowke addresses the content and interpretation of Indian mounds in Virginia. Fowke suggests that the Virginian mounds were built by the Mannahoacs, a Native American tribe that dominated the area during the 17th century, which had since been absorbed by neighboring groups. His conclusion contradicts the common 19th century opinion that Native Americans were not capable of the technological and cognitive sophistication required to construct the Virginian mounds. Fowke discusses the contents of five mounds to support his claim.

Fowke begins his article with a description of the contents of a mound mentioned by Thomas Jefferson in his Notes on Virginia, which contained the bones of people who had clearly died at different times and places and had been brought there for interment. He additionally underscores Jefferson observation of Native Americans of an unknown tribe visiting the mounds, apparently to mourn. Fowke suggests that the mourners were likely Mannahoacs.

Fowke systematically describes the contents of the other four mounds discussed. The mounds were either opened naturally by rivers or accidentally by railroad construction or agriculture, and then further investigated by amateur and professional archaeologists. These mounds contained several layers of artifacts and bones interred at distinct periods, which suggest that, as in the first mound, the bones had been brought from elsewhere for interment. Fowke states that the Monacans of the late 19th century, whose ancestors neighbored the Mannahoacs, gathered the bones of their dead and buried them collectively. Fowke argues that t is not improbable that the Mannahoacs had similar customs, and as these mounds are in their former territory and at least one of them was visited by Indians long after the whites had settled in the country, it is probable that they belonged to this tribe (Fowke, 416).

Through his description and brief interpretation of the bones, artifacts, and features found within the mounds, Fowke argues that the mounds were built by the Mannahoacs. Fowke flatly refutes the racist contention of many of his contemporaries that the mounds were built by an unknown, ancient, superior race unrelated to Native Americans.

CAROLINE BOWLES Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Gatschet, Albert S. Mythic Stories of the Yuchi Indians. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 279-282.

Albert Gatschet uses this essay to record three mythic stories of the Yuchi Indians. He begins with The Origin of the Dry Land. He chose this story because “the myth explaining the origin of dry land is so widely disseminated in North America that there was probably no tribe east of the Interior Basin without a knowledge of it.” It should be noted that Gatschet’s recording of the Yuchi version is third hand and as such may contain some inaccuracies. The second myth called, How the Land was First Made, is offered without any indication of where Gatschet obtained it. We should assume, therefore, that was also obtained third hand. In both of these stories, animals are seen as the causal agents.

The last myth, Why the Cedar Tree is Red-Grained, is attributed to the category of Yuchi sun myths. This story was also apparently recounted because variants of it was”found among the Cherokees, Shawnees, and other tribes of Indian Territory.” This myth is probably relatively close to the original, as Gatschet obtained it “in the Yuchi language from a young man of that tribe at Wialaka, in 1885.” This story serves several purposes: to explain the motion of the sun; to explain the origins of Yuchi craftsmanship; and to explain why the cedar tree is considered a “medicine tree.”

Gatschet does not offer any interpretation, or extensive comment upon any of these stories. The purpose of this essay is simply to record these three myths.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Gatschet, Albert S. Some Mythic Stories of the Yuchi Indians. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.VI:279-282.

This article addresses the different ways that one myth can be told. The origin of the land tale is a popular story known by the Yuchi Indians. The author compiled some versions of this myth and includes them in his article.

Two examples tell the tale of a crawfish returning from the bottom of the sea with a clawful of earth, which becomes land. The first myth tells of some “creator”, although the next only mentions an agreement between man and animals to find a way to create land. Another story included in this article explains the idea of the Yuchi Indians descending from the sun. The Yuchis believe that they were delivered into life by the sun and that there was once a wizard that tried to kill it. This myth then goes on to explain the origin of the red color of the cedar tree.

This article has no relevant argument since it only reproduces myths told by the Yuchi Indians. The author does not include his conclusions of why the myths are told in different ways or of what this myths represent. While reading this article, the reader feels as if he is just reading a book of fables or tall tales. There is no point in is article except maybe for one’s entertainment.

JAMIE LEMERAND Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Hewitt, J. N. B. Polysynthesis in the Languages of the American Indians. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6: 381-407.

In this article, Hewitt refutes the argument made by Duponceau. It is Duponceau’s contention that all Native American Indian groups share a common language characteristic known as “polysynthesis”. Polysynthesis by definition is composed of the greatest number of ideas or meanings comprised into the least number of words. Duponceau believes that all Indian languages have this fundamental element incorporated in their language structure. Hewitt strongly disagrees.

Hewitt’s main problem with Duponceau’s assertion is that Duponceau states his claim by examining only one Indian language: Algonquian. Duponceau does not investigate any other language, rather he provides a single case study of Algonquian; noting a particular structural element and then applying those fundamentals of the language to all Native American languages. Hewitt believes this is bad science for, “the comparison of linguistic forms to ascertain probable linguistic affinity can be used but with extreme caution and to a limited extent only”. Thus, Hewitt provides three examples of three different languages and shows how they each differ drastically from one another. Hewitt focuses on Iroquoian, Siouan and Algonquian languages noting their structural elements such as: pronoun-noun stem, pronoun-adjective stem, pronoun-noun stem and verb stem, and pronoun-noun-adjective stem. Hewitt clearly shows that each language differs dramatically in its fundamental blueprint. Thereby, Duponceau’s inductive reasoning is not valid, for Hewitt clearly demonstrates that polysynthesis is not a common element in all Native American languages.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Hodge, F. W. Prehistoric Irrigation in Arizona. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6: 323-345.

F. W. Hodge’s article conveys the degree of industry, perseverance, and advancement of an ancient human population in southern Arizona by means of complex irrigation systems. Hodge opposes the current idea of the time that human populations were only capable of using water found in natural depressions or catchment areas. This may have been true, but Hodge asserts that human ingenuity of the past gave way to genuine solutions for critical problems dealing with water management. Hodge examines how human populations could manipulate their land in cooperation with a technological means that would aid in the subsistence of an area for an extended amount of time by providing water for those people.

Hodge’s evidence is the remains of ancient canals in Arizona that accounted for nearly 250,000 irrigated acres. Hodge describes the methods undertaken to organize labor and build such canals by means of ancient tools and with some help from the topography of the landscape. Hodge points to one particular site, Mesa City, as a model of how such work was to be completed. Mesa City demonstrates the skill needed to attain such a large system of irrigation. In fact, this system was utilized in modern times by the Mormons, of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, when they first settled at Mesa City in the 19th Century. The ancient system was so well constructed that the Mormons used the canal for their own irrigation until modern technology prevailed. Hodge provides more evidence to support their capabilities by examining the location of pueblos in relation to water sources and the distanced covered to bring water to these settlements. Hodge believes that not all populations could settle near water basins and that such populations had to bring water to them.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Hodge, F. W. Prehistoric Irrigation in Arizona. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.6:323-330.

This article differs from other American Anthropological articles I have read in the past in that this one focuses on a specific topic, without stating a strong argument or thesis. In the introduction, the author points out that pueblo irrigation was not believed to have existed before a ystemic archeologic investigation proved otherwise. This investigation covered approximately 450,000 acres of the Salado and Gila Valleys in southern Arizona and unveiled many new facts about the lifestyle of the pueblo builders.

For instance, archeologists discovered lines of stones along the canals, which they hypothesized were used to direct water running from the hillsides to the fields and also to prevent overflow of acequias. They also learned that the canals basic shape was of one smaller canal inside another, which was inside another, and so on. Thus, the innermost canal was virtually always filled, while the outer ones filled from innermost to outermost, depending on the amount of rainfall. This design was employed so as to create less waste through seepage and to somewhat control the depth of the current. The composition of the interior lining seems to be of a hard adobe clay and burned underbrush. Also, there was very little silt found at the bottom of the ditches, which could indicate two things. Either the ditches were cared for extremely well, or the current was fast moving so that silt could not be deposited easily. Postholes were excavated, which signals that there was a headgate at one time to cut off or supply water at will. The archeologists suggested that the irrigation canals could have also served as a means of transportation based on the remains of bundles of fagots and reeds, fresh- water univalves, and cottonwood pollen. Another interesting discovery was that the towns were located at the ends of the canals and not near the river. This finding demonstrates that the pueblos did not highly depend on the river or raw materials near the river. An important lesson learned by these archeologists is that one cannot estimate the population of a people based on the amount of land that they occupy. Rather, one must estimate the population size based on the amount of land actually cultivated. Scientists know that the pueblo population here was only about 1600, whereas it was previously, and erroneously, calculated into the many thousands based on total land occupation.

These are the primary discoveries from the Salado and Gila Valleys excavation that were discussed in this article. Basically, this article was set up in a rudimentary, essay-like fashion. The author reported his findings fact by fact with an explanation of the significance of each of these findings after their descriptions. Thus, it was not a very complex article, and it could be dissected quite easily.

GINA CASATI Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Hodge, F. W. Prehistoric Irrigation in Arizona. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.6:323-330.

The concern of this article is the prehistoric irrigation system in southern Arizona. The author approach to this article is a descriptive analysis. If any argument is to be addressed, it is that of the preconceived notion that artificial irrigation was not practiced by ancient pueblo builders. However, the author promptly states that systematic archaeological investigation and asual observation are sufficient enough to demonstrate that the ancient pueblo builders of Salado and Gila, in southern Arizona, ngaged in agriculture by artificial irrigation to a vast extent. The irrigational works in southern Arizona greatly demonstrates the industry, perseverance, and degree of advancement of these ancient people.

This article proves to be a descriptive analysis of the ancient irrigational remains. The author notes that the mode in which the canals were constructed is a great indication of the ancient pueblo builders patience and hard work. The fact that the extensive irrigation canals were excavated by hand using primitive tools is astounding.

From the remains of the irrigation ditch the author made conclusions regarding the maintenance and engineering of the canals. Stones that outlined the irrigation ditches still exist today. Evidence of these stones suggests that the irrigation ditches accommodated surplus water. An analysis of the bed and sides of the irrigation ditches determined that they were both exceedingly hard, allowing for minimal seepage. Also, very little silt was found in the beds of the irrigation canals. This observation suggests that the canals were readily maintained, or that the current of the canals was of considerable strength.

Specimens collected from an excavation of the canal suggest that the irrigation canals were also used as a rude system of transportation. Stones and other materials discovered near the canals were from great distances away. This observation suggests that these distant products were more favorable than those relatively close in distance to the pueblos. The irrigation system would then prove to be a very probable means of transporting these materials.

Another observation made within this article is the locations of the pueblos throughout the Salado valley. These settlements are not located near the river, as one might expect, but are instead located near the ends of the canals. The pueblo located their villages towards the farthest limits of the canals in order to fully tilize the available land through which their waters coursed.

Finally, the author concludes that the ancient pueblo people first occupied areas were the larger streams of the canal existed. Only later were the lesser tributaries settled upon and reservoirs created.

This article uses observation and analysis in order to describe the prehistoric irrigation system in southern Arizona. Through this process, the author provides the reader with insight as to how and why these ancient irrigation canals were constructed.

Ryan Gebler Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Holmes, W. H. Distribution of Stone Implements in the Tide-Water Country. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6: 1-15.

Holmes article attempts to understand the origin and distribution of stone implements in the Tide-water country. He examines the relationship between where stone tools are currently found and where they possibly could have originated. Holmes observes two topographic divisions in the Tide-water country: the lowland and highland each marked by rivers. The highland consists of massive forms of rocks with definite independent distribution. There are many workable varieties found: quartz, quartzite, rhyolite, jasper and flint. The lowland consists of rounded boulders, cobbles and pebbles. Holmes insists that natural geological processes played a crucial role in the distribution of stone tools; that the rivers themselves transported materials from the highland to lowland and that the variety of stone belonged to the drainage of that river. Even more so, the locations that human populations came upon and the tools they would use directly correlates with the resources made available. If there were pebbles then they utilized pebbles, if they had access to flint then flint was utilized. Holme contends that human populations had access to varying resources for the manufacturing of tools via the mountain river systems.

Holmes does an adequate job tracing back stone tools to their genesis through his knowledge of the natural topography of the Tide-water country and of river systems. However, Holmes provides no empirical evidence for his assertions and does not take into account other possible reasons for the distribution of stone implements such as trade and diffusion among others. His ideas are reasonable, yet more data is needed.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Holmes, W. H. Distribution of Stone Implements in the Tide-Water Country. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol.VI(1):1-15.

This article addresses the distribution of stone implements versus ejects in the tide-water country of Maryland and Virginia. The author examines the origins of materials and forms in the region due to the topography, geology, and biology. The area of interest is the lowlands and highlands of Chesapeake Bay. The lowlands represent the tide-water country and the contact zone between the lowlands and the highlands an old shoreline of the Atlantic.

Holmes argues that the distinct biology and geology of each respective region ombined in archaic times to produce marked anthropologic distinctions (1). He claims that the biology of the region influenced the art and the geology of the region influenced the limited forms and sizes of implements. The people behind the manufacturing of implements were arly historic Indians. Since art remains found were simple and homogenous, it is unlikely that prehistoric or preceding people influenced these remains.

Holmes examines the origins of materials used for manufacture of implements in the highland and lowland regions. Highland bedrock was carried to the lowlands by stream, primarily depositing quartz and quartzite due to its hardness and ability to withstand stream erosive agents. The materials native to the lowlands were also smooth due to beach rounding, thus most available raw forms consisted of rounded masses of pebbles, cobbles, and boulders. The author points out that it is easily thought that tools of such angular breaks and flakes could not have been made from smoothed stones, but evidence from this region shows that these materials are perfectly suited for such manufacture.

The distribution of materials is described as a function of natural distribution: the length of a river, and the rock-type belts crossed before deposition to the lowlands, and human distribution. In a comparison of the Potomac and Patuxent rivers, the Potomac district yields a high percentage of quartz and quartzite large tools, while the Patuxent district yields mostly small tools of only quartz. Holmes also examines the distribution of failure or reject implements. Percentage of rejects decreased with an increase in distance from the source. The human agent of distribution is a function of size, utility, decoration, value, thoroughfare, site occupation, and sedentism vs. mobile. The author argues that the tide-water people were not satisfied with their selection of native raw materials and obtained exotic materials such as jasper, rhyolite and argillite through either travel, trade, visitors from the source or a combination of all three. Evidence for transportation of exotic materials is in the Potomac district, one-fourth of spears and arrow-points in the region are made of rhyolite. It is also noted that tide-water country sites yield very few reject implements of exotic materials.

Holmes provides an order of implements from most subject to transport to least subject to transport. He also gives a list of ccentricities of distribution or implement typology, material, and amount and types of refuse or rejects as a function of site type and location. Holmes then provides a detailed description of Plate II, an illustration of implements found in the tide-water region. The illustration provides an index for quartzite, quartz, rhyolite and jasper tools, rejects, caches and specialized forms, those transported and those not transported, and distribution of implements. Holmes closes with a statement of proposed future research on: . . . the effect of the distribution of the various kinds and forms of stone upon the habits, customs, arts, industries, etc., of the inhabitants of the region . . . (14).

GABRIELLE FERLEY Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Holmes, W. H. The World Fair Congress of Anthropology. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:423-434.

This Holmes’s article describes the World Fair Congress of Anthropology, held, during a week of August 1893, as part of “Columbian Exposition” at Chicago.

On Monday, August 28, the meeting began with an opening ceremony in which the following persons gave their speeches: C. C. Bonny, President of the Congress Auxiliary, F. W. Putnam, Director of the Department of Anthropology, and D. G. Brinton, President of the Congress of Anthropology. Then, Brinton offered his opening conference entitled “The Nation as an Element in Anthropology.”

From Tuesday, the mornings were dedicated in order to realize the following sessions: physical anthropology, ethnology, archaeology, folklore and religion, and languages. Holmes describes all the papers presented in the sessions.

The afternoons were allotted for the study and discussion of an extensive number of anthropological materials exhibited in the Exposition.

In “Concluding Remarks,” the author points out the significance of the Congress as follows: “[it] serv[ed] an important function in giving emphasis to the value of the great assemblage of anthropological material there brought together. The great richness of the American field of investigation was made apparent to all.”

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

Hough, Walter. The Columbian Historical Exposition In Madrid. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 271-277.

This essay does not address any particular aspect of anthropology. Rather, the purpose of this essay was to give an account of the exposition to the readers of American Anthropologist. Walter Hough is unclear as to when this exposition occurred, however it is probably safe to assume that it was held in the fall of 1882. The exposition was held at the National Library and Museum in Madrid, Spain, and was sponsored by the Spanish government. The purpose of the event was to provide researchers with an opportunity to “compare the ethnological and archaeological products from… many American sources.”

Hough explains that while numerous states and countries participated in the event, the United States and Mexico occupied roughly one-third of the 5,000 square meters afforded the event. The show exhibited specimens from both private and public collections. Each region of the United States – northeast, southeast, southwest, and northwest – was sponsored through a mix of government and corporate donations. In contrast, it seems that many Latin American countries were often represented by one person’s private collection. Hough does not make a strong distinction between the cultural groups that created the specimens and their current geo-political country of origin, nor the person displaying the items: “This collection was well installed and catalogued by Mr. Ernest Restrepo and was a great credit to the Republic of Colombia.”

Also contributing to the event were many European nations. However, rather than displaying artworks from their indigenous peoples, they each showcased their collections of New World artifacts.

Hough remarks that the event was not well attended, but believes it to have been a success nonetheless. Again, this essay does not address any concerns of the day, other than to remark upon the various collections displayed at this exhibition.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Hough, Walter. The Columbian Historical Exposition in Madrid. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.6:271-277.

This article concerns the Spanish Government collection of ethnological and archaeological materials of the Americas. The exposition displayed products from both the New World and the Old World around the time of discovery of the New World. The exposition was a collaboration of the efforts of twenty-four States and countries and was considered he greatest collection of Americana ever under one roof. Of the 250,000 pieces on display at the National Library and Museum of Madrid, contributions of the United States, Mexico, and Spain outnumbered the others.

The collections on exhibit are the result of several organizations, bureaus, associations, museums, institutions, and private parties and persons around the world that have contributed to the exposition of the Americas. The items on display are of a wide variety and include: maps, pictures, photographs, currency, writings, jewelry, animal specimens, models, pottery, medals, carvings, musical instruments, weapons, textiles, mummies, and other artifacts and relics. The collection also included letters and manuscripts of Columbus and other discoverers and conquerors. The presented materials are of great historical, ethnological, and archaeological importance.

The purpose of the article is to inform what was presented at the exposition, and by whom. Argumentation or persuasion was of little importance within this article. Walter Hough merely provides an overview of the exposition by stating which country contributed what to the collection. He also mentions the names of those individuals who made key contributions in collecting and preserving the historical remains within the exposition. The author comments that although the exposition was not greatly attended, the Spanish Government should still be commended for its efforts and abilities to inspire and encourage others in contributing to this enlightening collection and exhibition of Americana.

Ryan Gebler Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Hough, Walter. Time-Keeping by Light and Fire. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 207-210.

This article aims to show the universality of keeping time through the use of fire. The author also notes that by examining the beginnings of time keeping, we can understand “the devices which have grown out of the aggregates of experience.”

Numerous examples are given to show how the manipulation of fire denotes culture specifics blocks of time. In China, the time it should take a royal procession to travel from one point to another is marked by burning joss sticks (a type of incense) of a predetermined length. Korean government officers mark the nighttime hours via a “fire rope.” This “clock” divides each hour “into four parts by cords tied to the rope, and…is kept burning continuously.” While it is no longer necessary to do so, it was still practiced more out of “deference for tradition than for any practical purpose.” In Catholic churches, “King Alfred” candles, which all burn at the same rate, determined the length of religious services. Thus, by burning objects at a constant rate, a group expresses how they render time.

The author then shows how many of these functional traditions have expanded into myth. In Hungry, for example, there is a folk story called “Prince Unexpected.” In this story, a “prince must stitch a pair of boots before [a candle] goes out or [he loses] his life.”

Using these examples, the author speculates that other, similar devices were surely used not only in early Europe, but in most non-western cultures as well. Therefore even without physical evidence, we should assume that humans have managed to mark time via the common element of fire.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Hough, Walter. Time-Keeping by Light and Fire. American Anthropologist April, 1893 Vol.6:207-210.

This article concerns time keeping techniques within cultures. In particular, the author describes the use of fire and light as being overlooked methods of checking and recording time. Planetary motion and the observation of heavenly bodies were often used to record short periods of time, as well as continuous periods of time. The knowledge of these methods is also more commonly known and tends to overshadow the uses of light and fire. However, as the author describes, fire becomes quite a valuable record of time during the night.

The author of this article provides several examples from different cultures, periods, and regions, which suggest the critical importance fire has played in recording time. These cultures include: the Pacific Islanders, parts of China, Korea, and parts of Europe. These accounts provide an example of the importance fire has played in checking time.

In the Pacific Islands, oily nuts of the andle-nut tree are known to burn at a fairly steady interval iven that they are of uniform size. Knowing the burning rates of these nuts, people here have invented a clock.

Within China there exist several different uses of fire as a measurement of time. The oss stick and gong heung (time incense) are sticks of a certain fixed length. Sticks are made of pressed wood dust, and are long and thin in shape. These sticks were burnt during the night in order to record time. Chinese physicians used joss sticks to increment the period of time between a patient dosages. Joss sticks were also used to awaken Chinese messengers, who slept for short periods. A short joss stick would be placed between the toes and would be lit. After a short interval, the joss stick would alarm the messengers and awaken them.

In Korea a hemp rope, soaked in niter, would burn at a steady pace. Petty officers were placed in charge of watching the rope and announced time with a gong or drum up until midnight. Koreans also estimated time by the number of pipes a person smoked.

The use of candles as means to check time has traversed several periods and places. Marked candles were customary devices of recording time during the periods of King Alfred, the Middle Ages, and even during the present time in which this article was written.

The accounts of these time-keeping methods presented by the author suggest that time was recorded in several different fashions. The tracking of time appears to be both an imaginative and important cultural aspect. Time is a key component within many cultures. Tracing these methods allows anthropologists to have a closer look into these cultures, and quite possibly reveal a connection with other cultures. The author does not evaluate or compare methods of time-keeping within this article. Instead, he merely provides descriptions as to how fire has been used to check time.

Ryan Gebler Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Lamb, D. S. The Deadly Microbe and It’s Destruction. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 15-28.

The author uses the field of biology, as it stood in 1892, to explain how understanding microbes can reduce fear and death. He opens the article by tracing the discovery of, and subsequent research on, microbes by several distinguished medical doctors. This research defined the life-cycles of various microbes – including reproduction, mutation, and infection rates. This knowledge removed much of the mystery and myth that had previously been the basis for food taboos. For example, the author points out that “red spots which sometimes appear…on bread, and which in old times were supposed to be blood from the finger of an angry God, are known to be composed of…micrococcus prodigiosus.” While they may not have understood the mechanism(s) that contributed to the bread spoiling, people did understand that they should not consume the bread. This was the basis of the myth of “an angry God.”

As the microbes were better understood, it was observed that some people were immune to diseases that infected others. This led to the notion of natural and acquired immunity. Thus, it was understood that vaccines could be manufactured to impart acquired immunity to entire groups of people. Additionally, doctors became more adapt at the treatment and prevention of diseases. Rather than only treating the patient after infection, hospitals began to strenuously prevent infection via the use of antiseptics and germicides.

Therefore, the increased scientific knowledge of disease, and disease inducing microbes, has altered our perceptions of the world, as well as our general robustness. While this article is clearly written, the link between scientific knowledge and the changes it wrought in the Western world is difficult to discern.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Lamb, D. S. The Deadly Microbe and Its Destruction. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:15-28.

In “The Deadly Microbe and Its Destruction,” D.S. Lamb presents a synopsis of knowledge of microbes and their infectious properties, as known by the scientific community in January of 1893. Where it might be easy to question the reasoning behind placing this article in an anthropology journal, it is also easy to see that this was vital information in science particularly in Western medicine in the late 19th Century.

As evidenced by the title of the article, Lamb sets out to thoroughly discuss the microbe and its impact on human lives, and how the people of 1893 could better handle the eadly microbe. The author sets out to prove that science is moving forth in terms of study of icrobes, micro-organisms, and germs (15). This is further proved by his concluding point hat the discovery of these microbes, the study of their life history and products, and their causative and other relations to disease have done much to simplify treatment.

Lamb supports this statement with the latest scientific knowledge of the day, and writes his information in a very scientific manner. The article is heavy in detail and description, but does not offer much beyond this, especially in terms of fresh analysis. Research from scientists such as Pasteur is important, with information originated from a microscope and other methods of observation. He provides as much background information as possible on microbes before moving on to how microbes affect humans and other animals. Humans are able to treat different diseases (and hence, kill microbes) with inoculations and other therapy, including one curious one in which tuberculosis is treated by njecting [sulphuretted hydrogen] per rectum (24). There is also interesting speculation on immunity, describing a theory that after a person is sick with an illness, he microbes have consumed some element in the body essential to their growth and development, hence making a relapse less likely to occur (22).

Lamb information is very randomly organized, but is on a large scope organized to reflect the nature of microbes, and it then moves on to how humans have found ways to combat the dangerous ones. He assesses the situation as if he is trying to brief the reader and provide thick scientific information. His larger intellectual concern is focused on description of the advances in medicine in response to findings in microbiology, and not much else.

LAURA CLEMENTS Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

March, F. A., Spofford, A. R., Harris, W. T., Melville Bell, A., Gregory, J. M., Owen, W. B., Peters, E. T., Scott, C. P. G., Pilling, J. C., Smith, B. E., Whitney, W. D., Powell, J. W. Simplified Spelling: A Symposium. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:137-206.

This long article is a compilation of12 papers presented in a symposium on the feasibility of a simplified spelling scheme, proposed by English and American philological societies.

In his opening address, March (chairman of the Committee on English Spelling of the American Philological Association) relates in brief the Committee’s trajectory: The Association initiated its work in regard to the English spelling simplification in1875 with the conviction that it would “help us in the discovery of truth and the improvement of man’s state.” In1882, the Philological Society of London joined the Committee, and the following year, both jointly proposed ten spelling rules (See p.142). The objective of this symposium, March says, resides in discussing the feasibility of this joint proposal of spelling reform.

In reply to the question, Spofford manifests his opinion against the proposition. He contends that similar attempts had been repeatedly offered by the learned world during the past three centuries, yet such attempts had been rejected and/or abandoned by the people due mainly to their impracticability of resolving phonetically the irregularities of the English spelling.

Harris, on the other hand, supports the reform because of the scientific evidences that phonetic spelling methods save a considerable time (approximately two years) in learning to read in primary schools. He, however, suggests that such a reform must be done by degrees since the people tend to resist “the use or usurpation of dictatorial powers.”

Melville also favors the spelling reform. Especially, he supports the idea that such a reform should be implemented in the public schools and English education for foreign learners. He also proposes that the U.S. future generations, who were trained in a phonetic spelling system, should “choose for themselves either the phonetic or the literary spelling for their daily use.”

Gregory, too, agrees with the reform. He, particularly, supports the idea that the reform should be implemented at once for both children and adults, due to a high legibility in the new books published with the proposed spelling rules.

Owen argues that the idea that silent letters should be preserved in order to discern better the derivation or etymology of the word is erroneous. He insists this because “in a surprising number of cases…the spelling of English words is misleading as to derivation” and only a very few specialists care about this aspect of derivation when reading.

Peters contends that a simpler (phonetic) orthography is an indispensable condition in order that the general public can obtain the knowledge to achieve their “popular forms of government.” For him, the feasibility of such orthography has been scientifically proven.

Also, for Scott, simplified spelling is feasible. He especially maintains the idea that it should be implemented not “by the substitution of a minutely elaborate fonetic alfabet constructed anew on scientific line, but by regulating the use of the present alfabet, [and] by extending the application of existing rules and analogies…” In so doing, he points out the importance that the ordinary people take initiative, not waiting for until all spelling reformers reach an agreement.

Pilling also contends the feasibility of the proposed scheme, referring to the cases in which Cherokee and Cree children learned to read and write quite fluently their mother tongues using simplified spellings.

Smith manifests his realistic and negative opinion toward the proposed reform. He argues that the makers of dictionaries, like it or not, would have to take a conservative position about adopting a new spelling scheme due mainly to their business enterprises, which can not go against “much special opposition in those strongholds of the dictionary, the school and the printing-office.”

Whitney insists that an altruistic effort (generous collaboration on the part of the English-speaking community at large) is the key to obtain a success in spelling reform movement.

Powell supports the reform due to the fact that it would both save the time for learning to read and write, and reveal better the etymology of words than with the present spelling system.

In “Final Remarks,” Spofford severely criticizes the grounds manifested for the spelling reform until now. His main criticisms are: (1) The reform “removes extremely few obstacles, while it introduces many new anomalies and confusions”; (2) The large U.S. illiterate population is not due mainly to the present “complex” spelling system, rather in major part due to other factors; (3) The effectiveness of the teaching with phonetic spellings in the primary schools has not yet been scientifically proven; (4) The assertion that “the present spelling conceals derivations far more frequently than it reveals them” is just an overgeneralized viewpoint; (5) The economical justification for the reform does not have ground; (6) “Spelling by sound could never give a uniform pronunciation…because of the variety of sounds given the same letter in different regions,” and (8) The silent letters should be preserved because of aesthetic reasons.

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

March, F.A., et al. Simplified Spelling: A Symposium. American Anthropologist April, 1893 Vol.6(10):137-206.

The principle question that this article debates is whether simplified spelling is feasible as proposed by the Philological Society of London and the American Philological Association. The article opens with a speech by F.A. March in support of such modifications. He sights several advantages of simplified spelling as well as refuting several arguments against it. This speech is followed by a rebuttal from A.R. Spofford, the Librarian of Congress at the time and staunch opponent of any changes. Next are speeches from ten other men who all support March and simplified spelling claiming the current way is superfluous.

March and his supporters argue that simplified spelling would benefit any person who is already fluent or has the potential to be fluent in the English language. It is designed with a number of goals in mind. Simplified spelling would save learning time in the classroom as well as production time in publishing companies. It would save money and also promote the English language among foreigners and immigrants. March tries to convince his audience of all this through empirical evidence. He offers data illustrating how much money, time, and paper would be saved. For example, he states that the Encyclopedia Britannica could be compiled in twenty volumes instead of twenty-four and cost twenty-four dollars less. He shares information from studies conducted in English classrooms that show how much time can be saved and applied to other areas of study. There is even a list of exactly which spelling rules the group wishes to eradicate, along with explanations as to why those rules need not be heeded anymore. Above all, he and his fellow supporters write in their simplified spelling to demonstrate that it actually works in practice and not just theory.

Spofford responds to March with past examples of how similar movements have failed time and time again. He refers to Noah Webster campaign as well as the Pitman system. At one point he claims to know of etween forty and fifty [schemes] in America alone (150). Spofford acknowledges the inconsistencies in the English language, but argues that etymology and history are more important than a few anomalies. While March offers many concrete examples that explain just exactly how much more effective simplified spelling could be, Spofford mainly relies on figurative language to express his beliefs. On page 153 he states, hen we have stripped this rich, composite language of all its native grace and beauty, and have got, instead of living flesh and blood of speech, a long array of word-skeletons, the very dry bones of language, from which the soul has departed, it will be a poor consolation that we are able to spell them unerringly. And again in his final remarks he illustrates how aesthetically unappealing simplified words would be by telling a mythological tale involving animals. Spofford does discuss the educational importance of the etymology of words, and also the confusion that simplified spelling brings to schoolchildren once they graduate from their primers to literature outside of the classroom. But his main argument seems to be that tradition is beautiful, and should not be abandoned.

REGINA CASATI Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

McGee, W. J. Anthropology at the Madison Meeting. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:435-448.

McGee’s article describes the papers presented in the Section of Anthropology at the Madison Meeting, held in Wisconsin, August 16-23, 1893.

Before referring to the contents of the said papers, the author treats briefly of some of the vice-presidential addresses, which related, to some extent, to anthropology.

30 papers were presented in the Section of Anthropology (See p.438-439). McGee points out that in general “the subject of American archaeology received much attention [in the section],” and Holmes’s “Primal Shaping Arts” was of the most foremost value among the papers. His paper refers mainly to the manufacturing processes of Amerindians’ art products, from the evolutionist perspectives. McGee also describes in short the archaeological papers presented by Mercer, Smith, Rust, and Volk.

From the author’s viewpoint, “the most interesting discussion of the section, and indeed of the meeting, was introduced by the papers of Professor G. Frederick Wright and W. J. McGee [the author], summarizing the supposed evidence of high human antiquity in this country [U.S.].” Before this proposed thesis, the major part of the panelists (T. C. Chamberlin, F. W. Putnam, H. C. Hovey, E. W. Claypole, C. R. Van, W. Uphan, and others) contended that the evidences presented in the papers were still insufficient to reach a conclusion about the issue.

McGee, too, presents in brief some other archaeological papers presented by Moorehead, G. A. Dorsey, and Brinton. Moreover, he indicates the relevance of the psychological and somatological studies presented by Jastrow, Brew, and Bailey. The papers of W. Matthews, Dorsey, and Hewitt are also mentioned as of great interest and significance.

McGee concludes the article mentioning the elected new officers of the anthropological section and the tentative place of its meeting for the following year.

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. Man and the Glacial Period. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol.6:85-95.

This article addresses the importance of a knowledge of human antiquity and two publications written about the subject. The author criticizes the work of Francis Doughty in his “Evidences of Man in the Drift” and also of Reverend G. Frederick Wright’s “Man and the Glacial Period”. Both of these writings treat human antiquity geologically, yet neither man was trained in that field of science. Therefore, the main argument of this article is to prove that these men have based their own arguments on foolery and vague detail.

The author believes that Doughty’s work is nothing less than strange. Doughty claimed to own a collection of small rocks from a glacial drift that depicted art of early humans. He felt that certain pictures portrayed specific races, yet he had no evidence on which to base his findings. McGee laments that Doughty’s argument is a “bundle of absurdities worthy of notice because it is representative of the vain imaginings so prevalent among unscientific collectors”(88). Wright also wrote about his glacial findings, yet he left out important information pertaining to detail. He seems to lack a comprehension of subject matter and his conclusions are vague and superficial. McGee argues that Wright is misleading and “incompetent to deal with geologic phenomena”(94). Hence, both works are fallacies and show an early stage in scientific knowledge.

McGee constructs his arguments based on his own knowledge of human antiquity. He focuses on the false information that the two articles bear, yet the reader may have not read these articles himself. McGee seems to have strong feelings and is able to convince the reader to a certain point. The reader may be completely persuaded after reading the articles, choosing his own theories, and comparing them to the ones that McGee has chosen to mention in his argument. In short, it seems as if this argument only points out the mistakes and does not praise the effort at all.

JAMIE LEMERAND Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

McGee, W. J. Man and the Glacial Period. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:85-95.

In this article, MacGee critiques Francis Doughty’s “Evidences of Man in the Drift” and Frederick Wright’s “Man and the Glacial Period.”

Doughty’s work suggests that man existed in a glacial environment, illustrating, as evidence, some pebbles and ferruginous nodules found in a glacial drift. MacGee negates completely this interpretation of Doughty as absurd, vain imagining, and unscientific.

Regarding Wright’s work, MacGee makes, among others, the following criticisms: (1) Wrighter, with wrong arguments, criticizes the geologist Reid’s excellent series of measurements on the movement of Muir glacier; (2) He copies the map traced by the glacialist Chamberlin, and contends it as his own; (3) His idea of “signs of past glaciation” lacks complete topographical-geomorphic perspectives; (4) Wright ignores some competent geologists’ viewpoint with regard to the complex glacial history, and (5) The instances that Wright illustrates as relics of the men of the glacial period are not worthy of scientific credence.

Finally, MacGee argues that the above mentioned two works “represent the work of the harpies by which the workshops and market-places of science are haunted;…and both handicap and hinder the progress of knowledge.” Furthermore, he criticizes that “Doughty’s work is confessedly extrascientific, or infra-scientific…while Wright’s work represents…a primitive stage [of science].”

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

McGuire, J. D. On the Evolution of the Art of Working in Stone: A Preliminary Paper.American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 307-320.

This essay is an attempt to analyze the progression of technological knowledge concerning the shaping of stone into tools. It is primarily concerned with examining the difference between grinding, battering, and chipping a stone into a defined shape. The reader should be aware that J. D. McGuire believes in social evolution, and thus believes that each manner of shaping a stone represents a stratified stage in culture. He states that chipping stone, because it is the most difficult technique for him to do, must then be the highest stage of “Stone Age” cultures throughout the world.

Since McGuire sought to draw comparisons of chipped stone use throughout the world, he offers numerous examples of this technology from various sites. However, these sites are limited to Europe and the east coast of America. He assumes that similar environments will harbor similar geological deposits of stone. Thus, he extrapolates that the sites he examined from Europe and America should have counterparts in Africa and Asia.

McGuire also offers an excellent demonstration of how to chip a stone into a desired shape. This explanation would be helpful to archaeologists interested in flint-knapping. Unfortunately, many of his other examples are not as clearly stated. The essay tends to be repetitive and confusing. McGuire’s argument does not follow a clear pattern – he jumps from describing an artifact, to commenting on social evolution, to his personal experience, and back again without effectively demonstrating the connection between the comments. However, McGuire does make a salient point throughout the essay: that we should not draw conclusions from negative evidence.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

McGuire, J. D. On the Evolution of the Art of Working Stone: a preliminary report. American Anthropologist. 1893 Vol.6: 307-321.

In this article, McGuire demonstrates through experiment, the skill needed to fashion Paleolithic and Neolithic stone tools. Sir John Lubbock asserts that Paleolithic and Neolithic tools differ in form due to the intellect of the chipper. McGuire states that the chipper must know the characteristics of different stone resources and that the resource itself dictates whether one can flake it, batter it or use it as a grinder. McGuire examines stone tools through time and comes to the conclusion that man’s intellect evolves with his tool making; that is, savages made the tools of the Paleolithic due to low intellect. He believes stages are present in the evolution of tools. First, savages use stone to grind and batter for they ate nuts and must have needed to crush bone. Then the flaking comes with experience and an increase in the capacity to think and develop mentally. He confirms this by experimenting himself with stone resources and learning to fashion tools similar to those of the Paleolithic and Neolithic. He concludes after a year of practice, it is quite simple to make Neolithic tools.

McGuire has no real problem or concern in the paper, rather he is curious about how difficult it is to make ancient tools and thus carries out the experiment to show how “simple” it is and to boast his own intellect. No true consensus is reached, rather McGuire is simply flint knapping to evaluate the skill needed physically and mentally to carry out such arduous work.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Mc Guire, J.D. On the Evolution of the Art of Working In Stone. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.VI: 307-320

In this article, J.D. Mc Guire is addressing the issue of stone evolution during the Paleolithic period through the Neolithic period. Mc Guire hopes that by tracing this evolution, he can prove that Paleolithic man existed in America, despite what others of the time had said. This argument encompasses three factors; the identicalness of chips off stones in England and America, re-creating the tools to prove that motion was predicted, not random and by looking at art around Europe to show other examples of stone work from the same time frame.

The argument begins by stating that chips off stones found in England are identical to those found in America. Mc Guire is trying to offset the notion that the chips found in America, are nothing more than rocks found on river banks. This can be proven by looking at the chips but more rationally by re-creating the chips by making stone tools. When one makes stone tools, one can see that all of these chips have not come from some random striking motion on the stone but rather from careful motions applied to the rock. By examination and actually being able to perform the act, these chips are deemed identical and America must have had Paleolithic man. Art found all over Europe supports this theory because the same motions were used to create this art. From these three arguments, Paleolithic man must have existed in America because the evidence, according to Mc Guire, is overwhelming proof.

The argument that Mc Guire sets out to prove is confusing, at best. It jumps from one point to another, never making clear the central argument. The reader is forced to guess what the central argument. His research and literature review strengthens his argument but in the end his article is weak from lack of organization and a clear argument.

KAMILA BEHNKE Lawrence University (Peter Peregrine)

Mooney, James. Geographic Nomenclature of the District of Columbia: A Report. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6:29-55.

This article discusses the thought and procedure of how city officials denote names to streets, roads, circles, drives, and avenues. There is no overall problem or concern addressed in the article, but rather the method of how to name streets is discussed as well as what to do when streets are expanded and more streets must be constructed.

What’s in a name? On December sixth, in 1888, the District of Columbia’s city officials declared “General Orders” for the naming process of streets. Streets going east and west will first be assigned letters of the alphabet. Once all twenty six letters have been exhausted, the name of American cities’ will be used followed by the names of American rivers and lakes. For north and south bound streets, numbers will be used in relation to the meridian of the Capitol. This is the extant of the article. Mooney touches upon bureaucratic politics in the debate over how to signify streets, but the bottom line is this article reveals the model for nomenclature used in the District of Columbia. This article does an adequate job of explaining the model for street nomenclature, however, it is quite boring to read.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Mooney, James. Geographic Nomenclature of the District of Columbia: A Report. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6:29-55.

In this article, “Geographic Nomenclature of the District of Columbia”, A report is done on the names for streets and other routes that have a system of nomenclature which is numeric, alphabetic, or both. There is no issue of concern in this report but more of a description of names and how they used. Mooney explains what is needed to be done when new streets are constructed or expanded. In Washington, the city is separated into four sections; North, South, West, and East. Whatever system of street nomenclature the city has, it must be capable of being extended giving opportunity for future growth. The most difficult problem in street nomenclature is naming the present (lettered) streets running east and west and of future streets to be laid out parallel with them.

Avenues are the broad streets which run diagonally through the city. The streets crossing each other at regular distance in each direction are called streets. A place is a short street intermediate between two of the regular series. For example, a four and a half street would be known as a place. There are alleys in neighborhoods between houses that are called courts. An alley in the city streets is known just as an alley. It has been proposed to name the streets using four different categories; first north to be consisted of distinguished Americans. The second to consist of American cities, third rivers, and forth lakes. They would only use the letters from A to W. The distinguished American names that would be chosen would consist of four sections. The men famous from their writings, explorations, inventors, and politicians. This was done by having four series consisting of names military commanders, other naval commanders, a third of statesman, and a fourth of authors.

Another proposition made was to get rid of the alphabetic system and use a numeral system. First Avenue, second avenue, Third Avenue, and Fourth Avenue. This was said to be a better system because a person would use math to find their destination. If using the alpha system, the names would have to be simple and short, not long and elaborate. The streets leaving outside a city are called turnpikes, pikes, roads, and lanes. These pikes or other country roads are usually known by the names of principal towns, or streams. Road names should always be reasonably short so these are not mispronounced. It is always inappropriate to use names of plants and animals that are not native to the city. Family names for natural geographic nomenclature should be tabooed entirely.

This article does a good job explaining the model for street nomenclature, but was long and boring to read

ANTHONY A. SORIANO San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch)

Mooney, James. Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6:283-285.

This article chronicles James Mooney and T.V. Keam’s involvement with an archaeological site found within a Hopi reservation in North Arizona. Mooney excavated the site, where earlier in the month, Hopi men who were digging a well to a natural spring came across numerous amounts of pottery. Mooney argues that the site was an ancient settlement and has good evidence. Mooney analyzed the site and notes that at one time it was quite extensive, maybe covering four acres. He comes to this conclusion by examining the ancient Pueblo walls which were still preserved below as well as the ground plan of the floors. Evidence of where the pottery was left in relation to the water source, as well as steps that lead to the spring, aid in his assertion that this source was a prominent fixture of these ancient populations. The preservation of these key elements lends a great deal of credibility to Mooney’s argument that these pottery makers were leaving their vessels as a tributary gift for their god or gods. To strengthen his assertions, Mooney calls upon T.V. Keam whose ethnography of the Hopi helps Mooney understand that these Pueblo’s were once occupied by other ancient human populations and that the reason why pottery was deposited near the river was indeed for ceremonial purposes. Mooney has adequate evidence for this assertion; however, he does not consider other possible explanations for the pottery’s deposit.

No overall argument is stated by Mooney, but rather he describes in great detail the site and lends his interpretations to this article for the reader. He is concerned about being able to discern what he is seeing in the archaeological record by the abundance of pottery. Is it a manufacturing site or a burial/offering to the gods? Mooney is not quite able to answer these questions with confidence at the time of this article. Nonetheless, Mooney does a fairly good job describing what he sees in the archaeological record and corroborating it with ethnographic information.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Mooney, James. Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.VI(1):283-285.

In this article Mooney is addressing the discovery of 200 pottery fragments near a canyon in northern Arizona, the largest artifact accumulation to date of July 1893. The specimens were unearthed by some Navajo Indians who were digging for water in the area. Several Navajo families who were herding sheep and goats occupied the area. The ceramics were found below the surface around only one of the several canyon springs. Excavation methods employed by the Indians caused the destruction of at least half of the artifacts. Mooney discusses the location, decoration, and structural properties of the ceramic artifacts as well as the oral history of the Navajo occupying the area and infers that these specimens were offerings to the water gods.

Mooney describes the location of the artifacts as in a rincon or ide canyon between two steep canyon walls. There were several springs in the area, but pottery accumulation was only discovered at one of them. Nearby in the valley to the east, however, he mentions a four-acre site characterized by tamped and painted pottery and flakes of flint and obsidian 283). Mooney also speaks of feature foundations intact to the point that a full ground plan may be restored. Charcoal and burnt clay were found where Mooney believed the pottery was produced. He also mentions steps in the bedrock of the cliff that lead to the spring where the artifacts were discovered.

Mooney then discusses the decoration of the pottery despite the fact that most pieces were destroyed by the Indians shoveling techniques. He describes unique shapes in reddish brown or black. Forms included bird shapes, diminutive baskets or shoes, and gourd or spoon modeled forms. Although it is not said, it may be inferred from Mooney description that these forms were not for utilitarian purposes.

The article is closed by Mooney ethnoarchaeological evidence for these artifacts being offerings to the water gods. First, he states that the Navajo name for the springs in To-alchin I, or ittle water The Hopi name, though different, also means little water. He supplies anecdotal evidence from Hopi Indians that their ancestors deposited ceramics at the springs as a votive offering to the water gods. Mooney states that this practice of making offerings at springs is common among all primitive groups, as he has seen similar offerings among the Cheyenne and Arapaho.

GABRIELLE FERLEY Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Plancarte, F. Archeologic Explorations in Michoacan, Mexico. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6:79-85.

This article is a compilation of several letters sent from Professor F. Plancarte, while excavating in Michoacan, Mexico, to Professor W.H. Holmes. Plancarte simply describes the artifacts found at his site in the valley of Zamora. Plancarte speaks of burial sites, early wall foundations, pottery, copper and shell ornaments, fish hooks, arrowheads and much more. There is no hypothesis prevalent in this article. Very simply, this article is a descriptive narrative of what Dr. Plancarte encountered. There is no overall problem or concern that the article addresses, nor is there a basic argument or evidence presented to support an argument’s point.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Plancarte, F. Archeologic Explorations In Michoacan, Mexico. American Anthropologist January, 1893. Vol. VI:79-84

The main focus of the article is a series of excavations done by F. Plancarte in the southern valley of Zamora. Mr. Plancarte wished to conduct these xcavations in order to obtain authentic specimens with which he might form a small archeologic collection in order to serve as a basis for his study of this science. (Plancarte, 79) During the excavations he discovered walls that housed human skeletons inside and outside of the structure. Also discovered in the area were various utensils and materials. From the discovery of these artifacts, the question of whether the area was pre-Spanish or post-Spanish arose. Evidence in the area, orbid the idea that these sepulchers were built after European had been substituted for American art. (Plancarte, 82) Also, Mr. Plancarte rules out modern fraud as a method of deception due to the fact that little is known about the antiquity of the area. The author presents clear evidence that the excavated region was built before European contact. He makes his point by giving examples of why he believes this to be true. The evidence he presents to the reader is backed by the American friend Mr. Hunt, who accompanied him on his excavation. Based on the agreement of the two scholars, it is convincing that the area was not influenced by the Europeans. It was a region that was inhabited before the Spanish made any impact on their lives.

JASON HAYWARD Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Stephen, A. M. The Navajo. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6: 345-363.

A.M. Stephen’s article is an early ethnographic account of the Navajo. Stephen touches upon many subjects such as: environment, pastoral life, land tenure, social organization, architecture, song, ideology, kinship, customs, dress, marriage, taboos, arts, religious ceremonies, medicine, and mythology. He describes in great detail each subject matter as well as offering his interpretations and opinions. He has trouble understanding some of the Navajo’s taboos and labels some of their taboos as “embarrassing”. Not a very opened minded viewpoint, but we must consider the times in which Stephen lived. Stephen’s article contains no real question or overall problem, rather he provides some insight to the dilemma of the Navajo, whereas they are in a transitional place; they are overcoming influence and restrictions from government regulations. Stephen sees that the Navajo are changing in response to the stress placed upon them by the U.S. government. He does a good job of observing this unfortunate transition, but does not elaborate on this issue any further, rather he just notes it.

The overall impression of this article is that it’s a good early ethnography, somewhat ethnocentric at times, but very detailed and insightful.

SEAN P. CONNAUGHTON University of Florida (John Moore)

Stephen, A. M. The Navajo. American Anthropologist October, 1893 Vol. VI:345-362

The article’s main focus involves the Navajo Indians. It is an overview of the lives of the Navajo and how their culture has helped shape them. The author is offering insight on the lives of the Navajo because many may not know the details of these people. The author does this by breaking their culture into categories. From these categories, specifics are mentioned to help the reader further understand the Navajo. For example, house dedication is one of the categories the author mentions. In this category the author explains in detail the ceremony that takes place when one moves to a new dwelling. Also, the author notes to the reader the specific prayers that are said at the house dedication.

Example: urn serenely, my fire.

May peace surround my fire.

My fire prepares my children’s food;

May it be sweet and make them happy. Stephen, 352)

This is evidence that their religion has direct effect on the everyday lives of the Navajo people. Proof by incorporating prayer and ceremony into something as non-religious as a house dedication. This type of evidence shows that the author’s main point is that the Navajo people are a people shaped around their beliefs and ideologies. I believe this is what the author was trying to convey in this article. Through the construction of the article he has developed a firm background of how the Navajo have survived as a people.

JASON HAYWARD Lawrence University (Peter P. Peregrine)

Thomas, Cyrus. Are The Maya Hieroglyphics Phonetic? American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.6:241-270.

The overall concern of this article focuses on whether the Maya hieroglyphics are phonetic as opposed to being ideographic. While there are supporters on each side of this argument, some scientists hold a more compromising position and state that the Maya hieroglyphics are in the middle of a transition from ideographic to phonetic writing. This term is referred to as ikonomatic. The author of this article argues that the Maya hieroglyphics he has studied are past this transitory stage and are now purely phonetic.

Thomas argument does not appear to be very strong, and the evidence he uses is not presented in a very clear manner. His first piece of supporting evidence is that the letters and characters were only understood by the priests of the idols and Indians of high position. This would imply that the characters were more complicated than just explanatory pictures, and therefore they would have to be phonetic. While this seems like the most reasonable solution, it could also be that the Maya culture only allowed for certain members of society to employ writing skills.

This first piece of evidence would be more credible if Thomas did not continue his argument by quoting Conder page 15, ike Egyptian hieroglyphics, the system included both the use of symbols standing for syllables, and also of the older ideographs or sketches of the object, used as determinatives to secure the right understanding of the combined syllables. Thomas goes on to admit that, between the developmental stages of Maya writing, n fact, it is probable that the same character may be found in one place as phonetic and in another as retaining its symbolic significance.

The remainder of Thomas argument is examples of Maya symbols taken from several plates. At first sight, the characters definitely look more ideographic than phonetic. But, being the objective reader that I am, I tried to understand and follow Thomas explanations. I could not. Maybe more background is needed to understand his explanations. After reading Thomas article, I had to agree with the scientists who felt that the Maya hieroglyphics were a combination of both phonetic and ideographic characters. There seems to be no way that they are purely phonetic.

Regina Casati Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Thomas, Cyrus. Are the Maya Hieroglyphs Phonetic? American Anthropologist July,1893 Vol.6: 241-270

In this Article Cyrus Thomas examines the Mayan hieroglyphs. Thomas attempts to prove that the Mayan hieroglyphs which he studied are phonetic. Thomas is among a very small group of scholars who study the ancient aboriginal records, however, among this highly specialized group there are many different ideas as to how the Mayan hieroglyphs were used.

Thomas uses Dr. Brinton to help support his argument that the hieroglyphs are phonetic.He states his theory that, as most languages, the Mayan hieroglyphs developed into phonetics.Gradually progressing from the symbolic to phonetic, permitting the symbols to slowly be given phonetic meaning.

The argument that Thomas creates to support his theory that the hieroglyphs are phonetic is the evaluation of each of the symbols. By carefully examining each character it helps to create relevance for each of the symbols. Thomas then shows how that symbol and word correlate through spoken Mayan language. He develops the idea that the last syllables in Mayan words help to create the phonetic symbols or characters. Each of these symbols represent a word, and the use of different sounds to construct a new word with meaning.

An example of a phonetic hieroglyph that is phonetic would be the combination of two words, or hieroglyphs that when combined form the sounds heard in a new word. Such as the characters in hieroglyphs that signify yib u-cab, “melt honey”, which in later studies is combined with a hieroglyph of a woman. The combination leads Thomas to assume that yib (or yb) is used for the sound and not necessarily the meaning, which is “to melt.” The reason this hieroglyph is used is because the yib sound in the language is similar to the sound of the word for “bean or pulse,” meaning that in the new hieroglyph of the woman the sound of the character is used to create meaning for the new word.

Although Thomas supports his argument well he is aware that some of the hieroglyphs have been mis-drawn and his ideas on what each character might symbolize would most likely be wrong because of mis-drawing of the characters. The evidence gathered and used to strengthen his argument are the hieroglyphs themselves. He includes pictures so that the reader can follow along in his interpretation of each symbol.

Eventually, Thomas states that he has only started to research this subject and leaves the final answer to the question, are Mayan hieroglyphs phonetic?, unresolved.

ILEANA HERNANDEZ San Diego Mesa College( Denise Couch)

Tooker, William Wallace. The Kuskarawaokes of Captain John Smith. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 409-414.

In this essay, William Tooker attempts to determine the curious circumstances surrounding the Kuskarawaoke Indians. This group was first encountered by Captain John Smith during the establishment of the Virginia colony. While Smith took detailed notes about the Kuskarawaoke, the breadth of his knowledge was limited. Additionally, after Smith left, “no one continued the narrative of subsequent event with the historical and descriptive minuteness…of Captain John Smith.” At some point, the Kuskarawaoke apparently disappeared due to the colonial forces. As a result, by the time Virginia had become fully established, “nothing was left but their name as perpetuated by Smith.”

According to Tooker, other scholars that have studied Smith’s journals have either placed the Kuskarawaoke in the wrong area, or insisted they never existed in the first place. However in Tooker’s examination of Smith’s journals, he estimates that the Kuskarawaoke lived on the Chesapeake Bay, and numbered roughly “five hundred souls.” In order to prove his point, Tooker then uses linguistics in an attempt to trace the remains of the Kuskarawaoke culture.

While Tooker devotes a little over two pages to analyzing the linguistic traces of the Kuskarawaoke in extant groups, there are some flaws here. He assumes the reader knows how to pronouce the various words. He uses most of his evidence to refute other scholar’s works. And he assumes that the present languages have been static since the decimation of the Kuskarawaoke. Tooker does present a valid argument in encouraging the inclusion of historical documents in anthropological work.

ALANA A. LYNCH University of Florida (John Moore)

Tooker, William Wallace. The Kuskarawaokes of Captain John Smith. American Anthropologist October 1893 Vol. 6: 409-414.

The problem addressed in this article is who the Kuskarawaoke people were and what did their name actually mean. These questions have puzzled anthropologists who study native Americans for a very long time. The amount of knowledge know about the Kuskarawaoke people is very limited and even goes blank for a time when John Smith leaves the Virginia colony. It is however known that others like Spelman, Argall, Croshaw, did in fact visit the tribe. After time nothing was left of the Kuskarawaoke people but their name and the site they called home which was marked by decaying shells and grassy circles.

In another twist Reverend Wm. M. Beauchamp believes that Smith may have been studying the wrong group of people. Beauchamp belief is that the people were actually the Tuscaroras instead of the Kuskarawaoke. This is deemed impossible due to the linguistic work and other knowledge that Smith brought on the subject of the Kuskarawaoke people. Also, the Tuscaroras lived in a different part of the country and were of the Iroquoian decent while the Kuskarawaoke were pure Algonquian.

Smith tells us that the Kuskarawaoke people were located on the east shore of the Chesapeake Bay but he did not consider them to be a southern tribe. Also, Smith tells of the river known as the Kuskarawaok which is abbreviated us flu and the four main villages that he finds Kuskarawaoke people in.

The rest of the article may be lacking in substance as many anthropologists sound off as to what the word Kuskarawaoke means and how it is made up. When all is said and done the word Kuskarawaoke is broken down in to he principal place of white beads, (Tooker 414). This all helps us to better understand Indian nomenclature and the early history of tribes along the eastern Atlantic.

Grant Horton Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Welling, James C. The Last Town Election in Pompeii: An Archaeological Study of Roman Municipal Politics Based on Pompeian Wall Inscriptions. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:225-240.

Welling’s article mainly describes some fundamental aspects of the last town election in Pompeii (A.D. 79) on the basis of his and others’ archaeological and epigraphical investigations in regard to the Pompeian wall inscriptions.

Before proceeding entirely to his depiction on the said town election, the author elucidates some basic information relating to Roman town elections in general, some of which are: (1) A town population was divided into Decurions (men of wealth and public spirit), Augustales (intermediates between Decurions and the Plebs), and the Plebs, and (2) City officials were elected every year by nomination, namely, “by the spontaneous acclamation [recommendation] of their friends.” Here, importantly Welling clarifies that the street walls were utilized as a principal means of electoral advertisements.

With regard to the last town election in Pompeii, the author indicates the fact that a thousand walls were actually utilized for electoral purpose(s); notable evidence that wall inscriptions played an important role in political and economical terms. He also calls attention to labor leagues, guilds, political clubs, and religious associations as important political actors, which supported organizationally their favorite candidates. Furthermore, such wall inscriptions tell us that vote-buying was notably common in Pompeii, because in part “the aim of each candidate was to secure a majority [of votes in each electoral precinct].” Also, importantly, Welling indicates that most of the women, involved in the town’s politics, were members of the “Tavern-keepers’ Union”; some of whom were so influential that sometimes their names appeared in the wall inscriptions before the names of their husbands-candidates.

After providing the aforementioned data of the Pompeian election and politics, Welling says: “[w]e catch here the institutes of Roman municipal government in the transition epoch. Republican liberty was dead in the city of Rome, but the simulacrum of popular suffrage was allowed to survive for a time in the remote municipalities [like Pompeii].” Finally, he concludes the article pointing out that such a political autonomy of Roman municipalities ended totally with the appearance of European feudal systems.

MUTSUO NAKAMURA University of Florida (John Moore)

Welling, James C. The Last Town Election in Pompeii: An Archaeological Study of Roman Municipal Politics Based on Pompeian Wall Inscriptions. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.VI(3):225-240.

James Welling discusses the method and practical realities of municipal elections in the Roman city of Pompeii, with particular reference to the elections prior to the A.D. 79 eruption of Mount Vesuvius.

The author attempts to describe the process of municipal elections primarily in terms of Duoviri, and Aediles, which were positions of city administration. The majority of his article relates to the electoral process until the destruction of the city in A.D. 79. Welling attempts to illustrate the relatively democratic vein of municipal politics in Pompeii. He also places his understanding of Pompeian municipal politics and electoral processes in the larger context of the development of political trends throughout the Roman Empire. He demonstrates that the democratic nature of Pompeian politics was relatively rare and gradually disappeared as Roman political strategies increasingly centralized the Empire administration and diminished the political roles of its colonized states. Welling writes, ome had purchased civil security at the price of political privilege, and was content with her bargain. (p.238)

Welling refers to research done in Pompeii by past historians and archaeologists as well as accounts written by contemporary observers such as Cicero. Based on the findings of historians and archaeologists, it appears that campaign publicity in Pompeii was commonly inscribed on public walls for all the populace to see. The inscriptions were typically nominations for candidates and avowals of candidates characters. In addition, certain citizens would attempt to gain the support of fellow citizens for their candidates by writing a request to that effect on the walls. These inscriptions and tablets containing descriptive information about municipal elections are used by Welling as a major source of evidence for his argument. He also makes reference to the accounts of Cicero and other contemporaries in order to illustrate the nature of political activity at the time.

Welling presents this data in a systematic way, using the inscriptions as his primary source of information. He simultaneously refers to contemporary writings concerning politics so as to provide further evidence for his points. The main body of his work contains descriptions of local politics based on the above mentioned sources and as such, his data is contained throughout his paper. However, it does not appear that the author of this article collected any firsthand information or data, although he has traveled to the city of Pompeii.

Since Welling begins to present his data to the reader in the first paragraph of the article, it is slightly confusing at the outset. However, Welling article is written in very clear language and he presents his argument in a logical fashion that is easy to follow overall. At the end of the article, Welling discusses the decline of Roman local politics from a system of democracy to one of centralized autocracy. However, apart from placing the system of Pompeian politics in a larger regional and historical context at the end of his article, Welling does little analysis of his findings. He presents the information he has gathered in an interesting and informative fashion, but fails to interpret that information further.

JYOTHI RAMANATHAN Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)