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American Anthropologist 1891

Boas, Franz. Physical Characteristics of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):25-32.

For this article,”Physical Characteristics of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast”, Franz Boas took a series of measurements of 263 Indians along the North Pacific coast of America. Boas grouped the native peoples according to their former habitat, as well as their mode of life. All measurements required the removal of only a small portion of the natives’ clothing. The measurements of men between the ages of 20 and 50 and women between the ages of 19 and 50 are included in the discussion. Boas found marked differences among the various local groups in his study, and includes a table which shows those measurements that vary the most.

Boas notes that, in general, all Indians of the North Pacific coast are of average size, and have short heads, wide faces, large chins, light skin, very dark brown hair, and wide eyebrows. However, as one approaches the Columbia River from the north or the south, the stature of the indigenous natives increases significantly. Meanwhile, the tribes of Harrison Lake are quite short statured, and their heads and faces are wider than those of other groups in the area.

Boas notes that many groups throughout the North Pacific coast practice cranial deformation. Fortunately, Boas was able to take measurements of the heads of children whose parents no longer practiced the deformation. Boas notes that longer finger reach and longer arms seem to be associated with people who practice a fishing subsistence. In conclusion, Boas notes that studies of the physical characteristics of Indians are just as valuable as studies of their customs and beliefs. He notes that little time remains for further studies of Native Americans, since their lifeways are rapidly changing.

This essay is a general report of Boas’ findings among the Indians of the North Pacific coast, where he has found evidence of regional physical types as well as physical variation among neighboring Indian groups.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Boas, Franz. Physical Characteristics of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast.American Anthropologist January, 1891. Vol.IV(1):25-32.

Franz Boas’ overall concern as an historical particularistic was to record the characteristics of each unique Native American tribe, as much as possible, before it either disappeared or was changed by imposed contact. His concluding statement to this article was, “the disappearance of tribes, their intermixture with each other, and with whites, the changes in their mode of life, are so rapid that little time remains for studies of this character.” The particular character that was recorded in this article was certain physical attributes of tribal groups from several Northwestern American and Canadian regions.

Presented within this article are data on height, finger-reach, length of arm, length of torso, and six indices of the head, face and arm for individuals from nine geographical areas of the Northwest. The subjects in each of the geographic areas were from different tribes in that region that shared either habitat or way of life. His sample sizes are low, with a median of only eight men and five women sampled in each region. From this data Boas tries to show the unique physical aspects of the various areas, as well as using similarities to show relatedness among areas. He states that, “it is of the greatest interest to observe that upon studying the physical characters of the tribes of the Pacific coast in detail such a variety of forms is found.”

To make his argument, Boas chose to use only “those measurements which varied most among the different groups.” To present the selected data, he chose to give the average of each group for each measure and, as a measure of variation, the limits between half of each of these groups. Thus, between his selection of data and the way it is presented, the differences between tribes are enhanced to support his argument. He continually refers to the average number to claim differences between various regions while paying little attention to the variation, which he has already limited. In addition, Boas measured several crania from museums, stating that their measurements are consistent with modern measurements from the same area and, therefore, it is reasonable to accept the modern group as being from continuous lineages.

Throughout the article, Boas focuses the reader on the salient statistics for each region where differences were found. He gives detailed explanations about why he feels his sample sizes are adequate and why the resulting statistics are meaningful. In addition, he uses similarities found between certain groups to hypothesize relatedness.

PAULINE STAHL California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Bourke, John G. Remarks. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):71-74.

John G. Bourke’s “Remarks” is a general summary of Bourke’s knowledge about Native American arrow manufacture and use. Bourke begins with an assertion that Apache arrows, with shafts made of reed, were especially well made and needed no strengthening. Meanwhile, their enemies wasted valuable time and energy straightening arrows. Myth tells us the Apache emerged as a tribe from a reed swamp, and they received their arrows from the gods.

Bourke notes that there are numerous types of arrow tips, and several types can be found in a single Apache quiver. The Apaches barbed arrows with obsidian, sheet iron, and sometimes hard wood. Bourke’s collection of their arrows is comparable to examples described in the letters of Christopher Columbus. Historic evidence suggests that by 1709 some Native American groups were barbing arrows with beer bottle glass. Indeed, as Bourke notes, the Apache word for brown bottle glass is the same as for obsidian. Indians knew how to construct bows and arrows according to the height of the bowman, and they were able to make flint or obsidian tips in about five minutes. There were various types of feathering across Native American groups, and there were also groups who did not feather their arrows. Bourke notes that the range of Native American arrows is not greater than 150 yards, although the penetration of the arrows is impressive. Bourke reports seeing arrows embedded in pine trees, and notes that an Arizona man died from being punctured in the lungs by arrows. Arrows were central to myth and to concepts of luck for all Native American societies.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Brinton, D. G. The International Congress of Americanists. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 33-38.

The International Congress of Americanists, which originated in France, is an organization dedicated to American prehistory. As Brinton explains, the organization focuses on five main areas: 1) the pre-Columbian discovery of America, 2) the history of exploration and colonization of America, 3) prehistoric American archaeology, 4) the ethnography and anthropology of Native American tribes, and 5) Native American linguistics and mythology. Aside from describing the organization’s scope, Brinton’s article contains a diary of notes and events from the organization’s 1890 meeting in Paris. Specifically, Brinton recalls conversations dealing with the origin of the name America, discussions of Norse voyages to America, as well as several papers and speeches. One such speech, Brinton mentions dealt with the relationship between some of the prayers of the Aztecs to Quetzalcoatl to that of Chinese prayers to some Buddhist divinities. Other events include attending receptions hosted by French dignitaries such as the “President of the Republic” M. Carnot and by Prince Bonaparte. Finally, the article discusses the Congress elections and plans for the next meeting of the organization.

The article amounts to little more than a collection of notes, containing no substantial content or specific information about the Congress’s findings. As such, the article is of little or no value other than, perhaps, a glimpse at what one anthropological organization was concerned with in 1890.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Brunner, H. L. Aboriginal Rock-Mortars Near El Paso, Texas. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 385-6.

Brunner focuses on rock mortars found in association with an archaeological site about ten miles north of El Paso, Texas. The rock mortars are located on the east side of the Franklin Mountains, near the opening of a canyon holding the House Spring (still a viable water source in this part of Texas). There is a view from the archaeological sites to the mesa east and north of the site.

The rock mortars consist of holes in large blocks of granite. Granite is present as an intrusive rock in the mountains. At the mouth of the canyon there are two hills of granite eroded and fallen down from the mountains, which contain the rock mortars. These rock mortars are between fourteen and nineteen inches in depth and ten to fifteen inches in diameter. The holes are semi-spindle-shaped or saucer-shaped. Many of the holes are in the shadow on the face of a granite block, so that one could grind food in the shade. The larger holes are pointed, whereas the smaller holes are more rounded.

Brunner cites old “plainsmen” to state that these mortars may have been used to grind grain. The holes were given the name of “cooking holes.” Brunner believes the smaller circular holes were used to hold vessels with round bottoms. Several fragments of Mexican-type pottery, plain and decorated, were found near the rock-mortars. An arrow-scraper and an unworked ax-shaped stone were also found near the granite blocks, suggesting that people may have used these tools to dig or chop at the site. About one-third of a mile from the excavations, archaeologists recovered an oval tool shaped from hard sandstone. The tool has a rough and a smooth side. The smooth side is covered with longitudinal scratches. Brunner believes that the tool was used either to shape the mortar holes, grind grain in the holes, or for both purposes. The author also reports similar rock mortars occurring near Mundy Spring, several miles north of these granite blocks.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Brunner, H. L. Aboriginal Rock-Mortars Near El Paso, Texas. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol.4(4):385-386.

Brunner’s article describes the aboriginal rock-mortars near El Paso. Rock-mortars are holes hollowed out of rock, which are used to pound or grind a substance. He gives the reader a general idea of the location and size of the rock-mortars, as well as the description of a tool possibly used in shaping the mortars or in grinding their contents.

The excavations are located on the east side of the Franklin Mountains near the mouth of a canyon containing House Spring.

The rock-mortars vary from 10-15 inches in diameter and from 14-19 inches in depth. Twenty of the mortars lie close to a large tilted block of granite. Brunner asserts that this large granite rock may have shielded the users of these rock-mortars from hostile eyes. Along with the larger holes, there are approximately 30 small saucer shaped depressions. These vary from 2-6 inches in diameter and ½-3 inches in depth. Brunner claims that the smaller depressions were probably used to hold vessels or cups. A few pottery fragments found near the mortars support his claim.

An arrow scraper and an axe shaped stone were found along with an oval lenticular tool. Brunner describes this sandstone tool to be 4½ inches in length, 3¼ inches wide, and 13/8 inches thick. Brunner finds this tool comfortable to wield, and its markings and shape indicate it was used in the grinding of a substance or in making the mortars, thus supporting old plainsmen’s claims that these mortars were used for grinding grain.

Andrea Wright Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Chamberlain, A. F. Maple Sugar and the Indians. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):381-383.

In “Maple Sugar and the Indians”, A.F. Chamberlain provides a brief history of maple sugar in Canada and New England. Chamberlain’s goal is to demonstrate that Native Americans were the first to attempt the production of maple sugar. Historic documentation demonstrates that colonial Americans were experimenting with the production of maple sugar by the late 1680s. According to Chamberlain, letters dating to the same period demonstrate that Canadian Indians already knew a great deal about tapping the maple sugar source, and they supposedly had practiced it “‘since time out of mind’”. Before these documents came to light it was believed that colonial Americans invented the practice.

Chamberlain provides historic documentation to illustrate that by the 1780s New Englanders were producing maple sugar. New England Indians still use maple sugar as an ingredient in traditional dishes. One recipe includes whortle-berries and maple sugar, “baked into a dainty dish”. Recent reports from Vermont provide detailed instructions for the preparation of maple sugar.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Chamberlain, A. F. Maple Sugar and the Indians. American Anthropologist. October, 1891 Vol. 4 (4):381-383.

In Maple Sugar and the Indians, Chamberlain follows up on The maple amongst the Algonkian tribes, an article which appeared previously in the American Anthropologist. The focus of Chamberlain’s argument is that Native Americans were the first to make maple sugar, and have been producing it “longer than any now living among them can remember” (382). The course of his argument seems to support diffusionist theory, although in a direction not commonly suggested. Chamberlain concludes that maple sugar production spread from Native American culture to European communities.

In support of his claim, Chamberlain briefly cites several European sources from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. One Dr. Robinson, for example, is quoted in a letter written from London, March 10, 1684 as saying, “I have enclosed some sugar of the first boiling got from the juice of the wounded maple…. ‘Twas sent from Canada, where the natives prepare it from the said juice;… The Indians have practiced it time out of mind” (Chamberlain 1891:381). All the sources Chamberlain refers to (which include philosophical journals, agricultural reports, and independent publications) are quoted only briefly, and provide direct evidence that the Native Americans’ produced maple sugar.

In addition to citing European accounts of Native American maple sugar production, Chamberlain also describes how these people prepared the sugar. Again, he refers to European testimony, this time that of Paul Dudley, F. R. S. His description is then compared to methods of maple sugar extraction employed in North America at the time Chamberlain published this article. This comparison (into which he does not delve) leads Chamberlain to conclude that Native Americans were the first to produce maple sugar, and that they passed their knowledge on to European settlers.

CAROLYNE RYAN Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky).

Chamberlain, A. F. The Maple Amongst the Algonkian Tribes. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1):39-44.

Chamberlain uses this article to refer to and expand upon an earlier article (Henshaw Vol. 3: 341-351) that attempts to prove that American Indians were the first to use maple sugar. Chamberlain reviews historical notes and myths of the origin of maple sugar use in Algonquian groups. Chamberlain also includes stories about maple sugar making and etymological considerations of the words “maple” and “sugar” in several Algonquian languages.

Chamberlain begins with memoirs and histories from Father Rasle, Joutel, and Miss E.F. Jones to establish that Algonquian groups in the northeast United States boiled down the sap of the maple tree, and used it for sugar. The author laments that early documents concerning maple sugar use in New England are not available. Chamberlain refers to passages in “The Canadian Settler’s Guide,” personal histories, and commentaries stating that Algonquian groups may have had a “sugar month,” and that the Iroquois called the Algonquian groups “tree-eaters.”

Chamberlain proceeds to compile myths and stories concerning the origin and use of maple sugar from Mohican, Ottawa, and Chippewa groups. He could not determine whether maple sugar was introduced in a late period of prehistory into New England societies. At this point, Chamberlain begins to catalogue terms relating to maple sugar in American and Canadian Indian groups.

Chamberlain mentions words used by the Mississagwas of Ontario; Algonquians of the Two Mountains; Algonquian peoples in northern Hastings County, Ontario; Cree; Delawares of Canada; Delawares in New Jersey; Chippewa, and the Ottawas. Some of the terms for maple sugar relate to the pressing down of sticks, while others indicate the term for maple sugar had associations with “sugar liquid,” “to stir,” “corn stalk,” “loose, not in solid cakes,” “sugar tree,” and “maple sap.”

The author ends the piece by determining that two etymologies, rather than four, may have real relevance to derivational studies. Chamberlain believes that either the term “man-tree” or “the tree” may have given rise to the general Algonquian terms “aninâtik and “ininâtik.” Of the two terms, the word “inin” appears to have more significance. The root of the word, “inin,” means “true or proper.” This would indicate that the tree was the ‘genuine’ tree. Chamberlain believes that further studies on Algonquian languages concerning words relating to maple sugar may assist to determine the true Algonquian word of origin for maple sugar.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Chamberlain, A. F. The Maple Amongst the Algonkian Tribes. American Anthropologist January, 1891. Vol.IV(1):39-43.

Chamberlain makes a case here for maple sugar being an invention of the Algonkian (now spelled Algonquin) tribes of the Northeast and ponders the origin of the Algonkian words for maple and sugar. The larger framework within which the author is working, is probably the desire of many American anthropologists of the time to record as much ethnographic data as possible about Native American tribes. To support his argument, he methodically supplies historical references as to maple sugarÕs invention and relies on expert authority for the linguistic question.

His exposition is laid out in three parts. In the first, he quotes four historical sources, each implies that maple sugar was known to the Algonkians before white settlement of the area. One of these sources also states that the Iroquois referred to the Algonkian as Òtree-eaters,Ó presumably because of their use of the maple tree.

The second part of his argument describes myths about the maple in various Algonkian tribes. Each of the myths revolves around the origin of how and why people learned to process maple sap into sugar. The final myth mentioned by Chamberlain, however, refers to the creation of the tree itself. In it a magician becomes the tree and, Chamberlain claims, is the probable root for the Chippewa word for maple that he translates as meaning Òman tree.Ó

In the third part of his thesis, Chamberlain looks for the probable origins of the words for maple and sugar in Algonkian languages. He first lists the words, as well as, related words in the various Algonkian languages and then suggests some possible connections. Finally, Chamberlain discusses the four etymologies that had been proposed for the Algonkian terms for sugar and maple that were used by most groups. After dismissing two, he states that, of the remaining two, Òthe treeÓ is the most likely origin as it has the weight of an expert opinion behind it.

PAULINE STAHL California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Culin, Stewart. Social Organization of the Chinese in America. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 347-353.

This article by Stewart Culin discusses the migration of Chinese immigrants to the United States during the turn of the century. Culin notes the recent expansion of Chinese immigrants in the San Francisco area. According to Culin, the Chinese are always seeking out “where they or their followers can better their fortune”. Most of these immigrants are made up of peasant farmers looking for a better way of life in the United States. Culin explains that the majority of these immigrants find work as laundry cleaners and establish residences for their family members to join them. He describes the creation of such colonies in his hometown of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, Culin becomes fascinated by the social organization of the Chinese immigrants and befriends a local laundry man and his family, the Lee’s. Culin observes the daily routine of Mr. Lee and remarks as to how hospitable and industrious he and the majority of Chinese immigrants he meets are. He explains that Mr. Lee acts not only as a laundry man but also as an herbalist and a mediator of disputes. His laundry shop is a place where many Chinese immigrants gather to socialize and drink tea. Culin describes the eventual opening of a restaurant by Mr. Lee and his family. Over time, Culin learns the language and numerous aspects of Chinese culture. Eventually, Culin explains, he is privy to the gossip and rivalries that exist in the small network of Chinese immigrants in Philadelphia. Overall, Culin is very admiring of the Chinese and continually comments on the cooperation that pervades throughout the Chinese.

This article is written in a diary type format. Often, Culin’s writings seem to be wandering and very difficult to follow. He offers no information regarding the social life or historical underpinnings of Chinese culture in general. As such, the article represents Culin’s observations and opinions of the Chinese immigrants with which he is familiar.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Culin, Stewart. Social Organization of the Chinese in America. American Anthropologist Oct. 1891 Vol. IV (4): 347-353.

The author depicts Chinese immigrants in America as having systematically structured communities and directing their efforts towards providing profitable locations for family, friends, and countrymen outside of China. To this end, the Chinese immigrants constantly inquire about and have a very thorough knowledge of American cities and towns and potentially beneficial each place would be for other Chinese immigrants.

The article represents a clear and common set of anthropological assumptions, namely that culture is cohesive both locally and generally. In this article, the author primarily uses his experiences with the Chinese immigrant community in Philadelphia to make bolder statements about the systematic structure within national Chinese immigrant populations. Culin concedes that his direct observations are restricted to a few East Coast cities (and further to one primary individual), and that he has never traveled to China despite frequent encouraging from others. Still, he argues that his confinement to one location of study allows him to more closely see the development of Chinese community and to gain knowledge of the structure in all other Chinese immigrant communities.

The article shows both universalizing goals, in the way that Culin generalizes his findings to other communities, and particularist aims, in the historical nature of his analysis of one locality. Culin’s analysis is based on a great deal of time spent observing the Chinese community’s growth from its early stages. His chief source was a man named Lee Fong who occupied positions both as a laundryman, the most common labor position for the Chinese, and as a community leader. Lee Fong was the first Chinese immigrant to establish himself in Philadelphia.

During the period of his observations, Culin states that a feud broke out between the Lee family and the Moy family. As a result, a secret society was established against the Lees. This secret society was known as the I’Hing, or the “Patriotic Uprising,” and is based on Chinese tradition. According to Culin, the Chinese communities are divided by three elements: the clan, or village unit, which Culin says consists of the family and early association; the secret society or political group; and the trade guild or mercantile cooperation.

At the end of the article, Culin devotes a short space to extrapolating from his experiences in Philadelphia to other communities in the United States. He chiefly mentions New York’s Chinese community as a larger, more complex version of the Philadelphia community. Culin also alludes to a related earlier paper that he wrote on the exhibitions of religious sentiment of Chinese immigrants on the East Coast.

DEVIN BURKE Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Daniel, Z. T. Mounds in South Dakota. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):327-328.

In his article, “Mounds in South Dakota”, Z.T. Daniel reports on a recent archaeological discovery. He notes that stone tools, human bones, and shells were recovered from houses or mounds on the west bank of the Missouri River. These houses or mounds range from 10 feet to 25 yards in diameter. Daniel assumes there are no such mounds on the east side of the river, although an informant has indicated otherwise. The Sioux Indians of the area suggest the houses were constructed by their former enemies, the Rees. According to oral tradition, the Rees continued moving northward as the Sioux drove them out of territories throughout the area.

The houses are constructed of mud and trees, and they contain circular walls. Some of the buildings are “quite large and may have been designed for horses”. The doors or openings of the houses always face the east or southeast. Artifacts and human bones have been recovered inside and outside the houses. Ash heaps and charcoal have been recovered from the outside of the houses, where the doors were. Daniel suggests the occupants did the cooking just outside of their homes, adding that it would have been impractical to cook inside these houses. All pottery recovered has been the work of the Rees. Daniel notes that this pottery seems to have been used and broken over a century ago. This would date to the time when the Sioux and the Rees were fighting for supremacy.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Daniel, Dr. Z. T. Mounds In South Dakota. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (4):327-328.

In Mounds In South Dakota, Daniel traces the history of earthen mounds that run the length of the Missouri River in South Dakota. His sources are either the testimonies of local people, including traders and Native Americans, or conclusions made from his own observations. Relying on the statements of others, Daniel asserts that the mounds extend up both banks of the Missouri River “from St. Louis, Mo., as far as Ft. Bexthold” (327), and were built by the Rees or Palani Indians during a war with the Sioux. Once he has discussed their position and origins, Daniel goes on to draw his own conclusions about the function of the mounds. He suggests that they were houses, “probably covered with trees or branches, having a center pole, and all covered with earth” (327). He notes their orientation (with the doorways always facing the east or southeast), artifacts found in and around them (including flint, bones, and pottery), and hearths or ‘ash-heaps’, which represent the location of previously kept fires. Daniel takes particular notice of the ash-heaps, which he notes are always found outside the mound-house, rather than inside it. He also makes special mention of the pottery found in association with the mounds, which he estimates to be more than one hundred years old (thus placing them c.1791).

CAROLYNE RYAN Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Dorsey, J. Owen. Games of Teton Dakota Children. American Anthropologist Oct. 1891. Vol. IV (4): pp. 329-345.

This article is a compilation of information that has been translated and arranged by the author. The original collector of the data, George Bushotter, was a full-blood Dakota who wrote in the Teton dialect. The article lists and briefly summarizes nearly sixty Teton Dakota games, including games that Dorsey calls: “Ghost game,” “Taking captives from one another,” “Old Woman and her Dog,” and “Who shall get there first?”

Most of the games listed involve boys only, although a few include children of both sexes. One exception, the game “Playing with small things,” is exclusive to girls. In his descriptions, Dorsey notes that many of the games involve hunting, fighting, or some type of interacting with girls, in ways that teach boys something of their social environment and role. The games help the children to emulate their elders, measure and build their physical and social strength, and to explore their spirituality. This is perhaps the key thread between the games: while he states that some games can be played for pure amusement, most are culturally simulating or educating at heart.

Dorsey does not give great detail for any of the games, but treats the information as a potential database for further study. The list is arranged by the season in which the games are typically played and the age and sex of the children who play them. All Teton Dakota games are played at certain times of the year, although only most games are listed by the season in which they are played, depending on the information available to Dorsey.

DEVIN BURKE Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Dorsey, J. Owen. Games of Teton Dakota Children. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 329-345.

This article describes the games played among youngsters in the Teton Dakota community. George Bushotter, a member of the Dakota people, was the original author of the notes on the games. The U.S. Bureau of Ethnology later acquired his papers. John Dorsey, an employee of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, then translated Bushotter’s notes concerning the games from the Teton dialect of the Dakota language to English. Dorsey also arranged this material in a single readable document.

The games of the Teton Dakota children are classified into several sets: those games played by girls or boys; boys’ games of each of the four seasons; all-season boys’ games; and games played by children or older members of the society.

Dorsey writes that girls and boys do not often play with each other. Games appear to belong to specific seasons of the year. There are five games that both children and older people may play. There are fifty-seven games in which only children take part.

Dorsey notes that girls alone may play at mimicking women. Girls may carry dolls, women’s work bags, and small tents. These play imitations are called “playing with small things.”

Boys play at a number of games which test physical skill and endurance. Among these are: “they hit another with earth;” “they wound one another with a grass which has a long sharp beard;” and “throwing fire at one another.” Boys also make representations of horses and buffalo with mud, treating them as real animals; hunt for eggs and birds; and play a game with a rawhide hoop.

Both girls and boys engage in play mimicking the actions of older people in the village. The children pretend to be old people, doctors, medicine men or women, people near death, ghosts, captive takers, and courting adults. A number of physical games are also played, involving hopping, whistling, follow-the-leader, flutes, group games of chase, spinning tops, and shooting games. Some games involve the calling of insults to make the players play more fiercely, or to entertain the group.

Older members of the Teton Dakota people appear to play more games of chance or skill. These include making willow sticks and ribs to race over ice, odd and even games with sumac switches, and catching several deer hooves with a sharp-pointed stick.

The games mentioned in Bushotter’s text are not a complete collection. Yet they do offer a good deal of information on materials, people, and animals that appear in children’s games of a Teton Dakota community.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. On Zemes from Santo Domingo. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 167-176.

Fewkes holds that a zeme is a carved image of stone, wood, or clay. He records the creation of the zeme in the West Indies and the Pueblo societies of the Southwest United States. A zeme often depicts a human or animal head or form. The body of a carved zeme may be decorated with facsimile hair, clothing, headbands and eyes.

Fewkes believes that the zeme was used as an idol or fetish. He describes in detail the zemes from the city of Santo Domingo on the island of Santo Domingo, carved in smooth basaltic rock, in the first part of the article. The Santo Domingo zemes appear to be similar to zemes from Puerto Rico. Some of these zemes look like rocks, while others are in the shape of pestles. In the West Indies, zemes are often recovered from caves, shrines, shell heaps, and within homes of mixed-descendant (Black/Indian) populations. Fewkes refers to the chronicles of early explorers, such as the son of Christopher Columbus and Charlevoix, in stating that zemes held religious significance. Prayers were offered to the zemes for good luck in hunting, childbirth, rain, and harvest.

Fewkes briefly describes zeme-like stone idols used among the ZuZi and Moki peoples of the Southwestern United States, and the Passamaquoddy people of Maine. These stone images were used for hunting stones. Fewkes believes that zemes in the West Indies may also have been related to the taking of animals. He refers to early historical writings to make the case that animal zemes in the West Indies may have been analogous to images of animal totems in Native American societies. Fewkes reports that in one writing, a cacique painted a figure of his zeme on his body.

Fewkes then explores the traditions of the Carib Indians concerning the production of zemes. Early historical writers report that Carib peoples made wooden zemes, sprinkled their heads with powder, and imbued them with religious significance. Fewkes writes that the Carib peoples may have believed certain zemes held prophetic powers. The Carib peoples may have held “medium” sessions in which a concealed person would speak through the zeme.

Fewkes concludes the piece by questioning whether Caribs or other American Indian groups originally crafted West Indian zemes. Fewkes believes that Caribs produced zemes, but perhaps this occurred under the influence of other American Indian groups.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, J. Walter. On Zemes from Santo Domingo. American Anthropologist April 1891 Vol. 4(2):167-175.

J. Walter Fewkes article, On Zemes from Santo Domingo, is concerned with the anthropologist’s attempt to establish what material aspects of the West Indian aboriginal culture are original (pure), and what aspects have been influenced by other cultures, specifically the cultures of Africa and Santo Domingo. Fewkes introduces this problem in the context of aboriginal zemes. An aboriginal zeme is a carved stone or wooden figure, often resembling animal or human-like features. Fewkes focused his article on the problem of integration and diffusion of traits that resulted from many intermingling cultures, creating complexity in separating the original traits of the Western Indians from others.

Fewkes attempts to add new information to previous knowledge already known regarding aboriginal zemes. Fewkes argues for the necessity for cross-cultural comparisons (especially the African influence) of specific traits, environments, tools and materials used in the creation of a zemi, in order to provide evidence for the historical origins of these aboriginal zemes.

Fewkes drawins on articles written by colleagues, including historical references concerning the purpose of zemes. He also discusses the environments in which zemes were found, the materials out of which they were made, and the defining physical characteristics (often similar to animal or human forms, such as the face, and hands and feet) by which they are identified. Fewkes makes extensive cross-cultural comparisons in which he emphasizes the similarities and differences between zemes. Fewkes identifies the religious and totemic significance of zemes.

Because of the diffusion, and interaction between many cultures, Fewkes argues that specific zeme had to be analyzed and compared with others in order to determine its meaning and connotations.

JENNIFER FOTH Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Fletcher, Robert. The New School of Criminal Anthropology. American Anthropologist May, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 201-236.

“The New School of Criminal Anthropology” was delivered before the Anthropological Society of Washington, by Robert Fletcher, on April 21, 1891.

This address described and explained the development of criminal anthropology. This new school of thought, according to Fletcher, began at the University of Turin in Italy. The “chief” of criminal anthropology is Cesare Lombroso, a professor of medical jurisprudence at the University of Turin. The basic tenet of the school is that the criminal rather than the crime should be studied. Fletcher defines criminal anthropology as “the study of the being who, in consequence of physical conformation, hereditary taint, or surroundings of vice, poverty and ill example, yields to temptation and begins a career of crime. According to Fletcher, there are three schools of thought engaged in investigations of criminal anthropology. These are: 1) The Classic or Spiritualistic school, which denies congenital, race, or climate as factors in crime; 2) The Socialist school, which maintains that the physical and moral surroundings of an individual are the sole cause of crime; and 3) The Positivist School (advocated by Lombroso), which argues crime is the result of a combination anthropological, physical, and social factors. Fletcher provides the following example to illustrate the Positivist’s rationale: if crime is purely social, then why do only a handful of the poor steal?

In general, Fletcher explains, the criminal anthropologist views the criminal as a “variety of the human species who has degenerated physically and morally.” Fletcher recognizes that the definition of crime is not universal and that certain crimes may be acceptable in certain societies. However, he argues that across all societies “natural crimes” such as murder and theft are always recognized as crime. As such, he argues that these natural crimes are a deviation from an innate “moral sense” and that in the criminal the inheritance of this “moral sense” may be flawed or absent. The new school of criminal anthropology attempts to identify the social factors or inherited attributes of a criminal that lead to perpetration of crime. In fact, physical characteristics, Fletcher notes, are valid indicators of criminals. That is, according to Lombroso’s investigations, “large noses, abundant hair, and well developed canines” are always present when examining a murderer. Fletcher moves one step further and suggests that society must act in the same manner as biology by selecting against the unfit, those who commit crime, by enacting capital punishment. Throughout the address, Fletcher positions himself in line with the Positivist school. As such, the notion of a biological basis to deviant behavior is not only assumed it is manifest, as noted earlier, in the physical appearance of the criminal.

In this article, Fletcher goes to great lengths to explain and provide examples for the position of the criminal anthropologist. Clearly, at the time this address was presented the philosophies of Herbert Spenser and Sir Francis Galton, both of who are mentioned by Fletcher, were popularly held beliefs. However, viewed as a historical document this article most clearly reflects the misconceptions regarding evolution and specifically genetic transmission present in the wake of Darwin’s influential publications.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Fletcher, Robert M. D. The Vigor and Expressiveness of Older English. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1):1-17.

The Vigor and Expressiveness of Older English was read before the Anthropological Society of Washington by Robert Fletcher on December 16, 1890. In his speech, Robert Fletcher conveys the idea that the English used in the poetry of the Elizabethan age is a direct reflection of the “freedom and spontaneity” afforded by the Reformation. Introduced by Queen Elizabeth’s father, King Henry the Eighth, the Reformation, according to Fletcher, unleashed the English poet and allowed him to flourish under the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Fletcher juxtaposes the pre-Elizabethan and Elizabethan ages by reciting several stanzas of poetry indicative of the changing social climate. According to Fletcher, however, modern poetry lacks the vitality and economy of words employed by the Elizabethan poet. To illustrate this point, Fletcher provides his audience with numerous exemplar stanzas, citing the work of Spenser, Milton, Davies, and many others. Furthermore, he argues that the language of the modern poet neglects terse and expressive words such as the adjective jocund or the verb to lamp, common to the Elizabethan poet. While Fletcher is clear in not wanting to defame the modern poet, his penchant for terse and expressive writing is most fully satisfied by the work of the Elizabethans.

In regards to anthropology, Fletcher’s work is of only remote interest. Nevertheless, for those interested in an unpedantic account of the vigor and expressiveness of Older English, Fletcher’s is a readable and enlightened rendition.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Fletcher, Robert. The Vigor and Expressiveness of Older English. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.IV:1-18.

This article was originally a speech given to the Anthropological Society of Washington on December 16th 1890. He begins by apologizing for the lack of relevance his topic may have to Anthropology and introduces his topic as the examination of why modern English is less descriptive and effective than the English used by playwrights, authors, and poets of the Elizabethan age. Fletcher credits English literature’s advancement out of the Middle Ages and into the poetic glory of the Elizabethan age to the Italian Renaissance and the German Restoration. Exposure to the rediscovered masterpieces of art and poetry of the Ancient Greeks and the revolution of thought fanned by the challenge of Martin Luther of the Catholic Church, led to freedom in the thought, language, and art created by the Elizabethan Englishmen. The freedom was encouraged by a lack of censorship from the crown allowing writers to express the true vigor of their emotions, convictions, and observations.

Through extensive quotations he attempts to prove that English, being derived from Anglo-Saxon, is inherently a strong language but with little beauty and expressiveness. Thus much of the succinct beauty of Elizabethan writers, he argues, comes from their use of Latin words and phrasing in their poetry. He claims that modern writers who limit themselves to the English language are less bold and more diffuse because they need to use more words to convey meaning.

The bulk of the article consists of quotations, of which only three are from contemporary sources though he claims to be comparing modern and Elizabethan. Fletcher loosely strings the quotations together via transitional statements. He examines the importance of specific words, phrases, and liberties taken with grammatical structure that provide succinct elegance to those early writers. He compares and dissects those modern sources he includes while praising his historical examples.

The closing and body of Fletcher’s speech poorly support his thesis. His citations seem disconnected and he leaves his ideas unfinished. Each time he focuses on a particular example of language he quickly states his point and moves to another idea that is only loosely connected to the last, before providing enough evidence for the previous point. Much of the article feels as though he is trying to convey his extensive knowledge and appreciation of classic English literature for his colleagues. Many terms in the article may have been common knowledge among his peers in 1890 but are completely confounding to the modern college student without a really good dictionary or a background in classical poetry, drama, and literature.

THERESA. LARSON University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Flint, Weston. The Arrow in Modern Archery. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):63-67.

Weston Flint begins his article “The Arrow in Modern Archery” by noting that it takes a great deal of skill to make arrows. Hough notes that the arrow has remained largely the same throughout time, except that the media of manufacture have changed somewhat. According to Hough, straightness and stiffness are essential aspects of arrow structure.

Terminology for arrows is provided within the article. The main parts of the arrow include the stele (the body of an arrow), the pile (the steel head), the nock, and the feathering. Hough notes that in proper modern archery arrows almost always have three feathers.

Hough explains that the length of an arrow is as important today as it was in the past. He provides examples from modern archery, including examples of his own experience in arrow production. According to Hough, the dynamite projectile is based on experiments with arrow technology. For instance, the blunt cone at the base of the dynamite projectile is similar to the feather in its ability to guide the missile.

This essay is a general discussion of arrows in modern archery, and includes numerous examples of historic and contemporary arrow construction and use.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Grinnell, George Bird. Marriage Among the Pawnees. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 275-281.

Grinnell presents a discussion of Pawnee customs concerning betrothal, marriage, and family arrangements before and after the introduction of horses. He writes that in older times, Pawnee couples would marry for love. The Pawnee people began to purchase brides and add commercial aspects to marriage after they acquired horses and property. Grinnell believes this relatively recent development has become a permanent part of Pawnee tradition. Grinnell spoke with the Skidi band of Pawnees for this piece, who hold different customs from the Lower Village tribes, or “true” Pawnees.

The author writes that it became customary after the introduction of horses to give presents to the immediate relatives of the girl who was chosen as a bride. Rivalries of giving presents might occur if two or more young men wanted to marry the same girl. Often the gifts were not decided on until after the marriage had occurred.

Young men became eligible to marry when they had developed excellent hunting skills and had been successful in battle. Suitors either courted the girls directly or spoke to their own parents, telling them that they wanted to take a wife. A suitor would attempt to speak to a potential wife by waiting for her at a particular spot and then throwing his blanket over her. If the woman stayed, the two would talk for hours. If she threw off the blanket, he had been spurned.

The family of the suitors discussed the merits of the potential bride once the suitor told them his choice. If the young man had not picked a certain girl and just wanted a wife, his relations would choose a woman for him. Once the matter was settled, an old man, usually a priest, was called in to conduct the negotiations between the two families. The relations of the girl would then also discuss the worth of the suitor. Then a lodge ceremony would take place. This formal method of bringing about a marriage was the norm. Sometimes, however, young men also eloped with their brides or conducted the marriage negotiations themselves. Divorce was unusual.

Grinnell concludes the piece by speaking about the roles of Plains Indian women in general, noting that they did most of the work in the camp and held respectable positions.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Grinnell, George Bird. Marriage Among the Pawnees. American Anthropologist July 1891 Vol.4(3):275-282.

George Bird Grinnellís article, Marriage Among the Pawnees, asserts that traditionally, before technological advancements and accumulation of wealth (property) within the Pawnee society, people married for love and admiration. Grinnell asserts that, previously, giving gifts merely established a friendly kin relationship with future relatives. Over time, however giving gifts became more expected and necessary. Grinnell argues, that giving presents to the immediate relatives of a girl who was sought in marriage may have been misconstrued as a payment or exchang, when in actuality gifts were merely intended to that helped gain good will of the girl’s family (Grinnell 1891: 275).

Grinnell focuses on the process of Pawnee courtship between a male and female. Grinnell argues that the union of a man and woman centered largely on the social standing of that individual. Social standing was determined by, for example, upon a man’s ability to hunt or a woman’s ability to be compliant and caring. Gifts between families were merely a supplement to the courtship, rather than an obligation. In earlier times, the acceptance or declination of a man by the woman or her family centered on his social standing, and not on the quantity or quality of gifts. In addition, Grinnell argues that gift exchange did not obligate the womanís family, that gifts were often not collected until after the marriage, and that they were almost always eventually returned to the young man. Grinell also discussions situations in which there was more than one suitor, or in which couples eloped. Grinnell argues that gift giving in these instances was usually made to impress the families, and not as a means of payment.

Grinnellís commentary on the relationship between gift-giving and marriage seems to foreshadow Mauss’ work. Grinnell’s assertion that Pawnee gift exchange was free from obligation appears to challenge Mauss’ argument that obligation is a fundamental characteristic of gift-giving. Grinnell also suggests that Pawnee gift-giving practices are changing and non-static.

JENNIFER FOTH Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Grinnell, George Bird. Marriage Among the Pawnees. American Anthropologist July, 1891 Vol.4(3):275-281.

Grinnell’s article discusses the customs of becoming husband and wife among the Pawnee Indians, and argues that the concept of purchasing a bride was a young development in Pawnee society arising from the recent ability to domesticate horses and thus accumulate property. His information is based on his discussions with the Pawnees themselves, but Grinnell cites no specific examples or concrete data for his argument, thereby raising some doubt about its accuracy. Grinnell does, however, offer one specific example of a woman who gained much respect in her society, but this anecdote is not presented as evidence for his main argument.

Grinnell begins his article by stating the commonly accepted belief of the time that fathers in Native American tribes basically sold their daughters into marriage, and then discusses how this was not the case in “the olden time.” Formerly, he writes, the Pawnees married for love. He explains the change by noting the domestication of horses which led to the accumulation of property, thereby facilitating the custom of giving presents. At first merely an offering to impress the family of the intended bride, the practice of giving gifts gradually grew to become a necessity when proposing for marriage.

Grinnell then goes on to describe the process of courtship, proposal, and marriage, his information evidently drawn from his contact with the Pawnees, although he does not cite specific examples in his discussion. However, when describing the usual courtship behavior, the negotiations between families, the presents exchanged by both the woman and the man’s families, and finally the feasts held after the couple becomes husband and wife, he notes specific details of each part of the process.

Grinnell then adds some commentary on the role of women in the Pawnee community. Women are the laborers, but they are not “mere servants.” They are asked for advice on many subjects. This is where Grinnell offers a specific example, actually told to him by one of his contemporaries, J.B. Dunbar. The story is of a woman who saved a captive Dakota child from death, thereby earning a place in the society’s council of the men.

Finally, Grinnell gives some insight on the role of the wife, stating that she has a strong, influential, and respectable place in the home and the community. In a marriage the wife is a strong partner, correcting her husband when he is wrong or if she does not agree with him. In short, wives are not inferior to husbands in Pawnee marriages.

Josie Boyle Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Hoffman, W. J. Poisoned Arrows. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1):67-71.

In this brief report, Hoffman reviews the use and manufacture of arrow poisons in a diverse set of groups from around the world. He believes that many groups made arrow poisons from substances that they believed would cause evil spirits to enter a victim’s body. The poisons acted to subsequently weaken or destroy the one stricken. Hoffman theorizes that non-industrial societies observe, rather than test, the powers of their poisons. He states that arrow poisons are often created from substances that are associated with poisonous or harmful plants and animals.

Hoffman then proceeds to list a catalogue of arrow poisons used in the ancient world, beginning with the mention of poisoned arrows in war in the classical world. He notes that several non-Greek and Roman groups used hellebore and a mixture of serpent venom and “putrid blood.” Hoffman next moves to Japan and the East India Islands, following up with regions of Africa, the north part of South America, Central America, and the Caribbean. In Africa, Hoffman reports the use of the guts of a poisonous worm and the bulb Haemanthus toxicarius. In South America, people employed serpent and vegetable poisons, including Strychnos toxicaria, and the sap of the ‘Mancenilles’ tree.

Hoffman next moves to chronicling the use of arrow poisons in north Mexico and North America. He mentions the Seris, Lipan Apaches, Teton Sioux, Sisseton Sioux, Blackfeet, Shoshoni, Clallam, and Pit River Indians of California in his notes. Finally, Hoffman concludes with reports on the Aigaluxamut Inuit and Siberian peoples. These peoples use a number of plant or snake venom poisons mixed with animal livers, or sometimes just the animal liver alone. Hoffman heard that the Aigaluxamut Inuit used pieces of the body of a deceased whaler to imbue arrow points with the accuracy and skills of the whaler.

Hoffman not only notes the poisonous mixtures on points, but also the weapons that each group uses to conduct its killing. He talks about how stone, bamboo and metal arrows, blowguns, copper points and arrow tips are topped with poisonous materials. Hoffman concludes the article with the remark that a ceremony invoking malevolent spirits usually accompanies the preparation of the arrow poison. Hoffman believes that the arrow poison makers hold that this ceremony, which may involve chanting and song, helps to insure the poison’s effectiveness.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Hoffman, W. J. Poisoned Arrows. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1):67-71.

In this article, Dr. W.J. Hoffman discusses the use of various poisons utilized by a number of different tribes to amplify the deadly effects of their arrows. He sites examples from areas as geographically diverse as the Gaboon tribe of Africa, the Urari of South America, and Seris of northwestern Mexico as well as a plethora of tribes from the United States and the Artic in an effort to show how this is a relatively common practice among various tribes.

Although the specific ingredients differ, most of these poisons are made of toxic plant or animal matter, either alone or in combination with each other. For example, Hoffman discusses the use of fully rotted deer liver mixed with rattlesnake venom, red ants, centipedes and scorpions. These combinations would not only poison but cause septicaemia, making it possible for one small scratch to result in a person’s skin literally falling right off the bone before their death actually occurred.

Regardless of the potency of each individual toxin, Hoffman stresses the importance of the ceremony that accompanies the making of poisoned arrows. Most tribes believe that it is not the poison itself but rather some kind of evil spirit that enters the body of the victim through the arrow which will cause the eventual death of the individual.

JESSICA HOYT University of Minnesota -Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Holmes, William H. Aboriginal Novaculite Quarries in Garland County, Arkansas.American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):313-318.

In his article, “Aboriginal Novaculite Quarries in Garland County, Arkansas,” William H. Holmes explains how novaculite mines extend throughout much of Arkansas. The stone looks similar to chert and flint, but is more easily worked. While novaculite is quarried today for use as whetstones, aboriginal peoples used the stone to make flaked and polished tools and a variety of projectile points. Erosive activities have left novaculite boulders scattered across the landscape and in stream beds. The natives did not simply collect novaculite from the ground surface; rather, they actively quarried it. Holmes suggests these novaculite quarries represent some of the most important achievements by Native Americans.

One novaculite quarry discussed by Holmes is located approximately three miles east of Hot Springs, Arkansas. He suggests that it took great courage to work in such massive mines, especially since the aborigines had only rude tools at their disposal. The native people used hammers and fire to excavate the largest of the mining pits. They then brought fragments of suitable size to the margin of the pit, and shaped the fragments at that location. The aborigines left a large amount of manufacturing debris at the margins of those pits when they were finished at the mines. These margins are now covered with failed attempts at the production of tools and blanks. In recent years, white men also explored the mines, searching for evidence of gold or other precious metals. Holmes notes that these recent excavations were limited, and that all evidence of novaculite quarrying is for Native American mine use.

This essay is a general report of Holmes’ findings at the novaculite caves, where he has found evidence of prehistoric mining.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Holmes, William, H. Aboriginal Novaculite Quarries in Garland County, Arkansas.American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol.4(3):313-316.

In his survey of Garland County, Arkansas, William Holmes found that Aboriginal utilization of novaculite outcrops resulted in some of the greatest known excavational quarries. Novaculite, today quarried for whetstones, is a quartz stone closely resembling chert or flint. Outcrop belts, as well as fragments broken off by erosion, can be found throughout the state. These sources of novaculite were used by the natives of the region to manufacture flaked tools and projectile points.

The evidence related by Holmes demonstrated that the extent of the novacuite quarries surpassed any similar Native American endeavors. Excavations were numerous and widespread with the largest being 150 feet in diameter and as deep as 25 feet. With the use of stone hammers and fire, the natives gradually made their mark on the exposed rock. Extracted fragments were then trimmed at the site to an appropriate size for the shaping of tools. As a result, a great quantity of these failures can be found throughout the excavations as well as the valley below. The refuse is concentrated in the most frequented spots in a pattern identical to similar sites within the country.

Settlers to this region believed that these quarries were old Spanish gold diggings and a shaft was sunk in the largest pit to determine whether the rocks contained gold or other precious metal. Their discovery must have been disappointing. However, for the natives who used the rock, these quarries must have been extremely valuable.

SARAH SLIVINSKI Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Holmes, W. H. Manufacture of Stone Arrow-Points. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 49-58.

W. H. Holmes comments on the manufacture and style of stone arrow points produced by early human populations. In his review, Holmes describes how early humans acquired suitable stones from the environment and how these stones were then fashioned into useful tools. Using illustrations, Holmes guides the reader through the process of fashioning a stone point from a boulder to a blank and from a blank to a flake. Furthermore, Holmes describes to methods of indirect percussion used to produce thin and beveled flakes where very precise but gentle force is required. Finally, Holmes considers several methods for creating sharp and serrated edges around a stone point. He describes the use of bone and the motion necessary, including angle and pressure, to create these desired edges. In all, Holmes uses eight figures to help explain the process of stone arrow point production that, according to Holmes, had often been thought of as “a great mystery”.

The article is of definite interest to anthropologists interested in lithic production or for a historical perspective of the study of lithic production. In general this review is very easy to read and very focused on stone tool production. However, several comments regarding the intellect of “savage man” or “primitive man” with respect to stone tool production and a comment about the apparent intelligent design that had removed the best stones from the earth and placed them at the mouth of rivers by way of erosional forces, is indicative of the time with which the article was written.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Holmes, W.H. Manufacture of Stone Arrow Points. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.4:49-57.

In this article W.H. Holmes provides background information on the history of the manufacture of stone arrow points used by various prehistoric populations as well as detailed instructions on how these points were made. Although he admits that it is difficult to know the specific use of each individual point, he believes enough information has been gathered through archaeological excavation to clarify most of the questions related to the manufacture of arrow heads.

He begins by citing the various raw materials that were used for making arrow heads and the methods by which these materials were gathered. Suitable materials include quartz, agate, chert, slate, and quartzite. Stones such as quartz-crystal, amethyst, and carnelian were also used, although less commonly. It is thought that erosion made these raw materials readily available to the “primitive” people but there is archaeological evidence, in the form of refuse, that prehistoric people actually quarried the raw material. At the time this article was written the possibility of prehistoric quarries was a surprising revelation to most people and these quarry sites were often attributed to early gold diggers or, in the south, the Spanish. It is not thought that the arrows were finished at these sites. instead, cores would be removed and broken down to a size that would be easily transported.

Holmes then goes on to explain in detail the process by which these cores were meticulously worked down to a finished product. This was achieved by using a piece of bone or ivory to apply enough pressure to remove small flakes of stone. To help clarify this complex procedure, Holmes provides illustrations taken from the descriptions of B.B. Redding and the observations of George Catlin.

JESSICA HOYT University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Holmes, W. H. The Thurston Tablet. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 161-167.

“The Thurston Tablet” by W. H. Holmes describes a rock engraving found at Rocky Creek in Sumner County, Tennessee. The article provides a sketch of the tablet along with a thorough description of the engraving. The tablet primarily depicts four human figures engaged in various actions. Each figured is clothed and adorned in what is presumed to be native dress and manipulating either objects of war or custom. The majority of the article describes in great detail the appearance of each figure. Holmes compares the tablet to Mexican works he has encountered before due to its “conception and treatment”. The tablet itself is composed of fossiliferous limestone that is common to the region. Furthermore, Holmes concludes that the tablet is not of great antiquity because the engravings are still sharp and not heavily eroded. Additionally, the appearance of what may be interpreted in the tablet as a rifle further suggests, to Holmes, that the tablet is not of great age. At the time this article was written the tablet was housed at the Tennessee Historical Society.

This article will be of interest to individuals concerned with regional Native American art. The article itself, however, is purely a detailed description of the tablet and provides no information with respect to the tribe that the tablet belonged to or to what significance the images might hold.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Holmes, W. H. The Thruston Tablet. American Anthropologist October, 1891. Volume 4(4):161-166.

This article gives a detailed account of an engraved tablet found in Tennessee. Holmes gives this detailed account as a matter of record, stating that no detailed account has yet been given. The drawings consist of primarily human figures. The author discusses in great detail the nature of the four primary figures on the tablet. He speculates that they all belong to the same tribe, although the nature of their meeting is unknown. Homes presents various ideas about the encounter, such as a friendly meeting, one with a warlike nature, or a mock contest of sorts. The costumes of the four main figures are also described in depth, including tattoos marked on three of the figures. According to the author the significance of the symbols present, such as a shield and concentric circles, is difficult to interpret.

After the in depth account of the four main figures, the other engravings on the tablet are discussed. Present throughout the tablet are depictions of a man smoking a pipe, the sun, an arrangement of vaguely human heads, a nearly prostrate figure and a leg. The drawings present on the tablet seem to be from various times, which Holmes assumes due to the varying degrees of weathering. The author also makes a connection to Mexican styles of artistry. Holmes also compares the tablet engravings to artistry on surfaces (e.g., shell and copper), but says that the skill-level present on the tablet does not compare to specimens on the other materials, it is inferior to other such specimens. In all, while both sides of the tablet are described, the author ascribes no real meaning to any of the drawings due to imperfect and incomplete understanding.

MARGARET A. THOMAS Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Hough, Walter. Arrow Feathering and Pointing. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):60-63.

In his article, “Arrow Feathering and Pointing”, Walter Hough explains how the feathering and pointing of modern arrows can shed light on prehistoric methods of arrow construction. Hough begins by discussing the various materials needed to accomplish the craft, including sinew and glue. Native American arrows are normally lashed with sinew, while most African arrows are fastened with vegetable fibers. Also, many African examples are not lashed at all, but are kept in place with barbing to the arrow itself. Various sorts of glue are also used around the world. For instance, in the American Southwest mesquite gum is commonly used, while elsewhere other native plants are used.

Hough details the methods of arrow mounting, explaining that it is best to watch an expert at work. For instance, Hough witnessed an Apache melt gum into a wooden foreshaft, after which the arrow could be secured in place. Feathering involves the splitting of feathers and the lashing of those feathers onto the base of the arrow. Attachment can be made with glue or with sinew. Haugh explains that American Indian groups often use two feathers, while in Africa examples with three or more feathers are common. Finally, Hough notes that arrow ornamentation can serve as tribal markings.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Hough, Walter. Arrow Feathering and Pointing. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.4(1):60-63.

This particular article describes in detail, how different cultures of the world attach and use arrow points and feathers. Glue, sinew, and natural fibers are used throughout the world to attach arrow points and feathers to arrow shafts. Sinew is the predominant material used for the fastening of arrowheads in the United States by American Indians because it is quite pliable when damp, and shrinks and hardens firmly when it dries. Sinew is not used widely around the world though. Other cultures lash arrows together with natural fibers, grass, pine resin, glue, and palm-leaf strips. Hough learned about some types of arrow lashing by researching the 2500 arrows at the United States National Museum.

The article discusses the different methods of mounting the points onto the arrow as well. He discovered a variety of techniques by observing an Apache arrow manufacturer make several arrows. These techniques are described in detail including how feathers are used and fastened to the arrow shaft. Again, numerous illustrations are included from several different cultures. Rifling, the curving of feathers, is also discussed thoroughly with helpful examples to back up his research.

This essay is primarily composed of the several techniques of arrow feathering and lashing. Hough researched and deduced how feathers and points were placed onto arrows, and he clearly explained the techniques of arrow feathering and pointing.

JAY MORRISON University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Jenney, W. P. Ancient Novaculite Mines Near Magnet Cove, Hot Springs County, Arkansas. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):316-318.

In his article, “Ancient Novaculite Mines Near Magnet Cove, Hot Springs County, Arkansas”, W.P. Jenney begins with a detailed description of the geographic and topographic locations of the novaculite mines, which are located about twelve miles east of Hot Springs, Arkansas. Jenney notes that geological excavations at the mines extend for an approximate distance of four miles, and that they extend to a depth of 30 feet. Several of the beds of novaculite are of very high quality, and break with a smooth conchoidal fracture. These beds are white, yellow, or blue. Jenney suggests that the pure white novaculite is the most sought after, since waste dumps in the vicinity of the mines are filled with poorer quality novaculite.

Jenney describes tools used by ancient miners at the location. People seem to have brought stone hammers of varying sizes from two miles away for work at the site. The stone hammers do not seem to have been attached to handles. Numerous stone hammers may be found in waste dumps at the mines, although visitors have removed many of them. The larger hammers can be most commonly found, since they were the most frequently broken. Jenney notes that a lot of the novaculite debitage he has observed at the mines is weathered, suggesting that these stone chips are “very old”.

This essay is a general report of Jenney’s findings at the novaculite caves, where he has found evidence of prehistoric mining.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Jenney, W. P. Ancient Novaculite Mines Near Magnet Cove, Hot Springs County, Arkansas. American Anthropologist 1891. Vol. 4(4):316-318.

In “Ancient Novaculite Mines near Magnet Cove, Hot Springs County, Arkansas”, W.P. Jenney describes the remains of ancient Novaculite mines and the stone tools which were once employed there. Novaculite is a very hard, fine grained siliceous rock.

These excavations were located twelve miles east of hot Springs and appear irregularly on the divide between Cove Creek and Pleasant Run. Jenney notices that while some of these workings are considerably larger, most are 20-50 feet in length, 10-30 feet in width, and 15-25 feet in depth. The whole ridge is composed of Novaculite with pure beds located on the crest of the divide.

From the existence of coarse grained and impure rock in the waste dumps, Jenney believes that pure white Novaculite was the most sought after. Jenney hypothesizes that miners employed three sizes of stone “hammers”, ranging from 1½ to 8 inches in diameter, to help them in their quarrying. The hard materials of which these hammers are composed are alien to the divide. Jenney predicts they were transported here from a distance of at least two miles.

Jenny hypothesises a function for each of these stone tools. Large and medium sized stones were used to remove the novaculite, while small stones were then used to trim what had been extracted. From the different stages of erosion on various hammers, Jenney infers that the mines were used repeatedly at different times. Overall Jenney estimates that 100,000 cubic yards of novaculite were unearthed from the ridge.

Andrea Wright Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Jenny, W. P. Ancient Novaculite Mines Near Magnet Cove, Hot Springs County, Arkansas. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol.4(3):316-318.

According to W.P. Jenny’s finds, evidence of native quarrymen can be found all along the pure novaculite belt that stretches across Hot Springs County, Arkansas. This evidence includes an abundance of failed flakes and coarse-grained or impure discards, as well as a large number of broken excavation tools. These items were found mainly in waste dumps along this ridge.

In the article, Jenny surmises that the miner’s tools consisted of natural “bowlders” (sic.) of three sizes. Those between 1.5 and 2 inches in diameter were most likely used for trimming fragments. The two other sizes, with diameters of 3 to 4 inches and 6 to 8 inches, were almost certainly used to extract the large fragments from the ridge. These stone hammers present no grooves as evidence of handles and are made of quartzite or syenite.

Many of the largest hammers were found in the waste dumps in broken segments. Most of this breakage has been smoothed by time, but some has undergone considerable weathering and decomposition and exhibits hard feldspar crystals projecting from the surface. This suggests that the workings of this site occurred at various time periods, the earliest being very old. Evidence of at least two different eras is supported by what appears to be second growth timber on the slopes in the vicinity.

This article is a follow up to William Holmes’s previous contribution in the same issue, and the supplementary information provided is little understood without its antecedent.

SARAH SLIVINSKI Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Lewis, T. H. Boulder Outline Figures in the Dakotas, Surveyed in the Summer of 1890.American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 19-24.

Lewis reviews several artworks made of stones present in areas of North and South Dakota east of the Missouri River. The figures are representations of anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and geometric shapes. Lewis notes a female anthropomorphic figure, a tortoise or quadruped zoomorphic figure, circles, and parallelograms among the Dakota stone outlines.

Lewis believes that boulder outline figures are distinct from stone monuments. The outlines are not vertical constructions of stone. Rather, the outlines consist of lines of boulders placed directly on the ground. One to five lines of stones may help to outline a shape. More heavily embedded stones do not indicate that one artwork is older than another. This is because figures downhill accumulate more soil than figures uphill.

The outlines appear to occur in association with areas of habitation. They were created on river bluffs, stone heaps (possible graves) and burial mounds. Lewis reports that multiple outlines occur in single sites. In Stutsman County, North Dakota, Lewis found many “ordinary” circles, and also elaborations on the circular theme. Some of the circles have rectangular blocks, made up of several lines of stones, at juxtaposed sides of the circle. Other circles have a line of stones dividing them, or small openings.

Lewis particularly examines two outlines, one female, the other zoomorphic, in Jerauld County, South Dakota. These stone works can be found on a ridge with an expansive view over two valleys. On the highest peak of the ridge, on top of a burial mound, lie the outlines. The outlines overlap the base of the mound and cover an intrusive grave.

The author surveys the outlines by noting their form and size. He also measures the diameter, length, attachments, and openings of the outline forms.

Although some of the local informants believe that the outlines were created recently, in the period between 1890-1891, Lewis contends that the outlines are much older. He references earlier surveys of stone outlines in the area, and opinions of older informants to make this claim.

Lewis does not make a total summary of all the outlines that he surveyed, noting that they are too numerous to count. Other notes concerning stone outlines may also be found in articles in the American Anthropologist issues for April 1889 and July 1890, concerning outlines in southern Dakota, northwest Iowa, and southwestern Minnesota.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Lewis, T. H. Bowlder Outline Figures in the Dakotas, Surveyed in the Summer of 1890. American Anthropologist January, 1891. Vol.IV(1):19-24.

The major concern of LewisÕ article is to provide detailed description of previously undocumented rock outlined figures of unusual form, which he attributes to Native Americans prior to white settlement. His interest in doing this undoubtedly stems from the Americanist desire to document aspects of indigenous American cultures before they disappeared. The area containing these figures is described by Lewis as, Òin the Dakotas, lying to the west of those previously described, but yet east of the Missouri river.Ó His descriptions are very detailed giving dimensions, compass orientations and precise locations.

Lewis makes no claims about the purpose of the figures or their antiquity, with the exception of one. A figure of a woman is reported in Jerauld County, SD, which Lewis admits had been previously noted by Todd in 1886. However, Lewis states that Todd dismissed this figure as recent work which he refutes stating that, Òtheir existence has been known since the country was first settled.Ó In refuting the modernity of this work, the reader is left to deduce that the other figures must also predate settlement.

Data presented by Lewis is detailed and given methodically. Two counties are covered in this article, one in South Dakota and one in North Dakota. In each county he measured several figures of unusual form, each created by placing rocks into figures. He describes each figureÕs dimensions, in feet and inches, gives a compass orientation and places its position on a map giving section, township and range data. Illustrations of four of the sites are included in the article.

The figures that Lewis measured and reported in this article do not make-up a comprehensive list of figures he found in the stated area, but rather ones that he considered different and interesting. He states that in each county there are numerous circles and stone heaps that are not presented, and that ÒThis region is particularly interesting, for, in addition to the ordinary circles, several new forms or elaborations of that simple figure were met with.Ó This statement shows his interest in documenting Native American material culture before the influence of white settlers, particularly elements considered different or unique.

PAULINE STAHL California State University, Hayward (Peter J. Claus)

Mason, Otis T. Arrows and Arrow-Makers. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):45-49.

In his article, “Arrows and Arrow Makers,” Otis T. Mason provides a general discussion of arrow technology and terminology. He begins by remarking that a “great deal has been written about the bow.” Mason states that the arrow was the most common missile until the bullet replaced it throughout much of the world, and he points out that while arrows cannot pierce all types of armor, bullets can. Therefore, there are few remaining places in the world where arrow warfare remains. Mason suggests that North America was the most suitable continent for the development of the arrow, since all manner of game, climate, and material are present on the continent. Parts of North American arrows normally include head, seizing, foreshaft, shaft, shaftment, feather, nock, and notch. Mason notes that one or more of these parts may be missing, and that arrows are modified through function and are developed through time.

Asserting that the study of arrows is informative to the history of invention, Mason provides a general glossary for arrow terminology. Terms defined in this portion of the paper include arrow, base, cock-feather, faces, footing, nocking, pile, shaft, shaft-grooves, shank, sides, tip, trajectory, and whipping.

Mason concludes by remarking that archaeologists have yet to agree on terminology of arrow technology or on the reasons underlying that technology. He is also uncertain whether to take Native American explanations for the technology at face value, suspecting a magical reason behind the enterprise.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Mason, Otis T. Arrows and Arrow Makers, (Introduction). American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.4(1):45-49.

Mason introduces a series of articles about arrows and arrow makers. He praises the arrow as an efficient weapon, noting that it was developed early in human history and was used in European combat until its displacement by superior armor. A variety of arrows were developed in North and South America because of the many different environments found there.

Mason includes a comprehensive vocabulary and definitions relating to arrow components and manufacture, for example arrow-head, base, flaker, riband, and footing. Mason also provides illustrations of arrow parts and raises some of the questions which his colleagues discuss in the following articles.

HEATHER KENNELLY University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Mason, O. T. The American Association for the Advancement of Science. American Anthropologist October, 1891. Volume 4(4):377-380.

Providing a nice summary of the August 1891 meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, this article presents a listing of the numerous papers presented. The presidential address at the meeting, presented by a non-anthropologist, urged the exploration of the natural world for other supplies for the developed world, rather than relying on accidental discovery of helpful uses of plant life. A discussion of the two sections of the meeting follows. Section I, Economic Science and Statistics, presents many papers devoted to the application of instruments and machines to study science. Papers in this section range from a Census counting machine, to agriculture, to waste management. A vice-presidential address was given about the growth of the argument from analogy. Papers were also read before this address, encompassing papers about education, language, weaponry, and children. An involved explanation of one paper about the arrangement of youth education precedes many concise accounts of other papers. The author of the article about youth education stresses the importance of arranging education according to the natural division of the sciences. He divides education into four main sections – language, mathematics, chemistry, and biology. Finally, there is a brief mention of the Women’s Anthropological Society and those members’ dedication to the Association.

MARGARET A. THOMAS Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

McGee, Anita Newcomb. An Experiment in Human Stirpiculture. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):319-325.

In “An Experiment in Human Stirpiculture”, Anita Newcomb McGee provides a brief history and analysis of a recent attempt at such an experiment. Newcomb McGee begins by explaining that stirpiculture is the breeding of special stock or races. John Humphrey Noyes planned such an experiment in the mid-1800s. Newcomb McGee explains that Noyes was expelled from the Congregational church and began his own doctrine, the adherents of which are called Perfectionists. Noyes believed that humans were not naturally monogamous. Newcomb McGee calls this the “mistake of his life”. Noyes had his followers rid themselves of selfishness through a program of “regulated promiscuity”. By 1847, Noyes had 87 followers, and they settled in Oneida, New York.

Newcomb McGee notes that Noyes was hoping for salvation for all in his community, and that he realized this would take more than one generation to accomplish. Noyes believed that in-breeding with only a small amount of foreign blood would help to accomplish the goals of the doctrine. While the group of people produced within Noyes’ society was remarkably healthy, human stirpiculture eventually destroyed both the church and the community. Newcomb McGee explains that couples interested in monogamy began to form by the late 1870s, at a time when state clergy began to speak out on the immorality of the experiment. Members of the Oneida community finally voted to return to traditional marriage in 1879.

Newcomb McGee notes that, although the Oneida community produced numerous healthy and intelligent offspring, Noyes’ experiment was a failure. This is because Noyes wanted the children to embody the perpetuation of the church, and by the time the experiment was over only a small number of believers remained. Newcomb McGee notes that while interest in breeding is a vital part of human studies, there are other aspects to human development. Newcomb McGee suggests that to focus on breeding alone is to misjudge human nature.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, Anita Newcomb. An Experiment in Human Stirpiculture. American Anthropologist Oct. 1891. Vol. IV (4): 319-325.

McGee focuses a favorable light on the reproductive practices of members of the Oneida Commune, a radical religious community founded by John Humphrey Noyes in the 1840s. ‘Stirpiculture’ refers to the breeding of stocks or races. In this case, a type of breeding system was applied to the approximately 250 men, women, and children within Noyes’ community in New York.

The author treats the subject as a unique event within human culture and a “systematic and carefully executed experiment in human stirpiculture” (p. 319). In line with this treatment, McGee focuses mainly on two aspects of the practice, Noyes’s methods and his ideology. The methods as she describes them support her argument of Noyes’ systematic execution of his ideas, while she gives much of the blame for the practice’s failure to Noyes’s faulty ideology.

The community was founded upon Noyes’ religious doctrine that came to be called Perfectionism because of its desired freedom from sin. The tenets hold that a church of heaven was founded at the second coming of Christ during the destruction of Jerusalem, and that Noyes’ church is a continuation of the heavenly church. Noyes argued that marriage is like slavery and was a form of selfish personal ownership. This eventually led to the institution of “complex marriage” in 1846, five years after the community was founded.

In the community, marriage was communal, not monogamous, and sexual relations were not restricted to committed couples. This practice and Noyes’s concern over maintaining extremely stable population numbers necessitated the need for safe sex, although McGee does not provide details about how that was done. Only two or three children were born in the community each year, according to McGee.

To control this reproduction further, Noyes developed two principles that he practiced for one generation of children. The first principle, which Noyes “founded on stock-raising experience, was that of a judicious in-and-in breeding, with occasional mingling of foreign blood” (p. 321). The second principle held that the parents were carefully selected based on genealogies and medical histories, with emphasis on the lack of physical defects and on reputation for holiness. The children born in this way, sixty in all between the years of 1869 and 1879, were cared for communally.

McGee makes the case that the artificially bred children were, save one exception, very successful physically, mentally, and socially. She concludes that the results “seem to indicate that… our race would doubtless be greatly benefited by more attention to laws of breeding” (325). The problem she sees is the conflict between monogamy, which she defines as an instinct, and Noyes’ methods of stirpiculture. The article reflects an enthusiasm for humanity’s universal means of improving itself according to the laws of selection that were paradigmatic at the time. A modern reader perhaps cannot help but see this enthusiasm as startlingly misguided a century later when far greater genetic experiments have and are still taking place.

DEVIN BURKE Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

M’Guire, J. D. The Stone Hammer and its Various Uses. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 301-312.

In this article, M’Guire describes the various forms, uses, and materials of stone hammers. M’Guire notes that there are many kinds of hammers and consequently many different uses. However, all stone hammers can be classified into one of three morphological groups. The first group is “Oblong/flattened ellipsoid”, the second is “Spherical/flattened at poles”, and the third is “Grooved/hafted hammer”. The first two groups, according to M’Guire, are used by hand to hammer or rub another material. The grooved/hafted group are used for chopping, hammering, or in battle. The many uses of hammers are constrained only by the hardness of the material that makes up the hammer. Softer stone lends itself more naturally to being shaped and grooved. In fact, M’Guire explains that the commonly held belief that manufacture of the hammer takes several days or weeks is not true. According to M’Guire, it took him only five hours to manufacture a stone hammer that was indistinguishable from those hammers found in the archeological record. M’Guire goes on to speculate on the effect of the metal trade on stone age societies. With the introduction of metals to Native American tribes, the popularity and use of the stone hammer was severely diminished. Nevertheless, prior to metallurgy the stone hammer, M’Guire notes, was present throughout the world. This fact is further evidence that the stone hammer was a multi-functional tool. Provided with the article are several illustrations of the types of hammers found in the archeological record.

This article offered little informational content and is probably of only marginal use to anthropologists. The writing was very descriptive and provided lengthy explanations of the shapes and possible uses of all types of stone implements.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

M’guire, J. D. The Stone Hammer and its Various Uses. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (4):301-314.

In The Stone Hammer and its Various Uses M’guire discusses several aspects of the stone hammer: its distribution in various parts of the world, materials used to make stone hammers, production techniques, traditional interpretations by archaeologists of the stone hammer, and his own ideas about its ‘various uses’. M’Guire explains that he had an opportunity to study the National Museum’s collection of stone implements, which he examined hoping “to demonstrate the probable function of one implement which appears to have been put to a use different from any heretofore assigned to it, and to be found over a wider range of territory than has been generally understood” (301).

M’Guire first discusses the form of stone hammers, identifying three types of stone hammer: first, an “oblong or flattened ellipsoid having a pit on one or both sides”; second, a spherical tool that has been somewhat flattened at the edges; third, the grooved hammer. He then identifies the chief purpose of a stone hammer as a ‘pecking’ tool, a general use implement which was employed in everything from heavy work to sculpture. Stone hammers are generally made out of hard stones, including quartzite and diorite, among others.

M’Guire goes on to critique previous theories regarding the production of stone hammers. He attempts to prove, by making a stone hammer himself, that the manufacture of stone tools did not require the massive time commitment implied by previous authors. M’Guire also disagrees with several interpretations of the stone hammer’s function (e.g. as nut-crackers of percussion flakers) and the author claims that the artifacts that should not be associated with the ‘stone age’.

M’Guire shows that stone hammers can be found the world over, differing only in material and, in minor fashion, design. M’Guire attributes these differences to the distances between cultures who produce them, rather than to different intended uses for the tools.

M’Guire’s interpretations of the stone hammer lead him to reject many previously proposed theories. Such theories were designed to explain the presence of advanced masonry in cultures where only stone tools were found (i.e. Ancient Egyptian). M’Guire concludes that the stone hammer is an understudied tool. His focus on the universality of the stone hammer seems to resonate with theories of cultural evolution. However, his conclusion that the stone hammer is a sophisticated tool violates the stepladder technological progression some evolutionists insisted upon.

CAROLYNE RYAN Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Phister, Nat. The Indian Messiah. American Anthropologist 1891 Volume 4:105-108.

“The Indian Messiah” by Nat P. Phister attempts to provide an explanation for “the recent development of the Messiah craze” among Native American tribes. Phister determines that the origin of this belief is located in a doctrine developed and preached by a Piute Indian from Mason’s Valley, Nevada in 1869. For a few years following its inception in 1869, this doctrine created much discussion among Native American tribes until the death of its unnamed Piute originator. The “recent craze”, however, is due to a renaissance of this man’s preaching by his son Kvit-tsów. In September of 1889, two delegates from twelve different tribes met in Mason’s Valley to hear the preaching of Kvit-tsów and to return with his message to their tribes. The tribes, it is noted, come from both the west and from “far to the east”.

The central tenet of the doctrine, according to Phister, is that the Great Spirit is angry with all the Indian tribes because of their neglect of their traditional customs and religious ceremonies and for adopting the customs of the “whites”. As such, the Great Spirit has allowed the Indians to “become destitute” by permitting the ascendance of the “whites”. In order to regain their way of life, the Indian tribes must return to their traditional customs and religious ceremonies and discard all “white” customs. Those who earnestly devote themselves to these endeavors will be considered true believers and will be lifted, by the Great Spirit, into the mountains. The Great Spirit will then flood the land, killing all the white men and their customs, and restore the land to its natural state for the true believers to enjoy. According to Kvit-tsów preaching, this will be carried out in May of 1892. Phister comments that these teachings have been perverted by some during the spread of this doctrine to suggest that Indian tribes assist the Great Spirit in the extermination of the “whites”. This perversion, according to Phister, has created concern among white Americans. Phister concludes the article by suggesting that this tension will be relieved when May of 1892 passes and nothing happens.

This article will be of interest to both anthropologists and non-anthropologists alike. The retelling of cosmologies is a common practice in all faiths when the central tenets of the prevailing belief system are challenged. From a historical perspective, the article presents some of the realities Native Americans were facing during the latter part of the 19th century. The article is generally well written, however, the accuracy of Phister’s account is central to the validity of the article.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Phister, First Lieut. Nat. P. The Indian Messiah. American Anthropologist April, 1891. Volume 4(2):105-108.

This article sets out to provide what the author feels is a more correct and detailed explanation of the origin and tenets of the Indian Messiah phenomenon. Phister claims that past articles were essentially correct, but lacking in specific details. Based on the author’s goal to understand the beginning of this phenomenon, he conducted numerous interviews that led to a more thorough understanding of the origin of the craze. The author posits the beginning of the craze to a Piute Indian in 1869. After this man’s death, the ideas were dropped from the mainstream until a new Indian, Kvit-tsow, took up the preaching of his doctrines and began the craze a second time.

The doctrine outlines the ways in which Indians can get their land back from European settlers. Provided that the Indians return to their old ways, resume belief in and devotion to the Great Spirit, and cast off white men’s habits, the Great Spirit will wipe away all traces of the white men and return the Indians to their original state of inhabitance. The Great Spirit will also heal the sick and make the old young again. The author asserts that this doctrine could be easily misconstrued to be a crusade against white men, but in its original form the Great Spirit is to mete out all the strikes against the white man.

The prophet Kvit-tsow made numerous predictions about the time that the Great Spirit will strike against the white man, but none have been kept thus far. Many Indians believed in Kvit-tsow’s preaching, and there was a national meeting of delegates to hear Kvit-tsow preach and carry his message to other parts of the country. A brief mention of an Indian who disagrees with Kvit-tsow and combats his preaching appears just before the fervent hope that the failure of the Great Spirit to attack the white man will lessen belief in Kvit-tsow’s teachings.

MARGARET A. THOMAS Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Quevedo, S. H. L. A Traveller’s Notes in the Calchaquí Region. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 356-371.

Quevedo’s piece focuses on archaeological sites of the Calchaquí valleys within the country of Argentina. He begins by describing the present-day houses of the Indians living in the valleys, which are made of wooden logs and wattle. But these residences are different from the desolate stone walls, huts, and forts which still remain standing throughout the countryside. Quevedo finds that the old forts are present near remains of towns, towers, and cemeteries. Sometimes burial vases contain human remains. Illustrations of some pot patterns are included.

Quevedo believes two physical types were present in the region in antiquity. The first variety of skull is prognathous and Aymaritic. Quevedo cites early Oviedo as stating that these bones may be those of Blacks present in Argentina before the Spanish Conquest. Drawings of the prognathic skulls are included.

A brief summary of the history of Argentina, according to Herrera and Garcilaso, follows. Quevedo attempts to determine the original racial and linguistic stocks of Argentina, but finds that there may have been mixtures as late as 1400 C.E. Quevedo prefers Montesinos as a historical source on this subject. He holds him up in spite of academic criticism.

The author then returns to the subject of burial vases. There is some linguistic analysis on the term for these ceramics. Quevedo tries to find a relation between the bacab pot of the Maya and the huaca pot of the Quicha. He then provides a description of a type pot (illustrations included). Among the burial pots are human-faced pots and jars with faces and animal forms attached as handles. Quevedo believes these pots may have been used to scare evil spirits away by placing the pot face pattern down over a corpse. The author notes that copper chisels are found in digging trenches near the pots, and may have been used as sculpting tools. Quevedo concludes with the hope that the investigations into the origin of burial pottery in Argentina, the possible mixture of races in post-colonial times, and the archaeological sites of the Calchaquí valley will lead archaeologists to further explore this region of South America.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Quevedo, S. H. L. A Traveler’s notes in the Calchaqui Region, Argentine Republic.American Anthropologist October 1891 Vol.4(3):356-372.

S. H. L. Quevedo’s article, A Travelers Notes in the Calchaqui Region, Argentine Republic, is concerned with the failure to historically locate the beginnings of the Kakkan race and language. Quevedo emphasizes the need for historians, anthropologists and archaeologists to work together to help classify and interpret Kakkan grave artifacts located in the Calchaqui region, and to help account for changes in Kakkan dialects.

Quevedo compares a variety of surrounding Indians nations with the those from the Calchaqui region. He believed that cross-cultural contacts accounted for the loss of Kakkan dialect and changed their grave assembly and practice. Quevedo argues that the integration of some Indian nations may have accounted for minimal changes to Kakkan dialect and grave assembly. Integration with other nations may have accounted for lasting affects, including the destruction of some of pure traits of the Kakkan culture. For example, one Indian nation may have influenced a change the type of slip used on local grave pots, whereas another nation may have had a lasting impact on the Kakkan dialect.

Quevedo focuses on the historical background of surrounding Indian nations to identify similarities and differences in dialect and potting techniques of the Kakkan. By focusing on cross-cultural analysis of different types of graves, for example, materials used for construction, the materials located within a grave, the physical characteristics and decorations of the grave, and the graves ceremonial purpose, Quevedo is able to develop a context from which analysis of the Kakkan culture can be built.

JENNIFER FOTH Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Quevedo, Samuel A. Lafone On Zemes from Catamarca, Argentine Republic. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 353-356.

This article is a response by Samuel Quevedo to J. Walter Fewkes article “On Zemes from Santa Domingo” on page 167 from this same volume. Quevedo explains that he is in possession of zemes that are stylistically and morphologically very similar to the ones described by Fewkes. Quevedo’s zemes come from Catamarca, Argentina. In all he describes seven zemes and provides illustrations of each. One zeme is of a head, two are human forms, one is an animal, and three are various shapes. Quevedo indicates that the animal looks like a sheep but could not be because he argues sheep were not present prior to European contact. As such, Quevedo argues that his zemes are between 500 and 1000 years old. Furthermore, he describes the zemes as being grave goods that have been found inside vessels that are found at burials. Quevedo believes that these zemes may have been considered to have supernatural attributes and as such are informative about the culture that made them. Finally, he appeals to those interested in zemes, and especially to Fewkes, that Catamarca is an excellent place to find zemes and that research should be carried out in this area.

This article is very short and consists mostly of illustrations and descriptions of Quevedo’s zemes. The writing is at times confusing and is lacking substantial informative content. Nevertheless, for those interested in Native American tribes of Argentina this article may prove to be of some interest.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Quevedo, Samuel A. Lafone On Zemes from Catamarca, Argentine Republic. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol.4(3):353-355.

According to the author, there is need for further investigation of the region of Catamarca, Argentina where ancient, aboriginal items of interest have been discovered. Zemes, huacas, prey-gods, charms, and the like have recently turned up with frequency. An endeavor to obtain and study more of these objects would be of anthropological and preservational value.

Huaca is a Quichua word meaning anything rare or strange, but can also denote specific amulets or love charms and idol figurines. In the articles, Zemes are described in the same category as huacas, but it is unclear whether they are the same thing. Both types of artifacts, however, are thought to be the work of Pre-Columbian nations that were overthrown by the 1000 years-long incursions spoken of by Montesinos. If Lafone Quevedo’s hypothesis is correct, these items can be dated to well over 500 years prior to our era. It is most surprising then that so many Zemes have been preserved, due not only to their incredible antiquity, but also considering the missionaries attempt to secure and destroy all “superstitious” symbols in this area during the 16th and 17th centuries

SARAH SLIVINSKI Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Rockhill, W. Woodville Notes on Some of the Laws, Customs, and Superstitions of Korea. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 177-187.

This article is based on the notes and readings of Woodville W. Rockhill during his four month residence in Seoul, Korea from 1886-1887. According to Rockhill, the socio-political system of Korea is based on Confucianism and Chinese culture. Specifically, it is the rule of the Chinese T’ang and Ming dynasties that have served as the model for Korean culture. Economically, money is very scarce, so taxes and salaries are paid in goods. The fishing industry for example pays a tax of 100-200 fish depending upon the size of the fishing vessel. The primary goods of Korea, according to Rockhill, include rice, hempen cloth, paper and ginseng. Another topic discussed in detail is Korean law. Rockhill explains that Korean law provides for punishments to be administered either through banishment, physical beatings, or through payment of material goods. The punishment for capital crimes, however, cannot be paid through goods. Instead the punishment is based on the Confucian ideal that requires more serious punishment be administered to younger offenders. That is, if an elderly person commits a capital crime against a young person they will most likely be banished. However, if a young person commits a capital crime against an elder, the punishment is immediate decapitation. Petitions can be made to the King on behalf of the accused to reverse or lessen a punishment. Rockhill describes several other facets of Korean life such as Korean slavery, trade, dress, medicine, and religion. One such account describes the belief that Koreans have in souls. According to Rockhill, a Korean believes that the soul exits the body when one is sleeping and if you cover the face of a sleeping individual he will die, because the soul cannot find its way back.

This article provides an interesting documentation of Korean life as told by Rockhill. The article covers many topics and is very well written and easy to understand. However, the article does assume a homogenous belief system is present throughout Korea and does not provide any first hand accounts.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Rockhill, W. Woodville. Notes on Some of the Laws, Customs, and Superstitions of Korea. American Anthropologist April, 1881. 4(3):177-187.

Rockhill wrote this article mainly to inform the American public of Korean ways of life. He sets out to explain and identify various Korean laws, beliefs, and ceremonies. He also points out that many Korean practices have Chinese influences that can be traced to Confucianism and the Ming Dynasty.

Rockhill begins his article by discussing several Korean laws. For example, land taxes are paid either by produce, horses, or goods. The most common form of tax payment is hemp and sheets of paper, with the latter being the most important. In the judicial system, judgments are based on the severity of the crime and also on the status of the perpetrator in relation to the victim. An antagonist of lower status would have a much more severe punishment when the victim is of higher status than if the victim was of equal or lesser status. Korea’s judicial system also has guidelines that account for the age and mental health of the accused.

Along with laws, Rockhill discusses Korean celebrations and their associated superstitions and rituals. Rockhill uses the example of the New Year to show one of the superstitions and rituals. Koreans, like the Chinese, celebrate New Year between mid-January and mid-February. One of the customs involved centers on large family gatherings and visits. This is considered the most important festival, and it occurs on the fifteenth of the first moon. On this day, everyone throws a straw doll and a little cash out onto the streets in front of their houses. The doll and cash also carry the owner’s problems, and it is said that whoever picks up the doll assumes the former’s troubles. CLARITY RANKING: 4.

Caitlin Monnens Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)

Thomas, Cyrus. The Story of A Mound; Or, the Shawnee In Pre-Columbian Times. [Chapter I]. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1):109-159.

This article is the first of a two-part series which discusses the building and burial traditions associated with mounds of the Southern United States. Thomas opens by speaking about a group of mounds, including the major Etowah mound, near the Etowah River in north Georgia. Thomas includes descriptions made by historical sources, military personnel, and other professors to create an image of the measurements and form of these mounds. In this work, Thomas also includes drawings of the strata of the mounds and an inventory of the contents of the mounds. The mounds hold pottery, mussel and tortoise shell, animal bones, clay vessels, conch shells, skeletons, statues, mats, beads, ornaments, and copper plates. Thomas recreates some of the anthropomorphic figures incised on shells and copper plates, which often depict people costumed in elaborate dress, sometimes with avian features.

In the second part of the text, Thomas changes the subject from mounds to stone graves. Stone box graves, called sepulchers by Thomas, are mostly found in Tennessee and Kentucky, but were also used by the Delaware people of Pennsylvania, in Ohio, southern Illinois, and near St. Louis, Missouri. Thomas believes that the peoples who built stone graves were congenital to one another, and the use of the stone grave may be an ethnic marker for this inter-related group of peoples.

Thomas holds that the ancestors of the Shawnee people of the Ohio Valley built the mounds that are now present south of the Ohio River. Thomas makes the case too, that the ancestors of the Shawnee, Delaware, Creek, and Illinois Indians built other groups of mounds around the Southern United States. He uses historical sources such as Garcilaso and De Soto’s chroniclers for references concerning the identity of the peoples who built the mounds.

The article ends by theorizing that the portraits of the anthropomorphic figures on the shells and copper plates are most closely related to representations in Mexican art. Thomas finds such portraits of figures to be very rare, and found usually in association only with Shawnee mounds and graves.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Thomas, Cyrus. The Story of a Mound; or the Shawnees in Pre-Columbian Times. [Chapter II]. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 237-273.

Thomas’ second installment on Etowah and associated mounds discusses the presence of engraved shells, stones and copper plates that appear to have Mexican ancestry. Thomas later tries to determine the Shawnee place of origin by describing their linguistic and ethnic affiliations with other peoples of the Algonquian language family.

The engraved shells appear to belong to the peoples who used stone box graves in Tennessee. These shells bear figures, especially people with bird and serpent attributes, similar to characters in Mexican and Maya codices. Thomas rules out the hypotheses that the items came to the Shawnee through the Gulf of Mexico, and that a Mexican people migrated upwards into the southern United States and created these items. He notes that the engraved items appear to have been carved with hard, metallic tools, and influenced by European thought. Thomas states that he believes that the Spanish introduced these carved shells and stones to Shawnee territory. Thomas believes that the Spanish brought items of great rarity to the chief cacique of the Shawnee people in order to gain the favor of the entire tribe.

Thomas next turns to the origin and migrations of the Shawnee to the Ohio Valley. He turns to various sources in historical texts, among them Putnam, Thruston, Parkman, and Captain John Smith, to find out where the Shawnee people came from, and how they got to the Southern states. The Shawnee people speak an Algonquian language, which makes them related to peoples north of the Ohio River. Thomas describes how the Shawnee people moved from areas of northwest Canada to the Great Lakes down to the Ohio Valley. He cites Schoolcraft, Brinton, Hellwald, and Hale to support this theory.

Thomas concludes with the thought that the Shawnee came into the Southern states possibly by invading and displacing other peoples living in southern Illinois. The Shawnee then built the Cahokia mounds. Later they created the mounds and pottery traditions present in sites in north Georgia, south Illinois, and middle Tennessee. This is Thomas’ explanation for the late mound-building tradition in much of the southeastern United States. Thomas does not believe that these later mounds were built by the same peoples who built the mounds of the Fort Ancient tradition.

JESSICA ZIMMER University of Florida (John Moore)

Wilson, Thomas. Forms of Ancient Arrow Heads. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 58-60.

“Forms of Ancient Arrow Heads” is an attempt by Thomas Wilson to devise a standard in the classification of prehistoric arrowheads. Wilson contends that arrowheads, spearheads, and knives all display common features, so much so, that delineating between them results in error. As Wilson explains, the same lithic may have been used to serve all three functions (arrowhead, spearhead, or knife) but could only be classified as one of the three based upon the length and flexibility of the shaft. Unfortunately, Wilson notes, wooden shafts do not survive in the archaeological record. In lieu of such distinctions, Wilson devises a classification system based purely on form. The morphology of each stone artifact is analyzed and then classified into one of four categories. The first is “Leaf Shaped” which includes three subclasses A-C, the second is “Triangular”, the third is “Stemmed” which also includes three subclasses A-C, and the fourth is “Peculiar Form” which includes seven subclasses A-G. Subclasses are defined by specific morphological criteria such as length and thickness. Wilson’s goal is to create a classification system that is not based on “infinitesimal divisions” and therefore lends itself to anyone attempting to classify an ancient arrowhead. Accompanied with the article are line drawings that serve as examples of each of the four classes.

The article is of definite interest to anthropologists concerned with lithic point/blade classification or for a historical perspective of the study of point/blade classification. In general this review is very easy to read and very focused on the issues of point/blade classification. However, no information is provide regarding the age or provenience of any of the lithic points/blades described in the article.

BEN BURKLEY University of Florida (John Moore)

Wilson, Thomas. Forms of Ancient Arrow-Heads. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.4(1):58-60.

Wilson’s article addresses the difficulties of classifying arrowheads, spearheads, and knives. He categorizes these arrowheads because he argues that no archaeologist has successfully done it before without being too complex. It would be easy to categorize the stone tip differences if the shafts were preserved, but they deteriorated long ago, so Wilson speculates about what the stone implements were used for by the shapes and grooves found on them. The stone implements being studied and classified are from the Department of Prehistoric Anthropology of the National Museum.

The stone implements are divided into four categories: leaf shaped, triangular, stemmed, and peculiar forms. These four groups also contain subcategorizes in order to better distinguish the stone tips. The article includes an excellent visual aid of the different types of arrowheads.

The article mainly consists of Wilson dividing the arrowheads into four categories. The research seems adequate except he lacks the use of firsthand information. No conclusion is stated at the end of the article as it ends with the subclasses of the peculiar forms of the stone tips.

JAY MORRISON University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Yates, Lorenzo G. Fragments of the History of a Lost Tribe. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):373-376.

In his article, “Fragments of the History of a Lost Tribe”, Lorenzo G. Yates relates information learned from Justo, a Santa Barbara Indian. Justo was interviewed three years prior to this paper, and he answered questions about the habits and customs of his people. Yates notes that the interviews are very important since the Santa Barbara Indian groups are nearly extinct. Justo related that when he was a child he was part of a group that was relocated to Spanish missions in mainland California. He also described his uncle’s generation meeting and killing a Spaniard on horseback after one of their people was killed by his lance. Justo explained warfare between Native Americans, where individuals advance, shoot arrows at the opponent, and retreat, to be replaced by another man. To bury the hatchet of a specific fight, one Indian would start a symbolic fire at the battle ground.

Justo described Santa Barbara houses as conical, and constructed of sycamore sticks. Fires were built in the very center of the structures. People slept on woven mats which were placed on top of forked sticks, and their blankets were made of bird, otter, or rabbit skins. Meats for Justo’s people included squirrels, birds, fish, ducks, rabbits, otters, seals, and whales. Acorns, wild cherry, and a seed called chilla also were part of the diet. According to Justo, although the Santa Barbara Indians had no marriage ceremony, newly married men committed to proving their skills at hunting and gathering to their in-laws.

Yates suggests that the Indians of the islands off Santa Barbara were skilled aboriginal artists, and he regrets that so little information could be learned about a group which is now effectively extinct.

KARA BRIDGMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Yates, Lorenzo G. The Fragments of The History Of A Lost Tribe. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol.4(4):373-377.

In his essay “The Fragments Of The History Of A Lost Tribe,” Lorenzo Yates presents information, gathered through the form of verbal questions about the habits and customs of the Indian Tribes around the Santa Barbara area. Justo, a local Indian, was deemed the spokesperson by the interviewer. Justo conferred with representatives from each tribe, who were present at the interview. Thus, the answers Justo gave represented the habits and customs of not only the tribe he belonged to, but also many other tribes from the Santa Barbara area.

When the Dos Pueblos Indians first encountered a Spaniard on horseback, a misunderstanding between them led to the death of the Spaniard and one of their members. According to Justo, fighting between Indians consisted of one member at a time from each tribe stepping forward and firing arrows at the enemy. Casualties were few, and war ended when either side built a fire to show that they were satisfied with the valiant efforts of warriors from both tribes.

Conical houses, made from Sycamore sticks or whalebones and covered with tules (bulrushes), were built with a place for a fire in the center. Beds were fashioned from forked sticks and mats of woven tule, while blankets consisted of animal hides.

The Indians’ diets consisted of rabbits, squirrels, birds, sea otters, seals, fish, whale, ducks, acorns, chilla, and wild cherries. When fishing, black muscle bait was skewered onto fish hooks carved from bone or shell.

Men wore jackets made from waterfowl while the women wore buckskin skirts and tule petticoats.

Medicine men, who were called Ach-ie, were celibate, but other men were allowed one wife. Formal marriage licenses or agreements were nonexistent in their society.

The Indians often buried material objects along with their dead.

Despite Justo’s contributions to the subject, Yates regrets that there is a lack of information concerning the cultural aspects of Indians from the surrounding coastal region.

Andrea Wright Lawrence University (Oren Kosansky)