American Anthropologist 1889

Blodgett, James H. Suffrage and its Mechanism in Great Britain and the United States.American Anthropologist January, 1889(2): 63-73.

James Blodgett’s paper deals with the different systems of governmental representation in the United States and Great Britain. Specifically, he uses the views of three different scholars James Lorimer, Thomas Hare, and John Stuart Mill, to facilitate the comparison between the governmental systems.

Blodgett begins first by briefly explaining the views of the three scholars, then by introducing some of the principle acts governing England at the time of publication. However, for the majority of the paper he describes in great detail four points of comparison between Great Britain and many of the American States. These points are: who can vote, how one goes about registering to vote, the ballot, and the ballot box. He uses these points to examine the inner workings of suffrage in the United States, Great Britain, and briefly, Canada. He examines strong and weak points of different States dealing with suffrage. He explains that in some cases suffrage is limited on the basis of colour, sex, intelligence and even on ownership of land. Also, briefly dealt with are the election procedures in various American States. Blodgett concludes by saying that since the United States has such diversity of governmental representation, it may be advantageous by forcing the federal government to check plans that have found local support.

This paper was written in 1889, and this is obvious not only in the way it is compiled, with vocabulary and sentence structure, but also in the respect that many of the facts about certain issues have changed. It is written clearly, however it will seem far more interesting to someone who is familiar with both British and American politics in the 19th century. This article also evaluates prior work done on this subject and furthers the understanding of suffrage and the inner workings of governmental representation.

MARK BELL University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Blodgett, James H. Suffrage and Its Mechanism in Great Britain and the United States. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2 (1): 63-74.

The type of representative system becomes more important to people in communities as their communities begin to grow. The way people are chosen to represent the community as well as whom in the community gets to decide on the representative is also a consideration. This article discusses and compares the suffrage system of the United States and Great Britain as a means of trying to find the optimal way to represent the entire community. Not only are the differences between the two systems in general discussed, but the variations that occur within one country are addressed as well.

Several aspects of the voting procedure are reviewed and compared. These include who gets to vote, how they register to vote, the ballot used, and the type of ballot-box used. The author provides general overviews of these aspects within Great Britain and the United States. The United States have different procedures depending upon where in the United States the vote is taking place. There are many differences from place to place on how and even who gets to participate in the voting process.

The points presented here are well thought out and help the reader to form a clearer picture of the diversity among voting procedures within the United States. Variation may persist in the local elections, but hopefully by recognizing the different methods employed by local communities, a better solution for electing national representatives of the government will be found. Several people voicing their opinions on the issue of how to improve voting procedures follow the article.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Boas, Franz. On Alternating Sounds. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol. 2 (3): 47-53.

In this article, Boas discusses and seeks to demonstrate the phenomenon of “sound blindness,” which he describes as the “inability to perceive the essential peculiarities of certain sounds” (p.47). This phenomenon is important to anthropology because illustrates how people interpret sounds and how it is culturally effected. Sound blindness occurs when slight, but essential differences in sound are unperceived by the hearer. Boas proposes two explanations for this lack of perception: either the word is so long that it is impossible to grasp the phonetic components, or a single sound is peculiar and the hearer fails to perceive it.

To further illustrate this phenomenon, Boas conducted experiments to determine how accurately subjects hear and interpret certain words. He chose children as subjects because it is relatively easy to find words that are unfamiliar to them. The experiment began by dictating long words such as “ultramarine” and “altruistic” to the children, who would then write down what they thought they had heard. The children had trouble spelling these complicated words. Next, monosyllabic words were dictated to them. The results revealed that the children were likely to confuse a similar sound for the actual sound. For example, the word “fan” was often interpreted as “than.”

Boas goes on to explain this mistake in perception by describing the ability of a person to effectively perceive similar sounds as different. The likelihood of this accurate perception decreases as the stimuli become more similar, and as the length of time increases between the two sounds. Therefore, the longer the break between the dictation of two similar, though not the same sounds, the hearer will be more likely to conclude that the two sounds are indeed the same.

A visual experiment was conducted whereby parallel horizontal lines of differing lengths were presented and the subjects were instructed to identify their length. Usually, the subject could accurately identify lines of 25mm and 35mm, but when given a line of 24mm, the subject would classify it under 25mm. Boas concluded that this was done because the 24mm line was very similar to the 25mm one. The difference between the two lines did not exceed the differential threshold level. From this, it was suggested that, when subjects are given a new stimulus, they are likely to classify it according to similar information that is already familiar to them.

Therefore, in relating these experiments to the phenomenon of sound perception, Boas concluded that the accuracy with which a person distinguishes and interprets similar sounds is inversely related to the length interval between the two.

Jennifer Andrews University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Boas, Franz. Notes On The Snanaimuq. American Anthropologist October 1889. Volume II (18): 321-328.

This article provided a comprehensive description of the customs and contexts of this coastal British Columbia tribe. It was based on the field research Dr. Boas conducted in the winter of 1886-87. The Snanaimuq were described in relation to their geographical and linguistic neighbours, and political and kinship structures were outlined. Marriage, birthing and mortuary customs were discussed in detail. Military tactics were mentioned, and Boas offered a lengthy history of a war fought by the Snanaimuq in the mid-nineteenth century. Finally, Boas delineated some spiritual beliefs and practices, and ended the article with the re-telling of two well-known Snanaimuq legends.

Boas was working in a period when it was generally understood within the anthropology field that the traditional Native Canadian way of life was disappearing, and it can be assumed that this article was an example of the ‘salvage ethnography’ that was intended to provide a permanent record of a dying culture. Boas carefully observed the customs of the people and recorded them in detail. Seemingly trivial information, such as the family of a prospective groom refilling the dishes given by the prospective bride’s family before returning them, was recorded as an integral part of the marriage ritual. All the details included were considered vital to the preservation of the culture.

In order to provide an accurate record of the culture under study, Boas developed the meticulous methods of participant observation, whereby detailed notes were taken by the anthropologist within the full context of the society. “Notes On The Snanaimuq” is an excellent example of this pioneering methodology. Boas mentioned the effort he took in learning the language of the Snanaimuq, and lived among them during the time of his research. This was an innovative practice at the time, and by adopting it Boas implied that the unilineal traditions of cultural study were invalid. He does not see the Snanaimuq possessing a ‘level’ of culture, but simply being part of a culture in which he was interested. By recording the military history of the group as told to him by one of the chiefs, he showed how closely he associated with the Snanaimuq. The retelling of the myths is further evidence of the familiarity he had with their oral tradition. In “Notes On The Snanaimuq”, Boas expounded by example the merits of broad-ranged contextual description.

KAREN GABERT University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Boas, Franz. Notes on the Snanaimuq. American Anthropologist. April 1889 Vol. 2: 321-328.

Boas visited the coast of British Columbia in the winter of 1886-’87 to collect a vocabulary of the Snanaimuq peoples. During this time he wrote a short ethnographic piece describing a few of the customs and beliefs of these people. The facts that are presented by Boas are diverse, ranging from a story about the acquisition of the sun by the Snanaimuq to marriage and death customs. Each item is presented in a straightforward manner with very few inferences drawn about causality or relationships.

The following is a short inventory of the items set forth by Dr. Boas. First Dr. Boas gives us a description of the geographic areas occupied by the Snanaimuq and a list of the different clans that compose the Snanaimuq tribe. Boas describes the ascendancy of the chief as patrilineal. The courting process is illustrated in some detail with the requirement of both the husband and wife’s gens discussed. The effect of differing social standings on the marriage process is alluded to briefly. Finally, the mortuary customs are described for differing social ranks. One particular note of interest in this is that the Snanaimuq used the well know ‘potlatch’ ceremony to acquire rank or restore honor in one’s family or society in general.

A good portion of the paper is a description of one particular war between northern tribes and the Snanaimuq. Boas traces the sequence of battles and the resolution of the war in some detail. Following that is a discussion of a few of the mythological elements in Snanaimuq society, including the belief of the sun being a god and the importance of the mink and thunder-bird in their mythology. Boas concludes with a retelling of a myth that has apparently been found in a modified form in Alaska. He includes this tale of ‘The Man and the Whale’ so that a study of the diffusion of the myth might be developed.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Burnett, Swan M. A Note on the Melungeons. American Anthropologist, October 1889 Vol.2 (21): 347-349.

This article is a brief discussion of Burnett’s initial and later views of the Portuguese, based on his childhood recollections, and then brief ‘fieldwork’ among Portuguese in America as well as a visit to Portugal. His intention was to pique interest in the Portuguese as worthy of ethnographic research.

Burnett noted a mystery as to Portuguese origins, and refers to an earlier name used for them, ‘Melungeon’ (from the French, melangee or mixed). He also discussed issues such as social and economic positions within the Portuguese community. In America ne notes, the Portuguese did not hold a very high social or economic position, but he did not provide any intricate details on how these people functioned in their everyday lives. How their lives compares to life in Portugal is also unclear. Burnett did not actually conduct real fieldwork.

Burnett presents his information in a highly personal narrative format. While the author’s work was structured differently from most papers in The American Anthropologist, he did provide a unique look into the lives of a people who intrigued him.

JENNIFER GROVES University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Burnett, Swan M. A Note on the Melungeons. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 347-349.

This is a short memo on the observations and initial ideas about the Melungeons. The author begins by recalling stories from his youth about a mysterious race of people identified as the Melungeons. Then he meanders through several different thoughts on the origin of these people. Throughout his writing Burnett makes references to the idea that these people were either a separate race from the whites, blacks, or natives or that they were a mixture of these three ethnic groups. The particular people being described in his essay reside in East Tennessee and supposedly emigrated from North Carolina more than 80 years before Burnett’s essay was written.

Burnett notes that there is evidence that these people might be of Portuguese decent. The evidence he cites for this includes the fact that the Melungeons refer to themselves as Portuguese and a few physical characteristics that Burnett considers important. There is also a theory that they might be gypsies or may have originally been from either of these groups but have intermarried since their arrival in the Americas. The most fantastic of the theories under his consideration is that these people may be descendents of Sir Walter Raleigh’s lost colony.

Unfortunately this article is more of a call for information on the subject than a real argument for the origins of a set of people. The evidence that is presented is shaky at best as indicated by Burnett’s reference to the flatness of their feet, the waviness found in their hair and the height of their cheekbones. However, this paper may be useful for the insight it gives into the mind of the nineteenth century amateur anthropologist, which Boaz thankfully expunged from serious academic consideration.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Dorsey, J. Owen. Indians of Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol (2): 55-62

J.Owen Dorsey was sent by the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Siletz reservation in Oregon. The purpose for going to the reservation was to learn about the tribes living in the area. During this time Dorsey studied approximately twenty tribes. Most of Dorsey’s notes deal with the linguistic and sociologic aspects of the tribes’ culture. Information was also obtained about the Cherokee naming system, folklore and kinship ties.

Dorsey’s focus in the article was on the changes that occurred within the tribes’ culture as a result of life on the reservation and being exposed to “civilized” culture. The larger issue that Dorsey was concerned with was that the tribes were losing important traditions and were slowly becoming assimilated into the “civilized” culture. The tribes that lived on the reservation had restrictions placed on them that did not exist before. For example, the Athapascans that lived on the reservation had only one burying-ground instead of the usual nine.

An important contribution that Dorsey illustrates is the issue of assimilation in relation to the evolution in Cherokee personal names. Genuine Indian names are generally significant; but “civilized” culture has played an important role in the changes seen in the method of naming. Mainly, Indian names have been changed in attempts to make the names sound more “civilized”. The major change that has occurred in the naming system is the taking on of biblical names but altered to the point that they are not recognizable. What Dorsey is trying to make us aware of is the fact that the Indians are incorporating parts of the civilized culture into their own because of the influence of the “civilized”.

The concept of assimilation is a key concept in anthropology. This article is important to anthropology because it provides an example of assimilation. As mentioned above Dorsey illustrates the concept of assimilation in relation to the evolution of Cherokee personal names. This paper also described the impact that living on reservation had on the Indians. Living on the reservations lead to the loss of certain traditions that had been in tribes for generations such as only having one burying ground instead of nine.

The only criticism about the article is that the phonetic orthography for the Indian languages was difficult to comprehend. .

CHELSEA ASTILL University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Dorsey, J. Owen. Indians of Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2(1):55-61.

The purpose of this article is to inform readers about the linguistic and sociologic changes that have occurred at the Siletz reservation. Over twenty different tribes comprise the inhabitants of this particular reservation, and it is necessary for them to develop a similar language so they can communicate among one another. All the tribes seem to know Chinook jargon and many reported to be in the process of learning English. The vocabularies Owen obtained were classified into six different linguistic stocks.

The first portion of the article is devoted to a discussion on the grammatical aspects of these different categories. The different verb inflections are compared to one another as well as the use of inseparable pronouns that are used with verbs. Next the social organization of the reservation is discussed, but only briefly because he was unable to obtain much information.

Folklore is the last aspect discussed concerning the tribes located on this reservation. The reasoning behind why the Athapascans fear to speak certain names of animals in front of their children is addressed through a partial telling of a creation myth. The names of the wildcat and field mice are not to be spoken in the presence of children. The relation of the creation myth provides an explanation as to why this is true. The article is followed up with a discussion from Dr. Washington Matthews who provides some comparative information between the Navajo language and the languages found in northern Oregon.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Dorsey, Rev. Owen J. Teton Folk-lore. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(1): 143-158

Native American cultures have a rich oral tradition. The main purpose of this article is to record some of that history. Dorsey relies on texts that were recorded from traditional Teton legends two years earlier by a Teton, or Lakota, Indian, George Bushotter. The author translated passages that demonstrate the beliefs the Teton held about spirits, or “wanaghi”. The Teton believed that each man had one or more wanaghi and there were rites and rituals that helped each spirit pass on to the correct afterlife. The author presents ceremonies that deal with funerary and after death customs. The Lakota took locks of hair from the deceased and believed that the deceased’s spirit would not pass into the afterlife until the lock of hair was buried. As long as the relatives kept the lock of hair, the deceased’s spirit retained its position in the family. Elaborate dinners were given in “ghost lodges” where the family and friends offered gifts to the deceased. Included are stories explaining why Tetons did not bury the deceased under ground, why Tetons needed tattoos on their face or wrists, and rules explaining what different types of ghost encounters meant. Also listed are different types of omens and non-human spirits, as well as numerous stories about encounters with ghosts. The ghost stories serve no purpose other than pure entertainment, as they offer no lesson or moral, just a seemingly fictional narrative. They do, however, prove that Tetons believed that men could interact with ghosts.

This article is typical of the approach of the era. Unbiased recording of traditions and ceremonies was the ideal of 19th century anthropologists, and Dorsey follows this procedure well. The majority of the article is simply the direct translation of the original Teton text without any attempt by the author to interpret the writings. Some of the article is hard to follow as a result of the translation and there is no attempt to correct grammatical errors.

CHERYL BLACK University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Dorsey, J. Owen. Teton Folk-lore. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):143-158.

This article is simply a collection of folklore that was collected by a Lakota Indian at the request of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. Several themes are addressed throughout the paper the most detailed of which is the folk stories surrounding ghosts. The Tetons very much believed in ghosts and each living person tended to have one or more ghosts. Death and burial lore, why the Tetons stopped burying their dead in the ground, and ceremonies performed at the ghost-lodge are several topics discussed. Owen also relates several popular ghost stories that circulated among the Tetons.

The other folklore that is examined deals with the supernatural as well. The ideas of omens and different types of spirits are discussed. The Tetons have a wide range of beliefs regarding what could be considered supernatural. The stories told about this range of supernatural beliefs vary somewhat from topic to topic. The very end of the article addresses the issues of etiquette and the ideas concerning children, specifically twins. Even these topics reflect the Tetons’ beliefs in the supernatural.

The folklore presented here represents a portion of the extensive ethnology that was conducted on behalf of the Bureau of Ethnology. The article is set up very clearly with distinct headings that allow the reader to keep the stories separate. The supernatural elements seem to play a very big role in the life of the Teton people, and the folklore presented here reflects this idea.


JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Eels, Myron. The Thunder Bird. American Anthropologist October, 1889 Vol. 2:329-336.

Eels deals with the origin of the Thunder Bird, as depicted in myth, superstition, traditions, and material culture, and the extent of belief in the Thunder Bird as was held among natives by various Aboriginal people at the time of writing. He argues that the idea of Thunder Bird is very wide spread, and that although the myths varied to some degree among various tribes, they all had something to do with a bird being the cause of thunder and lightning.

Eels traces Thunder Bird myths from the Chinook Indians of Columbia, all the way to the Inuit on the shores of the Bering Sea. For example, he describes a tale of the south wind and an ogress whose paths crossed. The south wind asks the ogress for food and the ogress turns him down. Instead, she gives the south wind a fishing net and sends him to catch some fish. He catches “a little whale”. When he is about to cut the fish with his knife, the ogress stops him and tells him to cut the fish down the back instead of crossways. Ignoring the ogress, he cut the fish crossways. This is when the fish immediately altered its form and became an immense bird. The bird acquires the name of the Thunder Bird since when it flaps its wings, thunder would sound.

The author includes other factors that show the widespread belief in the Thunder Bird. For example, birdlike figurines are found in various regions and archaeologists have found various artifacts (ie: sculptures) two thousand miles from the Pacific Ocean.

The author subdivides his discussion into sub-headings and gives an account of what the natives held as a belief in terms of what the cause of thunder and lightning is. He provides descriptions of the myth and accounts for how widespread it is.

VASI LIOS GALANOPOULOS University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Eells, Myron. The Thunder Bird. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 329-336.

The Thunder Bird is a well-written compilation of different myths that are found in the native tribes of Western America, Canada and Central America. All of these beliefs have the thunder bird or some variation of it as the central character. Reverend Eells’ article divides these myths into several different categories and briefly outlines each legend. These categories are origin, cause of thunder, superstitions, thunder bird performance, traditions, figures and the extent of belief in the thunder bird.

A short description of the beliefs in each of these divisions follows. The origin of the thunder bird is from a whale that transformed itself while being disemboweled. The thunder bird is sent by the southwest wind to punish young girls going through an initiation ceremony that have broken a rule of the ritual. A feather, bone or other part of the thunder bird contains a great amount of mystical power. These powers often bring luck or aid in times of sickness. There is a ceremony based on the thunder bird that is found in many northwest Native American tribes. Eells gives us a short description of this ceremony. In different tribes the thunderbird is the creator of mankind, the creator of land and the symbol of a Native American ‘Eden’. Eells also describes a number of different representations of the thunder bird that are found. These range from painting on the exterior of a house to masks to designs in clothing and ornamentation on weapons. Eells finishes his paper with a short list of where the thunder bird legend has been observed and notes a number of different forms that the thunder bird takes.

Eells’ paper may be useful as a reference in a study of Native American mythology. However the material is presented in a very matter-of-fact manner with no conclusions or theories being drawn.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Ernst, A. On the Etymology of the Word Tobacco. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):133-141.

This article largely focuses on linguistics through the study of the origin of a particular word, tobacco. The hypothesis explored here is whether or not the word originated through Colombian visitors based on the instrument with which people prior to Columbus smoked this particular plant. Oviedo was the first person to formulate this hypothesis of the word tobacco originating from the implement allegedly used by pre-Colombian Haitians. Dr. Ernst, however, does not believe the instrument described by Oviedo was ever really used. The author explores several possible origins for the word tobacco.

Dr. Ernest does not deny that the implement existed, only whether or not the Indians employed it. A possible origin for the word tobacco is this Y-shaped instrument that Oviedo discusses. The word taboca is one of the precursors to the word as we know it today, and this particular form of the word developed from Guarani origins. The author proceeds to continue his discussion for this belief by providing evidence and ends his paper with a discussion of the possible confusion between the Europeans and the Indians.

The realization concerning the different cultures involved is mentioned in this article. The Indians were probably interpreting the questions the Europeans were asking differently from what the Europeans had intended. He concludes the article by stating that the Spaniards had no real interest in the meaning of the word, which may have caused them to adopt a word to mean something completely different from the Indians.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Fletcher, Robert M.D. Myths of the Robin Redbreast in Early English History. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2 (2): 6 pp 97-118

At first, the author of this article describes its subject as being of a trivial nature but goes on to show how important the robin redbreast is in English literature and society. Fletcher presents the argument that the robin redbreast is “regarded with particular interest and affection” in Great Britain. He goes on to describe myths of why the robin of Great Britain is regarded in such a manner and proves his argument with examples from literature dating as far back as 1562. Fletcher argues that the myths of the robin redbreast being friendly with man and caring for the unburied dead are “very ancient and very widely spread.”

Fletcher goes on to describe how the robin redbreast may have received his name. He also describes how the redbreast is believed to be sacred because he is God’s bird and he is believed to take care of unburied corpses by covering them with leaves and moss. He then gives examples of literature that show how he received his name and how he is portrayed as having the sacred duty of taking care of the dead. Fletcher also describes how the robin is highly regarded because he stays around and sings during the cold winter months and is very friendly with man. He has many examples of the robin’s close ties with man and how he stays and sings during the winter. Fletcher uses as much as thirty-six pieces of literature almost all with different authors to prove and reprove his points. His literature is mostly historical dating back to 1562 including poets as John Donne and Robert Herrick.

He is, at the very least, exceptionally thorough in proving his point. With many examples Fletcher proves that the myths of the robin being a “friend of man” and having the sacred duty of caring for the unburied dead are extensive. Finally by using very old examples he proves how the myths are ancient.

JACQUELINE BELLEROSE University of Alberta, (Dr. Heather Young Leslie).

Fletcher, Robert. Myths of the Robin Redbreast in Early English Poetry. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):97-118.

Many poets and writers throughout the last three hundred years in Europe have written numerous poems on the robin. This bird obviously has had quite an impact to become the subject matter of so many writings. This article provides examples of the poems inspired by the robin and notes several characteristics associated with this bird that are evident by the context of the poems. An attempt is also made to try to discover the origin of the myths surrounding the robin as well as the time period in which these myths originated.

One constant trend in the poems is the association of the robin with the unburied dead. In many instances the robin is responsible for covering the dead with flowers and moss. This bird is considered a friend of mankind and not only does it take care of the unburied dead, but it also helps humans in any way it can. One example is found in a story that involves a girl being kidnapped and left to starve to death and the robin continuously brings her food in order for her to stay alive. Other myths concerning the robin discuss why the robin’s breast is red. The examples provided in this article vary a little, but both involve the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

Fletcher admits the inability to discover the origins of these myths, but he does state that they must be old for the origins to be untraceable. The subject matter of this article is rather trivial, but he states this fact in the beginning of the article and continues on with his discussion. The examples provided in this article support all of his arguments concerning the myths of the robin.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Gamio, Manuel. Las Excavaciones Del Pedregal De San Angel Y La Cultura Arcaica Del Valle De Mexico. American Anthropologist November, 1920: 127-143.

The article focuses on an archaeological discovery that aids in a redirection of opinions and speculations of the chronological order of Mexico’s past cultures. The quest may have started in 1907 the discovery of human remains and artifacts as ceramic were discovered in the valley of Mexico. Within these discoveries, a diversified representation of clay representing human form and other fragments of pottery were of the archaic type as well as others. Stratisgraphic evidence was missing links though studies done did agree of different types of stratifications (including archaic), but no chronological order was found. This could be because the area where the mixed artifacts were found historically had gone through a deluge. Dr. Frank Boas’ studied some of the fragments previously found and made cleared distinctions of varying colors, art, and components of it technique; finding a different form of clay-pottery varying with the Aztec’s and Teotihuacán’s . The antiquity of the artifacts couldn’t be further speculated because within the investigation, the water levels were found before the stratification of the end of the Aztec cultures’. This furthered the hunger to know of Gamio and others. Why were the diverse cultured artifacts mixed? Many excavations took place and discoveries of Aztec and Teotihuacana were found but none provided any of the archaic evidence. They did provide room to speculate the civilizations or cultures that blossomed from the valley of Mexico were only the archaic, the Aztecan, and the teotihuacana. The older being the archaic since it was found in the deepest layers, but Gamio says that generalizations can not be reasonably made just from this case.

Gamio leads us into the climax of his study at, “Del Pedregal De San Angel”, in the valley of Mexico. In that era, extraction of volcanic rock was done to use in the construction of buildings in the area. Many of the ditches accidentally uncovered the fragments of ceramic, and human and animal remains. The particular site in which Gamio does his research contained was picked because of the abundance of material and human remains found. In the chronological order of strata, first was the volcanic layer, then a softer dirt layer containing artifacts and human remains, succeeded with a more compact terrain containing cylindrical graves. The artifacts were that of the archaic: representing anthropomorphic multicolored sculptures, containers that were possibly ritualistic, mortars used for grinding cereals, and even obsidian arrows. Gamio ascertained or apportioned the measurements very accurately. I came to this conclusion that he was disciplined in his measurements because of the description given of the most complete skeleton. What sparked most interest in myself was how they said that the chewing muscles were strong and potent by grooves left by the muscles on the skull.
Gamio’s excavations in the valley of Mexico, permitted in more accurate assumptions of the archaic character, physical type, and historical classification as the historically oldest population of the region with the help of predecessors with the same quest as well as a more methodological research helped greatly in the reconstruction of a people’s archaeological past.

MARIEL ORENGO University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Goldenweiser, A.A. A New Approach To History. American Anthropologist, 1920 Vol.22: 26-47.

In A New Approach To History, A.A. Goldenweiser delivers a well-thought response to Frederick J. Teggart’s “recent” publication The Processes of History. Teggart’s proposition is to demonstrate “’what sort of results might be obtained by a strict application of the method of science to the facts of history’”(27). Goldenweiser is quick to point out that what Teggart is essaying is the “determination of constants” (28). He then proceeds to reveal the weaknesses of such a concept by offering counter ideas to those of Teggart’s. He begins with the assertion that, while the disclosure of a set of constants would greatly enhance “our insight into historical processes… it is but reasonable to expect that these constants would not prove a rationale of history, but of certain more or less prominent aspects of it.”(30)

Teggart’s work then delves into the concept of a homogeneous history, which purports the idea that man everywhere has a history comprised of the “same fabric”(30). This he attempts to justify with the idea that the “varying experiences of human groups have been similarly conditioned by the varying aspects of the conformation of the globe” (30). Goldenweiser specifically focuses on Teggart’s claims of constants in the areas of: food deficiencies occurring in response to destructive climate changes, migration resulting from such deficiencies, “friction” (31) with the populations already residing at the “terminus of migration” (31), and lastly, the establishment of political organization. Goldenweiser then goes on to refute these ideas, pointing out the several faults that lie in these constants. One such fault being that migration is not always influenced by food deficiencies. Another concept that Goldenweiser is quick to counter, is Teggart’s idea that political organization is a “recent phenomenon” (33), one which is inherent upon migration. Goldenweiser then offers that “if… it is accepted that political organization is inherent in society, migration evidently has nothing to do with it.” (35) Teggart also proposes that there is a singular idea system. However, Goldenweiser is quick to respond

In conclusion, while Goldenweiser does applaud Teggart’s “careful attention to the psychological factors involved in historic reconstruction” (46), it is clear to see that Goldenweiser is in direct opposition with Teggart’s theories.

MELISSA CORSON University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Gore, J. Howard. The German Anthropological Congress. American Anthropologist October, 1889 Vol.2 :313-319.

J. Gore writes this article entirely about an anthropological conference he attended in Germany in the summer of 1889. The author provides a detailed description of this meeting of the German Anthropological Congress. He includes everything from an account of the songs they sung before they ate and a report of who made toasts on which subjects, to a description of an excursion where they viewed the exposed graves in a Roman burial place. Speeches made by Doctors and Professors are summarized and important findings or changes in the field of anthropology are noted.

The author’s purpose in writing this is not only to relate what occurred at this conference, he also tries to convince the reader that the field of anthropology is advanced in its thinking and beliefs. He does this by describing in detail their speeches, which demonstrates their ideals and views as anthropologists. Gore attempts to persuade his audience that being an anthropologist is a rewarding and worthwhile endeavour, and simply tries to make himself and other anthropologists seem important and respected. The article mentions the emerging and increasingly important role of photography in fieldwork. It does this to impress its reader with this reference to such sophisticated technology, and also to report the new advances this field of study is making, perhaps in hopes of attracting more attention to their relatively new science. By listing insignificant details such as the making of introductions and the fine time had singing before dinner, Gore makes this convention seem idyllic and gratifying. This piece of writing goes to great lengths to spread the theology that white, European males are of the highest evolutionary stage. It does this by citing speeches in which other cultures were referred to as “inferior race” (p.316) and used terms such as brachycephalic and doliocephalic to describe people. Gore mentions a paper read on Mongolian eyes in which the shape of them was referred to as a “retardation in natural development” (p.316) and goes on to say that any differences in appearance from those of Caucasian Europeans are due to arrested or retarded growth. The retelling of their afternoon outing to a Roman burial place, with detailed accounts of how the bodies looked and what they were buried with successfully provides a look at the anthropological skills possessed in the late nineteenth century. This entire article supplies the anthropological views and ideals of Gore’s era of scientists.

STEPHANIE FRIEDMAN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Gore, J. Howard. The German Anthropological Congress. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 313-319.

J. Howard Gore gives us a general outline of the proceedings at the 1889 German Anthropological Congress. This article gives us a brief view into both the anthropology and the social mannerisms of the 19th century. While there is no overriding theme to the meeting there are a number of interesting points that can be elaborated on.

Professor Schaaffhausen opened the meeting with an outline of the subdivisions of anthropology and what conclusions may be found in this field. He followed this address with an elaboration of the theory of religions and concluded by presenting an anthropological proof of the existence of god. Professor Klein reported on a variety of topics concerning the restoration of the Castra Bononensia. That evening was dedicated to the annual dinner in which toasting and singing were a regular part of the ceremonies. The second day was opened with a geological paper on the formation of the Rhine valley. This was followed by findings about the racial mix of Hotzenlande. This is of note because the language that is used includes the term ‘inferior race’. Following this was a paper that theorized about the relation of ancient Egyptians to modern Egyptians based on the paintings and statues described by Professor Virchow. Finally, Professor Ranke presented a hypothesis about the ideal infant type as indicated by various measurements and proportions. Interestingly, the Mongolian infant was indicated as the closest to this ideal type.

The congress ended with a trip to a Roman burial place and opening of a stone coffin. Gore’s account has a strong sense of the formality of the proceedings but also contains evidence of the strong sense of camaraderie that exists among the members.

MARK C. HOUSE University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Harrington, J.P. Old Indian Geographical Names Around Santa Fe, New Mexico. American Anthropologist, 1920 Vol .22 : 341- 359.

The main concept of the article is on the nomenclature of loci in the area of Santa Fe, New Mexico as described in ethno geographic terms by the Native American inhabitants of the area. Place names are compared between the current (1916) name and Spanish and Native American forms. The complete study is published in the Twenty-ninth Annual Report of The Bureau of American Ethnology, 1916. Harrington’s article of 1920, however, draws out and centers on specific place names he has deemed “the most important”. The argument is that these places are valid in reference to the archaeology within the region. Thus, a relationship exists between the etymology of the name of a place and its proposed function within the past cultural community relative to the current (1916). In certain instances, Spanish names and Native American names of a place have similar meaning suggesting ambiguity in origin of the name, however, Harrington concludes cultural relativity between a place and its name remains observable.

Harrington provides evidence of relationship in place names primarily through the linguistic morphology. One example is the Tewa name Tsipiwi’i , which is morphologically divided to show tsi’i means obsidian; pi means to come out; and wi’i means gap. Tsipiwi’i means gap where obsidian comes out. Harrington’s methodology reveals a direct connection to function of the location (in this case Chipiwi’) and its nomenclature in Tewa. Where applicable, Harrington notates the Spanish morphology to emphasize a relationship. For example, Gavilan in Spanish refers to any type of hawk, and the Tewa name refers to Falco nisus, a specific type of hawk.

The data was collected by interviews with current (1916) Native American and Spanish residents. The data is presented by place name (as known in 1916), in alphabetical order. Each name is notated as to its whereabouts in the 1916 publication. Under each heading follows a description of the Tewa name (shown morphologically within parenthesis), a Spanish name or another Native American name (if applicable), a synopsis of known function, and suggested relationships.

DORIE ERDMANN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Henshaw, Henry Wetherbee. Who Are The American Indians? American Anthropologist July, 1889. Vol. 2(12):193-214.

This article focuses on American Indian civilization and various aspects of the Indian culture. The overall issues presented are Wetherbee Henshaw’s discussion surrounding the path of civilization of the original people who lived on American land. He thoroughly dismissed the notion that upon the discovery of America, American Indians were uncivilized savages. Further, he made note of a false impression that is perceived of the American Indian as one who was a ferocious barbarian. The article shows Henshaw’s compassion towards the culture of the American Indian.

Wetherbee Henshaw stated his position by the examination of specific Aborigine customs such as pastimes and activities. He discussed Indian achievements and in a lengthy manner presented knowledge about how the practice of medicine was integrated in the American Indian culture. The social and political organization of Indians is discussed, and we learn that it was largely based upon kinship ties. Moreover, Henshaw compared the English language with that of 58 different Indian dialects. Also, he made the profound discovery that the Indian language is very capable of developing into something of equal demands to the English language. Henshaw ended his article by asking the provocative question of ‘not who are the American Indians’ but, rather ‘what are the American Indians’ and what can we learn from their state of culture.

This article is an intense read. It will interest people who are curious in learning about American Indian civilization. It combines a certain aspect of opinion and fact. It is a lengthy read, and at times hard to follow.

ZEHER CHADI University Of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Henshaw, Henry Wetherbee. Who are the American Indians? American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol.2(3):193-214.

In the article Henshaw takes the reader on an exploration of American Indian culture, while at the same time attempting to track their origin. It is clear that he has a great appreciation for this culture and in the essay proves that it is not so important where the American Indians originate as it is for the reader to acknowledge the many similarities that we share.

Henshaw begins his search by confronting the picture of the American Indians as they appeared when the continent was first discovered. He defends the Indians from being labeled as a “horde of wandering savages” by describing the their rich cultural heritage. He mentions their many skills in the arts: the weaving and dying of fabrics, basket making, pottery, and the use of copper. The American Indians had made advances in agriculture by cultivating crops such as corn or maize, potatoes, and tobacco. They developed skillful architectural methods, using materials such as hewn planks, stone and mud. Organized government was a common practice, most of which were formed through kinship ties, although some were elected. Religion was a dominant force in American Indian culture. Henshaw adds that shaman performed great ceremonies and elaborate rituals for both religious occasions as well as for faith healing, purposes incorporating the use of herbs and roots. Henshaw concludes that these are not the accomplishments of savage group, nor does it mean that the American Indians lacked the ability to continue to advance.

Henshaw proceeds to search for origins of the American Indians. He first examines the American Indian’s own beliefs regarding their origins concluding that as silly as they may seem they are not so different from the theories of other classical peoples. He considers various other theories of origin, some based on fact and some on loose comparisons and concludes that there is insufficient proof to make a scientific declaration from this perspective.

Henshaw continues the search by examining various classification systems such as the use of physical tests as a method of determining race. He notes that skin color is the most unreliable method of determining race. He points out that a broad range of skin tones can be found within one tribe, not to mention the differences in skin tones that can occur within one family, as well as the various shades an individual may have throughout a lifetime. Henshaw uses a number of other studies, such as examining the various types of hair and skull comparisons performed by craniologists to conclude that physical characteristics cannot be used due to the many intricacies and inconsistencies in developing such a classification system.

In Henshaw’s investigation of the American Indian’s linguistic origins his question is again left unanswered. Not only does he report that there are 58 distinct Indian Linguistic families with some containing 300 or more dialects, but he also considers that the linguistic relationship may not be a true indicator of race or origin. Any judgments made with this data, Henshaw believes, should be considered pure speculation and concludes that these languages could have likely originated here as well as anywhere else.

Through this exploration of American Indian culture and by exhausting various theories of geographic origin, physical classification, and linguistic origin, Henshaw successfully proves his point that it isn’t so important who the American Indians are as a race, but what they are as a people. Acknowledging that their many achievements as well as the uniqueness of their rich cultural heritage is not so different from our own. Henshaw concludes by stressing the “unity of mankind,” noting that we all share “a common destiny, if not a common origin.”

REBECCA BARACONI California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Hoffman, W. J. Notes on Ojibwa Folk-Lore. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol. 2 (2):215-223.

Hoffman emphasizes the Native American belief in the spirituality of medicine found in nature. The reverence of the Ojibwa in North Minnesota for their environment is reflected in the ceremonies performed by the Mide’wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society. Hoffman presents the results his research on the Ojibwa from his discovery of an ancient chart. The chart details instructions for rituals and the mythical origins of the Mide’wiwin.

In this largely factual article, Hoffman details the ideology behind Ojibwan healing ceremonies. The folk-lore and resulting medicinal rituals is presented on the chart as pictographs and mnemonic records, which in the case of the Ojibwa, is related through chanting. There are three primary topics in the article that Hoffman translates from the ancient chart. The first is the telling of medicinal folklore of the Ojibwa, the second is a detailed description of how ritualistic practices are carried out and the last is a description of initiation ceremonies for candidates seeking to enter the Mide’wiwin.

The first folklore the author tells is of the origin of the Mide’, or priest of healing power. This occurred when the Medicine Spirit, Dje Manebo, decided to extend the gift of healing to the ancestors of the Ojibwa to aid them in warding off disease. The relation of tales is particularly interesting because they provide the background for ritualistic practices. In the article, myths that account for the discovery of medicines are also related.

The articles also describe Mide’wiwin hierarchy and detail rituals conducted in accordance to the sacred number four, a number which holds utmost importance in the performance of healing ceremonies. Within the Mide’wiwin, there are Mide’ of four degrees, with the fourth degree being the highest. Mide’ of different degrees are distinguished by different ornaments and medicine sacks.

In healing rituals, the four cardinal points of the earth are represented by different colors and poles are decorated and arranged in accordance to the degrees. The initiation ceremonies for candidates of the Mide’wiwin involves elaborate ritual. The article explains the preparation processes for the candidates, each differing according to the degree the candidate wishes to seek. Hoffman also relates instances when a Mide’, whose decisions are governed by visions, dedicates a male child to enter the Grand Medicine Society at his birth and the events that take place should the child die before puberty.

While the article is interesting and relatively clear, several things are not defined. Inadequate geographical history and information on the Ojibwa to provide enough of a background context, a lack of explanation on the differing degrees and a huge portion spent on detailing ritual makes it a dry reading at times and leaves the reader slightly lost.

CHIA YUEH JEAN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Hoffman, W. J. Notes on Ojibwa Folk-Lore. American Anthropologist 1889 Vol. 2 (2):215-223.

Here is a continuation on an early report by Hoffman about the Ojibwa people of Northern Minnesota. The focus of this paper is the folklore and shamanic practices of Ojibwa people. Hoffman here studies the Mide= or Shaman centering and the various dress, lore, ritual, face paint, and tools used in their ceremonies. Hoffman concern here is an accurate recount of the practices of these ceremonies. Hoffman main method in obtaining this information is interviewing along with some participant observation.

Hoffman starts with an investigation into the use of a pictographic chart about seven feet high made of bark pieces linked together. Followed by a report of how the Ojibwa migrated to there current location. He then goes into an English translated myth of how the Ojibwa people received the gift of medicine. Hoffman is keen to focus on the sacred use of the cardinal points and the symbolism of the number four is to the Ojibwa people. Hoffman does a good job of illustrating the detailed explanation and importance of the four points and the color associated with them. This builds on what Hoffman recounts as the rituals of initiation for the shaman of the Ojibwa. There are four levels of Mide= each with different rituals needed to be performed in order to gain entrance. Face paint and personal effects help to distinguish each shamanic level. It should also be noted that most shamans were loosely part of the Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society for all the Ojibwa.

The best contribution to this study by Hoffman is by showing the differences between groups of Ojibwa dependant on local. Here we see how the different groups perform the same rituals with the differences hidden in the details. With the outcome and story the same differences still show up for instance, use of sacred poles and different facial paint. Showing variety among different communities. Another interesting feature of Ojibwa shamanic tradition is the fact that an average member of the group must buy his way into the apprenticeship. He must pronounce, AHe wishes to buy a megis@ (219) the megis is a shell signifying rank in the shamanic order.

The last part of the paper is devoted to the Ghost Society. Being a group of men or women that join the Mide= though the death of son. This is done by traveling the same path the son traveled into the spirit world, there is a myth that goes along with this ritual that describes a child that had died and is brought back to life only to teach the Ojibwa about how Medicine Spirit past down his knowledge and the proper use of the ginseng root.

A critique of this paper comes in the form of a common criticism of American anthropology of the time. While detail oriented in chronicling the life ways of Native Americans, often the anthropologist falls short in analyzing the information. The focus here is information or data for data sake no real insights in the life patterns of these people. Also first person accounts can also be problematic, as they do not always illustrate the whole truth of practices. While Hoffman falls for the first pitfall of early American anthropology, he does a good job of looking at more then one source to come up with his information. As a whole the paper is easy and intelligible to read and has a method that does not get bogged down in much 19th century white American centrism. It gives you the facts as they were reported nothing more nothing less and for that it is a good resource to help build on any later studies.

NICHOLAS HAYDEN Cal State Hayward (Peter Claus)

Holmes, W. H. Pottery of the Potomac Tide-Water Region. American Anthropologist July,1889 vol. (14) : 246-252

The article addresses the scope and characteristics of pottery in the Potomac TideWater Region. Holmes examines the materials and techniques used for the creation of the pottery, the possible use of the pottery for storage or ritual, ornamentation of the pottery as well as the shape. The objective is to determine the culture status of the pre-Colombian inhabitants and any ethnic affiliations.

Holmes sought to prove his thesis by comparing the techniques of creation and uses of the pottery as well as the ornamentation used to decorate to top ‘lip’ of the vessels. Using the account of Hariot, the historian of the Roanoke expedition of 1587 and a copperplate engraving by DeBry based on an original drawing by John White, who was an artist as well as a prominent member of the Roanoke colony. Holmes finds parallels between the tattoos on the aboriginal women of high rank in the Chesapeake region and the designs that appear on the pottery in the Potomac region using the illustrations and written account of John White as a reference point. Holmes further supports his thesis with Hariot’s account of the construction and use of the pottery in question.

Holmes has studied various collections including those of the National Museum as well as numerous private collections. Through these studies he has determined that the ingredients use to create the pottery varied from region to region, but the basic form remained fairly static. This indicated to Holmes that the region had not had this technology for very long evidenced by the lack of a wide range of variation. The pots appeared to be utilitarian.

The aesthetic level of the pottery, Holmes found that the shapes of the vessels were as a rule shapely and graceful and that the makers were beginning to prompt at an aesthetic idea. The decoration of the pottery is surmised to be inherited from basketry, which still influenced the potters as a habit or a superstition from the previous stage and concluded that the amount of decoration is not a gauge of aesthetic development. In looking at a linguistic map provided by one Major Powell, Holmes saw that a general correspondence could be found in the distribution of the pottery and the area that the Algonkian peoples were assigned.

Clarity RANKING: 3
CRISTIN CORCORAN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Holmes, W. H. Pottery of the Potomac Tide-Water Region. American Anthropologist July, 1889 vol. 2: 246-252.

Holmes article referred to the pottery found in the Potomac Tidewater region. He stated that pottery was one of the main crafts practiced in the region by the past local inhabitants. According to Holmes, these vessels found in fragments can verify two things about the pre-Columbian people. One, pottery could spelled out a group’s social status, and two, it clarified their ethnic affinities.

Holmes used author descriptions first to visualized what pottery was like during this time period. He used the artistry of John White to describe copper-plated engraving. Holmes also referred to Heriot, a Roanoke historian, who described the making of pottery by tribal women, and how the pottery was used for cooking. In addition, Holmes observed samples from the National Museum which he was granted to examine.

The areas where pottery was mostly present was on the shore of the rivers and bays in the Potomac Tidewater region. The material of the pottery, according to Holmes, was clay made from sand and rocks like quartz, schist, and steatite. In this case, shells were used but they often fall into pieces or decay. The clay accounts for as much as seventy-five percent of the pottery material. These materials helped to the pottery’s strength, prosperity, and resistance to heat. Moreover, he revealed that the materials from certain areas and the types of tools used protected the pottery against spirits.

Holmes discovered that to build the pottery, it required narrow bands of clay. They were then compressed down by fingers or tools to gradually build up the potter walls. He also stressed the fact that molds were definitely used, but the amount of use was unknown.

Holmes pointed out that the shapes of the pottery did not vary. He stated that the change in the appearance of different types of pottery have not yet occurred during this period. However, according to Holmes, the pottery varied in rim design and the necks appeared straight. The pottery also lacked handles or any other projectile. In terms of pottery size and use, the size was about a gallon worth for the mid-sized pottery, which was the most common type. Holmes reiterated that smaller and larger pieces were also present. The vessels were mostly used for domestic purposes such as cooking.

Holmes also described in his article the surface finish of the pottery in this region. He stated that the pottery was only handled sparingly with fingers or polishing tools and was enough to create an even surface. Holmes also pointed out that historic fabrics were used for everyday purpose. These fabrics were created through clay molding to construct a fabric design. Unfortunately, any fabric impressions found on pottery pieces were wiped away. Holmes suggested that any other imprints left on the pottery were kept there because of superstition. He also cited that any outside pottery design was often placed on the rim or neck, and fingers or pointed implement were used. One particular design mentioned was a replicated tattoo on the AChief Ladies@ of the time period. Moreover, Holmes also acknowledged that the beauty of the pottery, as well as the shape, came from basketry. Decorations were borrowed from some of the ideas of basketry as superstitions subsided.

Holmes concluded that the pottery found in this region was not affected by ethnic conditions. He stated that each piece and fragment contain “ethnic value”. He ends by pronouncing that the Algonkian people were the craters of the pottery found in Potomac Tidewater region, and he was convinced that the similarities in pottery discovered there united the group.

JANICE S. SEJALBO California State University, Hayward (Dr. Petter Claus)

Lewis, T. Stone Monuments in Southern Dakota. American Anthropologist April 1889 Vol.2(10):159-166

The stone monuments in Southern Dakota, according to Lewis, were antiquities of great importance that had been ignored by many. Based on this problem, Lewis set out to prove the importance of these antiquities and gain them the attention they deserve.

Lewis argues that the monuments, built by the superposition of boulders reaching different heights and distances, are not to captivate the eye of the individual. Their main purpose, according to Lewis, was to interpret the history of the Dakotas. These monuments represented stories composed of heavy metaphor, which provide an insight into the history of the Dakota Indians. There were many traditions in regards to these monuments, such as the one regarding the Punished Woman’s Hill, which talked about the daughter of a powerful chief who was forced to marry against her will, resulting in tragedy that is represented by the position of the boulders around the area where this conflict took place.

Although there was controversy regarding Lewis’ argument, for example as indicated in a result of a paper read by Henshaw at the meeting of the Anthropological Society of February 5, 1889, Lewis proves his point by describing the different types of boulder figures and their respective story..

Overall, the article was simple and clear. There are not any major obstacles that would affect the understanding of Lewis’ argument, except perhaps for the paper (by Henshaw) within the article which bashes his conclusions.

JORGE BUCH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Lewis, T.H. Stone Monuments in Southern Dakota. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):159-165.

An ongoing debate has been whether or not stone monuments in North America were built by Native Americans or by people who inhabited the land before them. Lewis addresses this issue by examining boulder monuments that are located in South Dakota. He explains the outline of these monuments and relates a story that the Indians associate with how the monuments came to be built.

The author devotes only a small amount of time to the analysis of these monuments and spends most of the article describing each of them. In his conclusion Lewis states that it is obvious these monuments are ancient and that the Indians could not have built them. However he provides no evidence to support these claims. Parallels to these boulder monuments can be seen in the Eastern Hemisphere at least in the basic shapes that are formed.

At the end of this article, a response to the claims that Lewis made was published. Professor Cyrus Thomas and Dr. W. Matthews disagree with the conclusions of Lewis. They believe that it is possible for the Indians to have built these monuments and that the skill used in constructing them was not above the skills that the Indians possessed. Lewis did not provide enough evidence to support his claims that the Indians did not build these monuments that are located in South Dakota.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Mason, Otis T. The Beginning of the Carrying Industry. American Anthropologist Jan. 1889 Vol. 2 (2): 21- 26

Mason’s main argument in this article is that, although the act of carrying things is common throughout the animal kingdom, the human practice of creating tools and systems to carry things is an important part of what defines our humanity. He argues that nearly every kind of animal carries things in one way or another; humans, on the other hand, are the only creatures to come up with the concepts of conveyance, manufacturing things to move objects, and transportation, manufacturing things to move people. Furthermore, he argues that all areas of the world and cultures of people use these methods and have throughout history. He supports this argument with numerous examples of different societies, and the inventions that they have devised for the purpose of carrying things.

To help define the ideas of conveyance and transportation, Mason divides the carrying industry into twenty different ways in which people around the world characteristically carry things. In the hand, hung by the belt, and by relay are a few examples of these. He also goes into detailed examples of which groups of people characteristically use each method of carrying. He uses a variety of examples to reinforce his point that every age, gender, class and culture of people use some sort of carrying in their everyday lives.

The points that Mason is making are not unclear, but his arguments are made much more difficult to follow because of his extensive use of vague imagery and metaphors. This is especially problematic during the beginning of the article. His purpose often becomes clouded by unnecessarily detailed examples. The article is also written in a rather ethnocentric manner; however, considering the time period, this must be somewhat expected.

Katherine Andersen University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Mason, Otis T. Beginnings of the Carrying Industry. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol. 2 (1):21-46.

The carrying industry is a very old industry and dates back to prehistoric times. The way in which humans themselves carry items on various parts of their bodies and the way in which they develop carrying devices are examined in this article. The concern with how these different methods of transporting goods and even people, such as infants, over time is the focus of this article. Over twenty different methods of bearing burdens is addressed and these range from carrying items by hand to the notion of hiring someone as a courier to carry things for another person.

The author goes into detail about carrying methods and focuses special attention on couriers. In this section Mason argues that the actual power of a man without the aid of a machine should not be underestimated. He cites data from an experiment conducted by Mr. Field, which provides numerical data that supports that men are capable of possessing great strength. However, he does not state the type of experiment that was conducted, but simply reports the conclusions. Mason continues the article by discussing professional carriers and peddlers, and ends his discussion with prehistoric carriers.

In this discussion of the changes in the methods of carrying objects, he concludes that people who believe in the “universal domination of invention” will be tempted to further explore the intermediary stages from men carrying burdens themselves to the shift to machinery and animals. Many different aspects affect the method of transportation employed by men over time. One thing remains certain and that is there will always be a need for the carrying industry.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Mason, Otis T. The Aborigines of the District of Columbia and the Lower Potomac – A Symposium, Under the Direction of the Vice President of Section D. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol. 2(14):225-268.

In his article, Otis T. Mason recounts the April 13, 1889 regular sectional meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington. During the Society’s first meeting, a pledge was made dedicated to uncovering the archaeological history of the District of Columbia and the Lower Potomac. Subsequently, regular meetings were held to discuss pertinent issues. The goal of this meeting was to provide an outline of information to the members so each could create an image of the historical past of the region in their minds – from the day the first aborigines entered the Potomac Valley until “the last savage was deported,” (page 227) in the late 1600s. Through the cooperation of its members, a group of six experts ranging in specialties were brought together. Each was given the opportunity to prepare and read a short paper aloud to the rest of the Society. Mr. W. J. McGee, a geologist, discussed the superficial geology of the region. Mr. Thomas Wilson was an archaeologist looking for palaeolithic artifacts. Mr. S.V. Proudfit was a specialist on local ancient villages. An expert of pottery and textiles was represented by Mr. Holmes. Mr. Elmer Reynolds conducted analysis of shell-heaps found in the area and their relation to a local food source. The last paper was read by Mr. James Mooney, who gave a thorough description of local Indians through their art and affiliations.

Following the reading of the papers, Prof. F.W. Putnam, from the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology in Cambridge, Mass. conducted a discussion of what could be learned from the presented research. He commended the Society on their success, but suggested that much more in-depth analysis had to be considered before the entire history could be known. He admitted that there was a fair representation of the region, but it was limited to only as much as the facts would permit. The knowledge found from an incomplete investigation would only tell a portion of the story. Putnam urged the Society that systematic work was needed. This meeting had a great impact on Anthropology because it showed the importance of cooperative work between disciplines to get a complete analysis of a location’s history. Once all of this analytical work was completed, only then could the full history of the area be known and understood.

CLARITY RANKING: 4 (A well written article full of information)
CERI FALYS University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Mason, Otis T. The Aborigines of the District of Columbia and the Lower Potomac – A Symposium, Under the Direction of the Vice President of Section D. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol. 2:225-227.

This introduction by Otis Mason presents for us the topics on which following anthropologist will be presenting. The format for this introduction is very coherent in what it is detailing. Mason starts by telling the audience what studies have been conducted before and what the Anthropological Society of Washington intends to build on from those past monographs. The task at hand is presenting an account of the Alocal human fauna@ in and around the Washington D.C. This is done by presentations of six papers by various Anthropologists. The papers chronicle the, Athe day when the first American aborigine set foot in the Potomac valley to the day when, two hundred years ago, almost the last savage was deported@. (227) As you can notice there is major ethnocentrism in the words of Mason and may be a mark of things to come.

The six papers build upon the each other in an attempt to reconstruct the past. The first paper by M J McGee details the geography and geology of the area. The second paper by Thomas Wilson is to tell the audience about the stone tools used by the inhabitants of the region. The third paper by S.V. Proudit gives a survey of the sites found in the region and some of the artifacts found within. The fourth paper by Mr. Holmes will discuss the pottery and textiles of the region and their uses. The fifth paper by Dr. Elmer Reynolds talks about the shell mounds found around the Potomac. The last paper by James Mooney will talk about the Native populations themselves and their external associations and art. Lastly there is a point Otis makes of informing the audience of what other work has been requested being a mapping project that points out human occupation during the War of 1812 and the Civil War.

The introduction also show us what type of tools the presenters are going to use in presenting their picture for past, from geographical survey, field work analysis, and demonstrations of artifacts as they would have been used. Otis presents this summery of the speeches to come with a flare and panache almost like that of circus ring leader. Even though this introduction is more then one hundred years old it is very clear in what it set out to do. It is an obvious attempt to build anticipation for the subject and gives the audience some back ground knowledge of what is too come without being thrown in uninformed.

NICHOLAS HAYDEN California State Hayward (Peter Claus)

Matthews, Washington. Navajo Gambling Songs. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2(1):1-20

The Navajo language is difficult to understand especially when it is realized that syllables with no meaning appear to be added at random. The author is arguing that there must be some prosodical laws understood, whether or not these laws are actually formulated. In this article, the author examines several songs that are sung in a game called Kesitce. He explains the history of the game in order to provide a context for which these songs were performed. There are many songs that are used in this game, which the author says would be impossible to collect. For this reason, only several of the songs involved in this game are discussed in this article.

These songs can only be understood when viewed in the context of the legend that caused their development. Basically the author describes this game as a battle between day and night animals in order to determine if it would always be daytime or nighttime. There is a song involved at all stages of the game. Many of the songs are in reference to local animals. According to one of the Navajo informants, there is a song for every animal and many have more than one song. The legend has it that the day and night animals never finished their game, which explains why the Navajos still play this game.

The author examines each of the songs presented in this article and provides explanations and interpretations for each. This is the evidence he presents to support his belief that there are some generalities that can be made concerning the Navajo language. His argument is convincing and through the language analysis he supports his hypothesis very well.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Matthews, Washington. Navajo Gambling Songs. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol..2(1):1-20

In the article Washington Matthews uncovers the meaning and myth behind some of the countless Navajo Indian gambling songs associated with a game called Kêsitcè. In Matthews attempt to document these songs he notes that there are far too many for him to record during his time studying Navajo ethnology. Not only are there too many standard songs used in this ceremony to collect, but the Navajo Indians are also known to improvise during important social gatherings using a different language structure that is not typically spoken. He believes that there are some prosodical laws understood, if not formulated for this practice. Matthews argues that it is not necessary to study all of the songs sung during the game to understand the myth from which the game originates. Furthermore, the songs don’t hold meaning apart from the myth. With this is mind, Matthews goes on to describe the game and how it is played before telling the story of the myth so that the reader can visualize the game as the legend unfolds.

In describing the game, Matthews begins by explaining that the game is only played in the winter, particularly in the dark hours. He lists the various items that are used in the game: eight moccasins, a round stone, a blanket used as a screen, a chip blackened on one side, 102 counters, and a stick. The players are divided into two teams, one on each side of the fire. Four moccasins are buried in the ground in front of each team with only the tips showing. The chip blackened on one side is tossed to decide which team will go first. The first team uses a blanket as a screen to block the opposing teams view while they hide the rock in one of the moccasins; it is during this time that the team sings a song. When the stone is hidden the screen is removed and one person from the opposing team takes a stick and beats the moccasin that he believes holds the stone. If he guesses the correct moccasin his team gets the stone to hide next. An uninvolved person uses the 102 counters to manage the score keeping. Matthews says the system of counting is complex and another detail unnecessary for understanding the myth. Essentially, when one team wins all of the counters the game is done. Matthews comments that the gamblers believe they will do better in the game in they have good knowledge of the songs; singing to the spirits of the animal gods will bring their help.

Now that the reader has a basic understanding of the game Matthews describes how the songs fit into the context of the myth. Symbolic of the two teams the animals of the night and the animals of the daylight met one evening to make a decision. The animals of the night wanted it to remain dark forever, while the animals of the daylight wanted the sun to shine forever. Therefore, the game commenced. Matthews describes how the animals sang the Screen Song while hiding the stone, which was still sung at the time this article was published. As the game continued, the great destroyer Yeitso began winning the game for the night animals. Worried that they would lose, the day animals summoned the gopher, nasizi, to dig a tunnel under the moccasins so that when Yeitso would guess correctly the gopher would move the stone without anyone seeing him. Therefore, as the day animals began to win again they sang him a taunting song to the opposing team, the Yeitso Song. Concerned that they may lose, the night animals summoned the owl to keep the stone in his claw so that their opponents couldn’t possibly win. As the owl sang his song of desires, the Owl’s Song, one of the wind-gods told the day animals that the stone was in the Owl’s claw. On their next turn the day animals struck the claw and the stone fell to the ground. As the game proceeded with neither team taking the advantage the animals began to compose songs that personally ridiculed the animals of the opposite team. Matthews concludes that this is the origin of the majority of the songs sung in Kêsitcè. Following the explanation of the myth he translates the songs mentioned to further support his statements.

Matthews clearly supports his argument that the complete collection of songs is not necessary to understand the myth and that the songs without the myth have little meaning. He outlines the meanings, origins, as well as the usage of the songs is sufficient detail so that the reader can gain a clear picture of how these songs fit into Navajo Indian culture.

REBECCA BARACONI California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Matthews, Washington. The Inca Bone and Kindred Formations Among the Ancient Arizonians. American Anthropologist October, 1889 Vol. 2 (20): 337-345.

Navajo gambling songs have been orally passed down for many generations of their people and continue to be passed down today. The content of the songs contain nearly all aspects of Navajo life including “their rituals and mythologies” (pg2). Not only is the range of content expansive, the total number of songs is nearly uncountable. Despite the fact that the songs are sung for generations, the author expresses the fact that they are recited with “perfect uniformity” throughout “widely distant parts of Navajo country” (pg2).

The author discusses one of the gambling games, “The Game of Kesitce”, and a selection of the songs sung while playing the game. The game is analogous to modern day hide and seek, except that what is hidden is stones and points are rewarded in the form of sticks given to the winner of each round. The game is to be played only during the night or darkest hours, referring to the myth that if the game is played in daylight, those “engaged in the game will be struck blind” (pg2). The myth on which the game is based does not actually explain why those playing in daytime would be struck blind; perhaps it has something to do with gambling supposedly being morally corrupt and perhaps should not be done while others could see.

I found this article to be lacking a clearly defined problem or argument that the author was attempting to prove or convince the reader of. It appeared to be a discussion of the game itself, the myth it originated from and his translation of a selection of songs demonstrated during the game. Perhaps because of the magnitude of songs sung during the game it would have been difficult to argue meanings for all of them and their purpose within the game. We learn how the myth originated but not why the songs have remained unchanged throughout generations and different groups of Navajo people, which is really quite amazing. Perhaps it is something about their speech patterns or the specific words used that allow for such uniformity of the songs but these issues are not discussed within this paper.

The article was easy to understand and read. The translation of the game and the its mythology was done very clearly and succinctly, but I found that the translations of the songs did little more than add interest to the discussion. The data itself was presented clearly but it was not evidence to support any type of argument.

JENEIL AGARD University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Matthews, Washington. The Inca Bone and Kindred Formations Among the Ancient Arizonians. American Anthropologist October, 1889 Vol. 2 (20): 337-345.

In this article, Matthews argued that the ancient civilization of Arizona was more intimately related with Peruvian civilization than were many other ancient civilizations that were geographically closer to Peru. As evidence of this theory, Matthews cited archaeological indications dealing both with artifacts and physiology.

Mr. F. H. Cushing, director of the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition in the valley of the Salado in Arizona, discovered arrangements of stones and pictographs which indicate similarities in the practices of the ancient Arizonians and South American civilizations, relating in particular to the use of the bola. In addition, terra-cotta figures of an animal were found that bear no resemblance to any known animal of the present North American fauna. These figures are believed to be representations of an animal closely related to the llama, an animal found in South America. Matthews suggested that this was one of the many indications of a former connection between Peruvian and Arizonian populations.

Additional evidence was found at Camp Hemenway by Dr. J. L. Wortman, which linked the physiology of Arizonian skulls with those of Peruvian races. Anomalies in Peruvian skull structure were purported to indicate that Peruvians are widely separated from the rest of the human race. Matthews sought to place the ancient Arizonians on the Peruvian side of this separation by including evidence that the skulls of the two civilizations possessed the same anomalies. He provided extensive illustration and description of the anatomy of the Arizonian skulls in the Hemenway collection, focusing on the marked frequency of the presence of the os Incoe, which, although present in all races, is considered to be characteristic of Peruvian or Inca heritage, owing to its great frequency among them. Matthews included a table which showed percentages of Inca bone formations in various races. Interestingly, the bone is present even more frequently in the Arizonian specimens than it is amongst Peruvian samples, suggesting for Matthews, that the ancient Arizonians “out-Inca the Incas.” Matthews also dispelled the notion that the skull anomalies could have been caused by artificial pressure, or other external factors related to the culture and practices of the two civilizations. By reexamining evidence relating to the physiological structure of the remains of some ancient Arizonians, Matthews raised interesting questions regarding their social and geographical history, proposing that their physical remains had much to reveal about their origins.

SARAH GAMBLE University of Alberta: (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Matthews, Washington. The Inca Bone and Kindred Formations Among the Ancient Arizonians. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 337-345.

This article is a short descriptive essay on the frequency of the Inca bone in a collection of ancient Arizonian peoples. The intent of the author is to support a theory that the ancient Arizonians are closely related to natives of Peru. Dr. Washington begins his essay by reviewing the evidence that has previously supported this relationship. The majority of which is cultural in nature. For instance, there are drawings of a llama type of creature and hunters using bolas. Neither of these items are found in North America.

The main body of Washington’s paper describes and illustrates the Inca bone in general. This is a fairly abnormal development in the occipital bone of the cranium that is represented by a triangular development that is bordered by a transverse occipital suture that runs from one asterion to the other. There are several illustrations of this development.

Washington continues the paper with an overview of the frequencies of the Inca bone in different populations. The ancient Arizonians have a frequency of occurrence of the Inca bone of 5.68% and the Peruvians have a frequency of 5.46%. The closest any other race came to these two rates were Negro populations with 1.53%. All other races had considerably lower rates of occurrence. Washington finishes with a short refutation of the argument that the occurrence of this bone may coincide with particular cultural practices found among the Peruvian natives. Specifically, he rejects the idea that artificial pressure on the skull may result in the Inca bone.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

McGee, W.J.. The Geological Antecedents of Man in the Potomac Valley. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol.2:227-234.

This article is one in a series of six that are presented to give a complete outline of the early people of the District of Colombia and the Potomac Valley by using archaeological, current cultural, and geological evidence for the peopling of this region. The author of this article is attempting to show how environmental changes over time helped to create the physical world that became that of the early American aborigines. Mr. McGee uses the glacial and interglacial periods of the Pleistocene to describe how the topology of the Potomac region known today was created. The vast fluctuations in sea level are described in much detail as the probable cause for today¹s mountains, valleys, and plains.

W.J. McGee is a geologist who was very familiar with the Eastern United States at the time of his writing this article. He uses his knowledge to provide detailed explanations for the geographical occurrences in this area.

Although his description is convincing, an atlas of this region would be very helpful in deciphering his descriptions of the water flow during the Pleistocene. The listings of valleys, mountains, and plains is very detailed yet confusing to follow if the reader in not familiar with this area.

It is stated in this article that the archaeological evidence that has been found in the region may not be intact in it¹s primary context as the erosion of the landscape would most likely have washed this to it¹s current location. Whether the proof for this exists however is not included in the article. The proof for the author’s claim that the “birth” of man occurred in the United States during the winter of a glacial period is also not included.

This article, although a concise outline of geological theory and how it relates to the archaeology of the region, does not give any factual evidence to support these claims. The author buries his theories and conjecture in grand descriptions of tidal fluctuations and water erosion with no factual support provided.

CURTIS F. CHRISTOPHER University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

McGee, W.J. The Geological Antecedents of Man in the Potomac Valley. American Anthropologist 1889 Vol.2: 227-234.

McGee general purpose for this paper is a geology study of the Potomac Valley of its development through geologic time. McGee attempts to reconstruct what life was like millions of years ago with focus on intervening ice ages. It must be reminded that do to the age of this study the reader must take into consideration the tools available in making a true outline of what area was like millions of years ago. With what he has to work with McGee does a good job of stating his case on what the area may have looked like at the time of first human occupation.

McGee=s paper reads like an overview of the area. He avoids details and gives generals on the geology and geographical layout of the areas. MeGee breaks down the geology and archeology each into three distinct phases. The geological first phase is the APotomac formation@ which is the formation of the river. McGee focuses a lot of attention on soil and mineral deposits to base his claims. Another curiosity is the how McGee places the rivers evolution well before that of great geographical landmarks in America, like the Grand Canyon, Rocky Mountains, and such. The second phase is that of AColumbia formation@ which is characterized by first great ice advances. The third phase is that of shorter milder ice age where we find the first human evidence.

McGee turns his attention to these third and later phases to record his archeological stages. The first being, Athe origin and development of the unknown ancestor of the race; second stage is that of the human prototype who manufactured and used rude implements in an unknown way and for unknown purpose; the third being present stage of multifarious characteristics, one of which is the desire to interpret and elucidate the earlier stages@. (234) Basically we have a first group of people that taught the second group, that being the Native Americans the first white settlers encountered and then we have White Americans looking back trying to understand the past.

The strength of McGee paper is the use of relative methods to try to puzzle together the area place in geological time. He seems to be an expert at using relative methods to place things in their place and time. The main bulk of the paper is focused on giving the picture of what the area looked like before the Europeans arrived. With the tools available it seems that a lot of research was put into doing this. The conclusions he comes to are not that far fetched for what he had to work with. Where though the paper fails is in its detailing analysis of the native populations before the first contact. The conclusions seemed more based on trying to create a history that McGee wanted to present that fit into the anthropological contexts of the time. He uses to comparative analysis to explain his points by taking what American settlers did and applying to what the native people must have done without any knowledge really of their culture.

What needs further investigation is into the why McGee believes there is an ancestor race that spread its knowledge to later peoples? I am curious to wonder if his ideas are pervasive of the time. For it coincides with discovery of the Mississippian Cultures and American anthropology attempts to place those cultures advancement and influence with that of the Inca, Aztec, and Maya. There is no real investigation here on cultural level just merely a geographic and geological study of the area.

NICHOLAS HAYDEN Cal State Hayward (Peter Claus)

McGee, W.J. An Obsidian Implement From Pleistocene Deposits in Nevada. American Anthropologist. April 1889 Vol. 2: 301-313.

McGee is essentially presenting an obsidian implement he discovered in the valley of Walker River in Nevada for further analysis by anthropologists. McGee first relates the story of his discovery as one of serendipity. An important note on this point is that because he was alone and unable to get anyone to verify the position of this artifact before removing it, he develops a number of hypotheses about how it arrived at that particular location. He considers the idea that it could have been placed there by flooding, washout, through burrows, falling through a crevice or being shot into the bank. He rules all but the last one out through careful observation of the surrounding deposits and doubts the last theory that the point was shot into the bank recently because of the position that it lays in.

The article includes a full size drawing of considerable detail and notes that the point is approximately four inches long, one and a quarter inches wide, and made of volcanic glass or obsidian and is in very good condition. McGee hesitates to draw any conclusions about the people that may have used this point because there are not similar artifacts that had been discovered at that time. However between the acquisition of the point and the publication of his article a number of other specimens had been acquired and McGee is able to speculate that the point belongs to the Pleistocene age and also notes that the owner was most likely ‘Neolithic’.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Mooney, James. Cherokee Mound Building. American Anthropologist. April 1889 Vol. 2: 167-171.

James Mooney examines a Cherokee mound found in western North Carolina and seeks a plausible explanation for the ‘ash pits’ found within. Mooney brings together several accounts from living Cherokee natives and others to provide a respectable elucidation of these sites and their purpose.

Mooney first elicits several native explanations for these mounds noting that all of these mention the use of such mounds in a ‘green corn dance’. These accounts also refer to the fire pits in the center of the mound. This fact is verified by an archeologist that has worked on several mounds of this type and was troubled by this mysterious ‘ash pit’ he had found but could not explain.

Mooney argues that all of the accounts he has gathered cite these ‘ash pits’ as a ceremonial center that housed a continuously burning fire. Around these pits a small house is built for the ‘fire maker’ to live and maintain this fire. During the green corn dance a basket of earth was to be placed around this structure. Thus, the size of the mound could be a visual measure of the length that the native settlement has resided in that area. Mooney also argues that these houses frequently burned down. However because the fire pit had ceremonial powers a new house would be built over the remains of the old one. This also gives a reason for the growth of these mounds. In general James Mooney’s work represents a respectable work of ethnography that gives a couple of different explanations for these mounds.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Mooney, James. Cherokee Mound Building. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):167-171.

In the article Mooney seeks to uncover the significance of the mounds built by the Cherokee Indians. He cites various sources for this information, some appear to be reliable and a few are questionable at best, although he struggles throughout the article to justify their dependability. Mooney specifically is interested in the “ash holes” or chimneys that are found at these sites.

Through several of his sources he recounts the process of building the mounds. The mounds were said to be built for the annual green-corn dance. The size of the mounds varied, some mound sites were high and some were low. The mound fire was first kindled at ground level. Stones were then placed around the fire. The bodies of seven prominent men were uncovered from their previous graves and placed next to the fire. Several magical items were placed with the men: a crystal, a horn, a feather from the right wing of a hawk, a feather from a golden eagle, and seven beads of different color. A hollow cedar log was placed over the fire to serve as a chimney. Once the log was in place earth was built around it to form the mound. The town house was built on top of the mound with the fire in its center. At this point, a “fire-maker” is in charge of the fire and cannot leave it for any reason. All of the fire in the settlement is provided from this source. Mooney learned that there were likely two holes in the mound one for air that led to the fire and one for the chimney. Early records taken by Christian troops witnessed these structures and observed a mound site tower as a “rudely built” structure covered with dirt. They reported that the structures had only one entrance and no windows or doors. From this account Mooney argues that fire most likely occurred frequently in these structures. Supporting his argument, another source cited that when the town-houses burn down they simply would rebuild right on top of the ashes from the old structure. Therefore, the height of the mound could indicate the length of time a settlement had been occupied.

Mooney concludes that the necessity for building a mound is apparent given the preceding information, however, I tend to think that he fails to make this argument. He states that the mounds were built out of necessity to protect the settlement from getting washed away when the banks of the streams overflowed. He tries to support this idea by saying that an ordinary family structure could not withstand this pressure, forcing them to take shelter in the town-house. Unfortunately, this is not sufficient evidence to make this conclusion. Mooney also adds that the ceremonies and mythological beliefs associated with this structure followed its use as a protective shelter. Once again Mooney fails to back up this assumption. Overall, Mooney’s investigation of the mound building process and its function hold together fairly well aside from these final flawed conclusions.

REBECCA BARACONI California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Mooney, James. Indian Tribes of the District of Columbia. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol.2:259-268.

In this article, James Mooney explains and describes the tribes that occupied the region of the District of Columbia since 1608. He also discusses how these tribes have moved and changed over time. The first account of the Indians of the District of Columbia is found in writings by Captain John Smith from 1608. He mentions the Moyaones, Toags, andNacotchtant. The Moyaones were located on the Maryland side of the Potomac River, while the Toags (or Tauxenent) were on the Virginia side followed by the Assaomeck, Namassingakent, and Nameroughquena. The Nacotchtant (or Nacochtank) were of Algonquian stock and spoke the language of the Powhatan confederacy. The tribes that spoke the language of the Powhatan occupied regions from Albemarle sound to the Potomac, and inland to the geologic boundary line. The Powhatan lived in fixed habitations as farmers and fishers, while their enemies, the Monacans and Mannahoacs, were wandering hunters.

Southeast of the Powhatans in the Albemarle sound were the Weapemeocs, who were of Algonquin stock. To the west were the Chowanocs, Meherrins, and Mangoacs (or Nottoways). These tribes were of Iroquoian stock. To the northeast were the Cuscarawaocs, Atquanachukes, and other Algonquins. Farther north were the Delawares. Finally, at the end of the Chesapeake Bay along the lower Susquehanna were the powerful Susquesahanocs (or Conestogas) and the Tocwoghs. The Weapemeocs, Chowanocs, Mangoacs, Powhatans, Monacans, Mannahoacs, Susquesahanocs, Tocwaoghs, Cuscarawaocs, and Atquanachukes all spoke different languages.

The Powhatans were very involved in agriculture, and grew impressive corn fields. They also had access to fruit and nuts from the forest, wild rice from the marshes, and fish and oysters from the saltwater estuaries. The fish were said to be caught from large canoes using either large nets, bone fish hooks, or spears. However, in the winter they left their home in order to hunt in the hill country. The Powhatan homes consisted of mats or bark stretched over bent poles. There was a door and a hole in the ceilings that served as a chimney. Skins, tools and baskets filled the homes. Children were naked until age twelve. Adult clothing was a breech cloth or short apron in the warm weather, and mantles of animal skins or woven feathers in the winter. Men hunted, fished, made weapons, and engaged in war. Women, however, did the bulk of the labor. Their duties included making baskets and pottery, cooking, planting the corn fields, and gathering the harvest.

Tribes in the lower Potomac feared the Susquesahanocs, and many abandoned their homes to move to safer ground farther up the Potomac. A peace treaty was made in 1652, but was broken in 1676 when the Iroquois drove the Susquesahanocs from their homes. They then ravaged Maryland and Virginia until Nathaniel Bacon almost wiped them out at Richmond. The Treaty of Peace was signed in 1677.

Eventually, the Tauxenents joined with the Virginia Powhatans. The tribes of Maryland came together as the Piscataways in 1700, and moved to lower Susquehanna. They became known as Conoys and moved to Chenango under Iroquois protection in 1740. They last appeared as a separate tribe at a Detroit council meeting in 1793.

NICK SLETTENGREN San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch)

Mooney, James. Indian Tribes of the District of Columbia. The American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2 (1): 259-266.

In this article, Mooney describes the life and history of the Indian tribes (the Powhatans) living in the geographic area now known as the District of Columbia, located in the eastern United States on the banks of the Potomac River. His article covers an approximate 300- year period between Percy=s visit to the area in 1607 and the date that this article was written (1889).

The background material for this article is based in large part on the written accounts of Percy in 1607, the journals of Captain John Smith on his visit to the area in 1608 and the History of Maryland written by Bozman in 1837. The writer also adds some information that he gathered on a visit to a Cherokee reservation in 1887 concerning the ultimate fate of the Powhatans.

Mooney contends that the boundaries and lifestyles of the tribes living in the area (the Powhatan) were determined by the geographic and geologic features of the region. The Powhatan lived along the tidewater lands of the Potomac and were thus fishers and farmers. They fished the saltwater rivers and estuaries and farmed the fertile lowland regions. The Powhatan depended on agriculture and fishing for their sustenance. Their food supply consisted of cultivated corn, wild fruit, nuts, and rice as well as fish and oysters. In the fall, they went into the hill country for their winter hunt. The upland hills had thin soil cover and were not suitable for Indian agriculture. Consequently the other tribes that lived in that area were wandering hunters.

The writer also traces the history of the Powhatans over time. The shifting nature of the tribal history of the area is summarized by the fact that the Powhatans eventually amalgamated with other tribes and left the area. Their last recorded appearance as a tribe was in 1793 and their last descendants were located in Utah by the writer in 1887.

GEORGE GRANT CHERRINGTON California State University at Hayward (Peter Claus).

Powell, J.W. Sociology, or the Science of Institutions. American Anthropologist Oct, 1899 Vol.1(4):695-745.

In this essay J.W. Powell offers an “historics” of human society, a record of the key developments in social life. Powell begins by dividing social history into four categories: savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and democracy. He then proceeds to categorize behavior and social organization in each. He mainly draws from the research and experience of others; there is no reference to his own personal experience of any of the stages he describes. The argument is mostly a linear history of development and progress which ends with some comments on religion and ethics. At times he seems to be influenced by the promises of the industrial revolution and perhaps by developments in Christianity.

For Powell, savagery and barbarism are both marked by tribal organization. Tribal societies group people according to kinship and the elder man of a clan or tribe is the ruler. Under savagery, clan membership is decided by female bloodlines, while under barbarism kinship is traced through men. (In civilized societies, by contrast we cannot know the bloodlines of all people.) Also, savages marry incestuously within their clan (though Powell notes that all people have incest taboos) and barbarians marry outside their clan. For tribal peoples personal property only includes clothes and jewelry, which are buried with their owner. Food, shelter, gardens, transport, etc. form communal property.

Among savages, women gather and care for children, while men hunt and enforce clan custom. Tribal councils settle disputes. Medicine men or shamans regulate spiritual activity. The development of agriculture and horticulture calls for increased dependence on women and children. At the same time calendrical systems are created to regulate religious activities such as fasting, feasting, and dancing.

Monarchy, first displayed by Hellenic and Latin tribes, was most famously developed by the Romans. Monarchy transforms the slavery relationships developed by conquering tribesman into client relationships, in which those in power reap the benefits of low-cost labor. Tribal society becomes national society when the high priest of a tribe decides to become the high priest of everyone. Central cities and central governments develop under authoritarian rule. In monarchies, each individual is born into a social status or rank. Under such systems lineal disputes often threaten political stability.

While tribal governments are pure democracies, modern civilization functions under republicanism or representational government. Columbus’ proof that the world was not flat began to develop faith in science which ended superstition (reliance on God) and eventually gave way to the Republic. Now brawn is governed by brain, and invention has raised toil to the “dignity” of industry. The sphere of commerce is subsequently enlarged, and under Republicanism the spread of knowledge further fuels human discovery and progress. The development of bureaucracy and a jealous guarding of individual rights further aid progress.

In the last section, Powell touches on culture, in the form of the arts and religion. For instance, he says that as society develops so do the arts. Religion (which he holds to be identical with ethics) is a doctrine of securing happiness, and all fine arts originate from religion. Powell claims man can know good from evil through the teachings of the ancients, the teachings of the priesthood, and the “voice of conscience,” an instinctive impulse to moral conduct. Powell claims that while every human has a hereditary aptitude to act in a moral way, this ability must be developed by exercise. Cleansed of animism, religion will forever bless mankind.

BRENT CLARK The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Proudfit, S.V. Ancient Village Sites and Aboriginal Workshops in the District of Columbia. The American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2 (1): 241-246.

In this article, Proudfit supplements the brief historical record of the early aboriginal natives found along the Potomac River in the District of Columbia by carrying out an archaeological study of the remnants found at their campsites. By adding the deductions to be drawn from the archaeological study of the remnants to the historical record, he claims but does not elaborate that he can determine the rank and status of this people among the aboriginal tribes of North America.

The writer carries out his study by locating the ancient sites of aboriginal villages located along the Potomac River by referring to the writings of Captain John Smith who had written and published the details of his explorations of the area in the early 1600=s. After locating the sites of these ancient aboriginal villages from Captain Smith=s writings, he examines and classifies the archaeological artifacts in and around the villages. He is then able to locate the sites of other previously unknown villages in the area based on the similarities between the artifacts found at the known villages with those found at the previously unknown sites.

In studying the different village sites, which are always located near the water, the artifacts that the writer found consisted of numerous chipped stone implements as well as pottery fragments and soapstone carvings. He also found evidence of numerous implement workshops located near the sources of the rock materials used to manufacture the finished product. At one workshop, there are relics that some archaeologists have classified as Paleolithic and which they claim furnish proof of the existence of Paleolithic man within the district. Proudfit concludes that the relics are the debris of Indian workshops and that there is no justification for considering them to be Paleolithic in origin.

GEORGE GRANT CHERRINGTON California State University at Hayward (Peter Claus).

Putnam, F.W. Discussion of papers read before the Society at its regular meeting, April 13, 1889. The American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2 (1): 266-268.

Prof. F.W.Putnam of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge, Mass., has been asked to discuss the various papers presented at the meeting of the society. He states that the papers presented have shown that there is much to be done before the archaeology of the Potomac valley can be fully understood. He considers that the problems encountered by the authors in studying the valley to be identical to those he has studied in New England.

Concerning the debate over the shape of the rock implements, he is of the opinion that shape alone can tell us very little about when an implement was made. He contends that all the implements found in the Eastern gravels are of rude forms, very closely corresponding with those found in similar gravels in the Old World, and do not constitute enough evidence to date them.

Putnam states that a collection of rock implements was found in a rock shelter in Delaware. In the bottom layer, the implements found were rudely chipped from argillite and closely resembled those found in the Trenton gravels. He then asks whether there are similar places in the Potomac Valley. He states that it is not enough to pick up things off the surface, the history of an area can only be determined by stratigraphic excavation. He recommends that the hillside at Piney branch be excavated to see what is below the chipped stones on the surface. He states that when this is done, we will be able to read correctly the archaeological history of the Potomac valley.

GEORGE GRANT CHERRINGTON California State University at Hayward (Peter Claus).

Reynolds, Elmer R. The Shell Mounds Of the Potomac and Wicomico. American Anthropologists July, 1889 vol. (2): 252-259.

In Elmer R. Reynolds’ article, he examined the various shell mounds and shell-fields in the region. No arguments were made by his part, rather he listed various sites and their descriptions, along with findings in these mounds. Reynolds classified the deposits in two categories: shell mounds which exceed five feet, and shell-fields which were less than five feet. He explained that oyster fishing came to a halt through build-up of silt due to the cultivation of fields. As a result, oyster fishing in the region no longer exist.

In his article, he first pointed out two major shell mounds. The first mentioned was the largest of all the mounds in Newburg, which he suggested to be pre-Columbian. At this particular mound, deposits went from twenty to twenty-five feet high down to seven and a half feet. He mentioned that the shells, through intense pressure, were more readily decompose on the bottom of the shell mound than on the summit. Other remains include mammals, hard clams, bones, pottery, ashes, and so on. The types of tools found here include arrows, spears, celts, and hammer-stones just to name a few.

The second shell mound Reynolds cited was also found on the Potomac. It was higher than the first, between eleven and twelve feet. Reynolds reported that the shells in this deposit were cleaner and firmer due to improved conditions. Other similar tools and remains found in Newburg were also present.

Various shell-fields in the region were also named in this article; however Reynolds did not go into further details about them. Rather he mentioned all the shell-fields and their geographical location within the region. Some shell-fields include

Blenheim Manor, Lower Cedar Point, The Bank of Dee, Simms= island, and various shell-fields on the southern shore of the Wicomico. Reynolds described the width of these shell-fields in terms of their acreage.

In the Potomac, not only were shell mounds and shell-field present, cemeteries and arts were also discovered. These cemeteries were difficult to find due to over cultivation of the land. However, he reiterated that bodied buried in the shell mounds were very common. The arts found included ceremonial weapons, pierce tablets, pipes of stone and clay, beads of bones, glass, and so on.

Reynolds concludes that the Indians that created these shell-heaps were the Wicomicoes. Unfortunately, so little was known about them and what was known came from one of the earliest colonial missionary, Father White. No full-blooded Wicomicoes exist any longer because of intermarriage with Negro slaves during this period.

JANICE S. SEJALBO California State University, Hayward (Dr. Petter Claus)

Reynolds, Elmer R. The Shell Mounds of the Potomac and Wicomico. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol. 2: 252-259

Reynolds puts forth no particular argument in this article but mostly gives details on specific shell deposits along the Potomac River in the Washington DC area. This includes details on artifacts that were found in specific mounds and fields which included axes, pottery, hammer stones, celts, pipes, pestles, ceremonial weapons, etc. Also included are details regarding each deposit’s physical description and location with an accompanying map. Reynolds also gives pertinent information about their creation.

Two terms are used to describe the deposits: “Mounds” and “Shell-fields”. The mounds are deposits of oyster shells reaching five feet or more, while shell-fields are oyster shell deposits typically spread over a larger area and not exceeding a height of five feet. Their original heights in many cases were believed to be considerably greater.

These deposits are the result of ancient oyster fishing by the Wicomicoe Indians who no longer existed as a tribe at the time of publication in 1889. A few descendants of the tribe still lived in the area, however, some claiming to be full-blooded Wicomicoe. Little is known about them except for reports given by Father White, the earliest missionary among them. Some of these details are provided in this article.

Shell-fish also no longer existed in this area due to silt from agriculture and cultivated fields entering the river and destroying the beds. Reynolds believed that the Wicomicoe used two methods of opening the oysters. First, by steaming them until they opened enough for a celt to be inserted to pry it open. This is evidenced by opened but unbroken shells. Second, by chipping the front until a large enough opening was made to insert a celt. Reynolds speculates that the natives would harvest the oysters in certain areas where they would be exposed at low tide. They also may have dived for them in deeper areas. He also believed that oysters were not so much a necessary food source as much as they were a luxury.

Also of interest is that several mounds were used a burial places, as the remains of several bodies had been found within them.

At the time of publication one deposit was used as a source of fertilizer, another as a source of bassalt, and two others as a source of shells for producing lime in nearby lime-kilns.

The details provided in this article are clearly presented. Information regarding how the oysters were harvested and eaten, although brief, is also clearly presented.

JOEL CURRIE University of Alberta: (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Thompson, Gilbert. An Indian Dance at Jemez, New Mexico. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889. Vol.2: 351-355.

This article was a brief summary of a day witnessed by the author of the preparation and celebration of the “’Pinon Dance”.

The Pinon Dance was one of the many thanksgiving corn celebrations that Jemez Indians participated in. The dancers were “elaborately dressed in fox and buck skins , corn and dried fruit” (352). The dancing was described as monotonous and the songs were sung without intonation. Despite being monotonous, the “music [was] of considerable variety and each song [had] its appropriate melody” (353).

Just before the dance ended, two uninvited Indians appeared dressed in rags and donned with obscure black and white makeup. They began begging the partiers for food and gifts and permission to stay for the celebrations. The Indians at the celebrations found this display very amusing and answered the requests first with song and dance, and then with gifts and food. At the end of the exchange the beggars were given horses, beautiful blankets and gifts consisting of food and tobacco.

I found this article to be very uninformative. He summarized his experiences of the day but did not make any argument and there for could not present evidence of any kind. The author also did not offer any type of interpretation of the events that he had seen and been a part of. There is no explanation of why these dances occur nor any inference about the rituals that were included in them. Most likely, there was a reason for the elaborate dress of the dancers and each song having had a specific melody, but nothing was mentioned in the article. I also found it odd that the article lacked a possible reason for the appearance of the two vagabond Indians, especially because the author noted how surprised and almost frightened he was by their sudden appearance and strange makeup.

The essay itself was well written. It was easy to read and flowed grammatically as well as stylistically. It would have been a much more interesting article if he had made any inferences about why the corn dances were celebrated in the manner that they were. Language barriers were not the problem as it was noted that he could communicate with them sufficiently.

Jeneil Agard University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Thompson, Gilbert. An Indian Dance at Jemez, New Mexico. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 351-355.

In his article Thompson presents an account of a Native American dance performed in the fall of 1874. He begins by describing the area where the pueblo is situated and the Jamez people’s physic. The origin of the dance is explained and the purpose is stated to be roughly equivalent to a Thanksgiving ceremony.

The particular dance that Thompson portrays is dubbed the Pinion dance. Thompson notes that fox and deerskins are used for the costumes as well as corn, dried fruits and boughs of pine. The central plaza is decorated with trees and cages with eagles are placed on top of the houses. These birds supply the feathers for the decorations in the dance. Three musicians using what Thompson describes as primitive fiddles and a hide drum orchestrate the dance. Thompson goes into some detail recounting the music and notes that there may be future research in recording this music. However, he apparently doesn’t speak the native language and describes the songs as “an endless repetition of unmeaning syllables.” As a kind of half time show there is a short play involving two ‘beggars’ who espouse the virtue of the Jemez people in an attempt to feed themselves.

This article strikes me as an excellent example of the unscientific anthropology that Franz Boas crusaded against. While there are some interesting instances in his writing as an ethnographic description it is rather shallow, giving a brief sketch of the ceremony and excluding many of the details.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Ward, Lester. Some Social and Economical Paradoxes. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol. 2(7): 119-132.

In the article written by Ward, there are several statements. These statements are social and economical paradoxes that Ward continues to give reasons for or against the statements true meaning. What we may see to be true could easily be false or on the other hand, what we see as false could be true; and Ward proves that in his explanations. If we don’t understand something to its full extent, it is difficult to make theories about it. As Ward says, “Social and economic science deals with human motives and desires as its forces and human activities as its phenomena.” We all know that humans are complex and difficult; therefore we should also know without question that nothing is, as it seems.

The author starts out with broader propositions as he then states examples of modern economic writers. Ward argues that if these social and economical statements are true they are then a paradox. If given a statement, at first glance or even there after it may seem to be correct. However if you think about it deeply and know a lot about certain aspects you will soon see that the truth is no longer the truth but a mere paradox.

Ward uses several different types of evidence to get his point across and make his argument strong. Ward uses the following in his argument: natural law, general law, domains of economics, universal principal of sociology, labor-reform movements, history (French Revolution and Women’s Legal Rights), Malthusian theory and statistical information. By using a variety of ways to construct his argument it creates interest and the different types of evidence better fits the different types of points given. The importance f this paper is for the author to point out that “all natural truth contradicts the untrained experience of man, so that the apparent is always opposed to the real.

SAMANTHA BIDLOCK University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Ward, Lester F. Some Social and Economical Paradoxes. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):119-132.

The author of this article concerns himself with discussing certain paradoxes found in social science, more specifically political economy. The paradoxes he has chosen to discuss are laid out individually and discussed separately, although many of these topics are related. Ward is arguing that these paradoxes are true even though at first glance it seems impossible that they could be anything other than false.

Some of the paradoxes addressed include: the artificial is superior to the natural, discontent increases with the improvement of the social condition, and increase of wages results in increased profits. The argument for the first paradox is that man can use very little material in its natural state and therefore must modify the object or food product somehow, which makes it artificial. The argument of discontent increasing with improved social condition says that discontented people become even unhappier when they realize that changes can occur. Therefore, it causes them to want to work harder to obtain the rest of their goals. The basic argument for the last paradox mentioned is that consumers will spend more money if they have more money to spend.

These are just a few of the paradoxes that Ward addresses in this article. He states his points very well and the organization of his paper allows the reader to differentiate between the separate arguments that Ward is making. The article concludes with the statement that the economic problem is no longer how to increase production, but rather how to increase consumption.

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Ward, Lester F. The Sociological Position of Protection and Free Trade. American Anthropologist. April 1889 Vol. 2: 289-399.

Lester F. Ward attempts to reconcile the political positions of protectionism and free trade through a sociological point of view. These arguments are obviously from a time when these issues were relevant and considered appropriate for debate although their significance to anthropology is a little baffling.

Ward begins by expressing the view that social science is essentially similar to natural science in that it must search of the laws of society and use these laws to manipulate social forces like a chemist would a solution. He continues by defining the policies of free trade and protectionism as not essentially contrary to one another. Free trade is to Ward an unstable state that will tend towards equilibrium. As free trade approaches this equilibrium it will loose the traits that make it ‘free’ and become monopolistic.

At this point protectionism enters the picture as a tool that can be used by the society at large to maintain the optimum state of free trade. Ward makes a distinction between tariffs that act as ‘protective’ and those that are ‘non-protective’. Protective tariffs do not, states Ward, have negative consequences on trade. Instead they raise wages and lower prices, at least over the long term.

While Ward’s argument may sound fairly straightforward he relies on analogy and metaphor for proof. In fact evidence or facts cited in this article are a little difficult to find.

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Wilson, Thomas. The Paleolithic Period In The District Of Columbia. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol.2:235-241.

By comparing implements, Wilson demonstrated that, in the District of Columbia as in Europe, the Stone Ages were subdivided into Neolithic (ancient) and Paleolithic (recent) periods. He used this notion to demonstrate the commonalities across the world, even long before 300,000 years before present. At the time this article was written, the idea of a Paleolithic period in early America had already been accepted, but Wilson’s investigation of stone implements led him to believe that there was also an earlier Stone Age epoch: the Neolithic period. Herein, he clearly illustrated how the implements of both periods, although similar in material (stone), could be distinguished in many other ways.

Wilson started by comparing the Paleolithic implements found in Europe to those unclassified implements found in America and finds them to have similar forms & appearances; materials; modes of fabrication; and use & purposes. For example, all implements, wherever found, were always chipped; never polished. They were also often made from pebbles, and were formed in such a manner that indicated they were never meant to have a shaft or handle. Numerous pictures and illustrations help to clarify these descriptions. Wilson believed these similarities were strong enough to support his theory.

He then compared the American implements from the Neolithic period to those from the “Paleolithic” period, and found them to all be visibly different in form, manufacturing, material, and appearance. Therefore, with strong support from the professional community, Wilson concluded that there could be no denying the reality of distinct time periods within the Stone Ages.

Wilson critically evaluated the information and recognized the need for frequency and consistency when doing field work or research. As a result a modern scientist is satisfied with his suggestions and conclusions.

JENNIFER CONNOLLY University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Wilson, Thomas. The Paleolithic Period In The District Of Columbia. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol.2:235-241.

Thomas Wilson tried to justify the idea of Paleolithic people in America, examined the implements of the district of Colombia, and how these implements were similar in makeup to the ones found throughout the world. He pointed out that the Stone Age was divided into Paleolithic (ancient) and Neolithic (recent) periods. These time frames had different types of implements, which separated one from another. He first examined the occurrence of a Paleolithic period in Europe, and he then came to realize that there might likely be one in America as well. Wilson provided evidence of this Paleolithic time period in America by using implemented records. These implements should be similar in form even if the ones being studied came from two different geographical places. Wilson mentioned that the Paleolithic implements found in Europe were also found in America at about the same time. A number of scientists were mentioned to back up this notion. These implements occur in large numbers to help back up the notion of a Paleolithic period in America. According to Wilson the implements themselves showed punch marks and fractures, which helped distinguish them from anything created by man. Wilson mentioned that these implements, similar in quality with each other, were found in the District of Colombia and they were Paleolithic. He proved this by three types of comparisons: comparing them with each other, comparing them with similar implements found in the United States, and with implements linked in comparison throughout the world. He stated that the implements would be compared to one another by form and appearance, material, mode of fabrication, and the use and purpose. He also acknowledged that Paleolithic and Neolithic implements differ in appearance, mode of fabrication, material, and purpose. The same can be said for all implements throughout the world. An example of this came from comparing Paleolithic implements from the United States, Europe, Africa, and India, and they appeared to be similar according to Wilson.

Wilson recognized similarity of form and appearance as a major factor for comparing implements. He pointed that these implements in the United States were chipped and not polished, were similar in shape, and the cutting edge was located toward the smaller end of the implement. Furthermore, he added that the implements were thicker than its width, and it was not made to attach to a handle. Thus, all implements appeared to have similarities, but lack in being exact replica of each other. Wilson=s main finding was that through the United States implement samples, during this time period, build overwhelming evidence of a Paleolithic period in America.

Wilson noted that Paleolithic and Neolithic implements were distinguishable, and could not be confused with each other. He stated that they differ in form, thickness, material, and appearance. The cutting edge he stated was also on the opposite edge on a Neolithic implement than the one of Paleolithic. The make of the implements in Paleolithic period paralleled with one another. Wilson stated that the maker would strike of flakes with a hammer stone. The implement would be brought to an edge by flaking off one side. The main difference between the manufacturing of Paleolithic and Neolithic was that a Paleolithic implement was never polished. According to Wilson, the material that an implement was made from was similar. The material should be hard enough that it does not crumble, and tough enough to keep an edge. He also mentioned that it should be able to be broken into many directions. The Neolithic implements differed in that eruptive rocks were used. The two types of material mentioned made it easy to separate implements from Paleolithic and Neolithic time periods. Finally, the use and purpose of a Paleolithic implement was to use as a knife or cutting instrument.

Wilson concluded his article by stating that the implements found in the District of Colombia, the rest of the United States, Europe, and elsewhere were the similar. He also stated that all Neolithic implements were different in comparison to all Paleolithic implements. Overwhelming evidence of similar Paleolithic implements found in the District of Colombia closely relate to the ones found throughout the world. Because of these evidences, Wilson concluded that Paleolithic period did occur in the United States.

JANICE S. SEJALBO California State University, Hayward (Dr. Petter Claus)