American Anthropologist 1917

Andrews, Daniel Marshall. DeSoto’s Route from Cofitachequi, in Georgia, to Cosa, in Alabama. American Anthropologist, 1917. Vol.19:55-67.

In “DeSoto’s Route from Cofitachequi, in Georgia to Cosa, in Alabama,” Andrews discusses the route taken by DeSoto as he traveled through the Southeastern United States in the mid 1500s and makes an effort to locate it. He adds new insights, personal observations and contradicts previous discussions. A number of chroniclers accompanying DeSoto described places, rivers and topographical features they encountered in their travel, but there has been much debate as to their exact locations.

Andrews identifies the places discussed by the chroniclers and tries to relate them to their present day locations. He bases much of his argument on Ranjel, a chronicler on the expedition whose account of the expedition was in print for ten or fifteen years prior to DeSoto’s publishing of the article. Previous discussions on DeSoto’s route were based on other chroniclers whose accounts were not as informative and accurate as Ranjel’s.

Andrews presents evidence for his argument through maps, charts, and first hand accounts. He boasts personal geographic and topographical knowledge of the region DeSoto traversed, thus making his account of the route insightful and believable. By comparing Ranjel’s accounts of distances traveled, as well as topographic and geographic features found on current maps of the region, Andrews has been able to plot out DeSoto’s route with greater accuracy. For instance, in one example he was able to identify a river they crossed based on the fact that he had forded the same river and had encountered the same rough bottom and swift current as Ranjel. Andrews makes other first hand observations of places discussed in Ranjel’s account that further serve to make his discussion of the route verifiable.

CLARITY: 4
BILL NESS University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Barbeau, C.M. Iroquoian Clans and Phratries. American Anthropologist March-June, 1917 19(3):392-402

The author of this article steps up to the challenge of labeling the many different clans in the Iroquois nation and also examining the relationship between the clans and the phratries, which seem to have been a political unit, not common to all tribes of the Iroquois.

The Iroquois covered an area from the Carolina states to the Great Lakes. Total population was between eighty and one hundred thousand, with their people making up various tribes. These tribes were the Cherokee, the Tuscarora, the Five Nations, or Iroquois proper, the Huron-Wyandot, the Neutral, and the Erie. Each one of these peoples was further divided into smaller nations.

From here, Barbeau lists the many different tribes, along with trying to identify all of their different clans. All of the clans personify animals with the name of their clan, the most popular ones being wolf, deer, bear, turtle, etc. It seems that the wolf clan was the most important among the Iroquois, as well as the Algonkian, Siouan, and other eastern, southern and central nations. Bear and Deer clans also are very important, while the turtle clans were limited to mostly eastern clans.

These clans were federated into larger, exogamous bodies, now called phratries. They served as political units and also as a way to distribute power evenly among the tribes and clans. Of the eight Iroquois nations, however, only four were part of a phratry. Most believe that these phratries were based on the kinship of the clans but this has been widely argued. There is a lack of uniformity in the arrangement of clans in the phratries that hint at a sense of arbitrariness in their purpose. Also, the totemic qualities of the clans were altogether absent in the phratries. Furthermore, it may be noted that only a minority of the Iroquois were in a phratry, while it was essential to be in a clan. The continued inactivity of the phratries proved to be a cause of their eventual extinction. In general, the phratries did not have the influence or personality that they were intended for.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
ALAN THIES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Barbeau, C. M. Iroquoian Clans and Phratries. American Anthropologist, 1917:392-402.

This article concerns the Iroquoian who at the time of contact was numbering between 80-100,000 divided into the nations of Cherokee, Five Nations or Iroquois Proper, Tuscarora, Huron-Wyandot, Neutral and Erie. These were sometimes further divided into phratries but more sporadically than into the clans of Bear, Wolf, etc. The article attempts to reconcile these suppositions.

With about 2000 per village the clans of the Iroquoian sometimes lived very far apart and even spoke different languages. These villages experienced some local political autonomy but belonged to a larger, more centralized political system. However, from one nation to another there wasn’t always coherence as to which clans existed and how they were ranked. They all belonged to a Totemic clan but that is the final agreement in this article.

The Iroquoian and Algonkian nations were widely scattered kinship units practicing exonomy, matralineality including adoption and supernatural guardian systems beliefs. Limited information on the names if the individual kin groups within the tribes were available to Barbeau. Hewitt who studied the Iroquoian roughly defines the Tuscarora in ranking order as the Bear tribe, Wolf, Turtle, Deer, Eel, Beaver and Snipe yet Morgan (another researcher) defines them differently according to his research.

Morgan first divides the group into two phratries separated by ranking order as follow 1) Bear, Beaver, Great Turtle, Eel and 2) Gray Wolf, Yellow Wolf, Little Turtle, and Snipe. Deer becoming extinct before the time of contact.

The other clans like Mohawk, Wyandot, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca arranged their tribes in yet a different order and sometimes even further subdivided them. Some using Phratries, other staying with the clan division only.

A manuscript from 1666 was cited by Barbeau to separate the Iroquoian Nation into two original bands called Gueyniotitshesgue and Ouichiniotiteshesque made of four and five families respectively. These two were divided into bands, which include some cited from Hewitt and Morgan.

Some confusion is seen in dividing these clans. Conolly, for example noted five Turtle clans in a single nation. Nothing is known of the Neutral or the Erie so the research is very much incomplete. Individual interpretation seems to have been a factor in this confusion.

Some corollaries do stand out among the entire nation from the Iroquoian, Algonkian, Siouan and more such as the use of the Wolf clan name and rank near the top. The Bear clan name is also a much-used name by others than the Iroquoian. Yet other names like Beaver are very rarely utilized.

Phratries were political exogamous bodies, which were distributed, widely in recent times. Few nations had phratries but the relation between clan and phratry is not clearly stated here. It can only be said to be a derived practice rather than an original one. Morgan in 1877 explained the growth of phratry division, as a clan break based on kinship. This was the accepted hypothesis for other studies by Lang and Goldenweiser also cited by Barbeau. Barbeau believes clans are the only universal kin division among the Iroquoian and he uses five points to illustrate this idea. I.The geographic distribution of the clans and phratries in North America does not coincide. II. Phratries only appear sporadically in a minority of nations. III. Lack of uniformity in the arrangement of nations into clans or phratries proves it is an arbitrary measure. IV. Phratries disappeared with the Iroquoian confederacy yet clans remain. V> The totemic attributes of the clans were never shared by the phratries.

CLARITY RATING 4
PAULA PHILP University of Western Ontario (Independently Done)

Barbeau, C. M. Parallel Between the Northwest Coast and Iroquoian Clans and Phratries. American Anthropologist July-September, 1917 Vol.19 (3):403-405.

The author of this article examines the problem regarding the West Coast and the Eastern Woodland (Iroquoian) phratries. Barbeau questions the possible historical relation relating these two areas. In order to answer this question Barbeau compares the Northwest Coast and Iroquoian families, clans, and phratries.

Barbeau found that although the Northwest Cost and Iroquoian families, clans, and phratries have a different type of culture they both share a close similarity in relation to their village communities. They both welcomed different exogamous groups whether they were families, clans, or phratries. An important fundamental factor in their social organization is the kinship ties between relations living in different villages. This is the result of the bond that village communal life can create. When the families, clans, and phratries of the Northwest Coast are compared to those of the Eastern Woodlands, some comparable features were found along with many differences. The Tsimshian and their neighboring nations along the Coast families, clans, and phratries were found to be totemic units patterned after one another. Even the houses of the Tsimshian’s and their neighboring nations were totemic units. On the other hand the Iroquoian tribes were altogether different. The clan alone was totemic. The totemic features also differed in both of these areas. On the Coast phratries and clans alone are discernable while the clan is the Iroquoian social system. Barbeau then examines history of the people to have a better understanding and to obtain knowledge of the clans.

In conclusion, Barbeau compared two different areas and their phratries, the West Coast and the Eastern Woodland. Through these comparisons Barbeau posed the question regarding the historical relation between phratries of these two areas. Although it may not be possible to find a solution to this question Barbeau believes that a mixture of phratric and moiety systems may have a single center of diffusion or a familiar place of origin.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
REBECCA KULAGA Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Barbeau, C. M. Parallel Between the Northwest Coast and Iroquoian Clans and Phratries. American Anthropologist. 1917, vol. 19: 403-405.

In the article “Parallel Between the Northwest Coast and Iroquoian Clans and Phratries,” C. M. Barbeau argues that although the culture of these peoples were different, their village communities were alike insofar as they were more or less permanent complexes of kinsmen and mutually unrelated people. In other words, they embraced members of different exogamous groups—that is, families, clans, or phratries. Thus, the kinship ties between relations living in different villages always remained the fundamental factor in their social organization.

Barbeau points out that when we compare the families, clans and phratries of the Northwest Coast with those of the Eastern Woodlands we find some comparable features, though much specialized in different directions, and many striking differences. According to Barbeau, the Tsimshian and neighboring nations of the coast, the phratries, families and even houses were totemic units and were patterned after another just as if the smaller unit were an offshoot of the larger one. However, it was much different among the Iroquoian tribes, where the clan alone was totemic. Thus, the degree of development of the various individual totemic features naturally differed in these two areas—the coast phratries were totemic, the Iroquoian ones were non-totemic and purely political.

The cause of this radical difference, Barbeau argues, is that the first grew around a clan nucleus, both through the differentiation of its parts and the numerous gradual outside accession; the second were due to the arbitrary and sudden federation of hitherto unrelated clans into an evenly balanced political body. As a consequence, while the Iroquoian phratries were operative chiefly in tribal or national councils and feasts, those of the West Coast invaded every phase of domestic life.

CLARITY: 2
PATRICIA MAIOLO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Beckwith, Martha Warren. Hawaiian Shark Aumakua. American Anthropologist October, 1917 Vol.19(4):504-517.

While in Puna, Hawaii, Beckwith began to study the belief in “animal helpers,” otherwise known as aumakua. Aumakua are bound by their obedience to their disciple, who is also their keeper. Aumakua’s service and worship is handed down patrilineally from generation to generation. Many animals can be selected as aumakua, which can be either positive or negative spirits. It was believed that aumakua were the offsprin o gods and humans. It seems that the aumakua is derived from an abortive infant born to a family, taking the shape of an animal. It attempts to rectify wrongs against the family’s extended kin group. Aumakua can counsel a family by speaking through a medium. Despite the fact that aumakua were worshipped as gods, they were still bound to serve their family, which classified the aumakua as servants.

Because of her coastal location, Beckwith found that sharks were a popular amakua. The shark is considered to be a fairly powerful aumakua, having the ability to ensure that its family is always well fed and will never drown. The sharks that are considered to be godly can be either male or female. They are recognizable as aumakua because they will approach their mother as she goes to bathe. In order to expalin the devotion of a family to their aumakua, the family identifies the shark aumakua’s legend as either a dreaded enemy or as a war hero. Either scenario ensures that one would want to be allied with a shark aumakua.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
TERA CREMEENS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Beckwith, Martha Warren. Hawaiian Shark Aumakua. American Anthropologist October, 1917 Vol.19(4):503-517.

While in Puna, Hawaii, Martha Warren Beckwith studied the belief of animal helpers. She did this by talking to local villagers and having them tell stories regarding their beliefs. These animal helpers, known as aumakua, are half god, half human. They embody some other form, usually some type of animal, which is possessed with their spirit. They are bound by obedience to their devotee, and spiritually take care of the family they are devoted to, even throughout generations, usually passed down patrilineally.

Aumakua may take the form of a few different animals or even plants or rocks. Aumakua can be friendly or evil spirits. Because these people of Hawaii are living on the coast, sharks are the most popular forms of aumakua. Shark gods may be male or female. It is believed that a families’ abortive child becomes the aumakua, or at least it is the child’s spirit, and this is the reason why it serves the family. The shark is recognized as a specific families’ aumakua by swimming up to the human mother as she bathes, as if to suckle on her breast. Shark aumakua aid in guaranteeing food supply to the family and also give fishermen good luck at sea and prevent drownings. Aumakua are not necessarily considered gods, but considered more like servants. In short, aumakua are “regarded as spirits of half-human beings which, rendered strong by prayer and sacrifice, take up their abode in some shark body and act as supernatural counselors to their kin, who accordingly honor them as household divinities.”

CLARITY: 3
JOHN RANDAZZO University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Booy, Theodoor. Certain Archaeological Investigations in Trinidad, British West Indies. American Anthropologist October-December, 1917 Vol.19(4):471-486.

In this article De Booy talks about his excavations of the St. Bernard shell deposits. These shell middens cover an area of six to eight acres of land on the east coast of Trinidad. The excavation strategy included trenching areas ten to twelve feet wide. The shell deposits ranged in depth from less than a foot up to seven feet, and these were covered with a deluvial deposit. The layers under the deposit consisted of a shell layer followed by an ash layer, which indicates periods of occupation. Artifacts were primarily recovered from the ashy layers. De Booy includes lists of the types of bone and shell recovered from St. Bernard.

Two burials were discovered in a layer of sea sand. Above and below this burial layer were layers of shell and ash. The remains were too brittle and fragmented to be preserved. The author notes however that the skull had been “artificially flattened”, and that the teeth were ground down and showed no signs of decay.

De Booy’s primary focus in this article is the descriptive analysis of the pottery sherds obtained from the excavation. He lists a main type of vessel which is the simplest form found at St. Bernard. This vessel is a shallow bowl with a broad angular rim. Seventy-five percent of the pottery remains indicate that they came from this basic type of vessel. Many different decorations were added to this vessel type, including incised lines, paint, loop handles, and nodes or lugs. Often the nodes were representative of “highly conventionalized heads” (479). The basic type of vessel, regardless of decorations, ranged in size from a height of one inch to five inches, and an outside diameter of three inches to sixteen and one half inches. De Booy concludes the discussion with the unusual types of vessels recovered, including pottery human heads and monkey heads, as well as shell pendants and pottery rests.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

De Booy, Theodoor. Certain Archaeological Investigations in Trinidad, British West Indies. American Anthropologist October-December, 1917 Vol.19(4):471-486

De Booy discusses his archaeological findings on the island of Trinidad. Specifically, he writes about discoveries made on the St. Bernard estate, near Cape Mayaro. The St. Bernard property was formerly a sugarcane field. Coastal erosion, however, has transformed it into a coconut grove. As a result, the first part of the excavation was to make sure the coconut trees would not be harmed during the digging.

The deposits were found in two distinct levels—a shell layer and an ash layer. The shell layer was relatively clean as it was not mixed with soil. Two different types of shells composed these shell layers. The other layer was a dirty ash layer which was a mixture of ashes, charcoal, and bone fragments. Several bones of fishes and small mammals were found here. In addition to St. Bernard two other sites were examined, but the deposits were not deep enough at these sites to warrant excavation.

De Booy analyzes the results of the excavation. The majority of the containers found were shallow bowls with a wide rim. The bases of these bowls were very flat. Several variations of this bowl were found over time. The first change was that incised lines were added to the rim of the simple bowl. In addition to these lines, nodes and lugs were added to the rims, as well as different types of handles. De Booy considered these to be the most developed and highly decorated of all the discovered containers. Another kind of vessel found was a turtle bowl. The head of the turtle was attached but the tail was missing. A rectangular-shaped container was also found. One vessel was found that was only two inches tall, and De Booy concluded that this container was not used for storage. Finally, several fragments from pottery heads were found. These were painted and highly decorated. De Booy was particularly interested in these fragments because none of them were able to be reconstructed completely. He concludes, then, that these pieces were broken up by the aborigines and intentionally distributed over a large range.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
CHRISTOPHER OWENS University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Haeberlin, Herman K. Some Archaeological Work In Porto Rico. American Anthropologist May, 1917 Vol.19(2):214-238.

In this article, Herman Haeberlin reviews archaeological excavations in the limestone mountains in Porto Rico. He focuses his attention on two sites: a ball court, or juego de bola, and Cueva de la Seiba, a cave site.

Dr. Fewkes, who originally reported on the ball court, concluded that the area known as the ball court was a dance court where mortuary dances were held. He based these conclusions on the presence of what he considered to be burial mounds beyond the boundaries of the ball court. Haeberlin points out that during his own excavations, he found no traces of these mounds whatsoever. Although he does not argue against Fewkes, Haeberlin makes it clear that he found no evidence of human burials.

Haeberlin is shy to stress his belief that the area was actually used by natives to play ball. He refers to them as ball courts because the local population believes them to be. The author presents a stone ball that Dr. Fewkes does not consider to be an implement used to play a game. He also presents a stone ball that was brought to him by peasants of the area. Haeberlin fails to give us his own opinion as to what the artifacts may have been used for.

The author then focuses on a cave about one mile west of the ball court. Here, he presents evidence of human activity such as rock carvings, pottery, and soil behavior. He compares the pottery here compared to that found at the ball court and found them to be two distinct types. Before this discovery, only one type of pottery was known to Porto Rico.

Haeberlin ends his article with artifact descriptions from other sites of the region, and an appendix containing artifacts purchased by Dr. Alden Mason and Franz Boas in Porto Rico. The Author gives us a good understanding of the archaeological material, but he fails to provide us with his own conclusions as to what this material can tell us about the native culture of Porto Rico.

CLARITY RATING: 2
CHAD KALBFLEISCH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Haeberlin, Herman K. Some Archaeological Work in Porto Rico. American Anthropologist, 1917. Vol.19: 214-238.

In this article, Herman Haeberlin details the findings of his excavations in Puerto Rico. In June 1915 Haeberlin conducted excavations among the limestone mountains of the island’s interior. He first describes his findings at a juego de bola or ball-court and then at a cave site (Cueva de la Seiba) located about a mile west of the juego. However, he offers virtually no analysis or interpretation of his data in this article.

Haeberlin remarks that enclosures such as the one he excavated are popularly known as ball-courts because it is believed that the native Islanders once used them for playing ball. This particular juego was situated in a location common for these enclosures: at the bottom of a small valley, near a river. The author found the juego to be rectangular in shape. The long sides of the rectangle were delineated by two parallel rows of upright stones that ran from east to west, and the shorter sides were left open. Two layers of sediment were present within the enclosure, between which all finds were discovered. According to Haeberlin, this implies that the lower layer of yellow clay was the original surface of the juego, while the dark surface layer was a relatively new deposit. There was no evidence for house sites, but various artifacts, consisting mostly of potsherds, were discovered.

The Cueva de la Seiba is a cave located about sixty feet above the bottom of a small valley. The cave has three main chambers, all of which yielded finds. These included stone tools, various other stones, shells, and animal bones. Large quantities of pottery sherds were also uncovered, but Haeberlin states these are of a different type than those found at the juego. The team also discovered a number of faces carved onto the ends of stalactites. A detailed description of the soil composition of each of the chambers is provided by the author as well.

Finally, Haeberlin describes miscellaneous artifacts from the same region of Puerto Rico. These include pottery, stone tools, and stone figurines.

CLARITY: 4
CHRISTINA NOETZEL University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Hagar, Stansbury The American Zodiac. American Anthropologist October-December, 1917 Vol.19(4):518-532.

This article by Hagar is, essentially, a rebuttal of Dr. Herbert J. Spindens’ criticisms of Hagar’s earlier papers on the existence of a zodiac, native to the American continents. Dr. Spinden states his opinion thus, that while the idea of a native zodiac in the Americas is possible, the evidence supporting such a zodiac is quite lacking. As such he feels that any serious hypothesis concerning a native zodiac should be abandoned.

Hagar starts his defense by stating that it has been his opinion that there is a zodiac native to the Americas, and that there is a striking similarity between the zodiacs of Peru, the Yucatan, Mexico and even certain Pueblo tribes of North America. He also points out that the existence of this American zodiac is independent of questions as to its origins, whether they are rooted in America or from intercommunication between parts of Europe or the Far East. Although it is plausible that an American zodiac developed independently of any outside sources, the author states that it is his conviction that the zodiacs present in Native American lore did indeed derive their sources from the orient. He explains further that the similarities that he has found between the American zodiacs and those of oriental nature are too frequent to be mere coincidence. The author goes on to defend his position by quoting and borrowing from many other authors who themselves believe in an American zodiac, such as Blas Valera and Seler. He uses these various authors as armor against Dr. Spinden’s attacks, while at the same time unraveling all of Spinden’s arguments by confronting them.

He starts with Spinden’s first statement, wherein he concludes that no first-rate authorities on Mexico or Peru have stated a belief in, or witnessed evidence to the existence of a native zodiac in America. Hagar rebuts this claim by informing the reader that a manuscript of unknown origin had recently been attributed to Blas Valera, an often-quoted early writer on Peru. In the manuscript it asserts a belief in a native Peruvian zodiac.

Spinden’s next argument is that in the Mexican and Central American calendar systems, the months fell behind the seasons at the rate of about twenty-four days every century. This is due to the imperfect way in which the calendar system handled “leap years”. With these facts he concluded that the months could not maintain a close time relation with the zodiac signs. Hagar does not deny this. He does, however, challenge the assumption that the months had to keep a close relation with zodiacal signs. He asserts that it is his belief that the zodiac of the Native Americas served a divinatory rather than calendrical purpose.

I feel that Hagar writes this article in a very articulate manner, and has done a more than adequate job in defending his position against Dr. Herbert J. Spinden.

CLARITY RANK: 5
BRANDON A. HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hagar, Stansbury. The American Zodiac. American Anthropologist 1917: 518-532.

Stansbury Hagar wrote this interesting refute to Dr. Herbert Spinden’s article in 1917. Dr. Spinden believed that there was not enough evidence to support the existence of the native zodiac in Central America. There had been a notion that the introduction of the zodiac to the Americas was done by Europe and/or other non-American countries, but Spinden did not see this as possible. Hagar believed that there was some form of verbal interaction between the Asian countries with their oriental zodiac and the Americas with their own zodiac. Hagar’s goal throughout the article was to establish truth to the ideas behind the American zodiac and how it came to be.

Hagar welcomed criticism from others, such as Spinden, because he felt that it would help him to establish a reality behind the origin of the zodiac. In order to explain how the zodiac came to be, Hagar gives an overview of how it works. The existence of the zodiac is based on a continuous sequence structure that was probably discovered through various forms of art and ceremony. The sequence is a very confusing and complex process, which is why Hagar thought it was very unlikely that the zodiac was a fallacy. He felt that something so complex could not be created by accident, but was more likely designed by a human being. According to Hagar, the purpose of the zodiacal signs was to bring the faultlessness of space down to earth from the heavens.

CLARITY: 3
JESSICA ROBERTS University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Hawkes, E.W. and Linton, Ralph. A Pre-Lenape Culture in New Jersey. American Anthropologist October-December, 1917 Vol.19(4):487-494.

In this article, Hawkes and Linton gave their report on the search for proof of existence of a culture older than the historic Lenape in New Jersey. They produced the results of two archaeological sites in New Jersey, one near Masonville and one near Medford. The sites’ close proximity to each other ended up producing identical soil profiles for both. The soil profiles were key for Hawkes and Linton to determine what artifacts came from which culture, be they ancient or recent.

In the soil, Hawkes and Linton found four distinct levels of material. Other than the recent artifacts, they did find proof of inhabitance that was much older than the recent societies were known to be around. Both Masonville and Medford turned up results at approximately the same depth, and numerous stone tools, firepits, and discarded remains from an ancient culture were discovered.

Among their findings were some firepit refuse piles. Included in the pits were the remains of the animals hunted and eaten by the ancients, the overused or broken spear tips, and discarded bannerstones that had been broken from use. The researchers also found a few caches of tools from the ancient culture, and made a detailed catalog of descriptions and photos. The tools were distinct from the Lenape society in their shape and use, furthermore assisting Hawkes and Linton in verifying the existence of a Pre-Lenape culture.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
BRYAN TIPPY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hawkes, E. W., and Linton, R. A Pre-Lenape Culture in New Jersey. American Anthropologist 1917 Vol.19:487-494

In this article, researchers E. W. Hawkes and Ralph Linton attempt to confirm the existence of a pre-Lenape culture in what is now central and southern New Jersey. The authors build upon the partially understood ancestry of the New Jersey area by exploring evidence of another group that may have preceded the well-documented Lenape people. The study largely cites archaeological data from two locations, Medford and Masonville, in central New Jersey as evidence for another settlement prior to the Lenape.

Both Medford and Masonville were found in an independent study to have identical strata. On the uppermost layers, many Lenape artifacts are found; however, none are found below the most modern strata. Deep below the modern strata, artifacts (such as tools, shaped stones, and pottery) that differ from the Lenape in composition and style are found in abundance, especially at the layer of strata linked to immediately post-glacial sediment. Hawkes and Linton find this interesting because these artifacts are evidently not Lenape and have been physically undisturbed since the ice age. This evidence, the authors suggest, points to the presence of another culture in that area long before the Lenape settlement.

The authors support their claim that the artifacts are indicative of a distinct culture by analyzing ten specific stone tools found in the post-glacial strata and conclude that the composition, structure, and function of the tools are fundamentally different from what is understood about Lenape tools. Pottery found at the lower levels of strata was also analyzed and found to be quite different from traditional Lenape work. The authors assert that the pottery found in lower strata points to the existence of an advanced culture at the sites, albeit one not as highly advanced as the Lenape.

Hawkes and Linton conclude by stating that they are awaiting more evidence from corresponding strata at other sites in the region to determine if the artifacts found at Medford and Masonville are indicative of a widespread settlement in the post-glacial period that may have given rise to the Lenape culture.

CLARITY:3
BRENDAN PRENDERGAST University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Hough, Walter. The Sio Shalako at the First Mesa, July 9, 1916. American Anthropologist July-September, 1917 Vol.19(3):410-415.

This report was a first-hand account of a Zuni tribal Indian ceremony performed in 1916 by the Hopi of East Mesa. Hough witnessed the event and took many detailed notes. The ceremony was an important icon amongst them, and they wished to teach the knowledge to other members of tribes in the hope of continuing the tradition. From an anthropological standpoint, these tribes were trading and comparing ceremonies, then conglomerating them into a whole new phenomenon. The host village of Sichomovi made many preparartions in order to accommodate the ritual and its eighty or so participants and observers. The Sio Shalako began in the evening of the first day with the gathering of the participants near the mesa that held the ceremony. They then proceeded to the site in a parade-like fashion, displaying costumes of gods and objects of other tribal significance. Once the party reached the plaza near the mesa, they put on ceremonial dances representing a prayer for the meal. After the dance came the feast, consisting of ample amounts of breads, stew, coffee, fruit and a dish called piki. After the feast came more dancing in the middle of the room, with a centered big drum setting the tone. According to Hough, the participants then smoked quite a bit together, until they decided to resume dancing. The dances lasted throughout the night and ended the next morning. Hough had received correspondence from another anthropologist that had attended a Sio Shalako in 1894, a Dr. J. Walter Fewkes. His contribution to Hough’s research was drawn mostly from memory, he was apparently lacking his notes on the Shalako at the time of correspondence. Fewkes noted distinct similarities between the two ceremonies, including style of dress, length of the festival, and other, less formal indications of ritual that would have been quite significant to the trained observer (such as the Tewa clowns, who made fun of the Zuni clowns).

CLARITY RANKING: 3
BRYAN TIPPY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hough, Walter. The Sio Shalako at the First Mesa, July 9, 1916. (With Commentary by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes). American Anthropologist 1917 Vol.19:410-415.

In this article, Walter Hough describes some of the observations he made while attending a Katcina ceremony. He believes “that shortly many Hopi ceremonies will cease, due to the increasing rapidity with which the influence of the white man is progressing” (410). Walter Hough outlines the history of the adoption of The Sichomovi Sio Shalako, which is a Zuni ceremony, by the Indians of Sichomovi, a village on the East Mesa.

For this ceremony many extensive preparations are required including the construction of long rooms and elaborate costumes. The performers in the ceremony are divided up into four Shalako parties and a progression is undertaken across the valley to the mesa while engaged in song. The author describes the many members of the procession, their costume and masks, the goods they bring, and their reception by priests. The women serve a feast, which is followed by smoking, and then dancing to the beat of a big drum, which continues throughout the night.

“Dr. J. Walter Fewkes has pointed out the desire of the Hopi to adopt new Katcinas efficacious in bring blessings” (412). The songs in the ceremony are a composite of Zuni songs, and of the Hopi Shalako, and some invented for the occasion. The Zuni Shalako had six songs of which the Hopi “adopted four in accordance with their quaternary scheme” (413).

In the article, Dr. Fewkes gives a commentary in response to Walter Hough’s observations. He believes that “the ceremony has lost much and gained nothing” (413). In the ceremony he witnessed in 1894 the dancers and personators were Zuni in character and name. Dr. Fewkes remembers the ceremony to be more elaborate than the one described by Walter Hough, and believes it has lost some of its social significance.

CLARITY: 2
LAURA MONTEITH York University (Naomi Adelson).

Judd, M. Neil. Evidence Of Circular Kivas In Western Utah Ruins. American Anthropologist January-March, 1917 Vol.19(1):34-40.

The author of this article was looking for the origin and distribution of the ancient Pueblo peoples and their settlements. The author examines circular kivas of western Utah to see if they relate to those found in the San Juan drainage. Judd does so by looking at the basic structure of the homes and the detached surrounding dwellings, many of which were constructed of adobe. The main focus of the article is to find the similarities in the archaeological structures of the dwellings to the San Juan drainage. This archaeological investigation was conducted under the close eye of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

Finding the presence of the circular kivas in western Utah gave indication to the distribution of the ancient Pueblo peoples. Judd noted that there was campfire debris and evidence of community affairs and life taking place inside the kivas, thus giving them shelter. Located on the eastern wall of the kivas were two holes that served as a ventilation device or for ceremonial purposes similar to the San Juan drainage. Large posts held up the ceiling of the room. In a triangular section of the adobe construction was found the skeletal remains of a male in his mid-life.

In 1916 another circular room or kiva was excavated south of Beaver City, Utah in a place called Paragonah. This room was similar to the Beaver City kiva, yet it had differences. There were no posts holding up the ceiling as in the first but there was a fireplace as well as debris. The roof became too heavy for the adobe structure and finally collapsed on the northern side of the room. This accounted for evidence of early abandonment. The third kiva found was located in Cottonwood canyon. This kiva was smaller measuring only six feet in height, while the others were around fourteen and twenty feet high. Here as well was a fireplace and opposite were sandstone slabs covering a small tunnel hole located inside the cave. Natural materials from the earth such as cedar, willow and clay were used to build the roof of the kivas. With the evidence found, Judd came to conclusion that the kivas of western Utah were ceremonial chambers and were influenced by the San Juan drainage.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
MEGAN WILSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Judd, Neil M. Evidence of Circular Kivas in Western Utah Ruins. American Anthropologist, 1917 Vol. 19: 34-40.

This article briefly describes two types of prehistoric habitations observed during archaeological reconnaissance in Western Utah. Judd observed: “rude huts, circular in shape and built of leaning logs covered with layers of osiers, grass, and clay, in succession, and rectangular houses the vertical walls of which had been constructed entirely of adobe mud.” He then compares these basic shapes to similar habitations in other areas of Utah and throughout the Southwest. In particular, he finds many similarities between the Utah round huts remains and the circular kivas of the San Juan drainage and Beaver County.

A notable difference was that the observed building did not have support posts as did the buildings in the other excavations. To Judd, this provided a possible explanation for the ultimate collapse of the roof, as successive layers eventually proved to weighty for the thin walls.

Finally, as the huts provided very few remains that would be expected from a habitation, Judd concludes that they were likely ceremonial chambers. Evidence in the form of stone tablets, or platforms, and unusual relationship between them and adjacent rooms support this conclusion. He also suggests that, although the excavation is still incomplete, that these huts are the precursors of those in the San Juan drainage, and that it holds some indication of the prehistoric Pueblo culture.

Clarity: 4
CARRIE CHANNELL Northeastern Illinois University (Independently Done)

Kidder, A. V. and M. A. Notes On The Pottery Of Pecos American Anthropologist July–September, 1917 Vol.19(3):325-360.

The authors of this article examine the excavation of pottery in the Pueblos of Pecos located in San Miguel County, New Mexico. They wrote this article based on the investigations of the pottery and its fragments found by N.C. Nelson and Dr. Kroeber, two American anthropologists. They studied large mounds or heaps of sand, ash, and silt where they believed the wares (or pottery) existed. These two anthropologists investigated the order in which the vessels were made and introduced to New Mexico and its surrounding regions.

The authors based their article on three main points of the pottery given by N.C. Nelson and Kroeber: 1) classification and description of the pottery at Pecos; 2) stratigraphical data to reach a chronological order of the wares based on equal divisions of earth compounds; and 3) the types of pottery found based on description such as color, bowl size, and types of finish used given by the anthropologists.

Nelson discovered the first or earliest pieces were called black on white indicating the use of dull paint finish, which was found in very small quantity and died out suddenly. The second ware to be introduced was the glazed. The glazed had two-color finish as well as three-color finish that underwent transition. Finally, the third stage in uncovering the pottery of Pecos was called the late. This stage included all other pottery reproduction uncovered in the heaps that was recognizable. Nelson developed these conclusions by table charts where he recorded his data. More conclusive results were yet to come about the pottery of Pecos.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
MEGAN WILSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Kidder, M. A. and A. V. Notes on the Pottery of Pecos, American Anthropologist 1917 19 (2) 325-360

Notes on the Pottery of Pecos deals with the value of relative placement of pottery sherds (fragments) in stratified rubbish heaps in the Pecos pueblo of San Miguel County, New Mexico. The sequential layers of pottery at the Pecos site, added to earlier finds by N. C. Nelson, who brought the chronologically order of pottery into the 1700’s, adds onto the historical dating of Southwest pottery. Since the Pecos site was inhabited longer than any other historic Southwestern site and because of its limited space on a small mesa, the rubbish heap was compact with an almost complete ceramic series recovered in an exact order. The work accomplished by the Kidder’s at the Pecos site advanced archaeological knowledge regarding large-scale systematic stratigraphic field techniques.

A. V. Kidder led major advances in American archaeology by developing a typology for southwestern American Indian pottery. The layers of pottery sherds were classified according to rim shapes and surface finish. Then the Kidder’s set about evaluating the stratigraphy to determine the chronological order of the artifacts. Their fieldwork and research shows three main stages in the ceramic history of Pecos. The couple determined that the next step in their research was to find out how and why the observed changes took place. They also determined that graphically plotting the debris was extremely important in evaluating their findings. At this point in time the Kidder’s were on the cutting edge of Southwest archaeology laying the groundwork for exacting fieldwork analysis that is carried out today.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
ANJANEEN M. CAMPBELL Northeastern Illinois University, Chicago (Russell Zanca)

Kroeber, A. L. The Superorganic. American Anthropologist April-June, 1917 Vol.19(2):163-213.

A.L. Kroeber’s article, “The Superorganic,” represents one of the few works that was theoretically driven in American anthropology in the early 20th century. This was a time marked by much description and documentation of the way people lived due largely to Franz Boas, the father of American anthropology. It was the Boasian tradition-a focus on linguistics, biological and social studies-that chronicled every aspect of living peoples, the most famous of which is work with Native Americans. However, Kroeber’s work in “The Superorganic” gets away from specific descriptions of civilizations in particular, and concentrates on what civilization is.

To make his argument, Kroeber begins with the topic of what is organic and what is social in the world of human beings. Do we do what we do because of heredity or tradition? He first states that the two cannot be separated and to focus on one or the other exclusively causes as much confusion as not dealing with either. To demonstrate his point he goes through biological and psychological examples that prove neither view to be all encompassing nor dominate of the other. But the real crux of his argument lies in the question of how civilization is formed and what are its constituents.

For such a question, Kroeber looks at the ways in which great ideas that have influenced civilization have come about. He demonstrates that civilization is more than the sum of its parts by showing how many of the world’s great ideas and inventions have been simultaneously created by more than one person. For Kroeber, this means that despite a particular individual, civilization would have played out similarly, in any event, despite a single individual. This is one of many points Kroeber makes for civilization having a larger role than what appears on the surface, which is the main point of the superorganic: civilization transcends the mind and the body (p.212). It is more than the people who make it up, as well as more than what is handed down from generation to generation.

CLARITY: 3
T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Kroeber, A.L. The Superorganic. American Anthropologist April-June, 1917 Vol. 19: 163-213.

Kroeber sets out to distinguish between the “purely organic,” or biological viewpoint of human development and that of civilization as transcendent, beyond the merely organic. He begins by establishing the history of similar distinctions, such as body and soul, and mental and physical. From there he goes on to describe how the nature of human mental capacity, as evidenced by the development of civilization-style society, differs fundamentally from “lower” animals. Essentially, he establishes that not only the physical attributes, but the behavioral ones as well of lower animals are inherited, and cannot change regardless of external influence (i.e., a puppy fostered by a cat will not meow or claw an attacker). Next, he goes on to explain how civilization can cause or aid progress without a change in the genetic code. Birds can fly because at some point in their biological ancestry certain genes mutated to develop the attributes that allow them to fly. Humans, on the other hand, can fly because of technical advances, which can be shared by the entire species without the necessity of inheriting flight genes. Human speech is also indicated as a key element of external teaching, although Kroeber does allow that some quantity of verbal and physical “language” is ingrained and not learned.

Kroeber does acknowledge that individuals have certain abilities beyond what simple teaching might produce, and that all individuals in a civilization might not necessarily be equal or equivalent in ability. He insists, however, that great ability will likely come to naught if it appears in the wrong civilizational context. In other words, if Bach had been born and lived in 17th century central Africa, he would not have produced what he did. Great accomplishments of the individual only receive credence when they appear to a civilization that is ready to accept and acknowledge them. Therefore, a civilization is more than merely the aggregate psyches of all of its individuals.

His conclusion is that mind and body are simply two different parts of the same organic whole, but that civilization is nonorganic and transcendent.

Clarity: 3
CARRIE CHANNELL Northeastern Illinois University (Independently Done)

Laufer, Berthold. Origin of the Word Shaman. American Anthropologist July, August, September, 1917 Vol.19(3):361-371.

In this article Laufer investigated the history of the word shaman, bringing to light new data that supports J. Nemeth’s theory that the term is an ancient constituent of the Turkish-Tungusian languages. Laufer pointed out that anthropologists have taken the word shaman for granted, knowing neither its origin nor its original definition, as it has become another “part and parcel of anthropological nomenclature” (p.361).

The author first introduced the word as having come from tribes in northern Asia and then being borrowed from other outside tribes. He further stated that the Tungusian word may have been derived from a Chinese sha-men, which was a transcription of Pali samana, which corresponded to the Sanskrit sramana, being the designation of a Buddhist monk. Max Mueller wrote that shamanism spread out of India, into Tibet, China and finally Mongolia, supporting Laufer’s claim that as the religious practice spread out of India, as did the terminology.

Laufer points out, however, that the Buddhist meaning of the word shaman and the Tungusian definition are radically different, and was quick to criticize that when two words in “geographically remote languages are physically alike or similar, but fundamentally diverse in meaning, it is safe to assume that the face resemblance is purely accidental” (p.365). The Buddhist meaning defines their religion as one of “peace and quiet, and fighting and slaying is prohibited” whereas the Tungusian meaning is one of a worshipper of idols. Conversely J. Nemeth counters this claim by pointing out interesting correspondences between the Turkish and Mongol linguistic families, giving examples of the advances of phonetic sounds, concluding that phonetic alternation of sounds and thus meaning can account for the disputed definition.

Although the technicality of this article can at times be overwhelming, the author presented multiple views on the origin of the word shaman and provided new data and arguments confirming J. Nemeth’s theory while also investigating the criticisms of his work and their validity.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
BETHANY J. MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Laufer, Berthold. Origin of the Word Shaman. American Anthropologist July, August, September, 1917 Vol.19(3):361-371.

According to Laufer, the word shaman has been taken for granted by anthropologists. He claims that they have no ideas about the origin of the word, or its original definition. Laufer also proves J. Nemeth’s theory that the origins of this word are from the of the Turkish-Tungusian peoples.

The author shapes his article by describing the physical history of the word as it traveled from tribe to tribe in northern Asia. He also lists other possible areas from which the word may have originated including China, where the word has changed after multiple reiterations, but had once been used to describe a Buddhist Monk. He goes into a full description which does not need to be listed here. Laufer is not alone in his theory about the origin of the word shaman and the religion from which it came were in India. He cites Max Mueller, “Shamanism found its way from India to Siberia via Tibet, China, and Mongolia.”

Laufer and Nemeth disagree about the origins of shaman. Nemeth claims that the origin of the word is definitely from the Turkish-Tungusian languages, and uses his abilities as a phonetician to establish correspondences between the two languages. There are indeed very similar phonetic utterances of this word in both of these languages, and that it is “property of the Turkish-Mongol languages” (pg 367). Laufer describes the definition of these two words as completely different, and claims that their similarities are can only be accidental, as they are separated by a larger geographical distance.

This article is poorly written for the layperson to understand. It contains a large amount of technical explanations about etymology, and phonetics. Even some of the descriptions Laufer makes about how words have evolved can be difficult to understand in not reread multiple times. It is difficult and uninteresting article that requires much patience to read and interpret.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
CHRIS O’BOYNICK University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Lowie, Robert. Edward B. Tylor. American Anthropologist. Vol. 19. 1917:262-

This article, an obituary for Edward B.Tylor, does a very good job of recounting the life and accomplishments of the nineteenth century thinker. Citing Tylor’s definition of culture, Lowie looks at how Tylor’s work distinguished him from his contemporaries. Entering the field of anthropology while the discipline itself was still in its infancy, Tylor approached the study of other cultures with a greater emphasis on the scientific integrity of his research. Lowie scans the many contributions Tylor made, focusing on important points such as his socially Darwinist evolutionary theory. Other influential ideas include the concept of survivals (a term coined by Tylor that refers to the traits and customs of specific groups that Tylor considers to be remnant of earliest culture.) and the method of adhesions (the application of statistics to the data of ethnography). Especially with regard to the latter contribution, Lowie also takes time to review the objections or criticisms others had of Tylor’s work. The overall tone, however, remains very admiring of Tylor. The article is very informative and provides an extensive survey of Edward Tylor’s life and work. This article would be of particular use to anyone interested in Tylor or related topics.

CLARITY: 5
ARKEY ADAMS York University, Toronto (Naomi Adelson)

Lowie, Robert H. Obituary of Edward B. Tylor. 1917. 262-268.

Edward B. Tylor, born on October 2, 1832 and died on January 2, 1917, was a pioneer in the field of ethnology. Lowie shows how Tylor’s work shifted the field from a crudely-biased European ethnographic technique to a more scientific and holistic approach to culture.

Before Tylor’s time, ethnography was clouded by second-hand sources and preconceptions. Tylor avoided this problem by looking at culture in terms of its history and evolution. He took ethnographic accounts and tried to rid them of their religiously-biased grounds. Furthermore, he used statistical methods to determine if observed social phenomena were chance combinations or “organic correlations”. This fusion of the objective and the subjective makes Tylor’s contribution to anthropology both unique and equally astounding.

This obituary begins with a short biography and extends into the nature of his work. The works of other ethnographers are used to contrast Tylor’s approach to cultural exploration. Tylor’s discussion of the “Malagasy iron technique”, for instance, is used to explain his use of historical connection within cultures. Lowie criticizes the way Tylor classified cultural traits, but these criticisms are largely cast aside since his classifications were not chance-based, which would have made them less scientific.

Lowie uses several of Tylor’s papers to show how his revolutionary methods were implemented. These ethnographic papers describe cultures in a scientific manner. Lowie uses these published writings to elaborate the significance of Tylor’s accomplishments—Tylor never graduated from college but was nevertheless granted tenure at Oxford University.

CLARITY: 4
MARIO NIETO University of Notre Dame (Nordstrom)

MacCurdy, George The Problem of Man’s Antiquity at Vero, Florida. American Anthropologist April-June 1917 Vol.19(2):252-261

Before the advent of radio-carbon dating, archaeologists had to rely primarily on provenience in order to determine the age of a site. Here at Vero, archaeologists have found both human remains, cultural remains (such as bone implements), as well as animal remains. Though the human bones are like those found at other sites in Florida, and the implements as well as pottery remains are similar to those found across the United States at various other sites, the problem of dating the site stems from the animal remains. Remains of Elephas columbi, Mastodon (Mammut) americanum, Chlamydotherium, and others call into question the age of the site because it is not known whether these animals were contemporaneous to the culture, or whether the culture may have used these bones long after their extinction, or whether these bones may have simply found their way to the site through soil shifting.

Although the human remains and the cultural remains are believed to be the same age, MacCurdy does not believe that they are in any way similar to Pleistocene artifacts that at the time had been found elsewhere in the world. It is the belief of MacCurdy that the human and cultural remains at Vero date to around three to four thousand years old. According to MacCurdy, the cultural remains are a much more accurate measurement of age than the animal remains. The cultural remains are at least almost identical to those that have been found at other Florida mounds as well as in the Southwest United States. It is the age of the animal remains, found at the same level as the cultural and human remains, that poses the largest problem. Because the time of extinction for those species of animals was at the time unknown, archaeologists could only speculate which came first–the culture or the Mastodon, or whether they may have dwelled side by side. MacCurdy believed that the most plausible hypothesis was that the animals found at Vero would have existed longer than previously thought. Certainly archaeologists have an easier time of judging antiquity today!

CLARITY RANKING: 5
LISA PORTER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

MacCurdy, George Grant The Problem of Man’s Antiquity at Vero, Florida. American Anthropologist, 1917:252-261

In this argumentative article from 1917, Dr.Sellard’s extensive research in Vero, Florida was assisted by H.Ginet and Messrs. Added to this research was new data from Frank Ayers and Isaac M.Weills concerning man’s antiquity in America. Cultural remains were found alongside human bone fragment and animal remains including extinct species. These materials were located in three different levels of stratification.

Rollin T.Chamberlin, O.P Hay, A.Hrdlicka, T.Wayland Vaughan aided Dr.Sellards in the paper he wrote on the subject and compiled everyone’s research into a symposium with a diversity of views, which Sellards contributes to differing observation standards of the researchers.

Three deposits representing three time eras were studied in total at Vero. The lower level, “no. I” is composed of marine shell marl. The area was thought to be a flood plain and has been disrupted by canal activity according to Chamberlin causing confusion between his findings and Sellards.

The second deposit, “no. I” lying just above the shell marl with erosion defining its borders contains flora and fauna remains. Human remains in the form of bone fragments found in levels II and III did not differ from Indian skeletal remains of the Florida sand mounds. Cultural remains were found with the bone fragments and also coincide with the findings in Florida. Percussion methods were evidenced from the spalls and bulbs found on the site. However questions concerning agency via percussion evidence was called into question due to the findings from the Eocene epoch at Belle-Assise, Clermont where it was proved that falling stones could create a similar effect naturally. MacCurdy brings to light the further evidence that the flint used at Vero was exotic material and would have had to be brought in by humans to be utilized. With two lines of evidence, agency can be noted.

Pottery was found only on level III showing it to be a more recent introduction. No decoration or pain was found in association with or on the pottery vessels, which were thought to be cooking vessel due to the accumulated soot on the bottom of the pots.

Dr.Sellards believes there is no more than 3-4,ooo yrs interval between the second and third levels of deposits and is backed up by Prof. Edwards W.Berry of John’s Hopkins University.

The fauna found at Vero differs greatly from what existed in the area at the time of excavation yet the human remains are the same. These remains are not from the Pleistocene epoch but there does seem to be remains of extinct animals like Elephas columbi, Mastodon (Mammut) americanum, Chlamydotherium. From this Sellards proposes the fauna persisted longer than was previously thought. The correlation is not a perfect one however according to MacCurdy.

CLARITY RATING: 3
PAULA PHILP University of Western Ontario (Independently Done)

Mead, C. W. Juan B. Ambrosetti. American Anthropologist July-September, 1917 Vol.19 (4):533-541.

This article by Mead is actually just a short obituary of Dr. Juan B. Ambrosetti, who died May 28, 1917 at the age of fifty-two. At the time of his departure from us he was the director of the Ethnographical Museum of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters in Buenos Aries, Argentina. Dr. Ambrosetti who was well respected and admired by his peers will be greatly missed. He made friends easily. Many have said this about him that “in his life of affection and teaching he strove to make friends of his disciples and disciples of his friends.”

Some of his most valuable contributions to archaeology were the work he provided for the region of his own country, the Calchaqui. Through the expeditions, which he financed himself, came writings of natural beauty and style. In December 1915-1916, Dr. Ambrosetti was an official delegate of the Argentine government to the Second Pan American Congress at Washington, D.C. He was also the accredited delegate of the faculty of veterinary medicine, agronomy, literature, and philosophy.

This short article is straightforward and easy to read. It provides us with important information about Dr. Juan B. Ambrosetti, one of our discipline’s greatest scientific men. Through his obituary we as a reader are able to see how valuable Dr. Ambrosetti was as an anthropologist of his generation.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
REBECCA KULAGA Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Mead, C. W. Obituary of Juan B. Ambrosetti. American Anthropologist 1917 v: 19, p. 533-541

C.W. Mead speaks highly of Juan Ambrosetti as he describes his ability to poetically write about his findings and the area of his travels. He clearly states all of Ambrosetti’s great achievements as one of the top anthropologists of his time. His achievements include being part of the International Congress of Americanists and being an official delegate of the Argentine Government to the Second Pan American Congress at Washington D.C. in December 1915 until January 1916. Ambrosetti was also accredited delegate of the Faculty of Philosophy and Literature and the Faculty of Agronomy and Veterinary Medicine of the National University of Buenos Aires; the Museum of the University of La Plata, University of Cordoba, the Museum of Natural History of Buenos Aires; the Board of American History and Numismatics; the Argentine Scientific Society and the Argentine Geographic institute.

Ambrosetti was the president of the first session of the congress and the late director of the Ethnographical Museum of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters in Buenos Aires, Argentina.

He is described as a hard indefatigable worker alongside the portrayal of his wealth. He took charge of the ethnographical museum where all of its materials were bronzes collected by Dr. Indalecio Gomez and to date had a collection reaching 20,000 catalogue numbers. Ambrosetti also helped collect much of the materials. His main region of study was Calchaqui, a region in his own country, and his studies there had the most valuable archaeological contributions of his work. He also financed his own expeditions.

Juan B. Ambrosetti’s death on May 28, 1917 at age 52 was deemed a loss to science.

CLARITY: 5
LIVY FELDGAJER York University (Prof. Naomi Adelson )

Morris, Earl H. The Place of Coiled Ware in Southwestern Pottery. American Anthropologist January, 1917 Vol.19(1):24-29.

The author states that coiled ware cannot be the oldest variety of Southwestern pottery. Morris has found that coiled ware reveals a multiplicity of patterns, beautiful designs, and requires a masterly technique, suggesting the requirement of greater skill to produce such a complex vessel. A person shaping the sides of a smooth jar can use the polishing stone to obscure any irregularities on the surface, and can simply scrape off or add a bit of clay to equalize unevenness. The coiled ware requires the mastery skills of producing spiral upon spiral in uniform thickness.

Important data has been found in the valley of the La Plata River in San Juan County, New Mexico that supports the idea that coiled ware could not have come before smooth vessels. There are three distinct periods of occupation that show a gradual elaboration of the forms of cooking vessels. The most ancient period consists of bands that are irregular, roughly finished, and rarely applied spirally. The vessels have been accumulated during pre-Pueblo time. The next period produced vessels that slope inward, have plain unpolished bodies, and coils that were more skillfully applied. These narrow vessels of uniform width pertain to the early black-on-white period. The vessels from the last period resembled an egg resting on the large end. The exterior was covered with a spiral coil that began from the bottom and continued all the way to the rim. By manipulating and decorating the coils, there were a wide variety of vessels from this period of late black-on-white. The smooth ware in the first period is painted elaborately and well made, suggesting that painted ware was highly developed when coiled ware was still rough and crude.

Morris says there is the possibility that coiled ware originated during the pre-Pueblo period and reached its peak during the late black-on-white period. All evidence indicates that smooth ware was in fact the first type of pottery made in the Southwest. The variety of coiled ware among Southwestern pottery is the product of culmination of an elaborate technique.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
AMY CREASY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Morris, Earl H. The Place of Coiled Ware in Southwestern Pottery. American Anthropologist 1917 Vol. 19: 24-29.

Morris challenges the accepted theory that Southwestern American coiled ware pottery evolved directly from basketry. He establishes four key, albeit superficial points, regarding the appearance of the pottery, then goes on to explain the nature of the vessels and their uses. Additionally, he breaks down the nature of their “coils” and the level of artistry involved in their design and execution.

Next, he describes an evolution of the coiled pots based on a stratigraphic breakdown. What emerges from this layout of evidence is that the more artistic, basketlike pots appear in higher strata, indicating later production and use. In other words, the pots least like woven or coiled baskets appear much earlier, when the peoples using them were likely using basket vessels simultaneously. The pots that mimic the appearance of baskets most effectively appear only when these peoples had been making and using clay vessels for a very long time.

Thus does Morris establish that the “proofs” for Southwestern pottery being a direct outgrowth of basket weaving don’t stand up, and that new arguments need to be brought forth in order to substantiate the theory.

Clarity: 4
CARRIE CHANNELL Northeastern Illinois University (Independently Done)

Parsons, Elsie Clews. Ceremonial Friendship at Zuni. American Anthropologist January-March, 1917 Volume19(1):1-8.

Through the use of description, dialogue, and personal recollections (possibly edited fieldnotes?), Parsons seeks to describe and explain the Zuni system of non-kinship relations. The main relationship focused on in this article is kihe, which is the lifelong friendship agreed upon usually by two men of roughly equivalent ages, or, less frequently, between a man and a woman. To be kihe to another involves ceremonial duties, such as ritual washing, as well as the giving of gifts. Parsons also explores not only what is considered to be routine kihe relationships, but also selected ones that are outside the stated norm (e.g., kihe of different ages, having two kihe simultaneously, and the choice of a non-Zuni kihe).

In concluding the article, Parsons posits that this custom was relatively new to the Zuni, stating that she had been told that the first instance of someone choosing a kihe happened at a dance an unspecified number of years prior, when a young man chose a young woman to be his kihe. Unfortunately, explanations of the methodology utilized to collect her data are all but non-existent in this work. Nevertheless, Parsons puts forth the idea that a cultural change can occur for reasons other than the supposed progression of humans from an uncivilized to a civilized state. Although she states she finds the occurrence of this new custom “startling” given the “rigidity” of “conservative” Zuni society, she explains its perpetuation as being due to the ease in which it was assimilated into existing Zuni cultural practices. This position foreshadows the functionalist turn in anthropological theory, a conceptual model which views the elements of a society as working to maintain the stability of the society.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
LINDA SMITH Southern Illinois University at Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Parsons, Elsie Clews. Ceremonial Friendship at Zuni. American Anthologist January-March, 1917 Vol. 19 (1) 1-8

The article explores the friendships in a tribe called the Zuni. The Zuni apply their kinship terms loosely, and use many kinship terms to describe non-kinship relationships. The article is somewhat confusing because many of the African tribal terms used go unexplained. Parsons explains that the tribal kinship system in itself is very simple. What makes it complicated is that they use the kinship terms so loosely. One example is of a young man in the village named Jim. Parsons tells how at the village ceremony, Jim refers to his ceremonial father as not only father, but also elder brother. The author uses countless examples from the village to show how an individual may carry more than one label. She explains how Jim’s father is not only a father, but also an elder brother. The system might seem complicated to an outsider, but it seems as if the tribe understands it quite easily.

The relationships develop through a system of ceremonies. Most of the relationships are called kihe, which means friend for life. The author claims that this special relationship can be made between two men, a man and woman, or two women, though it is very rare for it to occur between two women. If your kihe treats you in a bad way, you can drop him or her and no ceremony is required. There are many rules that are associated with being a kihe.

Overall, the article was very complicated. It is clear that the relations that exist between individuals of the Zuni are quite complex, but the relationships do not seem to be diminished by the complexity of the interactions. Parsons concludes by noting that friendship and kinship in the Zuni may develop from one another. In many senses, the friends are a direct result from the loose term that the Zuni use to describe kinship.

CLARITY RANKING: 1.5
WILLIAM MCCARTHY University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Peabody, Charles. A Pre-Historic Wind-Instrument from Pecos New Mexico. American Anthropologist January, 1917 Vol.19(1):30-33.

Charles Peabody investigates a pre-historic wind instrument found in Pecos, New Mexico in this article, and attempts to distinguish exactly what kind of instrument it is. He begins with a description of the instrument, which is somewhat smaller than a traditional flute, and made from the bone of a bird about the size of a turkey. He states that the finger holes are not positioned like a traditional flute and that the only way to get pleasant sounds is by using clay to close the upper end, near the larger mouth hole, and then play it as an ordinary flute. What is curious, he states, is that there is no trace of gum, resin or any other material that would have been used to plug the end of the instrument. This is especially so since without the stopping up of one end, it makes no sounds that would be considered musical.

With the end plugged and playing the instrument as a flute, Peabody was able to produce C sharp, D sharp, E sharp, F sharp, G sharp, A natural, D natural and E natural, demonstrating a range of a minor sixth, omitting the diminished fifth. However, Peabody recognizes that this is really dependent of the assumption that the instrument is a flute. Upon conferring with a number of museums, no other specimen has been found that is an exact counterpart. This leads Peabody to admit that he really doesn’t know for sure if the instrument was meant to be played horizontally like a flute or perpendicular like a flageolet.

CLARITY: 4
T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Peabody, Charles. A Prehistoric Wind Instrument From Pecos, New Mexico. American Anthropologist 1917 Vol.19:30-33

In his article Charles Peabody is describing a musical instrument that was uncovered in Pecos, New Mexico. He begins by physically describing it in detail, while comparing its proportions to his own modern flute, and even puts the specimen through a test noting the different keys he is able to make it play.

He does point out that while it may appear as such, it may not be a flute at all, and reminds us of cases where such objects were classified as a flute while they belonged to a different class of instruments (e.g.: “The oboe class played perpendicularly with a vibrating reed”).

However, toward the end of his article, after comparing the specimen with others similar to it in different museums and finding no exact counterpart for it, he notes the following:

a) Flageolets (a different class of similar instruments) have larger stopping and diaphragms, and these are further down the tube than in flutes.

b) There are no traces of gum, resin, or bitumen.

These observations are significant because they outline the key features of those instruments that the artifact may be, as opposed to a flute. Peabody thus concludes that as this instrument bears a sharp contrast to these features it may indeed be a flute – a rare discovery in its region.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
BEHZAD SARMADI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Poynter, C.W.M. Some Conclusions Based on Studies in Cerebral Anthropology. American Anthropology October-December,1917 Vol.19(4):495-502.

This study had evaluated some one hundred fifty brains of different human races to compare and contrast the ethnic characteristics found within those different races. Among these four races was that of African, Caucasian, Mexican and Indian ethnicities. It is known that it is nearly impossible to establish a variation for race, sex, or degree of a mental state from mere observation of the human brain. Poynter points out that because of this lack in knowledge, many questions have encouraged scientists to push past this state of impossibility and find the answers to their questions. At his point in time, he believes that they are close to uncovering answers to the unknown.

Poynter explains in some detail his methodology of examining the brain. By using ideas by a Doctor Sherrington, Poynter used a method of macroscopic examination of the cortex for fresh material. On the other hand, most of his specimens were not fresh material but were of hardened material. With these specimens, he preferred to use the cortical map checked by a histological examination. The results of his analysis show that there can be a way to distinguish between the four separate races being studied.

This histological examination is a sort of mapping illustration that shows the differences between various brains in a better view. Poynter gives, as an example, the issue of a “disintegration of the sulcus fronto-marginalis” being a trait of Negro brains. The use of this mapping technique can show these sort of differences that the naked eye cannot. It must be said that Poynter also believes this characteristic, “does not necessarily suggest a closer relation to the apes, it is not as highly developed as that of other races observed and consequently inferior to them.” I think it is important to understand that these beliefs must be put into account while reading this article; in the case that racism obscured the results.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
CARRIE CROZIER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Poynter, C.W.M. Some Conclusions Based on Studies in Cerebral Anthropology. American Anthropologist, 1917. Vol.19:495-502.

In this article, C.W.M. Poynter discusses a new science, Cerebral Anthropology and its possible applications. He approaches this issue through a thorough study of the brain and its anatomical structure. Cerebral Anthropology was a developing sub-field at the time this article was written, and there had been few studies done on the brain up to this that Poynter felt was scientific.

His main argument is that “somatic, psychic, and racial characteristics are expressed in the pattern of the sulci and gyri.” This means that based on the physical structure, mainly the pattern of fissures on the brain, one determine the amount of development the brain has undergone. The main example that Poynter cites is that of racial comparison. He maps out the various fissures on the brain of a “Negro” and compares it to the brains of a Caucasian and an ape. He concludes that “while [the fissures of “Negroes” do] not necessarily suggest a closer relation to apes, [their brain] is not as highly developed as that of other races observed and is consequently inferior to them.” Poynter’s evidence is the careful study and mapping out of different morphological and histological areas on the brain. He notes the different areas performing different functions, and by analyzing size and development of certain areas, draws conclusions about overall brain development.

While it may initially seem that Poynter was a racist, upon careful perusal of his argument, we see that he probably tried to be more unbiased than other people of his time. He continually makes reference to people who judge African-Americans’ intelligence without scientific evidence and how they are not in a position to make such judgments. For Poynter, it is only through careful analysis, testing, and observation, especially of the brain, that a person can judge the level of development in an individual or group. Poynter was working in a time and culture that assumed that people of African descent were inferior to other races, and thus, we cannot be overly critical of his conclusion. If we consider his thought process and careful scientific analysis on the locations in the brain, which at that time were thought to be connected to neurological development, we see that he was on the cutting edge of science. Although Cerebral Anthropology has since been abandoned because it has been proven to be untrue, it was Poynter and his colleagues who first started thinking methodologically about issues such as race, which facilitated further discussion and discovery.

CLARITY: 3
COLIN QUINN University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom).

Sellards, E.H. Further Notes on Human Remains from Vero, Florida. American Anthropologist July-September, 1917 Vol.19(1):239-251.

This article is a follow-up to the ensuing debate that arose when human remains were discovered in July 1916 in Vero, Florida. The greatest factor in question is the age of the human fossils and whether or not they are representative of the Pleistocene age. The author also questions the hypothesis that the findings are of a burial, and seeks to discover if the human remains are contemporaneous with associated animal fossils. He uses as evidence his own studies as well as those put forth in former science and geological journals regarding the remains. By discussing the context of the bones within the geological stratum, the author attempts to show that the remains were not buried. His evidence is the condition and scattering of the bones, as well as the absence of several. In addition, the bones lie in the boundaries of two separate deposits, and are beneath layers that appear undisturbed. Photographs are employed to demonstrate the geological layers, and he believes that the human remains and those of various animals, some of which were extinct at the time the article was written, were deposited during a large flood. The overlying layers would then represent smaller successive flooding. Throughout the article the author discusses other studies of these fossils by Drs. Hrdlicka and Chamberlin, though their work is discussed in a contradictory fashion. The author opposes Dr. Hrdlicka’s indication that the remains are similar to modern Native Americans, and hereby demonstrates his disbelief in the identification of human races through osteological analysis. His assertion that the bones in Florida are indeed from the Pleistocene period indicate that the author’s underlying goal involves the ongoing debate about when the peopling of the New World began, although he never mentions this directly. The article focuses on determining the age of the remains, while at the same time discrediting those with opposing ideas.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
RACHAEL WILLIS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Sellards E. H. Further Notes on Human Remains from Vero, Florida American Anthropologist, 1917. Vol. 19: 239-251

E. H. Sellards’ article examines the controversy surrounding the human remains found in Vero, Florida in July 1916. Many geologists and anthropologists believe the bones are of the Pleistocene age, due to the presence of Pleistocene fossils, while others are not convinced. He only presents the objections to the fact that the fossils and remains are contemporaneous.

Sellards examines the site one step at a time, beginning with the question: do the human remains and artifacts represent burials? He proceeds to describe, in extreme detail, the location of all the bone fragments from the individual found in the south bank of the canal where the site is located. After a careful examination of photos, Sellards concludes that the bones were carried by the stream to the place where they were found and were, therefore, not introduced into the deposit by humans hands. Further evidence points to the fact that the deposit was created by the stream, sediment layered one on top of another.

Next, Sellards asks are the associated fossils secondary? He begins by examining theories about the fossils, such as one by Dr. Chamberlin who suggests that they were washed down from a higher point on the stream. Then, Sellards delves into the makeup of the fossils, each of which belongs to extinct animals such as wolves and mastodons. He concludes that the fossils were washed to their present location when they were still “green” and that they were fossilized in that matrix, thus making them contemporaneous with the formation.

In conclusion, Sellards states that none of the objections against the fact that the human remains are from the Pleistocene age are valid.

CLARITY RATING: 3
SEVAAN FRANKS York University (Naomi Adelson)

Speck, Frank G. Game Totems Among The Northeastern Algonkians. American Anthropologist January-March, 1917 Vol.19(1):9-18.

This article focuses on the game totems and family groups of several tribes located in the area north of the St. Lawrence River including: Malecite, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, Wabanaki, Mistassini, and Montagnais. The author focuses on the use of totems. In this case, an animal that serves as a symbol for an individual or family unit. For most of the groups, the animal chosen as a totem is the animal they most often hunt, and that provides the majority of nutritional needs for the family. Among the Malecite, the animal name is often used as a nickname for a male member of the group.

Among the Penobscot, some twenty-two family groups were distinguished; the totem existed not only for naming purposes, but also as a way to mark hunting territories. These totems often have legendary meaning, and are often passed down to subsequent generations.

Touching on a different aspect of the game totem, the author discusses the psychological meanings of dream visions of spirit animals between the Mistassini and Montagnais. In a departure from the use of the game totem as a way of identifying members of tribes, these two groups use the game totems as spiritual guides. The appearance of the animal in a dream helps the person to hunt that particular animal. In return the tribe member prepares the animal in a particular way with a special pan, honoring the spirit of the animal. The animal represents a person’s personal spiritual guardian, which appears nightly to many. The spirit animal fulfills a crucial role in the life of the person.

In closing the author points out there was a prevalence of the use of game totems in the Penobscot, but in a personal critique points out this may be attributed to the techniques used to collect information from the groups interviewed in the region.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
TINA HASTINGS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Speck, Frank. Game Totems Among the Northeastern Algonkians. American Anthropologist, September 1917. Vol.19: 9-18.

The idea that certain cultural groups of people have totemic complexes is the main concern of this article. Customs like tattooing, naming, and religious practices are linked to totemic animals. The author looks for social factors and behavior associated with totemism, particularly among the Algonkian tribe.

Speck studies distinct cultural groups that live in the same area and brings up different aspects of their cultures that are influenced by the totemic complex. The largest influence is seen in the naming of the people.

To support his findings and hypotheses, Speck gives examples of how totemism manifests itself among different tribes of Native Americans. In the Malecite tribe, only certain animals make up their food supply and also determine family group naming. In many of the tribes studied, hunted animals established people’s names and nicknames created during the hunting season. He also describes a few customs of the various tribes.

The article explains that there are ceremonies that lead to animal-based naming and becoming the man in one’s family. The main focus is comparing and contrasting the affects and methods of totemism and hunting among several Native American tribes.

Most of the evidence comes from observation. Speck is an ethnographer. He spent time with each tribe and documented everything he observed. He notes that much of his initial knowledge came from early writers unfamiliar with the details and meanings of tribal customs, but he used the oldest men in the tribes as resources to explain the significance of different ceremonies that occurred. Because Speck spent time with each tribe, the data is credible and believable. The findings are presented in a factual manner, and everything is clearly outlined and simple to follow.

However, Speck did not do an adequate job of explaining the totemic complex and totemism. Readers must form their own definitions while reading. Until the third page of the article, I was confused as to exactly what types of groups were being studied and where Speck was located geographically. The author also fails to tell the reader why he is doing this study or what led him to the Algonkian tribe, which is not even the focus of the article. In spite of these shortcomings, the article was easy and interesting to read.

CLARITY 3
NJIDEKA MOTANYA University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Sullivan, Louis R. Growth of the Nasal Bone in Children. American Anthropologist July-September, 1917 Vol. 19 (3): 406-409.

This “laboratory exercise” reads like a preliminary study of the growth of the nasal bridge in children ages 5 to 16 concentrating on change in breadth of the nasal bridge and change in breadth compared to outward growth. Sample size is small and though not indicated in any of the five tables, the text gives some indication that all measurements are of caucasians. “Professor Boas” supplemented, “planned and supervised the work” done by Sullivan.

Sullivan notes irregularities in the patterns of change in breadth of the nasal bridge, which she sees as “undoubtedly due to the small number of cases recorded”. She also notes the inaccuracy of the methods used. Assumptions are made (e.g. maximum diameter to be constant and maximum diameter to be 13.5mm) which make her conclusions on the correspondence of younger females measurements with older males measurements shaky at best. That having been said, Sullivan uses her experiences during this “laboratory exercise” to suggest better methods of measure (casting as opposed to the bent wire technique used) and to emphasize the importance of “accurate studies of [the nasal bridge’s] development during the period of growth”. Sullivan states that “the number of cases should be greatly increased and since the annual growth is so slight the age unit could be increased from 1 to 4 years. Sullivan closes with what seems a classic “Boasian” thought – “A full appreciation of racial differences in anatomical structures must be preceded by a knowledge of the process of growth” (409).

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JEFFERY BROWN Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Sullivan, Louis. Growth of the Nasal Bridge in Children. American Anthropologist, 1917 Vol.19:406-409.

The purpose of this study was to identify and compare the growth of the nasal bridge among boys and girls. The study was conducted on children from the ages of 5 to 16. However, there was no recorded data for 11 year-old boys. To record the transverse diameter of the nasal bridge, a lead wire bent across the bridge of the nose from the inner canthus of one eye to that of the other was used. The transverse diameter was measured at points 2,4,6 and 8 millimeters from the apex. Once the data was recorded, it was placed into tables. The evidence suggested that there was a gradual decrease of transverse diameters with increasing age.

To get a better understanding of what the gathered data meant, the research team assumed the transverse diameters to decrease proportionally to time. They devised the formula: wt = a + bt where wt = diameter at the age t. The results wee again plotted into tables. Again, a gradual decrease in diameter was shown. The research team took into account the smaller diameter to mean forward growth of the nose. They also noticed a greater forward growth among the girls than among the boys. It was suggested that the girls for a given age were physiologically older than boys of the same age. For example, forward growth of the nose for 6 year-old girls corresponded best with 9 year-old boys. However, 14,15, and 16 year-old girls corresponded to 14 year-old boys. This would suggest that girls around the age of 14 are physiologically mature while boys continue to grow.

The research team suggested that the experiment could have been improved by increasing the number of case. Also, the age unit could have been increased from 1 to 4 years. The overall purpose was to study the racial differences in anatomical structures through the process of growth.

CLARITY: 3
KEVIN ONEAL University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Sullivan, Louis, R. Variations in the Glenoid Fossae. American Anthropologist January-March, 1917 Vol.19(1):19-24.

Louis Sullivan has undertaken the study of variation in the Glenoid Fossae of various people from around the world. The glenoid fossae are depressions on the sides of the skull. They are located right in front of your ears and just behind your cheekbones. If one opens and closes ones mouth, one can feel the muscle that attaches itself to the glenoid fossae. Sullivan was primarily interested in the depth and shape of the fossae.

The main concern he addresses in his study is the origin of this variation. Sullivan theorized the variation was either a racial characteristic or it was a functional characteristic. Racial characteristics are constant through out a given populace and represent a populace’s common ancestry. Hair color and eye color are two things that could be racial characteristics. Functional characteristics vary greatly within a given populace and represent differences in the use of that body part. An example of a functional characteristic is the notch you get in your pointer finger from writing.

Sullivan collects data on the glenoid fossae from various peoples around the world. If the trait was racial he expected to find consistent results within a given populace. For example the xyz group would all have glenoid fossae that were very shallow and elongated. If the trait was functional he would expect to see a wide variation within the xyz group related to their lifestyle. Sullivan first studied the eskimoes and found a wide variation in the depth and shape of the glenoid fossae. He expanded his research to include other peoples of the world. Sullivan finds similar variations in all these populaces also. He even notes that many times the glenoid fossae on one side is not the same depth as the one on the other side. Looking to the teeth Sullivan further observes that the teeth are worn more on the side with the shallower glenoid fossae.

Sullivan concludes from the great variation found within a given populace, that the differences in glenoid fossae must be functional in origin. He goes on further to describe how the physics involved in chewing make such a conclusion perfectly believable.

CLARITY RATING: 3
GLENN MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Sullivan, Louis R. Variations in the Glenoid Fossae. American Anthropologist, 1917. 19-23.

The glenoid fossae are depressions in the base of the squamous portion of the temporal bones in the skull. There is considerable variation in the depth of the fossae in different individuals. Previous research done with Eskimo crania suggest that they all have shallow fossae to better masticate their tough food, but it also appears that there is variation within the Eskimo population. This study tries to determine whether this variation is due to differences between races which may link a specific race to the apes or if it is a trait newly acquired as a functional adaptation to the environment. If fossae depth is a racial characteristic it is expected to be constant within a pure racial group, but it will be variable if the trait has a functional origin.

Research done on Eskimo crania shows that there is a range of different fossae types and none are dominant over the others. Variation is shown to be present in other populations and even among apes, thus supporting that fossae depth is a functional trait. However, some of the measurements of fossae are arbitrary due to the difficulty of performing some of the analytical techniques. An asymmetry in fossae is also observed between the left and right sides of the crania. Teeth on the side of the more shallow fossae demonstrate more wear due to greater use in mastication. Many of the skulls from different racial populations show asymmetry between fossae on the same skull, providing evidence to the functional modification of the fossae due to individual mastication habits. The thin region anterior to the Glasserian fissure is very susceptible to pressure, thus supporting the theory that mastication habits could influence glenoid fossae depth. It appears that the glenoid fossae has little value in racial analyses, but it may be helpful in determining individual masticatory habits.

CLARITY: 2
NICHOLAS NACEY University of Notre Dame (Carolyn Nordstrom)

Swanton, John. Some Anthropological Misconceptions. American Anthropologist October-December, 1917 Vol.19(4):459-469.

Swanton opens up this critique of the state of anthropology during his time by comparing this science to the other more analytical sciences in that no theory can stand without sufficient supporting data that was gathered and applied with a sound method. Even when a theory is thought, at one time, to be a universal truth to end all speculation, Swanton reminds the reader that every idea in science, as in culture, experiences an origin, an apex, and an eventual passing. This phenomenon, the author says, is often ignored by those who “vainly imagine that they themselves live in the era of fulfillment” and believe that their theories and principles are timeless. People of the above mindset are often the cause of the misconceptions in the field of anthropology that Swanton discusses.

The author finds fault in the views of such writers as Herbert Spencer and the anthropologist E.B. Tylor who attempted to apply Darwin’s theory of evolution to certain theories of culture, mainly the evolution of culture. The first fault of these theorists was to assume that the greater in difference a society was to western culture the more ‘primitive’ or the closest to the ‘original’ society it was. This leads to anthropologists looking at how “[Culture’s] isolated peaks have been made the bases and the broad features which human society shares in common have been developed from these”(463). Swanton believes this is anthropological theory turned upside down. The author uses the example of how the practice of “totemism” was once thought to be an ‘original’ state of society due to its strangeness when viewed from western culture. However, when anthropologists examined these cultures they discovered that many were not primitive at all, voiding the previous theory. Also, discussed is a misconception that monogamy is more ‘evolved’ than other forms of marriages including polyandry, and polygamy. The erroneous view sketches out an evolution from the latter forms to monogamy. A theory Swanton argues against. An evolutionary theory of religion expounded by Spencer is then refuted in much the same manner.

Another aspect of the attempt of anthropologists to apply Darwinian theory to human culture is what Swanton calls “uniformitarian evolution”. It is explained that those whom adhere to this theory believe that culture ‘evolved’ in a continuos linear manner with certain cultural phenomena gradually transforming into later aspects. The author, goes on to explain that another notion that is a neighbor to uniformitarian evolution is also an anthropological misconception: the belief that cultural evolution progressed unconsciously. While it is admitted that this theory might contain some truths, Swanton argues that it is often overplayed. His view of the evolution of culture is that once a conscious decision is made within a culture it means that the society has made a choice, knowingly or not, that will direct its further cultural development in a path quite different from what it was on before.

The author ends the article with a suggestion that more should be done to prevent these misconceptions from infiltrating the science of anthropology. He suggests that the common citizen and his knowledge of the present state of culture reinforce the student and his learned and cynical ways.

CLARITY RATING: 3
CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Swanton, R. John. Some Anthropological Misconceptions. American Anthropologist October-December, 1917 Vol.19 (4):459-470.

In his article, John R. Swanton attempts to shed light on some major anthropological misconceptions. He does so by putting them into their historic context, that is, by pointing out how they develop from previously existing theoretical orthodoxies, while also explaining their shortcomings.

He begins by demystifying the notion that contemporary theories or models of thought are somehow sacrosanct from contradictions and the influence of future discoveries. So it is that he stresses the need for perpetual heterodoxies that would serve to prevent a current of thought from becoming an unquestioned dogma.

Thus he moves on to scrutinize the pivotal assumptions of his predecessors who, being so influenced by Darwinian evolutionism, nevertheless ignored one of its basic tenets when they drawing up their theses on human evolution. These included euro-centric typologies resulting in the “particularistic explanation of social change.” In other words they reversed that teaching of biology that stipulates that those features among different species or genus within species that are most generalized are probably nearest to the type from which they all descended. Instead, they assumed that civilized culture was the highest developed, thus inferring that all those who were least like them are most primitive.

He also criticizes that trend which exaggerates the uniformitarian aspect of evolution. Stating rather, that for this conception to hold our world would have to be one that is not discriminated into parts, and one where things “gradually shaded into one another.” However, this is not the case he argues as it is divided, and furthermore descendance is not so uniform – the offspring is still different or individual and there lies room for change here. Finally he moves on to debunk the notion of human cultural evolution as unconscious. This he does by stressing the role of conscious application to issues, or surroundings.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
BEHZAD SARMADI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Wallis, W. D. Similarities in Culture. American Anthropologist January-March 1917 Vol.19(1):41-54.

The debate between the “diffusionists” (such as Boas) and the evolutionists (who supported independent invention as support for the superorganic) was an important one in anthropology at the beginning of the twentieth century. The debate of whether similarities in culture are a result of individual invention or borrowing is here taken up by Wallis. Wallis delineates similarities found in language, material culture, phases of social life, magic, religion, burial rites, eschatology (beliefs related to what happens to man after death), and mythology around the world. Some examples are much more elaborate than others whereas his section on magic gives no particular example but rather simply states that similarities do exist. The problem he addresses is how can anthropologists account for similarities when historical data does not exist. Wallis attempts to test the theory of convergence (the idea that certain similarities between cultures are inevitable and that cultures will arrive at those similarities independently) against the categories of similarity that he has outlined.

In the second part of his article, Wallis questions whether or not a law of the probability of cultural similarity could be formulated. Wallis believes that such a law could be formulated if one established concrete principles of social change. Wallis concludes that when faced with parallels in culture without the aid of historical information, that one must ask “to what extent the features are accidental and indispensable, or incidental and inherent” and to also recognize the number of parallel features. Wallis firmly believes that one does not require solid historical evidence tracing cultural transmission in order to postulate the origin of cultural similarity. Wallis is in accordance with Sapir in believing that similarities are both the result of borrowing and independent invention. The famous case of Darwin and Wallace’s similar ideas on evolution coming out at the same time is what Wallis cites as an example of individual invention with the historical evidence to back it up.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
LISA PORTER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Wallis, W.D. Similarities in Culture. American Anthropologist 1917 Vol.19:41-55

In this article, W.D Wallis takes on the problem of convergence. He feels that there may be similarities in cultures because of the limited choices there were, and provides examples of this.

Wallis believes that similar artifacts are found in different cultures, not because they came in contact with each other but because there were limited materials available. He calls this similarity “external” or “trivial” because of the limitations of an environment. Wallis also discusses the social life. He states that every culture has its own rules of conduct for males, females and people of different age groups. He also says that these groups of people need to be governed by some kind of social authority. This will happen in most societies without borrowing the idea from some other society. Although the role of the central authority will vary between high and low culture, the fact remains that there is almost always a central authority in every society. Wallis also brings up similarities in burial practices. Wallis believes that similar burial practices come from a collective belief that tribes have in regards to the spirit. Most tribes believe that the spirit remains in the body even after a person has past away. If this is true, then the different tribes would practice similar burial practices without coming in contact with each other. Wallis also refutes a writer who said that folktales were similar between different Indian tribes because they were borrowed. Wallis argues that it is just as easy to assume independent origin as it is to assume that the folktales were borowed.

Wallis says that because of the lack of historical evidence, you must look at the similiar features critically as to whether they are accidental or incidental and inherent. No one has the ability to determine whether the similar traits were independent or borrowed based on the trait alone without historical background. Things may seemed borowed but Wallis suggests never to rule out the possibility of the similarites coming from independent origins.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
RIE KOREEDA York University (Naomi Adelson)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne and Whipple, Ralph Wheaton. The Position of the Body in Aboriginal Interments in Western Massachusetts. American Anthropologist July-September, 1917 Vol.19 (3):372-387.

This article focuses on the locations of burials and the arrangement of bodies among some American Indian burials in Western Massachusetts and the techniques that are used to remove the bodies from situ and to transport them to museums or universities for future study. The article consists of the accounts of the two authors as they describe the discovery, collection, preservation, and the exhibition of two aboriginal burials found in the early 1900s.

The first interment was found by the Connecticut River in 1915. It contained a complete male skeleton placed in the grave with the arms and legs drawn up to the body in a pose resembling the fetal position. The orientation of the body was north to south and the head pointed south. The head was also turned to face directly east. The second interment, found in 1917 by workmen in Greenfield, also contained a male skeleton. This one was less complete than the first burial and showed signs of animal activity disrupting the skeleton. The orientation of the second burial was also north to south with the head facing east as in the first interment. Both of the deceased seemed to have been bound after death to allow for the folded up knees and arms to chest position. It was recognized by the excavators that the first interment was more tightly bound than the second by the lack of disarticulation in the first skeleton.

The other topics in this article, aside from the descriptions of the burials, are the techniques used to remove the interments. Once a skeleton had been unearthed and its orientation noted, the excavator then packed damp sand over the bones to keep them in their original position in the grave. Then a trench was dug around the interment, and wooden planks were built around the grave. Next, the earth under this frame was slowly dug out and replaced with more wooden planks to make a floor for the burial. Then the entire interment, looking much like a sandbox, could be lifted and placed in a truck and brought to an institution for analysis. The theory of the authors was that the burial could now be examined at leisure with the skeleton intact in its grave. Earlier archaeological excavations often consisted of only a quick noting of the compass, a few points about the orientation and condition of the bones, and a few photographs. Wilder and Whipple wanted to share their excavation experiences and methods as suggestions for others others in their field.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
NIKKI JOHNSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Wilder, Harris H. and Whipple, Ralph W. The Position of the Body in Aboriginal Interments in Western Massachusetts. American Anthropologist 1917 Vol.19: 372-387.

Excavations in 1905 in an aboriginal cemetery in North Hadley, Massachusetts showed details of the method of interment of two skeletons. Pictures were taken with the bones still in position and the direction of the bodies were noted using a compass. This method was incomplete. According to the article, the preferred method would be to find the grave, box it up in the field, and remove it to take the entire grave to the laboratory where under ideal conditions it could be excavated and examined. The bones could only then be removed carefully without disarrangement.

The author feels that this is the best way to excavate so that it would solve or prevent any problems that could occur outside in the field. The paper deals with two aboriginal graves dealt with using the preferred method and special emphasis is put on the position of the body. The site was traditionally of the Nonotuck chief of Quonquont. After finding the skeleton, with arms and legs folded up, and using careful methods at the lab and using specific tools, it became easier to make conclusions. The orientation of the trunk lay north-south, with the head to the south. The body lay on its right side with the knees drawn to the chest and the arms folded in front of the knees, with the hands over the head.

There are some explanations for these positions, at least for males. The first is the embryonic theory symbolic of rebirth. The second theory is that the body must have been tightly bound to keep it in that position. Rather than conclude it is to fit the body in the smallest hole possible, it may have actually been to avoid the return of the dead or to avoid the torment of the living. The belief is that if a spirit were to enter the body then it would find itself bound up and can’t do any harm. Other tribes sometimes resort to more violent methods for the same reasons.

CLARITY: 5
RAGHBIR SINGH York University (Naomi Adelson)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Restoration Of A Cliff Dweller. American Anthropologist July-September, 1914 Vol. 19(3):388-391.

This article deals with the restoration method of the skull, neck, and shoulders of a cliff-dweller who had fortunately been somewhat preserved by a sun drying mummification process. A few years back the author had given a depiction of this cliff-dweller, but without some of the skeletal features seen in this more recent rendering. Once the skeleton was reassembled, a few different processes took place in order to capture the external appearance of this ancient middle-aged woman. Muscle scars and joint gaps needed to be accounted for so that the different plastic compounds could be placed in their proper location to take the place of muscle, and finally skin. Before defending himself against any difference or error in his previous model, the author points out some imperfections in this new model based on inexperience. In particular, he claims that the arm pits are too high, and the nose is misrepresented. However, since the bones were all in tact and reassembled, the skeletal features are agreed to be accurate.

Wilder wrote this paper in defense of his previous, and unrecognizable depiction of the same cliff dweller. While the author’s restoration techniques included the use of cotton in place of an eye, missing hair, and a shortened nose, the new depiction is almost life-like. However, this article attempts to show that the reader must not be fooled into thinking the two models are completely different, since all of the features shown in the new model were either known or suspected by the author in the first model. But, due to restrictions, lack of technology, and the inaccessibility of the mummy, the life like attributes of the new model could not be achieved.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
KEVIN CONNORS Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Restoration Of A Cliff-Dweller. American Anthropologist 1917 vol. 19 Pg. 388-391

In this article, Wilder discusses the advancements in the plastic reconstruction of skulls. Wilder mainly discusses the restoration of a cliff dweller and how advances in restoration have served to enhance the appearance. He also discusses the two methods of restoration that were used on the cliff dweller, one that was completed in 1904 and the other completed during 1912. The most recent attempts to restore the cliff dweller involved positioning skeletal remains in a desired position, making sure necessary “capsules” and “…other soft parts at the joints” (Wilder 388) were apparent. Once this is completed, one is able to build up muscle based on “…muscle scars, processes, …as an indication of their position” (Wilder 388). Lastly, the remaining spaces are filled with a plastic substance known as plastilina, taking the place of fat. There are, however, drawbacks to this form of restoration. Wilder states that there appears to be “glaring errors” (Wilder 390) due to inexperience in this field but these errors can be corrected. Wilder points out that in the photograph of the latest cliff dweller restoration, her shoulders appear to be quite high; however, this is based on individual characteristics of that woman. Moreover, Wilder also discusses some inconsistencies with specific details, due to problematic photo imaging.

The 1904 restoration of the cliff dweller was “…restored from the condition of a sun-dried mummy by the use of caustic potash…” (Wilder 390). Upon comparison of both methods, there were apparent similarities and differences, but the main point was that the early forms of restoration served to pave the way to future real life depictions.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
TRACY WOOLRIDGE York University (Naomi Adelson)