American Anthropologist 1912

Boas, Franz. Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants. American Anthropologist N.S.14. 1912. 530-562.

In this lengthy article, Franz Boas reviews the details of his investigation on the anthropometry of immigrants and their descendants as a response to criticism from many other so-called scholars. Boas determined that American-born descendants differ from their foreign-born parents in that their head may undergo some changes “in course of time, without change of descent.”. He was unable to give an clear explanation of the basis for the phenomena, but felt it could later be explained by “new statistical investigations in other types of environments.”.

Other found Mr. Boas’ reports problematic. In particular, Mr. Radosavljevich criticizes Boas for a lack of definition of physiological development, for a failure to quote literature, and of Boas’ choices to use certain modes of measurements or to not use them at all. More importantly, Radosavljevich reproaches Boas on the exactness of observations and for what he suggests are inaccuracies of calculations.

The study was undertaken for United States Immigration and was first submitted in 1909 as a partial report and republished in various forms in 1910, 1911 and 1912. The immigrants studied are identified as “Bohemians”, “Poles”, “Hungarians”, “Slovaks”, “Hebrews”, “Sicilians” and “Neopolitans”.

A summary of the primary investigation results and/or their criticisms is as follows:

Boas’ conclusion that American-born descendants differ in type from their foreign-born parents also produced the suggestion that Boas claimed to have “discovered the origin of a new American type”. Boas, however, maintained that this was a result of media attention and a misunderstanding about what constitutes a biological type. In particular, that he felt that a length-breadth index of 80 or more, indicating a brachycephaic head, does not constitute a “distinct biological type, but is a mere convenience of description.”

Boas’ result that the influence of the American environment “makes itself felt with increasing intensity”, as a function of the time elapsed between the mother’s arrival and the birth of the child. Radosavljevich heavily criticizes this result, and Ammon and Livi who suggested that changes were more akin to those observed in urban moving from rural populations. Ammon claimed that these changes were due to natural selection and Livi said that it was the change from country to city and “not special American conditions.” Boas felt that this was possible, but not probable. Further, Steinmetz said that poor conditions in Europe formed the basis for change upon the immigrant’s arrival to America, but Boas refuted this because he felt that the conditions under which the immigrants lived were “not favorable.”

Of primary importance to Boas was the discussion of head and facial measurements and Mr. Radosavljevich’s charges concerning the accuracy of these observations. In defense of the work of his thirteen observers, Mr. Boas references the “study of personal equations” to suggest that variability or error in his investigation was either improbable or negligible. Other measurements such as in hair colour were relatively unchanged in the immigrants and therefore stated as irrelevant; the methodology to measurements of changes in eye and skin colour were unreliable, due to external influences such as light, and were abandoned.

Boas made a number of observations, but feels that many of them are of “accidental character” and not of “deep biological significance.” For example, illegitimate children of foreign-born mothers and American-born fathers or swaddling clothing theories were either considered not present or were disproved concerning their influence on the bodily changes of the descendents of immigrants.

Against Boas’ environmental-economic theory, and in discussion of the problem of selection which Boas asserts to take place during the periods of immigration, but which changed after the [economic] panics of 1893 and 1907, Mr. Radosavljevich presents a summary of other theories concerning influences on the skull. (1) the mechanical-functional theory, in which temporal muscles influence the skull; (2) the hereditary theory, where heads had remained constant since the “very remote periods”, and the pre and post natal influences on an “inherited head”; and (3) the geographical theory of the permanence of racial traits and the unifying effects of the environment. Mr. Boas, in response, says that these theories are not relevant to his concept of selection as they focus on “the physical characteristics of the immigrants who arrive in American and not the relation between the bodily form of foreign-born immigrants and their American-born children.”

While Radosavljevich, as the primary critic, charges that “other methodological errors may be the cause of differences not the American soil and financial panics.”, Boas intimates that his critics have missed the mark in misunderstanding that any plausible theory would have to prove that variances found are significant enough to signify a biologically separate origin.

In addition, he refuses to accept the opinion that his team’s results eliminate the need for further study of the cephalic index. On the contrary, he suggests that the “anthropometric method is a most important means of elucidating the early history of mankind and the effect of social and geographical environment upon man.”

ALISON PENTLAND-FOLK York University (Naomi Adelson)

Boas, Franz. Changes in the Bodily Form of Descendents of Immigrants. American Anthropologist. October-December, 1914 Vol. 16(4):530-562.

In this article Franz Boas discusses micro-evolutionary changes that take place among the descendents of immigrants to the United States. Boas focuses primarily on the physical transformation of the head and how it is expressed in people of east European Hebrew and Italian ancestry. As a foundation for this discussion, Boas responds to criticisms of his earlier publications pertaining to this research. Boas also offers criticisms to others doing similar anthropometric studies.

Boas begins his discussion by summarizing the previously published results of his investigation. Within this summary, Boas responds to the criticisms of Mr. Radosavljevich. Boas makes special note of criticisms aimed at his methods. Furthermore, Boas responds with various criticisms of the work of Radosavljevich.

Boas focuses his research on the primary observation that descendents of immigrants differ in type from their foreign-born parents. Boas indicates that there is a correlation between variation in type and the American environment. He hypothesizes that variation in type may be an effect of the changes in social and geographic environment. However, Boas cautions that he has not come to any clear understanding of the situation. Instead, he states that he has examined various explanations for changes in bodily form, and having done so he concludes that no other explanations are acceptable. Furthermore, Boas notes that it is prudent to wait for more research to be done before accepting theories that have yet to be proven.

The article is very disjointed because Boas responds to criticism while trying to convey information. Continually, Boas begins the discussion of changes in type with reference to criticisms. He responds directly to the criticisms posed by Radosavljevich without giving a thorough background of the conflict. As a consequence, it is only when one reaches the middle of the article that a clear understanding is gained.

DANIEL BAUER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Chamberlain, Alexander F. The Allentiacan, Bororoan, and Calchaquian Linguistic Stock of South America. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14: 499-507.

Alexander F. Chamberlain looks at the linguistic stack of the Allentiacan, Bororoan, and the Calchaquian of South America. Chamberlain is interested in finding the similarities of each language and the location of the people who speak it. He writes of each linguistic stock separately, each one describing the location and brief history of the people who speak the language. He also informs the reader of books on the topic written before 1912.

In Allentiacan, Chamberlain uses Mitre and Boman to argue his point. Allentiacs, or Huarpes (Guarpes), inhabited the areas around the plains of Huanacache and probably into Sierra de Cordoba, San Luis and Mendoza. He favours Mitre’s view and states that Allentiac is an independent stock that became extinct in the 18th century. He mentions Boman’s arguments, but says that he lacks proof.

Chamberlain uses von den Steinen as his main source of information for Bororoan. Bororoan stock is in Matto Grosso, Brazil. In 1888 the Bororo identity was established. Bororo was stated by von den Steinen to be an unrelated language to any other.

Calchaquian was harder to classify because it involved many “tribes”. Chamberlain uses Briton’s and Boman’s arguments. Briton categorises Calchaquian with the Catamareno or Cacana tongue and claims that it was, in fact, a “corrupt” dialect of Quechua. Boman mentions a comparison between the Calchaquian culture and the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Arizona and points out that it has nothing to do with race or linguistics of the two peoples, but rather with the environment.

CHRISTINA SAUNDERS York University (Naomi Adelson).

Chamberlain, Alexander F. The Allentiacan, Bororoan, and Clachaquian Linguistic stocks of South America. American Anthropologist, 1912. Vol.14:499-507.

This article is a report on three prospective linguistic stocks each from the northern region of South America. Chamberlain does not present an argument, instead he collected the related data and presents them to the reader from an objective position.

The evidence is a collective series of works by a number of anthropologists gathered and compiled in this concise format by Chamberlain. The individual types of data that are presented are as numerous and diverse as their authors. Among all of this factual data is a healthy dose of inference drawn from conjectures and proposals for each stock offered by at least one anthropologist. The author admits that information gathered including vocabularies and texts specifically pertaining to the Calchaquian stock are no longer available or existent. The only real question left unanswered is the opinion of Chamberlain regarding the work of his colleagues.

The articles body is subdivided into three parts each of which corresponds to a separate stock. Chamberlain presents each by first linking the peoples who spoke the languages with their respective lands. Included in this is also a brief tribal history. Each group is described in the context of the time in which they were discovered as well as by which territories they were believed to occupy at the time. The Allentiacs were discovered at the time of the Spanish conquest, the Bororo were not recognized until the beginning and the Calchaquin not until the end of the eighteenth century. Chamberlain then introduces works for each stock; some of which stated that the stock was significant as well as independent and others that argued for its inadequacy. This is exemplified by these stocks incorrect attribution to other major dialects. This article of course, dispels the coagulation. The summation of each of the three sections is that each proposed linguistic stock was indeed valid. There is then a portion of the text that provides the reader with finite bibliographic information pertaining to each pocket of data presented for each stock.

ANDREW MONTS, EDWARD J. JAKAITIS III Northern Illinois University (Giovanni Bennardo)

De Booy, Theodoor. Lucayan Remains on the Caicos Islands. American Anthropologist 1912 14:81-105.

In Lucayan Remains on the Caicos Islands, Theodoor De Booy has discovered evidence that these islands were in fact inhabited during pre-Columbian times. The author gives a first hand account of his findings in the Caicos Islands and also strongly notes that the poverty witnessed on some of these islands is uncomprehensible. He also notes that among these islands an unexperienced boater should not try maneuvering among the islands alone due to many dangerous and shallow areas.

De Booy then gives some background information of the islands. He notes that Columbus thought the Lucayans practiced anthropophagy because he had found assorted bones in the huts of the natives. Actually, the Lucayans had these bones in their huts because of their ancestral relationship to the people of the hut. He also believes that the Lucayans are members of the Arawak who were under persecution by the Caribs and had been pushed up in a northerly direction before settling down in the Caicos Islands. Due to the peaceful nature of the Lucayans, when the Spainards took control of the islands they succumbed and were entered into slavery. De Booy notes that the men had to die horrible deaths while working in mines and the women soon had no men left to continue there native bloodline. As a result, the Lucayans became extinct.

The article continues with the authors’ results of his explorations of the various islands. He notes finding bone and stone tools, as well as, various pottery items. The author gives detailed descriptions as to what kind of pottery he found and from what island he found it. The article contains pictures of some of the pottery he found and he has also included some drawings completing shards of pottery he found. De Booy also found petroglyphs in a cave on an eastern Caicos Island of Jacksonville.

De Booy’s expedition appears to be incomplete due to the lack of time he spent on the islands. He felt that there were other remote places to explore but did not have the time to do so. His article, although somewhat brief, was easy to read and understand.

KAREN McCARTHY: Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

De Booy, Theodore. Lucayan Remains On The Caicos Islands. American Anthropologist January-March, 1912 Vol.14(1):81-105.

Theodore de Booy discusses his evidential findings of Lucayan habitation in various places throughout the Caicos Islands. De Booy examines historical documentation about the inhabitants and compares them to his evidential findings.

De Booy begins with a general overview about the Caicos Islands, proceeds with a very broad characterization of the inhabitants, and concludes with characteristics of evidential findings in each location studied. Much of what he discusses about the Lucayan inhabitants and their cultures is derived from observations by Christopher Columbus. He discusses such things as the inhabitants’ disposition, stature and physical appearance, diet and crop cultivation, government, religion, and artistic abilities. This examination is straightforward, with little to no in-depth explanations or characteristics. On the other hand, the results of his exploration are quite detailed.

In this section of the article, de Booy breaks the Caicos Islands down into separate components. He discusses, in detail, his findings from the excavations of various units on several of the islands. He reports the dimensions and physical characteristics of each cave, along with detailed descriptions of pottery fragments, stone implements, pottery heads, and illustrations of petroglyphs. He also includes details about elements surrounding the in-situ fragments, recent deposits, and various other excavation notes.

This article contains factual descriptions of artifacts to support the idea that the Lucayans inhabited the Caicos Islands. De Booy’s article stresses physical characteristics of what Lucayan remains were found on the Caicos Islands.

JAMIE LYNN HOLTMANN Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Dr. Jonathan Hill)

Emmons, George. The Kitselas of British Columbia. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14:467-471.

This article discusses the remains of several heraldic columns found in the Kitselas region, in addition to briefly describing the general topography of the turbulent Skeena River and valley. The various tree and animal life are briefly described and the author states that animal is very poor, therefore the inhabitants must rely on the salmon from the river to support themselves. The river canon had been named Dsilasshoo by the inhabitants, the Kitselas, which were of Tsimshian stock. The inhabitants were not allowed to descend the river for trading, and did not allow their other neighbors, the Kitishan to descend on their area. Because of their unique middle position, the Kitselas had permanent homes. This area had four villages, two on either side of the canon. The Kitselas lived in communal houses with a smoke hole and central fire space. The village sizes were estimated at 1000 people each. Individual communal houses were marked by carved heraldic columns. The author gives a brief description and location of three of the villages; Tsune-ee-yow, which was at the foot of the canon; Kit-lah-soak, where the separate channels unite; and Kit-ousht, on the southern shore, which was a favored site and the author states where the only remaining native lived at the time of his article.

The fourth village mentioned by Emmons, Kit-lth-sahok, which was at the head of the canon on the southern shore. This is where the author states the most extensive remains are. Due to large number of remains found the author believes that this was the most important and largest of the four villages. Some of the remains include structural posts and beams from one on the communal houses, and roof construction, which the author describes as unique among the Tsimshian and Kitikshan. Emmons describes the roofs having heavy tree-trunk ridgepole supports in hollowed out ends of two upright posts. These upright posts, of which the forward end is carved into the head of a salmon, give the roof pitch. The author states that in 1910, there were still three slender totem poles still standing. These poles were rounded showed no chambers in the back for mortuary uses.

The author gives a few pictures of the totem-poles, which include one representing a beaver sitting up at the base with carved parallel lines above to represent teeth, another one as a frog at the base with a whale above, one with a plain plate surmounted by a wolf, and finally one of a human seated with a smaller figure enclosed.

The author believes that the Kitselas, despite the abandonment of their villages, were still in the area. He stated that many of the Kitselas migrated to Fort Simpson and Port Essington, where he could not guess at the size of the remaining population.

DANA L BURKE Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Emmons, George T. The Kitselas of British Columbia. American Anthropologist Month?, 1912 Vol.14 (?):467-471.

Emmon’s essay is based on the Skeena River in the eastern Coastal Range of British Columbia. The waters of the river are very rough and during the spring and summer it is impassable and dangerous. The precipitated mist of the river contributes to the abundance of flora and fauna. On the mountains spruce, cedar, hemlock and cottonwood can be found. The drier climate produced alder, willow, poplar and vegetation. Like plants, different animals inhabit different areas along the river based on the weather. Along the Tsimshian peninsula brown bears and black-tail deer can be found. Further away, grizzly bear, deer, caribou and other animals increase in numbers.

The people who inhabit this area are the Kitselas, who are descendants of the Gitdsilasshoo. The Kitselas lived on the river permanently and claimed it from Lorn Creek to the little canon below and were not allowed to descend the river for trading because Tsimshian members protected it from intruders. The grounds along the river allowed four villages and had a population of approximately one thousand people. On his early travels Mr. Hickey of the Hudson Bay Company observed that the people lived in primitive simplicity, in communal housing and were outfitted in skins, furs and trousers which were cut at the knee and used as leggings.

Tsune-ee-yow “landing people”, Kit-ousht “people of the sand bar” and Kit-lthsahok “people of the shore”, are some of the groups, which lived along the river. Totem poles mark the ground where many of these people lived. Most are crude, rough carvings, which the author suggests were signs that the people were lacking in artistic talent. Although the Kitselas have decreased in numbers, they still exist. Their lack in numbers has been attributed to contact with whites and the destruction of their role as middlemen during trading. Some Kitselas still live in river communities with a small population of approximately 60. However it was predicted that the building of the Grand Trunk Pacific railway along the river would assist in the disappearance of the reminders of native life.

NEKEISHA MOHAMMED York University (Naomi Adelson).

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Problems of the Unity of Plurality and the Probable Place of Origin of the American Aborigines. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14:1-59

This article represents a discussion at the U.S. National Museum in Washington on December 27, 1911 involving members of the American Anthropological Association and Section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. The question being dealt with at this particular session was how did the New World become populated by man and where did this population come from, and what information is available to make this determination?

The amount of material in this particular essay makes concise listing of information difficult so here are some of the highlights. First are Aleš Hrdli ka’s historical notes on how man came to the New World including Biblical references. Second is Mr. Hrdli ka again with a general physical description of current Native American population. Third is William H. Dall. Mr. Dall promotes the idea that Asian peoples crossed the Bering Strait to what is now Alaska as the method for getting a viable population to the New World. Fourth is Alexander F. Chamberlain. Mr. Chamberlain discusses how similarities or dissimilarities in language may offer a clue to where New World populations came from. Finally is Alice C. Fletcher. Mrs. Fletcher examines the mental capacity, if you will of Native Americans by examining their myths, religious ideas, and their relation to nature.

Their article containing a wealth of information, from a variety of writers. Overall the writing is clear and easy to follow. The writers use description and examples well to make their points clear. Although some of their opinions may no longer be valued as true, these opinions do offer an interesting historical perspective as to where Anthropology was ninety years ago.

GERALD L. VAN BOLT Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fewkes, J. Walter et. al. The Problems of the Unity or Plurality and the Probable Place of Origin of the American Aborigines. American Anthropologist January-March 1912. 14(1): pgs. 1-59.

This article emerges from a session between the American Anthropological Association and Section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Sciences in 1911. These authors discussed different arguments for the place of origin of man and aboriginals of North America. The theories discussed by each author had a specific science used to support the theory. One was that of a historical context, written by Ales Hrdlicka, suggesting that American Aborigines were descendents of Canaanites. This example refers to a biblical origin of Natives. Hrdlicka also examines the physical characteristics of Indians in comparison to others to reach his conclusions.

There is also a geological theory presented by William H. Dall, which examines the conditions of the continents as to whether the theory those Natives emerged from Siberia, crossing the Bering Strait during the ice age. Dall suggest that the humans evolved in South America and migrated to the Old World. He also concludes that these humans crossed Alaska into Siberia and not vice versa. The paleontology view as to the emergence of humans us looked at by James W. Gidley. He states that man did not exist in North America during the Pleistocene period and that the first remains of human settlement in North America can be traced back to the last Ice age.Austin Hobart Clark examines a biological paleographic approach to the subject. He suggests that man reached North America from a land that existed where the Bering Strait is located.

There are many sciences that have been used to theorize about the origins of humans in general as well as the origin of man in North America. However this article seems more of a statement of beliefs than a scientific theory based on evidence.

DISHAN JEBAMONEY York University (Naomi Adelson)

Fishberg, Maurice. Remarks on Radosavljevich’s Critical Contributions to “School Anthropology”. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14:131-141.

In reference to an anthropometrical study conducted by Franz Boas, at the request of the United States Immigration Commission during the early part of the twentieth century, a preliminary report was submitted to Congress in December 1909 and was published around March 1910 with a statement that it was not complete. Subsequently, Dr. Radosavljevich submitted a critique of Boas’ preliminary work to American Anthropologist that was published in the July-September 1911 volume of the journal. Maurice Fishberg offers a scathing rebuttal to Dr. Radosavljevich’s article in “Remarks on Radosavljevich’s Critical Contributions to “School Anthropology.” He accuses Radosavljevich of “throwing dust in the eyes” of the readers, trying to impress them with lengthy quotes and irrelevant information. Furthermore, Fishberg accuses him of being dishonest and unfair to Professor Boas. Additionally, Fishberg thinly veils his disdain that American Anthropologist printed Radosavljevich’s article.

The author first rebukes the criticism because it only addressed the preliminary report, not the full findings. Secondly, Fishberg scoffs at the notion that 30,000 individuals is not an adequate sample. He accuses Radosavljevich of filling eleven pages with irrelevant information on “mechanical-functional”, “heredity,” and “geographical-local” theories. Then he reminds the reader that Boas had advanced no theories in the preliminary report, so there is no theory for Radosavljevich to refute. Additionally, he addresses the concern that Boas had assistants take many of the measurements, which was and still is a common practice. Also noted is the fact that Boas didn’t measure the height of the skull. At the time of the study and publications, there was no reliable method for measuring the height of the skull. Finally, Fishberg chastises Radosavljevich for misquoting Boas, and attributing remarks from Senator Dillingham to Boas. While this article wouldn’t offer the type of anthropological data that is included in the three articles it refers to, it is quite enjoyable to read. It offers a well phrased and supported argument.

HILARY H STITES Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fishberg, M. Remarks on Radosavljevich’s Critical Contribution to “School Anthropology” American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14: 131-141

In defense of Franz Boas’ study on the influences of environment on the formation of the human head, Maurice Fishberg offers harsh words to Boas’ critic, Radosavljevich.

Fishberg calls Radosavljevich’s critique simply, “poudre aux yeux” or “to throw dust in the eyes”. Fishberg states that Radosavljevich relies on erudite writing and ineffectual quotations from experts instead of hard proof to place Boas in a bad light.

Fishberg calls most of Radosavljevich’s writing irrelevant to the subject and unfair to Boas. Also, Radosavljevich is accused of quoting and explaining experts just to use “big words”. Throughout the article, Fishberg calls Radosavljevich “pathetic”, “unfair”, “ignorant”, and arrogant. He makes no attempt to hide his implications that Radosavljevich’s article is unfit to be published in American Anthropologist.

This article is dripping with sarcasm and blatant distaste for Radosavljevich. It displays an example of the conflict of theories in anthropology and the intense emotions that it can arouse.

ELISE GRETO York University ( Naomi Adelson )

Fletcher, Alice C. Wakondagi. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol.14:106-108.

Fletcher provides information on the use and meaning of the Omaha word wakondagi. The word seems to be derived from Wakonda, the Omaha term for the great mysterious force contained in all natural things and all parts of life. The author determines that wakondagi is used to express the active or physical manifestation of Wakonda.

Fletcher believes that wakondagi can only be interpreted in relation to its context. She gives three examples of how the word is used in Omaha. The Omaha use the word wakondagi most often when a child acquires a new ability, such as sitting up, walking, or speaking. This new ability is a sign of independence, and is proof that the child is becoming an individual with his own place in the tribe. The Omaha use wakondagi to describe mythical monsters. In this case it is almost a synonym for “mystery”. Similarly they use wakondagi to describe unfamiliar and frightening animals. Wakondagi is also used to denote an excessive use of physical power by a man.

The Omaha suffix -gi generally signifies possession. Fletcher expresses doubt that -gi is a suffix in the word wakondagi, although the use of the word sometimes seems to indicate possession (as when a child possesses and is possessed by the power derived from Wakonda). Fletcher suggests that we should not overanalyze this interpretation, so as not to ruin the original meaning of the word with our own definitions.

SARA DALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fletcher, Alice. Wakondagi. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14:106-108.

Wakondagi is a term used by the Omaha to explain mystical concepts and rare occurrences. Fletcher attempts to define the ancient word by analyzing the context in which it is used by the Omaha. The article “Wakondagi”, written in 1912, raises the awareness of the specific manner to categorize the occurrence as Wakondagi.

When gi’ is used as a suffix to mean “possessed by,”and wakonda means “mysterious life power permeating all natural form and forces and all phases of man’s conscious life.” Basically, this corresponds to the Ohama belief that a man’s power is directly related to his conscious mind.

It is commonly used while referring to a child’s independent ability to speak or walk. The others recognize the child as an individual, gives him a name and accepts him as part of the group. However, it is not considered to be Wakondagi should you loose and regain the ability to walk or speak. It’s only the first time that you were possessed by the mysterious power that the term Wakondagi can be used to describe the phenomenon.

The Omaha used the term Wakondagi to the first sighting of mythical monsters and never seen water-animals. For example the alligator was Wakondagi when first seen, because of it’s naturally frightening disposition. They used the term to ease their minds of concepts of which they were not familiar.

All in all, Wakondagi is accepted to explain actions, strange physical appearances and invisible powers.

MELISSA MOKEDANZ York University (Naomi Adelson)

Fletcher, Robert. Columns of Infamy. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14:636-642

While on tour of the Mediterranean Rear-Admiral Greer, of the United States Navy, happened across a stone pillar in Genoa, Italy. Rear-Admiral Greer was told by the locals that it, the pillar, was “Colonna d’infámia”, a column of infamy. The column was placed to commemorate the execution, by decapitation, of Julius Caesar Vacchero in 1628. Rear-Admiral Greer contacted article author Robert Fletcher who began to research the life of Julius Caesar Vacchero.

Initially there was very little information on Vacchero in Sismondi’s History of the Italian Republics. Mr. Fletcher then found that an account of the life of Julius Caesar Vacchero in the Archivio storico d’ Italia. This rare historical document was located in the Library of Congress. The story unfolds as such. Genoa, Italy was an incredibly wealthy community of merchants during the 17th century and Julius Caesar Vacchero was the “Mercadante richissimo”, the richest merchant of Genoa. The leaders of Genoa though were unfair and unjust, so Vacchero conspired with Giuliano Fornari to overthrow the old leaders and install a new government. Needless to say the attempt failed, Vacchero and his conspirators were tried, and then executed. Vacchero’s wife and sons were exiled from Genoa, his property confiscated along with his life.

Mr. Fletcher’s article shows how such a simple curiosity as a column of infamy can reveal a story of interest provided one is willing to do the research. Mr. Fletcher’s writing is clear and concise, and the story is one of interest, and seemingly well researched.

GERALD VAN BOLT Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Fletcher, Robert. Columns of Infamy. American Anthropologist, 1912. 14: pgs 636-642

This article looks at the discovery of columns in the waters of the Mediterranean Sea. It was discovered by Rear-Admiral Greer in the United States Navy. Upon discovering these columns, the admiral noticed that there was an inscription of the column. He then recorded what he found and sent it to Robert Fletcher to find out more details as to the origin, history and purpose for the columns.

The inscription is about a man named Julius Caesar Vacherie, who had conspired against the Republic of Italy in 1628. Vacherie lived in Genoa and along with other conspirators tried to overthrow the Republic. Upon finding out of the conspiracy, his subsequent trail and beheading was recorded on the pillars as a warning as well as a form of record keeping of the events that occurred.

This article is more a historical story rather than an anthropological study. The arguments support the events that led to the inscription on the pillars and a brief history of what happened. However I cannot see any scientific use for this article beyond a ‘bedtime story’.

DISHAN JEBAMONEY York University (Naomi Adelson)

Goldenweiser, A. A., The Origin of Totemism. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14: 600-607.

In his article, The origin of Totemism, A.A. Goldenweiser discusses several prominent theories pertaining to the origin of totemism, and then states his own theory on the matter. Totemism can currently be described as a kin group uses an animal or being as a means of social identification. These totems or the practice of totemism can be very complex and apply to every aspect of a clan or tribes existence. He states that all the theories indicate a plausible starting point as to the origin of the totemic process. The theory proposed by the scholars who Goldenweiser referred to as Hill-Tout suggested that the totem was a reflection of how a clan viewed their guardian spirit. Goldenweiser did not disagree with this point entirely. He disagreed with the notion that this religious view was the single reason for the origin of totemism.

The scholar, Haddon proposed another hypothesis discussed in the article. Haddon proposed the taboo-theory on the origin of totemism. The taboo theory suggests that totems are derived according to animals, hunting them and the relations and localities of other clans. In fact he cites the African tribal people the Bantu as deriving their practice of totemism from this very phenomenon.

The next theory, proposed by Spencer and Gillen, described by Goldenweiser was the conceptional theory of the origin of totemism. This discussion will not address this theory because of the lack of a suitable description by Goldenweiser. As for the conceptional theory, it is believed by Spencer and Gillen that clans derive their totems from spirits originally connected with individuals. The conceptional theory again was discredited and referred to as the least plausible of the aforementioned theories. The disagreement once again stated on the grounds that the origin of totemism did not evolve universally from one concept.

The theory that Goldenweiser supported the most would be that of “the late Andrew Lang”. Lang’s theory also closely resembles the definition provided at the start of this summary. This educated guess, apparently titled Lang’s theory, purports that totemism is derived from animal and plant names given to social groups. Goldenweiser recognizes the strength of Lang’s theory but still dismisses it because he is not convinced that there is a universal origin of totemism.

The author’s discussion then addresses the notion that all of these theories may in fact be particular features of a specific social organization. It may hold true that the particular feature appeared first in a said clan or tribe and later developed into a totemic practice.

The author, A.A. Goldenweiser, at this point begins to discuss ideas and what he calls the totemic complex. Goldenweiser makes another mention of the partial validity of the theories proposed by his contemporary fellow scholars. He states that these theories may be stages or component in the totemic complex. Furthermore, Goldenweiser states that the totemic complex involves the cooperation of “so many different agents. Goldenweiser stated that all of the characteristics of the totemic complex did not arise independently, rather they were products of a process of diffusion among clans.

A tribe may be divided into clans or other respective social groups. Each group may derive a characteristic of a totem, but is not yet involved in the complex of totemism. The complex of totemism is initiated when the characteristics are diffused through the different clans and at some point entirely through out the tribe.

Finally, in conclusion A.A. Goldenweiser, states his theory; the pattern theory of the origin of totemism. The theory suggest that a totemic feature may arise one at a time in separate clans, spread from clan to clan, each socializing the feature into there culture. This is the pattern by which clans eventually evolve the totemic complex. A.A. Goldenweiser’s pattern theory of the origin of totemism is solid. The discussion altogether was difficult to decipher. However, it would be a valuable article for one researching the various aspects of totemism.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Goldenweiser, A. A. The Origin of Totemism. American Anthropologist 1913 Vol. 14: 600-607

In this article the author discusses the origin as well as the purpose and significance of the totem. The author examines the many different theories and arguments about the subject. The author argues that the main purpose of the totem is regarded as the religious trait it had in common with the individual guardian spirit and the animal protector of a religious society.

The author discusses three origins of the totem. The first by his study in bush-souls. Another about the magical ceremonies of the Aranda and the third with the Aranda’s curious beliefs about the conception of children (the conceptional theory of the origin of totemism. The author states that no significance should be attached to the assertion that a certain feature was the origin of totemism.

The author believes that tribes are divided into different clans that represent different parts of the totem. The central point of this theory of the origin of totemism lies in the conception that the building up of a totemic complex consists of a series of totemic features which appear one by one, spread from clan to clan, become socialized in the clans and absorbed in the complex. The theory may thus be called the pattern theory of the origin of totemism.

The author concludes by stating that the pattern theory may be regarded as a theory of the origin of totemism only in so far as it represents an attempt to suggest the mechanism of totemic processes, or what may be called “the particular go” of totemic complexes.

LINDSAY GRANT York University (Naomi Adelson)

Hagar, Stansbury. The Mexican Maize Season in the Codex Fejervary-Mayer. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14: 525-529.

In this article Hagar discusses the Mexican maize season as mentioned in the Codex Fejervary-Mayer. Hagar first uses excerpts of a paper written by Duran in which Duran likens the asterisms with today’s zodiac signs. A mummy, a symbol of the Death God, represents the zodiac signs of Cancer, Virgo and Libra, which are associated with the maturing of the maize crop on the Mexican terrain.

The author then goes into more detail about the depiction of the maize growing cycle in the Codex. In a succession of illustrations the Water Goddess is shown supporting a maize plant that is sloping. A cloud tree that is located above the Goddess pours rain upon the burnt offering. This represents the months of June and July (and the sign of Cancer), when the young maize receives bountiful rain showers. Next the sky is half clouded and half lit, suggesting August showers. The maize plant is now much more erect and is supported by a god. Thirdly, the maize plant is shown fully erect and ripening and is supported by the Rain God who has brought it maturity. This corresponds with the zodiac sign of Virgo and the month of September. Lastly, a drawing shows a small, unfertile plant with a single ripe ear being attacked by four birds and a mouse; a warrior deity protects it. This is interpreted as the barren months of September and signs of Libra and Scorpio when the rain stops and vegetation starts to die. In October the farmer tries to reap the last crop driving away the birds and mice.

The author explores the association of the Mexican zodiac signs with the maize crop and accommodates the interpretations of many researchers. The article will be of interest to those who are interesting in Mexican astronomical symbols.

DENISE PUGH Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Hagar, Stansbury. The Mexican Maize Season in the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer. American Anthropologist 1912 14: 525-529.

Right from the beginning of this article, Hagar is confusing. He opens this piece with: “The writer has referred in a previous paper to the group of asterisms which Duran pictures as governing the eighteen month of the Mexican year.” There is no information as to whom the writer in question is, nor is he or she ever mentioned again. Furthermore, there is no form of a thesis or even a description of what the following article is about.

Hagar continues to describe the symbols and sequences found on the various pages of something called the Codex Fejéráry-Mayer, without actually telling what this text is. He discusses these depictions, how they are related, and the correspondence inferred from these relations.

Hagar then begins to describe another sequence of images, these making more sense, unlike the previous ones which he never actually refers to again. It is unknown to the reader what importance these symbols infer. The second set of images are much more understandable, and Hagar is much more descriptive of them. He describes these representations and their relations with one another and what each relation implies.

In summary, this article could be a very well written description of the text used to depict the harvest cycle of the Mexican maize season. It fails to be so however, due to the poorly written introduction and completely unrelated first topic.

MICHAEL FILLITER York University, Toronto (Naomi Adelson)

Harrington, John P. The Tewa Indian Game of “Canute.” American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14: 243-286.

In this article, Harrington provides an in-depth account of a Tewa game played by the Tewa Pueblo people of New Mexico. Game sticks used to play the Tewa game, now currently played by the current villagers, were found in archaeological excavation of the same region. The Tewa game is one of many “hidden ball games” played by many North American tribes. The Tewa game is very similar to a game played in Zuni where the game was sacred to the gods and played as part of religious ritual. The Tewa game, however, lacks religious significance. This may be due in part to Mexican acculturation of the villagers.

The object of the game is to guess correctly, on the third guess, which of four sticks contains a pin that is hidden in one of the sticks by someone on the opposing side. The sticks are anywhere from four inches to over a foot long and made out of soft wood. There are two sides and ten players or more on each side. Two piles of loose dirt are formed, one for each side playing the game. Kernels of corn are used as counters to keep track of the winnings made by each team. The game is played by males only and can go on for hours. If the guesser finds the pin on the first guess, his side has to pay the opposing side ten counters out of their pool. If he finds the pin on the second try, his team gives up six counters. If he guesses correctly on his fourth try, his team gives up four counters. But if he finds it on his third guess his side gets to keep the stick. The side that exhausts all of its counters loses the game. Tactics such as taunting and singing are used to get the guesser confused. Cheating and gambling for money and other possessions are regularly practiced.

The article gives detailed explanation, along with illustrations, of the arrangements of the sticks and their representations. Sticks are arranged to depict figures of celestial objects, animals, geographical features, the human body and its parts, houses, and weapons. Harrington adds that the series of changing figures and the overall antics used in the game makes it entertaining for both the players and onlookers. He believes that the connection between present and past cultures as exemplified in the Tewa game brings value to archaeological as well as ethnological studies.

DENISE PUGH Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Harrington, John. The Tewa Indian Game of “Canute”. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14:243-286.

In this article, John Harrington offers a detailed description, based on fieldwork, of the Pueblo Indian game Canute that has been examined by both archaeologists and ethnologists. This game is played only by men and is one version of the hidden ball games, which can be found in several Southwestern U.S. Pueblo Indians groups such as the Zuni. The equipment needed for Canute consists of four hollow, decorated, wooden sticks ranging from four inches to a foot and one quarter of an inch to two inches in diameter, a pin made of either wood, bone, or metal, and counters which consist of corn kernels, beans, or seeds.

The object of the game is to collect all the counters by trying to guess the location of the pin. One of the teams tries to win the position of being the first to guess in the game by speculating as to which of the two sticks contains a pin. Once this is done, the team that has been selected to guess congregates around the opposing team’s loose pile of dirt or sand. On the pile sticks have been arranged according to one of the many patterns based on celestial formations, animals, geographic features, humans, houses, or religious dances. The guessing team must select the stick that contains the pin on the third guess in order to gain possession and therefore have a chance to collect counters. If the pin is found on the first guess, the team that hid it receives ten counters. If picked on the second deduction then six counters are given and four are given if found on the fourth guess. The counters are all placed in a communal pile at the start of the game and are removed as they are won. Once that community pile runs out, the counters are then taken from the opposing team’s pile until one team has sole possession of all counters.

Canute, like most games, encompasses practices outside of the initial ground rules such as betting and cheating. Another example of a practice external to the game is the songs of encouragement that are often sung for the teammate currently guessing. More often, however, the opposing team sings songs to distract and tease the guesser. An additional aspect of Canute is the multiple techniques and various orders in which the sticks are selected when guessing the pin’s location. Such options include moving the three probable empty sticks aside, selecting one stick and then using it to hit the stick believed to contain the pin, or even dropping the primary stick to see which it hits and letting that be the next selected stick. It is these additional practices that Harrington believes supply onlookers with endless entertainment.

ELIZABETH H. HOLSAPPLE Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Harrington, John P. Tewa Relationship Terms. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14:472-498.

Tewa Relationship Terms by John P. Harrington is an article in which Harrington trys to describe certain aspects of the Tewa language. Harrington has gathered information from the villages of San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, San Juan, and Nambe. All of these villages are located near Sante Fe. Harrington also states that he believes that the Tewa classificatory system is somewhat primitive and that the Tewa use “more descriptive terms denoting relationship” than in our own extensive English system.

Harrington begins his argument by paying special attention of the use of post-joined ‘e and notes that it does not appear to be used by any other Southwestern language system. He comments on the various uses of this letter. Harrington goes on to comment how the Tewa, as do most tribes of the Southwest, have relationship terms for everyone even if they are not family related by bloodline.

Harrington gives some background information into the life of the Tewa and their marriage customs. It appears that most women have at least one child out of wedlock before they enter into marriage. Nevertheless, the children of said marriages belong to the clan that the father belongs to. The author then gives an account of how the children are named. Most have an Indian name as well as a Spanish name, which is given to them at Baptism.

Harrington’s article then gives some relationship terms in a dictionary type format that he has separated into four distinct headings: consanguinity, relationship through marriage, sex and age, and miscellaneous. He also provides relationship diagrams for reference.

Harrington concludes his article by stating that he would have liked to make his list more complete but due to time constraints, that was not possible. This article was somewhat easy to follow and Harrington appears to have some knowledge into this subject. He bases his article on his own fieldwork as well as research he has done of Native American languages.

KAREN McCARTHY: Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Harrington, John P. Tewa Relationship Terms. American Anthropologist. 1912. N.S. 14: 472-498.

The author, John P. Harrington, reviews in some detail relationship terms found among the Tewa-speaking Pueblo Indians who at that time occupied five villages northwest of Santa Fé, New Mexico and one village in northeastern Arizona,

Harrington describes the “common talk” of the Tewa as “more descriptive terms denoting relationship are used than even our highly analytic English system.” Restated throughout the article is the concept that relationship terms can reflect not only a blood-connection, but also an implied relationship that Tewa children learn to use almost immediately. He also highlights the postjoined ‘E, being used in many of the terms, as distinct and noteworthy of future exploration.

There are no resources or references listed after the article; however, the author cites his resources where used. Harrington frequently cites a Miss Barbara Freire-Marreco as being a source of information, but unfortunately her relationship to the article is not identified.

Relationship terms include words of Tewa and Mexican origin as the Tewa at that time spoke both Tewa and Spanish. The terms are presented under the areas of consanguinity, relationship through marriage, sex and age, and a large “miscellaneous” category.

Under consanguinity the reader will find defining terms for self and direct lines such as mother, father, siblings, grandfather, grandmother, aunts, uncles and cousins and the like. For collateral lines, broader terms such as pa’ arE describe not only familiar relations for elder brother and for elder sister who is not married, but were also used to denote the relation between any superior and inferior governmental officers.

Relationships through marriages show the use of terms such as husband as well as sex-age nouns such as old man, husband. Even more casual definitions are found here with the word sa’E used both for daughter-in-law and for the daughter-in-law of a relative or friend.

The miscellaneous category reflects the most use of relationship terms where the term does not necessarily reflect a blood-connection but an implied relationship. These figurative terms were sometimes used in conjunction with the Indian name to form nicknames such as Grandma Beard, or more simply to describe a Tewa of the same age who was not intimately related. Relationship terms were also found in Tewa myths, for example in two ways of describing Giants.

Of related interest are the social-cultural descriptions of everyday Tewa life such as entitlement to children, names, naming and marriage ceremonies. [It is noted that in describing the sexual practices of Tewa, moral overtones used by the author were consistent with the time period.] In addition, the author offers a goodly number of examples of Spanish and Indo-Germanic language to contrast and clarify the Tewa terms and definitions.

ALISON PENTLAND-FOLK York University (Naomi Adelson)

Haseman, J. D. Some Notes on the Pawumwa Indians of South America. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14, 333-349

Haseman has recorded a compilation of three years of fieldwork, which took place in Brazil. Haseman travels down Guapore, which is one of the rivers in tropical South America. The Garpore empties into the Malto Grosso near the headwaters of Rio Paraguay.

He explains how after first having met the Pawumwa, they were shaking in fear. Even after he had learned a few words in their language they would run and hide. He came to the realize that unlike the other Indian tribes, the Pawumwa were not at all affected by the civilization of the white man. In his more involved study Haseman recorded them as being very peaceful. He records their agriculture as being adequate and well distributed. And that the population had forms of authority within the tribe.

In concluding his observations on the Pawumwa tribe he ends by pointing out that they are a nervous, excitable, cowardly race. And that they have become dangerous due to contact with the white man. It is imperative that they not be considered cannibals.

SIMON ISRAEL York University: (Naomi Adelson)

Haseman, J. D. Some Notes on the Pawumwa Indians of South American. American Anthropologist April-June, 1912 Vol.14(2): 333-349

J. D. Haseman’s article gives a brief overview of the Pawumwa Indians of Brazil. He mentions that his purpose in this writing is to give his observations of the Pawumwa Indians, who in 1907-1910 were still untouched or unknown to the civilizations of the “white man” . In the beginning of the article he is very honest about the fact that he was the only white man, with no interpreters, trying to communicate with the Pawumwa Indians. Throughout the article he gave his explanations for why the Indians did the things he observed them doing. When he comes across an example of the Pawumwa lifestyle that he has no explanation for, he admittedly says so.

Haseman begins with basic descriptions of the landscape, vegetation, animal life and climate, so that the reader can become familiar with his surroundings. He then goes on to describe the physical aspects of the Pawumwa Indians. Haseman also explains how the agriculture is preformed as a community, and labor is controlled by the chief. He discusses the process of courtship and marriage. Along with things like hunting styles and food choice and preparation. One of the most interesting observations he made about the food that was eaten by the Pawumwa was that there was an absence of salt in their food. He believed that their odd body odor was due to a lack of salt in the food and urged that further studied be conducted.

This article did not appear to be based on any formal scientific research design. It was written to inform others that this culture exists and needs to be studied further before they become influenced by the “whites men” and rubber cutters of the area. So in the end (and throughout) the article he mentions a few areas where he felt further investigation and explanations are needed, providing as much of the language he could and also listing the places where Pawumwa Indians could be found.

Overall this article gave a good starting description of the Pawumwa Indians. The writing was interesting, and the article provides a basis for further. Haseman does exactly what he set out to do with this article: give his observations as much as possible from the viewpoint of the Pawumwa Indians.

ASHLEY CASS Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Laflesche, Francis. Osage Marriage Customs. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol.14: 127-130

In this article the author’s objective is to describe marriage customs of the Osage. The main focus of this article is to explain the two forms of marriage recognized as a legal marriage amenable by the state. These two forms of marriages are called Mizhi and Omiha. Mizhi is a marriage between the youth and the maiden and Omiha is where both the youth and maiden have been married once before. It is believed that at the age of puberty known as Tse’ga, no which means, “newly grown” this is a marriageable age meaning one has reached adulthood. The maiden and youth are not allowed to socialize with each other unless they are in the present of relatives they are strictly guarded.

Laflesche tries to explain the reason for the couple being excluded from each other. He

points out that it is the families’ responsibility for the arrangement of the marriage and therefore the couple cannot get involved in the affairs of their superiors.

The family of the husband takes the initiatory step towards the marriage of the their son. His parent’s duty is to find him a suitable wife. Also his parents summon the old four men whom are called “Nigka do or “Goodman”. This is a man who has been married and raised children to adulthood. Typically, this male has reached the age of being a grandfather. He is knowledgeable and had gained wisdom by following tribal customs.

Before accepting the marriage proposal the uncle on the maternal side as to be consulted before the discussion is made because he has to give his consent on the marriage. The uncle on the mother side is an important influence and figure in the maiden life therefore her uncle has to be notified before any life changing discussions are made.

In this article the main focus is the tribal and marriage customs of the Osage. Laflesche explains the initiatory steps taken by the families and the youth and maiden in keeping tradition. He also explains the moral and religious beliefs about cohabitation between a female and a male and how it is considered to show disregard for tribal customs, as well as denying parental authority.

RITA ELSWICK Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

LaFlesche, Francis. Osage Marriage Customs. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol:14 127-130

This is a short article discussing the two types of legally recognized marriage amongst the Osage.

First he discusses the Mizhi marriage, which takes place between two people who have never been married. The woman must wait to be sought out by the relatives of a man. If a relativeon the mans side finds a female that will make a suitable wife, four men are sought out. They are called “Nigka do he”, meaning good man. They are the negotiators between the two families. LaFlesche goes on to discuss another form of marriage, the Omiha, between people who have become separated or divorced. This process is a little shorter than the customs carried out in the Mizhi marriage but no less important. In this marriage the man simply sends a messenger to the woman with gifts. The man also gives the woman’s parents gifts. There is a third situation that is not a legally recognized marriage. Sometimes a young man falls in love with a woman but in fear of opposition from the parents, he lives with her in secret. This is called a “Gasho the migtho ge” meaning “in disregard of tribal customs”. The parents often want them to hurry up and get married “legally” upon finding out about their cohabitation. The man who went against tribal customs will never be one of the men summoned as a “Nigka do he”.

This article is important in understanding the different kinds of marriage customs there are in the world.

RIE KOREEDA York University (Naomi Adelson)

Leuba, James H. The Varieties, Classification, and Origin of Magic. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14:350-367.

Magic is defined as those practices that intend to secure some definite gain by coercitive action in essential disregard of 1) quantitative findings in the ordinary, and scientific dealings with the world, 2) the anthropopathic (i.e. the ascription of human feelings to a God) relations among people. Magic frequently holds a coercitive power over people. It aims to compel souls, spirits or gods to do the operator’s will, or to prevent the gods from doing their own. Leuba posits that this behaviour is a religious type, but the actual use of the magical power secured from the spirit is magic. In order to understand the origins of magic, Leuba analyses the widely used classificatory system of magic based on the writings of J. G. Frazer.

There are two major principles, all under the general name of Sympathetic Magic because both assume that things act on each other at a distance through a “secret sympathy”. The first principle is the Law of Similarity: the magician believes that he can produce any effect he wants simply by imitating it. The second principle is the Law of Contact or Contagion: the magician believes that what he does to a material object will affect equally the person with whom the object was once in contact. Both principles assume that things continue to act upon each other at a distance even after the physical contact has been stopped. It is completely dependent upon the conviction that something that has happened once will happen again.

The major question is whether or not the “savage” acts on one or both of these principles. Leuba believes that the savage uses both types of magic, and that Frazer’s classifications are inadequate. More importantly, the system does not consider Will-Magic. The Law of Similarity has two tenets — like produces like (e.g. if two things have elements in common, what happens to one will happen to the other) and that an effect resembles its cause (e.g. want a tumor to dry up, therefore make something else dry up). These effects produced by the magician imitating, are not a requirements for will-magic. Therefore the law is incomplete.

Leuba adds several more principles: the principle of repetition (i.e. if it happens once, it will therefore happen again), the principle of transmission (i.e. action on one object will happen to another object, if objects are connected in the mind of the magician), and the principle of efficiency of will-effort (i.e. nature of power involved in magical operation, and relation of the power to the magician). Leuba also proposes an alternate classificatory scheme based upon the nature of the power they illustrate: practices where there is no idea of power in the operator, practices where the magician has powers that transfer from objects related to him, and practices of will-magic whereby the magician feels his will-effort is a factor.

MARY CHUNG York University (Naomi Adelson)

Leuba, James H. The Varieties, Classification, and Origin of Magic. American Anthropologist 1912 vol. 14

In this article James Leuba discusses and attempts to classify different forms of magic. He assesses other authors’ classification systems before attempting to distinguish the origins of these different forms of magic.

James Leuba begins by looking at J. G. Frazer’s ideas on the classification of magic according to the Law of Similarity and the Law of Contact or Contagion. The Law of Similarity implies that by imitating the effect that one desires you may achieve a magical effect. The Law of Contact or Contagion implies an object may be manipulated by another object with which it was once in contact. Leuba finds that Frazer’s classification is a good start but that it may not be thorough enough. Instead, he develops a classification system including three categories. The first category is the Principle of Repetition, stating that if something happens once it is likely to happen again. The second is the Principle of Transmission of an Effect from one Object to Another, implying that if an object is linked to another in some way you may manipulate one object through the other. The third is the Principle of Efficiency of Will-Effort. In this principle, the individual seems to will something to achieve the affect the individual is looking for.

After classifying magic Leuba explores a few of the possible origins of magic. The “this” and “that” theory is discussed first. Using magic to preserve essential parts of life and to avoid catastrophe may also be origins. Magic may also be a spontaneous action or not be considered magic until a later outcome.

James Leuba uses many examples to back up his arguments. He draws from the experiences and writings of others to make conclusions that seem objective.

LAURA WARREN Southern Illinois University (Dr. Jonathan Hill)

Locke, L. Leland. The Ancient Quipu, a Peruvian Knot Record American Anthropologist, 1912 Vol 14:325-332.

The Ancient Quipu, a Peruvian Knot Record, provides an explanation of, as well as some basic instructions on reading the quipu that was the Inca’s version of the abacus: an instrument that served to record mathematical information.

In the Quichua language the word quipu means “knot” and the people in charge of the records were called quipucaymoyas. The Incas possessed no form of writing and instead used the quipu as their form of record keeping. Some have surmised that the quipu were also used for royal orders, orations, poems, traditions and historical data, but the knots were used purely for numerical purposes.

The article contains several pictures of the Quipu for visual aide. It also contains details of their manufacture including a listing of the materials from which they were made. The cords could be left un-dyed, or dyed colors such as red, yellow, etc.

A table of the different knot readings and colors is provided for further understanding of the translation of the quipu.

The article provides a thorough analysis of the Incan quipu knot record and dispels any myths or confusion surrounding their purpose, which was to record only mathematical records. Locke’s article also contains an explanatory introductory paragraph by David Eugene Smith, which neatly sums up the entire article. This is an excellent source of base material for anyone interested in the quipu.

MARSHA PATAKY Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Locke, Leland L. The Ancient Quipu, A Peruvian Knot Record. American Anthropologist

In “The Ancient Quipu, A Peruvian Knot Record” Leland Locke examines the use of quipus (ancient knots) among the Incas of Peru. The overall question considered regards the use of these knots as numerical records and narrative pieces. Ultimately Locke’s concludes that the quipus of the Inca were in fact used solely for numerical purposes.

Locke believes five sources must be considered when studying quipu. These sources include: 1) Spanish statements made after the Conquest; 2) drawings of quipu; 3) surviving ancient quipu specimens (mostly from Peruvian graves); 4) present day quipu; and 5) first hand accounts of the use of quipu dating from the Conquest to today. Looking at a specimen from the Bandelier collection in the American Museum of Natural History in New York City, Locke compares his findings with that of a Peruvian writer of Spanish and Incan descent, Garcilasso de la Vega, who recounted the use of quipus during the sixteenth century. Garcilasso de la Vega indicated in his writings that the quipus were used as a numerical documentation. Unfortunately, Locke does not offer any of the original comments or findings of Garcilasso de la Vega that were used during the comparison.

Locke’s findings led him to believe that there is no evidence of quipus being used for any other purpose than a numerical device. Record keeping seemed to be the only goal in mind when using the quipu (not counting or calculating).

SARAH SOMMERS Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Lowie, Robert H. Some Problems on the Ethnology of the Crow and Village Indians. American Anthropologist 1912. Vol.14:60-71.

This article discusses a number of questions that developed while studying the Crows and other neighboring tribes. The author uses the Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa to compare and contrast with the Crows. He determines that secondary association and borrowing have effected the character and course of development in all the mentioned tribes. Later in the article, Lowie gives an example of a secondary association with a borrowed ceremonial complex and how it is adapted and effected in an already pre-existing tribal system.

In order to present proof of the influence of these neighboring tribes, the author presents evidence in a series of “problems”. The first being the possible influence of the Caddoan tribes in the development of culture in the Northwest Plains. He uses the influence of the Arikara, which is confined to single societies or ceremonies. For example, the earth-lodges of the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Omaha, the Medicine Pipe ceremony of the Omaha, and the Hot Dance of the Mandan and Hidatsa were all believed to have originated with the Arikara. The second issue the author discusses is the idea that the Crows and Hidatsa are form the same stock. Lowie’s proof is based on linguistics, the relationship being very close and pointing to a recent separation. Because of this, one would suppose a close cultural relationship, but, as Lowie points out, this is not the case when considering differences in religious and social organizations among the Hidatsa and Crows. The third issue Lowie discusses is the comparison of the social organizations of the Crows and Hidatsa. Because both had maternal descent, while all the other Siouan tribes had paternal descent, this, the author believes is a peculiarity among the Crows and Hidatsa; which gains significance due to its absence in other tribes. Finally, the author compares the various age societies of the four tribes. For example, among the Crows the age societies are not religious, but military organizations; while among the Hidatsa and Mandan they have many religious traits.

DANA L BURKE Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams).

Maccurdy, George Grant. International Congress of Prehistoric Anthropology and Archaeology, Geneva. American Anthropologist September,1912 Vol. 14 (3):621-631.

George Grant Maccurdy outlines the events of the Fourteenth International Congress of Prehistoric Anthropology and Archaeology, which took place in Geneva, Switzerland in 1912. 149 delegates from 20 nations were present with a favorable total enrollment of 600. The last congress was held six years earlier, in Monaco, Spain. During this passage of time a great deal of progress had taken place. Thus, Maccurdy laments that there was little time (only about ten minutes) for each speaker to discuss his or her findings. Fortunately, there were a great number of exhibits to illustrate the findings. Two of the most notable exhibits were the Elephas antiquus specimens and the Celt-Iberian sepultures.

At this congress, a few amendments were adopted that had been proposed at the previous congress. First, the official language of the Congress would be French, with English, Italian, and German as secondary languages. Second, studies submitted to the Congress would exceed no more than four per author. Also, an anthropometric commission was instated. This commission convened during the Congress to formulate the International Agreement for the Unification of Anthropometric Measures on the Living. In other words, it would name protocols for the anthropometric (human bodily) measurements to be used by anthropologists in conducting research. Recommendations were also made for the next congress concerning the acceptance of the Spanish language in the forum and the division of its program into three sections: (1) the stone age, (2) the age of metals and, (3) anthropology.

Three additional resolutions were adopted. Slavic societies were made to submit resumes in a specified secondary language. Reproductions of prehistoric metal objects were to be casted in order to guard against loss due to theft or natural causes. Finally, the Congress was encouraged to forge amicable relations with the new international congress.

Maccurdy continues in with declaring the date of the next international congress. He also notes the many generous contributors in research and foresees that they would catapult the progress being made in prehistoric studies. Also, noted were the social functions and the excursions that were held by participants.

SARAH RICHARDSON Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

MacCurdy, George Grant. Notes on the Ancient Art of Central America. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14 314:319

In this piece the author’s objective is to inform the reader of various forms of ancient art from Central America. By observing stone amulets and other carved artifacts, the author is able to acquire more knowledge on the native people within specific areas of Central America. The Indians of Talamanca mainly reside in the southeastern area of Costa Rica as well as the territory as far east as Almirate bay. He notes, “the principle tribes are the Biribi, theCabecar, the Uren and the Tiribi” (1912:314).

MacCurdy provides more detail on the artifacts by explaining what creates their physical construction. He describes a stone amulet formerly used by the Indians of Talamanca as “rare and attractive in colour” and continues with “The acid test reveals the presence of calcite. The material is considered by Professor William E. Ford to be an impure limestone” (1912:314).

The article’s basic argument is that these decorative ornaments were mainly used as neck ornaments or used “in lieu of the more precious figurines of gold” (1912:315). He backs up his argument by describing how each tribe made use of the pieces: “The Talamanca chiefs on great occasions wear gold ornaments, similar to those now found on graves of Chiriqui” (1912:317). Normally, ornaments are made of more precious materials. For many reasons one would not normally find ornaments made of clay, and where they existed, they symbolized a more appropriate medium.

The author successfully provides a clear understanding of the stones and ornaments found within Central America.

ANGELA ADU York University (Naomi Adelson)

MacCurdy, George Grant. Notes on the Ancient Art of Central America. American Anthropologist May, 1912 Vol. 14 (2): 314-319.

The main issue that author George MacCurdy dabbles with is the concept of imitation throughout Central American art. Art in this region is similar throughout the many tribes, and MacCurdy suggests that mimicry may account for some of this. He gives examples of specific artifacts and their resemblance to each other. A prime example is the stone Amulet of Talamanca. The amulet has the shape of a frog and is carved out of a material thought to be an impure limestone. What makes this artifact significant are the flattened feet. The author believes that the feet were carved flat to imitate the style of a goldsmith. Amulets were made of gold in the region, and MacCurdy believes they were replicated in stone to serve a similar purpose at a lesser cost. Another fine example of similar style in this region is the two plaques he sites at the end of the article. The clay plaque bears a remarkable resemblance to the gold plaque. The similarities between these two artifacts are very distinct, with only slight variation. While the similarities are most likely due to mimicry, I must question the differences. The clay plaque has only four mounds rather than five, as well as only one ring rather than two. Maybe the distance traveled by the art is the reason for this. Distance is most likely the cause of the variation. It is possible that multiple cultures located between these two may have had similar plaques, and the variation due to distance. Another possibility may be that a traveler captured the idea in his travels and did not remember the exact details during the replication. The author uses artifacts to compare similarities between them. This method allows MacCurdy to provide precise examples while citing similarities.

TOM SAWYER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Mechling, William H. The Indian Linguistic Stocks of Oaxaca, Mexico. American Anthropologist 1912. Vol.14:643-682.

In his article, Mechling discusses and does comparisons of the languages of the Oaxaca. The author also states that more studies need to be done in order to know exactly how many stocks of the Oaxaca language there really are. Due to a lack of knowledge of the morphology of the Oaxaca languages, he believes that any attempt to classify them on a morphological basis is impossible. It is the author’s belief that many of the vocabularies collected were not recorded with enough accuracy to determine how extensive the differences among the languages are. The vocabularies the author is referring to, he believes, were collected by those without previous experience and/or uniformity, and the letters used to write the languages only used Spanish Mexican lettering systems.

The author then makes comparisons of all the languages and divides them into families based on the vocabularies given by Dr. Antonio Penafiel, whom collected vocabularies from all over Mexico, which a third of those were Oaxaca. At the conclusion of the article, Mechling extensively lists the names of the villages from which Penafiel’s vocabularies came. These vocabularies had approximately 250 words collected for each. Because of the amount of information available on the Oaxaca, and due to the complexity and confusion that existed concerning the linguistic stocks, the author believes that a study of the vocabularies would be of some importance.

The classification Mechling presents results from Penafiel’s vocabularies. The author understands and states that his system is not final classification of these languages, but merely a start. He describes 8 stocks; Zapotec, Mixtec, Mazatec, Chinatec, Chontal, Huave, Zoque, Mexican; and in each of those stocks, he further divides those stocks into more languages. For example, Zapotec into Zapotec, Solteca, Chatino; Mixtec into Mixteco, Cuicateco, and Amusgo; Mazatec into Chocho-Popoloco, Mazatec-Ixcateco, and Trique; Chinantec into Chinateco; Chontal into Chontal; Huave into Huave; Zoque into Zoque and Mixe; and lastly, Mexican. The author provides word lists for each stock in order to support his classification of the languages. And in some instances, quotes directly from various sources, some of which support Moechling’s classification, and others that he refutes.

The author also briefly mentions maps, and the importance of them in locating the language areas. He discusses a few of the maps made by Orozco y Berra, Nicolas Leon, Swanton and Thomas, Gerodette, and Francisco Belamr (which he believes is the best map for the locating the Oaxaca languages.)

DANA L BURKE Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P.Williams).

Mechling, William H. The Indian Linguistic Stocks of Oaxaca, Mexico. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14:643-82.

Mechling’s paper is based on the works of Dr. Antonio Pe afiel’s collection of vocabularies of Oaxaca. Mechling feels a necessity to study the linguistic stocks of Oaxaca to try to clear confusion surrounding the topic. The vocabularies that he uses consist of 250 words each.

The author offers many different interpretations compiled by other linguists. He presents their works in terms of divisions of ‘stock.’ Each language is placed in a ‘stock’ or ‘family’. For example, Orozco y Berra’s classification accounted for seven dialects in which he separated into three different stocks. Some of the other linguists that Mechling refutes include Pimentel, Leon, Brinton, Belmar, Thomas and Swanton. After each of these representations, Mechling offers reasons as to why these classifications are deemed inaccurate. Most of them are disregarded based on the absence of evidentiary findings. None of the classifications presented by the other linguists offer supporting arguments for their linguistic ‘maps’.

After Mechling disregards other linguists’ accounts he presents his own classification of linguistic stock based on Pe afiel’s vocabularies. He believes that it is necessary to make comparisons between all the languages and to divide them into families based on the resemblances shown in Pe afiel’s vocabularies. Mechling separates all of the dialects into eight families. He includes a vocabulary list to demonstrate how he distinguished and separated languages. For each language, he provides geographical historical and social background information. In addition to this division, he also notes how many dialects fit into that particular stock. He goes on to describe what some of the other linguist say about that particular language.

As an example, Mechling’s first stock is the Zapotec family, which includes the Zapotec, Solteco and Chatino languages. In Pimentel’s study of this particular stock, he classifies Zapotec and Mixtec in the same family. He came to this conclusion by relying heavily on morphological resemblances, such as the lack of plurals in nouns in both languages. Mechling writes that Orozco y Berra, Brinton, Leon, and Belmar follow Pimentel’s example. With regards to their lexical affinities Pimentel says: ‘Although Zapotec and Mixtec show close morphological resemblances, still the greater part of their vocabularies are different.’ He then gives a list of words which he considers alike, but even these show little resemblance.”

Mechling uses the same type of analysis and procedures for the remaining seven language stocks. He does not offer a summary or conclusion of his study.

ALEKSANDRA STANIMIROVIC York University (Naomi Adelson).

Parker, Arthur C. Certain Iroquois Tree Myths and Symbols. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14:608-620.

Arthur C. Parker’s article examines various Iroquois tree myths and symbols, and how they are incorporated into decorative art. The tree of peace and the tree of light are two Iroquoian symbols that date back to 1684. According to colonial records, these symbols were used in peaceful relations among the Indians. These symbols are also found in wampum code and in ritual folk cults. Other Indian groups such as the Seneca and the Delaware also have their own variations and meanings of these “world trees”. Tree symbols appear in decorative art as created by the Algonquian, the Huron, and the Iroquois. Over time the true meaning of the symbol may either be forgotten, and newly created explanations would often arise. The symbols are embroidered on garments such as moccasins, leggings, and skirts, and are sometimes aesthetically modified for marketing purposes. The article concludes by giving other examples of decorative art, and is flanked with illustration. This article should interest those studying Iroquoian myth, ceremony, or art.

Michael Meyers Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Parker, A. C. Certain Iroquois Tree Myths and Symbols. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14: 608-619

Arthur C. Parker’ s objective in the article Certain Iroquois Tree Myths and Symbols is to describe in detail the myths and symbols and their relevance of the Iroquois trees. He discusses “the myths and traditions” that have existed over time in “literature, and in the speeches of Iroquois chiefs.” Parker mentions many different trees such as the peace tree and the celestial tree. He addresses the different symbolic meanings that these trees portray. He explains the differences amongst the Mohawk, Cherokee, Huron, Wyandot and the Seneca, as well as their similarities of traditions, myths and symbolic meanings. The article explains how myths vary depending on who is telling them and therefor, even though these tribes may have similarities, their understandings of myths do tend to differ. Parker’s basic point is to demonstrate the various myths, traditions and the uses of symbolism in the trees. His objective is to discuss these differences within the different tribes and explain their importance.

Parker uses several different methods in demonstrating his points. He uses diagrams that show the different symbolic meanings of the trees. He also includes photographs of articles of clothing that have these patterns weaved into them, such as moccasins. Through descriptions and discussions of the differences that exist among the various Iroquois people Parker is able to clearly make his points.

SARAH RICHARDSON: York University, Toronto Ontario (Naomi Adelson)

Perkins, G.H.. Aboriginal Remains in the Champlain Valley. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14: 72-80

The article opens with remarks on the previous articles written by the author, when he explains, as in his previous papers, that the lack of earthenware in the Champlain is linked to ‘ignorant’ finders destroying or otherwise losing the specimens. Perkins mentions that few if any of the artifacts’ discovers understood the, “value of the strange [stone] objects..”. This the author argues is why no attempts were made to destroy, misname or replicate these particular artifacts. Perkins speculates that the occupation of the Champlain Valley by two different Native American tribal groups, more specifically the Algonquin and the Iroquois, was the cause for the abundance and variety of specimens found in the area.

Perkins organizes the article into segments devoted to the description and analysis of six particular stone implements/utensils. Hammer-stones, which were used for pounding grains, roots and meat, were found in great abundance in the Champlain Valley; where as the pestle, strangely enough, was not plentiful. Mortars used to place the items that were to be pulverized, were also found not to be in abundance in this area. Boiling stones, which were used for heating and/or cooking food and water; Sinkers, whose whole purpose was to help sink nets and fishing line in the water. Sinew stones, which were designed to prepare cord from animal sinew. Slate objects, usually described by the author as being knives, some of which seemed unfit for hard use such as in stone and woodworking, were probably used for dressing hides as well as in making pottery.

The author notes that most of the specimens presented are quite common utilitarian domestic utensils that lack exterior ornamentation, with similar if not identical counterparts found in other areas. Most of the specimens, with the exception of mortars and pestles, were found in abundance, as well as in varied forms, in the Champlain Valley area. Perkins mentions that the small amount of mortars and pestles found in the area was hard to explain, considering that of all utensils presented, the large stone mortars and pestles would seem to be the most likely to endure over the years as well as to be easily found in latter times.

Thorough detail in precise and fairly clear language is given on each collection of implements/utensils with accompanying photographic depictions, all of which helps give the reader a clear conception of the pieces presented in the article.

Brion Trivers Cleveland State University, (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Perkins, G. H. Aboriginal Remains in the Champlain Valley. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14: 72-81.

This article describes and figures out many of the most characteristic objects that have been found in Champlain valley. The manufacture of ‘Indian relics” include: hammer-stones and pestles, boiling stones, mortars, sinkers, sinew stones, and objects of slate. However, considerable variety in stone and other objects are found in this valley probably because of the occupancy of the Algonkin and Iroquois peoples of the past period. All together the mentioned stone tools and objects have been well preserved, thus, enabling an extensive study of their shape, form and manufacturing. The following article examines those differences of stone tool shapes and arrives with hypothesises for their manufacturing and usage.

Perkins suggests that hammer or pounding stones are more abundant in the region because of their use is confined to camp or village sites where a stay of some duration was made. He also argues that boiling stones were heated and put into pots of water for cooking purposes. Since nearly all the vessels used by aborigines were of earthenware the boiling stones were used to help the vessels endure long suspension over the campfire. Other objects such as mortars are the least abundant in the region. It is believed that they were used in building stonewalls. Sinkers are generally flat bits of stone notched on one side. They are three or four inches long and found near lakes or ponds suggesting that they were used to attach to nets or large lines. Other collections of stones fall into sinew stones category, which were designed for use in preparing cord from sinews of animals. Another category includes objects of slate such as slate knives and points, which are abundant objects found in the region.

AZADEH ZARE-MOAYEDI York University, (Naomi Adelson)

Pogue, Joseph E. The Aboriginal Use of Turquoise in North America. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14: 437-466.

The goal of this article is to describe the religious and ornamental use of turquoise in Mexico, Central America, and the southwestern United States. Data is taken from the time of the Spanish Conquest, and is based on the writings of old Spanish chroniclers and collections of artifacts contained in museums. Turquoise was highly prized in these areas, and was widely used because of its location on or near the surface of the earth, and because it’s relative softness allowed it to be easily shaped.

The author takes information from the accounts of several Spanish chroniclers, such as Fernando Cortes and Juan de Grijalva, who observed the use of turquoise in Mexico and were given gifts of turquoise. The explorers found that turquoise was used mainly to adorn representations of gods, including Aztec leaders and priests. Pogue then gives a lengthy description of turquoise artifacts from Mexico and Central America, and several photographs are included. Most of the artifacts described are mosaics, including masks, animal figures, knife handles, and other objects. The author calls mosaics the most interesting and highly developed artifacts, and he believes that mosaics had symbolic meaning and were used only for ceremonial purposes. Pogue also describes evidence of dental mutilation, which involved inserting materials such as turquoise into teeth.

Pogue then switches his focus to the use of turquoise in the southwestern United States. Once again, he relates the stories of Spanish explorers, notably Cabeza de Vaca (1535) and Fray Marcos de Niza (1539). They found turquoise to be highly esteemed, and used for trade and ornamentation. Many turquoise ornaments, some quite elaborate, have been found in graves and ruins. Pogue describes many of these artifacts, such as mosaics, carvings, beads, and pendants, and the sites where they were found. Pogue writes that there is little evidence that turquoise was used by tribes living north and east of the Pueblo region.

According to Pogue, turquoise is still widely used by southwest Amerindians for ceremonial and ornamental purposes. His opinion is that turquoise items fashioned today are not of the same quality as they were in ancient times. Pogue describes use of turquoise, mostly for jewelry, by the Pueblo, Hopi, and Zuni. The use of turquoise among the Pima has dwindled, while the Navaho still highly value it, use it as currency, and often combine it with silver to make jewelry. The Apache use turquoise ground into powder for medicinal purposes. Pogue notes that present day Amerindians do not usually mine turquoise, but obtain pre-worked turquoise through trade or from elders.

SARA DALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Pogue, Joseph. The Aboriginal Use of Turquois In North America. American Anthropologist [N. S.,14,1912]:437-466.

In recent years, turquoise has made an indelible mark on the North American fashion industry, however, in North American history, turquoise, had served many diverse purposes. In this article, Pogue describes the Central America (dating back to 1518), as well as Native American populations of the American Southwest, specifically Central America (dating back to 1518), as well as Native American populations of the American Southwest, specifically Pueblo-dwelling tribes, the Pima, and the Navajo, (dating back to 1535). He guides the reader through the history of turquoise basing his discussion on documentation from early explorers and settlers, as well as on data called from museum collections.

Pogue clearly demonstrates that turquoise was used as an accessory for many ceremonial and religious rituals. Specific use by early Peoples of Mexico and Central America consisted of mosaics, which Pogue dedicates much of the first portion of the article describing, and facial masks. In order to solidify his descriptions, Pogue has included a variety of pictures both mosaics and masks. Other uses of turquoise included a form of currency, a means to barter for subsistence, adornment for the deceased, and even as dental mutilation, or dental adornment, which were uses more specific to historical Native American populations.

Although Pogue dedicates the majority of his article to the historical uses of turquoise, he also includes information concerning more recent uses of turquoise in the Southwest. For example, he notes that Pueblo Indians used turquoise at the turn of the century primarily for jewelry—pendants, beaded necklaces, rings, and the like, and that turquoise was no longer limited to being worn simply for religious and ceremonial rites.

Surprisingly, Pogue neglects to discuss how turquoise is obtained. His only mention of this topic is a passing reference to the fact the minerals occur near the earth’s surface and are thus easily located (465).

KATIE SYRACOPOULOS Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Prince, J. Dyneley. An Ancient New Jersey Indian Jargon. American Anthropologist. July-Sept 1912. Vol. 14(3): 508-524.

J. Dyneley Prince demonstrates a list of ancient words used by Native Americans in New Jersey during the late 17th century in his article. He begins with his re-discovery of an ancient record found among the deeds of Salem County, New Jersey. This record was essentially a list of words used between the tribes and traders of the New Jersey area, consisting of over 250 words that had been translated to English.

The importance of this work is twofold. First, because the compilation is from very early in the history of European/Native American interaction it gives a more “pure” account of the language used, which helps deconstruct the language to its most basic forms. Second, because there are elements of multiple tribes in the area, we are given a glimpse into the different languages used. Prince gives several examples of the different tribal words found in the Traders’ Jargon lists.

Prince includes a list of words that are found in the original Salem Records which are not included or are changed in Thomas’s History and Geography: Account of the Province and Country of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey in America (London, 1698; New York, 1848). This list consists of a mere 29 words, of which only 13 are not found in Thomas’s piece. With this list he establishes concordance between the two similarly dated sources.

Prince mentions an interesting phonetic feature of this list, in which the r and l of the Native American tongues are almost interchangeable, pointing out the lack of difference in the way non-natives hear a new language. At this point, Prince finishes his article with a list of the words to be found in the Salem Records and the differences between these early pieces and those written almost 200 years later by Brinton and Zeisberger, who both used the German notation when describing the pronunciation of words.

This article will be appealing to anyone interested in the language of ancient Native Americans, as well as how languages change over time. It also serves to point out the different ways in which we hear a new language, as shown by the differences between Brinton, Zeisberger, and the original Salem Records. In many instances, the Salem Records’ pronunciations end with a soft sound, such as palenah (five), while the more recent translations would pronounce the word with a harder ending—palenach (Brinton) or palenachk (Zeisberger). The interchangeability of the sounds r, l and n are also seen, as with the word lamiss (fish), which is pronounced names in Brinton’s work and namiss in Zeisberger’s.

JENNIE KANYOK Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Prince, J. Dyneley. Prolegomena to the study of the San Blas Language of Panama. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14: 109-126.

J. Dyneley Prince in his paper, Prolegomena to the study of the San Blas Language of Panama’, presents a preliminary study of the San Blas language with a comparison to potentially related languages of the area. The San Blas are the indigenous people of the Panamanian province of Colon. At the time Dyneley Prince studied these languages the San Blas population numbered approximately fifty thousand people.

The San Blas Indians socio-political organization, as Prince’s paper implies, was likely a chiefdom. These Indians were not fond of whites and seldom permitted them into their villages. Also The San Blas consistently denied that they had any genetic connections to other tribes. These inhabitants of Panama’ lived on and around islands and subsisted partly on tropical fruits. Modernization or Development had also begun to infiltrate their culture at the time of Prince’s work.

The writer was inquiring into to the possibility that the San Blas language could be almost identical to the Cuna Language of Darien and connected to Chibcha language of Columbia. Much of the linguistic information presented by Dyneley Prince was obtained from two San Blas Indians, Ina Makchia and Ina Diseli. Also much of the information was contributed by Mrs Eleanor Yorke Bell of Colon.

The author provided photographs of the subjects of his linguistics study. After the introduction Prince provides a table of San Blas phonetics. Then Prince discusses, in the section “Grammatical Notes,” nouns, pronouns, demonstrative elements, verbs and tenses, etc…of the San Blas language. The paper concludes with a comparative glossary, which is quite interesting. The glossary compares words of a common meaning in English, San Blas, Kuna, and Chichi.

The San Blas Indians and their neighbors seem to share related dialects. The San Blas themselves dismiss any possibility of a relation to other tribes. This demonstrates a fundamental principal of ethnocentricism shared by many people around the world. It seems that the work presented in J. Dyneley Prince’s paper would be quite useful to a linguist studying the languages of Central and South America. Prolegomena to the study of the San Blas Language of Panama’ while complex is a fine work of linguistic anthropology.

BRETT BUTERA Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Sapir, Edward. Language and Environment. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol.14: 226-242.

This article examines the correlation between language and environment, and how cultural influence may affect them. The author explains that environment acts solely upon the individual, while culture is a more group-based system. Language tends to be created by social forces, and influenced by content, phonetic systems, and grammatical forms. These forms of vocabulary differ greatly in complexity and proximity amongst cultures around the world. The author further elaborates how forces such as self- interest and familiarity help shape language in accordance with the culture’s psychology. Linguistic morphology, sex gender, and reduplication are ideologies that specifically explain language. Reduplication for example, shows how one culture group (generally in the same vicinity) takes another portion of a group’s language, and makes it part of their own. Various cultures are mentioned throughout the article with specifics concerning language, variation, and influence of culture and environment.

The article concludes by comparing language and culture, and the rate that they change over time. The author initially believes that from the ground up culture and language develop parallel to one another. Throughout time however, culture tends to change at a faster rate than language. This change in culture eventually will necessitate a change in language, but that change is slower. There are many stipulations in comparing language and environment, and the author is aware that exact evidence is nearly impossible to attain. This article will interest those having a strong background in linguistic anthropology.

MICHAEL MEYERS Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Sapir, Edward. Language and Environment. American Anthropologist 1912 14:226-242.

Using examples from English and Native American languages, Sapir illuminates the connection he perceives between language and environment, debunking prominent linguistic theories of the early twentieth century. Sapir argues that the environment only plays a role in shaping language insofar as it shapes social behavior. Language may be influenced in terms of its content, phonetics, and grammar. Vocabulary, including specialization and range of words, is the most influenced by the physical and social environment and therefore may be an “inventory of all the ideas, interests and occupations that take up the attention of the community” (228). Sapir uses the example of the Southern Paiute, who have many precise words for topographical features because they rely heavily on recognition of such features for survival in their harsh climate. In English, one would have to describe these features using a phrase.

Sapir also connects vocabulary with the amount of time a concept has been present in a culture. Concepts referred to by description (such as mountain-lion) were relatively recently named with “transparency” (how obvious the referent of the word is to the uninitiated) revealing the degree of familiarity the speaker’s group has achieved with the environment (231). Words common in a set of related languages, and so part of the ancestral language, demonstrate the concept’s length of use. Sapir cautions against applying this idea too liberally, however, as words may have been borrowed from other languages, not reflecting the true length of time used by a particular group.

Culturally more “complex” societies elaborate on a wider range of vocabulary. However, environment does not determine language characteristics. Sapir argues against the then-popular notions that phonology correlates to environment type and that certain types of grammatical structures arise in certain environments. Sapir gives highly subjective examples of “acoustically pleasant speech” used by natives of harsh environments and “phonetically harsh” language used by people native to mild climates. Cultures that may be perceived as related to each other may have very different phonetic systems and certain grammatical structures, such as gendering of nouns, are found in a wide range of languages that are culturally and linguistically estranged.

A speaker’s environment can be reflected in the morphology of a language, particularly if that language has a large number of prefixes and suffixes. These morphemes may be used to make the roots they modify more specific. For example, the Kwakiutl use suffixes to describe an activity’s natural location, describing something of the Kwakiutl’s physical environment. Again, Sapir cautions against carrying this idea to an extreme: one cannot infer too much about a culture from its grammatical structures as these do not necessarily arise from characteristics of the social or physical environment.

Sapir posits that the “race mind” and environment together create language, and language and culture influence each other equally. Cultures change more rapidly than languages, so the language will begin to lose its symbolism of the culture. As language and culture become more complex, a secondary, more conservative set of language symbols, i.e., writing will arise out of the need to make the language more manageable.

JAMIE MANDELL Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Swanton, John R. The Creek Indians as Mound Builders. American Anthropologist, 1912 Vol. 14:320-324.

Swanton sets out to prove that the Native Americans of the Creek Confederacy in Oklahoma were, in fact, mound builders. There are two mounds located near the southern edge of the old Creek Nation in Oklahoma, Tukabatci and Kealedji busk-grounds. The most notable feature of the Tukabatci mound is an oval ridge about a foot to a foot and a half high with a circumference of 750 feet. The Kealedji mound’s ridge has a circumference of 650 feet, most of which is now covered by grazing area belonging to a nearby farmhouse.

A lane runs through the middle of the Tukabatci mound over the site of an old refuse heap. North of this lane is a ceremonial mound and south of the lane is the site of a medicine house, where the sacred vessels and shields were kept. An anonymous respondent explained the set up of the mound to Swanton, because he had seen it while it was in use. The mound was used for ceremonial war dances and other such performances. There are sites of the former hot house and four cabins as well.

The Kealedji mound does not have as many sites. However, there is a very large circular mound that is now divided by a wire fence. A post is believed to have been located there. There is also a site of a fire, now located in a corner of a wire fence.

Swanton believes the ridges were caused by sweeping. The Creeks swept the ground in areas where the dances were supposed to take place and this caused the dirt to form ridges after many years of use.

MAUREEN YOUNG Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Swanton, John R. The Creek Indians as Mound Builders. American Anthropologist, 1912 Vol. 14:320-324.

In this article, the author proves that the Creek Indians in Oklahoma kept up the practice of creating special areas, busk-grounds, after their removal from Alabama during the 1830’s and 40’s. This continued creation of busk-grounds links their past and future mound-creating. Swanton uses two archaeological sites to back up his claim: Tukabatci and Kealedji. These busk-grounds served as the ceremonial center for the annual busk which included several dances.

The site of Tukabatci, the more preserved of the two, is 750 feet in diameter and takes the shape of an oval. This site has several features, including a site for a hot house and subsequent pits used to form the roof, four cabins, and a ceremonial mound. The Kealedji site, located on the side of a hill, has been degraded and the only evidence left is a ball post located on top of a large circular rise and a fire site. The Kealedji site is also an oval but is only 650 feet in diameter.

The outline of the site is formed by a mound of earth, which was due to the ceremonial sweeping of the site for the busk. After many sweepings, a ridge or mound is built up around the site. Tukabatci is attributed to being swept nine times a year, leading to the present day ridge height of one to one and a half feet high. However, this mound in not the evidence Swanton uses to label the Creek Indians mound builders. This is what he calls “accidental” because these mounds formed when refuse pilled up around trees and other obstructions instead of being swept passed. Evidence of Creek mounds comes from the built up area found under the hot house and the ball post for example. The ceremonial mound in Tukabatci is ten feet in diameter and three feet high. Even though this mound is small in comparison with the rest of the site, it still shows that the Creek were forming mounds for special purposes.

MELISSA ZOLNIERZ Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Swanton, John R. A Foreword on the Social Organization of the Creek Indians. American Anthropology. 1912 Vol.14:593-599

The Author’s goal in this article is to describe the Creek Confederacy. The Creek Confederacy was composed of several tribes speaking Muskogee or Creek language. Each tribe or town was called talwa by the Muskogee people and Okla by the Hitchiti speaking people. All towns were divided into two great divisions or fires. The towns of each fire either called one the other “friend” or “opponents” or “opposites”. There were two kinds of fires “white” and “red”. The Creek Confederacy had a very complicated social organization that resulted from a combination of tribes speaking Muskogee and a number of other languages speaking tribes with the same stock. Swanton tries to compare the relationship between the clans and towns and give an explanation why there is a tendency for certain clans to appear in certain towns. He talks about the clan’s marriage customs and beliefs. Marriages between clans were prohibited. Marriage was allowed between persons of the same clan not belonging to towns that were related. Also there was a dual division among the towns. The first division is called Hatagalgi or “whites” which embrace totems such as the wind, bear, bird and beavers. Usually white men that were adopted into a tribe joined the white clans. The other division of the clans was called Tciloqoga’gi “people of different speech” and war which were related to the red towns. All the towns were divided into two great divisions known as “fires’. In concluding it seems that dual divisions of the towns seem not to be due to the union of distinct tribes. Non-Muskogee tribes are found in the white and red town – in both dual divisions. It is believed that Kowitat and Kasi’ta now are opposites fires but at one time separated from one original Muskogee tribe. Still the Creeks associated the white clans with the white towns and the Tcioloqoga clan with the red towns.

RITA ELSWICK Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Swanton, John R. A Forward On The Social Organization Of The Creek Indians American Anthropologist Vol.14 (593-599), 1912

John R. Swanton, in A Forward on the Social Organization of the Creek Indians, outlines the social organization of the group of tribes that constitute the Creek Indians. As the author submerged himself into this distinct society, the reader is able to receive a first- hand view of how the Creek Indians function as a whole. Each town possesses a distinctive town badge or totem to which they are associated. Within each town there are clans that occupy it. Town relationship is thus dictated by clan relationships within each town.

Irrespective of the languages spoken by clan members, all towns form two great divisions commonly referred to as “fires”. Towns of the same “fires” call one another “friends” whereas towns of a different “fire” refer to one another as “opposites”. This clear distinction between towns may be best recognized when examining the relations in the great ball game, which is held primarily between towns of “opposing” fires. These two different “fires” or divisions are usually called “white” and “red” on the basis that each is concerned with war and peace respectively. Town population may also indicate power or eminence of each tribe. Each of the 27 clans among the Creek are referred to by specific names, commonly those of animals like skunk, fox, fish, alligator, etc. A simple list of clans presented in this form may lead one to conclude that they are all of equal value, but this is a great stretch of the truth for the Creek Indians.

The relationship between each clan and its location in comparison with others will dictate marriage laws as well. Relationships among each individual clan generally involve the prohibition of intermarrying, yet the intermarriage of different clan groups varies from town to town. Children of the members of all clans forming a council will be brought up and instructed together though marriage is strictly forbidden between them. Therefore, marriage within a clan is forbidden though one informant revealed that it was permitted between persons of the same clan but not belonging to towns recognized as being related to one another. Marriage is also forbidden between near relatives of clans that could normally intermarry. Therefore, the social organization of the Creek Indians is shown to be a convoluted one, indicating a substantial period of development. There is also a tendency on the part of the Creek people to invent an explanation for an organization that exists between two or more clans and the existance of such an association without any apparent reason.

LEILA BAHRAMI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Wardle, Newell H.. Certain Rare West-Coast Baskets. American Anthropologist. 14:287-313

In this article H. Newell Wardle focuses on five basketry artifacts selected from the collections of The Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. Wardle’s goal in describing what he refers to as the “basketry of primitive peoples” is to leave record of a trade that displays the artistic expression of its creator. With the hopes of preserving remaining evidence and knowledge of ancient basketry for future studies, Wardle believed it was necessary to begin collecting and recording data of ancient basket artifacts.

For each of the five pieces Wardle offers dimension and description of shape, color, and decoration. The first basket Wardle describes is a small covered Tlingit piece. Wardle assigns this piece to the Emmons’ type 16. This piece is referred to as a covered basket, and is 91mm. in height (lid included), with a diameter of 116 mm.

The second piece that Wardle describes is an embroidered hat. Wardle describes this piece as a “tam-o’-shaped hat.” The height of this piece reaches 65 mm., has a circumference of 597 mm., and is 419 mm. in diameter. Wardle rises and considers the question of whether this piece is in fact genuine, or possibly a native copy of a foreign head piece.

Next Wardle looks at a small berrying basket of spruce root. With a height of 125 mm. and diameter of 107 mm., the basket also contains a neckcord possibly made of deer skin. Wardle assumes this piece may have been woven by a left handed maker due to the reversing of the stitch.

The fourth peice Wardle examines is a grass cup. 101 mm. in height and 70 mm. in diameter, the cup is cylindrical in shape. Wardle notes that this piece is composed of three differing weaves and provides a highly detailed description of each weave.

The last basketry piece examined by Wardle is a flat bag or wallet. Rectangular in shape, the basket is 405 mm. in length and 254 mm. in depth. As with the fourth piece, great description is given to this piece as well. The decoration upon the basket is highly noted.

For all five basketry pieces Wardle offers large amounts of description and an actual picture. The descriptive information offered by Wardle offers any scholar interested in ancient basketry good direction. The only drawback is the lack of dating technology available during the time Wardle composed this article, along with a lack of technology that could offer more accurate description of material and dyes used.

SARAH SOMMERS Southern Illinois University: (Jonathan Hill)

Wardle, H. Newell. Certain Rare West-Coast Baskets. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14:287-313

In this article Mr. Wardle examines the technology and art of basket weaving and then attempts to draw conclusion about which social group the basket came from and the significance of their design and construction. Five different baskets were examined for this article, all of which came from the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. The baskets were chosen on the basis of their uniqueness in comparison to other basket materials.

The first basket described is a small covered basket from the Tlingit tribe. The second article described a tam-o-shanter shaped hat again from the Tlingit tribe. Third is a small berrying basket once more from the Tlingit tribe. Fourth is a little grass cup that could not be identified with any one tribe. Finally a flat bag or wallet, again without any tribal association. Mr. Wardle describes every object in a very in-depth manner from physical size down to the technique used in the object’s manufacture. Mr. Wardle also includes pictures of the objects being discussed, and illustrations of various features used in the essay to describe the objects in an in-depth manner.

Although in the beginning of the article Mr. Wardle sets out well-defined goals, the road to them is a muddy dead-end. The pictures do give the reader an idea of the total physical object being spoken of, many of the illustrations are haphazard in their location and of little use in figuring out the bigger picture of what is going on in the design of the basket. Much of the worded description is extremely difficult to follow or visualize in the mind of the reader. The ethnographic significance is then lost in quagmire of centimeters and maybes.

GERALD VAN BOLT Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Harris Hawthorne Wilder. The Physiognomy of the Indians of Southern New England. American Anthropologist July-September, 1912 Vol.14(3):415-436.

Physiognomy is the art of recreating human facial features based on individual attributes of the skull. Harris Hawthorne Wilder obtained four skulls from their burial sites in Southern New England in order to reconstruct their facial features through a process of layering paper in plastilina to hold it in place. He recreates the faces of two members of the Narragansett tribe of Rhode Island and two thought to be of the Nonotuck from Hadley, Mass. Photographs of these cast moldings provide the reader a glimpse at the faces of the men and women who once occupied North America.

Wilder compared the reconstructed Native Americans to European and African reconstructions for the purposes of identifying their individual attributes and distinguishing their race according to their facial features. Methods established in Europe were applied to Wilder’s work on Native Americans; through this application it became clear to him that reconstruction is essential to understanding race and sex differences based on bone structure in relationship to the overlying tissue. Only through the process of reconstruction is it possible to explore this relationship; however, there are many implications involved in doing so.

Wilder sets out to prove that the reconstruction process is reliable because it is methodically based on calculated measurements of tissue layers. However, he notes the criticism that imagination is often unknowingly applied to the reconstruction process but is reassured that following the method of measurement is precise and has scientific importance in the field of Anthropology. Wilder gives a detailed account of his own process of reconstruction, and he encourages others to follow his lead. The elements involved in his work provide answers to important questions about the past that were once believed to be lost forever.

MARCIE BREWER Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. The Physiognomy of the Indians of Southern New England. American Anthropologist, 1912 Vol. 14:415-436

Wilder discusses the different techniques that are used to recreate the soft tissue parts of the face on a skull. In the past, the practice has only been performed on the most recent skulls. The author has used the technique to reconstruct the facial characteristics of several New England Native American skulls.

The author describes in detail the methods by which measurements of the soft tissue are determined. An inventory of the tools used to conduct the procedure is also provided for the reader. Figures of the reconstructed skulls are included, as well as a table that includes various measurements. The table summarizes differences in facial features between males and females as well as between different racial groups.

The article is well written and easy to follow. It provides an interesting comparison to the computer-aided methods that are now employed in facial reconstruction.

SARAH WALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Wissler, Clark. The Psychological Aspects of The Culture-Environment Relation. American Anthropologist April-June, 1912 Vol. 14(2): 217-225.

Clark Wissler discusses the psychological aspects of the culture-environment relation. He brings up possible causes for the formation of culture. The basic argument is that culture can’t have just one cause. Culture is the result of many influences to humankind.

Wissler discusses instinct, environment, conscious mind, and unconscious mind as possible influences on the formation of culture. He states that the solution for the environment problem depends on how culture is perceived. Conclusions need to be drawn on whether culture is a conscious construct or if it is simply instinct. At the time when this article was published, American anthropologists favored the conscious construct view of culture. It was believed that psychological conditions determined the culture produced by humans. The author brings forward the idea that all peoples of the world have the same capacities for culture. However, if that were the case the environment, psychic influences, or associational relation would produce the variations in culture.

This article was interesting because the issues he brought forward are of importance to modern anthropology. It allows the reader to gain insight into early thought about culture and how it is constructed.

SARAH WALTON Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)

Wissler, Clark. The Psychological Aspects of the Culture-Environment Relation. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14:217-225.

While admitting this to be a very difficult topic, the author provides a discussion of the psychological aspects of the relationship between culture and environment. He states at the beginning of this article that it is implausible that our physical environment is the sole cause of culture. Therefore, one assumes that culture is the result of the conscious activities of the individual mind. The author’s discussion is based on his experiences of psychological laboratory tests, although, he does not describe these experiments in this article.

The body of this article is an explanation of the origins of our cultural constructs. The author argues that the conscious activities of man do create culture but that external environmental issues play a part as well. We are told that it is man’s reaction to the environment which leads to the creation of culture. Furthermore, because reactions to environmental stimuli are fundamentally alike for all humans, the author states that it follows that the activities that produce culture must operate at a different level in our brains.

The author ponders whether the production of culture is a conscious or unconscious process and points out that the American and English anthropological schools would differ in their views on this matter. The psychological view, in the author’s opinion, would be that culture was, at least initially, a conscious act.

The author does not come to any concrete conclusions in this article. He states that the question of the environment factor depends upon one’s view of the role of culture and the weight of the physical environment on the evolution of culture.

LESLIE WARREN York University (Naomi Adelson)