American Anthropologist 1910

Barrows, P. David. The Negrito and Allied Types in The Phillipines. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol.12:358-376

This article presents some physical measurements of the Negrito and several other pagan peoples of the Philippines whose types, as determined by measurement and observation, reveal the presence of Negrito blood. Barrows himself took the measurements at different times between 1901 and 1909, the first on members of a little community on the south slope of Mount Mariveles in the province of Bataan.

Barrows looked at Meyer’s Distribution of the Negritos in the Philippines and Elsewhere as a valuable “sifting” of the evidence, but it is not final as Barrows quickly came to realize when they came to locate the Negritos on the ground eight years prior to when he wrote and published this article. Meyer argued that there were Negritos in Cebu, and there are some in Guimaras and Palawan. Palawan is inhabited by a people called “Batak” whom Barrows took measurements of and which he also classified as Negrito.

Barrows goes on to measure the “Tagbanwa,” the other pagan element in Palawan, the “Mamanua” of Surigao peninsula, and the peoples of eastern Mindanao. He has no anthropometric data of the northerly peoples. However, he did further measure people from the villages of Baguio, Trinidad, Tublay and Ambuklao. He continues to measure people from various tribes all across the Philippines.

His concluding remarks involve accounts of the Ilongot and he calls attention to what appears to be a striking resemblance between them and the “Sakay” of the Malay peninsula. Barrows is familiar with Negrito and primitive Malayan and the results of their intermarriage, and every fresh examination of texts and illustrations he cites in this article have increased his belief that the Sakay, like so many of the types of the Philippines, is an exhibit to the widely diffused Negrito element in the Malayan peoples.

SHANE MATTE York University (Naomi Adelson)

Bean, Robert Bennet. Philippine Types. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol.12:377-389.

In this article, Bean conducts a study of the contrasts and parallels of the Philippine types based on photographs from Mr.Worchester. He studies the Iglots and Mangyans followed by the Moros and the Subanuns. He describes the physical differences and similarities of the types also noting that some variation exists within each Filipino group.

Bean’s main purpose is to show that there is no type of man that has ever disappeared; instead they have been modified and vary throughout the world. He finds that although each part of the Philippines has some cultural differences based on custom, dress, etc., the same physical characteristics can be found throughout the country. The three types found amongst all Filipinos are Iberian, Primitive, and Australoid. The Iberian type represents those peoples found in Spain in the Iberian peninsula. The fundamental type of Australia and negroid peoples is called the Austrloid type. Whether these three types occur in variations or the purest form, they all appear throughout the Philippines. The types often appear in combinations and result in the variations of the Filipino peoples.

From these fundamental types, Bean draws the conclusion that migrations occurred from India, Arabia, North Africa, Siberia, Japan, and possibly China. The Iberian, Primitive, and Australoid types entered the archipelago so that all people of the Philippines are similar in types and physical characteristics.

KARA STEWART York University: (Naomi Adelson).

Bean, Robert Bennett. Types of Negritos in the Philippine Islands. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol. 12: 220-236

Robert Bennett Bean’s study of the Aetas or Negritos of the Philippines was the first study that focused on their ears and other physical characteristics. His research was based on the observation of photographs that were part of the collection of the Bureau of Science of the Philippine Government and of the private collection of Mr. Worcester.

He explains Negritos were the first selected for the study of inland tribes because they are relatively few in number, few studies have focused on the characteristics of the living, and no previous study has been done of their ears. Moreover, it was possible to obtain a large number of photographs from many parts of the islands.

He observed three types among the Negritos: the Australoid, the Primitive, and the Iberian. Each type had its own physical characteristics, but some subjects were found to have mixed, leading to three possibilities in heredity: blended heredity; mosaic heredity; and alternate heredity with persistence of type, suggesting Mendelian heredity. Consequently, he deduced that an individual is constituted by many inseparable factors called a ‘character-complex’ (group of characters that exist as an entity but may act as a unit character in inheritance).

Based on these findings, he argued that the Iberian in prehistoric migrations came from Europe by way of India, and combined with the Australoids as represented by the Negritos of Mariveles Mountain and those of the eastern coast of northern Luzoan. Likewise, he states the Primitive came from the Orient and mingled with the Iberian-Australoid Negrito throughout the Philippines, altering the form and straightening the hair of the purer Negrito.

Through the observation of the photographs, Bean, believes that there exists a close relationship between the Negrito of the Philippines and African Negroes. Nevertheless, he acknowledges this conclusion as the result of casual observation only.

Although it can be presumed that the Primitive and Iberian types blended in prehistoric times somewhere in East Asia or nearby and produced the Australoid type, Bean proposes the reverse, in which the Australoid would be considered the ‘true Negrito’. The Australoid would be considered the basic stock of all humanity, and the Iberian of Europe and the Primitive of the Orient its derivatives. The Negritos in Mariveles Mountain support this evidence since they are considered to be the purest Negritos in the Philippine Islands, and they are believed to be of the Australoid type.

Nevertheless, he emphasizes that it is the Australoid, the Primitive and the Iberian who are all the fundamental types of mankind.

RAQUEL ZEPEDA York University (Naomi Adelson).

Bingham, Hiram. The Ruins of Choqquequirau. American Anthropologist 1910 12: 505-525.

In this article, Bingham retells the story of his journey across Peru, which was sidetracked to make a visit to the ruins of the ancient Inca fortress of Choqquequirau. Beginning the story with a retelling of the history of excavating this site, Bingham tells of the difficulties in reaching these ruins, making the excavations quite difficult. Only few people had been able to reach the ancient fortress prior to the telling of this tale. Finally a rugged path had been carved out of the mountain to make access possible.

Bingham begins his journey from the small village of Abancay, and they quickly depart to the ruins. He then continues to discuss his trek from the village to Chiqquequirau, on which he spends the majority of the article. He tells of the hardships encountered on the journey, such as the challenging path down the side of a mountain: “At the end of each turn was a sheer precipice while at the other was a chasm down which plunged a small cataract which had a clear fall of seven hundred feet.” Obviously Bingham is very descriptive through this article, hence its length of twenty-five pages.

Finally Bingham reaches the ruins, and proceeds to describe that which has already been excavated. He describes the buildings in great detail, but due to the lack of any actual artifacts the description of the culture of the Incan people was greatly lacking.

He finishes the article with a theory placed by a geographer named Raimondi. He theorized that the ruins of Choqquequirau may actually be the ruins of the fabled “Vilcabamba,” the city to which the last Incan emperor, Manco Ccapac, fled from the Spanish conquers. Bingham admits this theory may be accurate, but with the evidence available to him, he was deposed to believe that Choqquequirau was nothing more than a fortress. Although this is a well written article, it intrigues me as to why it belongs in American Anthropologist, and not a more touristy form of magazine or journal.

MICHAEL FILLITER York University, Toronto (Naomi Adelson)

Blackiston, A. Hooton. Recent Discoveries in Honduras. American Anthropology (No Month), 1910. Vol. 12:536-541

Far within the Honduran Mountains is a cave with many riches. Four men hacking their way through the jungle encountered this cave accidentally. The cave contained an abundance of copper. Many of the items found were designed and constructed into different figures and shapes for uses as bells and clappers. Over eight hundred specimens have been found, some of ceremonial and religious nature. Therefore, the cave is believed to have been used for religious purposes. Also, the rites celebrated in this cave were an extension or development of those in honour of Zotziha Chimalcan. Although time has changed and the cite of worshippers have disappeared, the bells remain to greet in the voice of the Past and ever-changing Present.

CHRISTINA FIORE York University (Naomi Adelson)

Bushnell, I. David. Myths of the Louisiana Choctaw. American Anthropologists (No Month), 1910. Vol. 12:526-535

A few miles north of Lake Pontchartrain in Louisiana live 10 or 12 Choctaw. The oldest member of the tribe is Pisatuntema. From her father, Pisatuntema learnt many of the ancient tribal myths and legends. This article includes the myths and legends as she related them to the writer.

The first story is a creation story. Nane chacha, the high hill is central to the legend and how all life was formed at the top of the mountain and then how it traveled down to the earth. As the story continues, lessons of respect and living in harmony with one another are taught. The second story is of Aba’s appearance to the Choctaw and his telling to them of building a boat. This story is similar to that of Noah’s arc.

The article proceeds to mention how the Choctaw were influenced by the teachings of the Missionaries a result of the origin of these stories. As well, the author includes seven folk-tales of the Choctaw proving that not all their stories were of European origin. The Choctaw believed that they were at all times surrounded by spiritual beings that attributed any unusual sounds as well as natural phenomena.

CHRISTINA FIORE York University (Naomi Adelson)

Chamberlain, Alexander F. The Uran: A New South American Linguistic Stock. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol. 12: 417-424

This article examines the identification of a separate culture known as the “Urus,” which were originally thought as being “Puquinas.” The Urus lived on the islands and shores of Lake Titicaca in the southwester area of South America or what would be considered Inca territory. Chamberlain assesses that the amount of evidence does provide sufficient ground for a whole, independent linguistic stock; supporting the idea that the Urus were at one point an independent and autonomous culture.

Chamberlain uses the basic dictionaries provided by other ethnographers studying the Urus and compares the language structure and etymology to other local languages spoken by other neighbouring cultures. Although he encounters vast difficulties in discerning the Uru language from the Aymará language, he is able to identify basic linguistic patterns unique to the Uru. The difficulty rests on the fact that contemporary Urus speak mainly Aymará or a fusion of Aymará and Uru, therefore complicating the language structure of the original Uru. He concludes that the study of Uru language in context with the meaning of the word Uru leads to a shattered history of these people and the notion that at one point they were a dominant culture in the region.

This article will be of interest to people investigating cultural history in Latin America before the Inca Empire was established. It also provides a solid linguistic base of the Uru Language with a basic English-Uru dictionary.

ERNESTO WULFF York University (Naomi Adelson)

Currier, Charles Warren. Seventeenth International Congress of Americanists. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol.12:595-599.

The seventeenth session of the International Congress of Americanists was held in an unprecedented fashion. The session, which took place in 1910, was subdivided into two sessions, the first to be held in Argentina and the second in Mexico. The reason for this division was to accommodate both countries which both claimed the privilege of holding the session due to their centennial celebrations to be held in 1910.

The author of this article was only able to attend the first session. Along with Professor Bailey Willis and Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, he represented the United States and the Smithsonian Institute. He shared his opinion that it is a mistake to hold the sessions in places that are holding great celebrations (such as the nation’s centennial) when serious work must be completed, as the work of this session was constantly interrupted by entertainment and celebrations.

On May 10, 1910, in the building of philosophy and letters at the University of Buenos Aires, a preparatory session marked the beginning of the congress. The sessions were interrupted on May 19 for a visit to La Plata, the capital of the province of Buenos Aires. The participants were able to meet with the governor and were able to visit the museum, which had an abundance of material. The greatest interest to the anthropologists was the large collection of crania.

The serious business of the session began on May 18 when many papers were read and discussed. The subjects of the papers were separated into several categories including paleoanthropology, physical anthropology, linguistics, general ethnology, and archaeology. Ethnology and archaeology had the broadest field of interest. There were many specialties among the ethnology category including pottery painting in Peru, painting and sculpture in Mexico and Central America, and Peruvian textiles.

The first session of congress ended on May 23, and the final gathering was a banquet in the Jockey Club. After the congress, many of the participants took a trip from Buenos Aires to La Paz and Lake Titicaca, and then Lima. The Argentine and Bolivian governments provided free transportation on their railroads. The participants were able to meet Andean Indians, see the great plateau of Bolivia, and visit the ruins of Tiahuanaco. While in Lima, they could visit the Museo Nacional. From Lima many went on to the second session in Mexico.

RYAN MASON York University (Naomi Adelson)

Fewkes, Walter J. The Cave Dwellings of the Old and the New World. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol.12: 390-416.

Fewkes is primarily concerned with the connection between geography and history. He explores ‘primitive’ cave dwellings to present the limitations to environmental determinism. He writes that there is “nothing produced by the human mind and hand that reflects individual and racial characteristics more accurately than man’s habitations” (390). He argues that cultural similarities found in various places are attributed to “mental unity” and not to “derivation.” He describes a kind of evolution of innovation.

Fewkes’ paper maintains that cultural development is not due completely to external conditions. He gives lengthy descriptions of various caves dispersed throughout the world to reiterate that human history is a product of innovation and the desire for institutional and social developments. He argues that people who leave little or no evidence of history (i.e. mud or wood dwellings) leave nothing for subsequent generations to build on. Thus, human thought is influenced by the survival of past environments or dwellings.

He makes a distinction between primitive and civilized man. He believes that primitive man is a slave to his environment and at this level, all dwellings are similar. Primitive man is likened to birds and other animals that use instinct where habitation is concerned. However, at the level of civilized man, dwellings become more diversified. The change in environmental determinism is explained away by man’s ability to overcome climatic and geographic obstacles.

ALEKSANDRA STANIMIROVIC York University (Naomi Adelson).

Fewkes, James Walter. The Butterfly in Hopi Myth and Ritual. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol. 12:577-594

Fewkes gives a history of the impact of the Butterfly Clan in this article. He argues that the use of archaeological data and Native American legend are an appropriate means of tracking the interactions and origins of this clan. Fewkes also uses the evolution of the butterfly as a symbol in Hopi culture to further support his interpretation of the Butterfly Clan and their impact on Hopi culture.

According to legend, the Butterfly clan seems to have originated from the east along with another clan referred to as the Badger people. There is also a linguistic connection to the eastern Tewa people as well. Legend places the Butterfly clan at the Awatobi settlement before and at the time of the city’s destruction in 1700. This legend is further supported with archaeological evidence from an 1892 excavation of the site.

Fewkes argues that the destruction of Awatobi caused the dispersal of the Butterfly Clan among the rest of Hopi pueblos due to the practice of distributing prisoners of war among the conquering pueblos. He claims that a majority of the Butterfly came to be in the Oraibe pueblo and its surrounding area, after which the clan migrated to the pueblo of Sichomovi, a Zuni population with whom the Butterfly clan intermixed. Fewkes supports this theory from legend with the evidence of Butterfly clan influence on Zuni dance and ritual. In addition, both butterfly Clan and Hopi legend claim the Butterfly people originally spoke Tewan before Zuni contact.

Fewkes also examines Pueblo pottery symbols, which point to kinship patterns. Using the comparative method, Fewkes studies Hopi and Butterfly clan pottery. He also compares those symbols with symbols found among the Zuni and Tewa peoples to establish relationships. He found that the symbols in ancient times had been quite similar, but had evolved differently in each culture, probably due to migration and contact with other cultures.

The widespread use of the butterfly symbol seems to be the result of the migrations of the Butterfly clan and the cultural contact caused by these movements. The totems recorded by the Clan also support the idea of contact. The artistic conventions used to depict the butterfly are also found in the ceremonial dress of dancers, again pointing to the contact theory. Butterfly depictions are also found in the ruins of Awatobi and the pottery of Awatobi and Sikyatki.

There also exists a Butterfly Dance, which the Hopi claim was brought to them by the Butterfly people. It may also be related to the dances of the Tewa. The dance is performed by men and women in costumes decorated with butterfly images. Fewkes also uses the presence of ceremonial clowns representing the different peoples as evidence of cultural contact and transmission, as each of these clowns is taken from groups that have made their way into the Hopi.

Fewkes believes that all the cultural groups in the Hopi area are connected by cultural contact. He also believes that the eastern cultures are older, influencing the younger Hopi clan, as in the case of the Butterfly Clan and their impact on Hopi culture.

AMANDA HITTERMAN Loyola University Chicago (Dr. Kathleen Adams)

Grinnell, George Bird. Coup and Scalp Among the Plains Indians. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol. 12: 296-310.

The main focus of the article is to discredit claims made about several Plains Indians tribes including the Cheyenne, Apache and Sioux. In many prior accounts it was stated that Indians’ most prized achievement in battle was the scalping of a fallen enemy. Grinnell maintains that the greatest honour among tribes in battle was not to scalp the enemy but to touch him during battle. The scalping is instead a trophy of the victory, which is later used in ceremonial dances. The touching of one’s enemy, whether (dead or alive) by hand or with something held in the hand is called counting coup. The first man to count coup was considered the most honourable and would receive praises when returning from battle. The second man to touch the enemy was in turn considered the second most honourable and so on. It is not clear how many man are allowed to count coup on one enemy.

Grinnell explains that many times more than one man would claim the first coup. There were various ways (depending on the tribe) of settling these disputes. The Cheyenne were forced to take oaths and claim their stories valid. Other tribes would tell their stories to the chiefs of the tribe and have them decide. In some cases the village decided who would have first coup based on the claimants’ trustworthiness. As an example of the complexity of the practice of coup, Grinnell outlines the story of Yellowshirt, a member of the Kiowa tribe who during one battle was counted for coup nine times by the enemy before being killed. It is also noted that the capture of the enemy’s horse and or weapons was also very prestigious.

Grinnell seeks to prove that coup is of much greater importance to the Plains Indians. However, the process of scalping is in itself important. The preserving, stretching and procedures involved with the scalp are outlined in detail.

The ceremonies of the Cheyenne are the last issue addressed in the article. The most important people during the ceremonies were called the “halfwomen-halfmen” who acted as co-coordinators. Within the ceremony there are five or six dances centered on the coupling of young men and women in the tribe.

SANDRA FARFAN York University (Naomi Adelson).

Harrington, John P. A Brief Description of the Tewa Language. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol. 12(4): 497-504.

In his article “A Brief Description of the Tewa Language” Harrington provides precisely that. He begins by describing the Tewa language as excessively nasal and frequently broken by glottal stops. He also presents a guide for how the different sounds are created and explains the “tones” that are applied which are necessary for understanding the language.

The majority of the article is devoted to listing the various parts of speech, the most important being the pronoun because it, together with a verb, can form a complete sentence. The author presents a detailed account of the nature and function in sentence structure of the parts of speech and includes many examples. Harrington concludes by stating that the Tewa language is very difficult for English speakers to learn and that it is complicated to record using the techniques of the time. To illustrate his point he includes a copy of the Lord’s Prayer that has been translated into Tewa.

The only information that the author provides about the speakers of Tewa is that they reside in pueblos located in the Rio Grande basin just northwest of Santa Fe and a village in Arizona. Harrington states that there are slight dialectic variations but he does not describe them, and unfortunately, there is no account of how the information was collected for the study.

MICHELLE EATON Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Harrington John P. An Introductory Paper on the Tiwa Language, Dialect of Taos, New Mexico. American Anthropologist January-March, 1910 Vol. 12(1): 11-48.

Three languages are recognized amongst the Pueblo Indians, namely Tiwa, Towa and Tewa. Tiwa is the most archaic of the Tanoan group and its phonetic character gives the Tiwa language the impression of being smooth and pleasing to the ear. There is little in the pronunciation which reminds one of the tense, impure vowels of Towa.

Tiwa is a moderately polysynthetic language of the same general system type as Ute and Nahua. Salient features are: phonetic system characterized by clear and not violent sounds with the absence of not etymologically synthetic consonant groups; preponderance of one syllabled root and affix elements; notable lack of the processes of internal change in elements and unimportance of reduplication; denoting of root modification both by prefixation and postfixation, the latter process perhaps predominating; remarkable development of root compounding forming with its affixes as single cluster; abundant formal expression of position, direction, and relation, but suppression of shape, quality, and quality notions; incomplete and imperfect expression of animate and inanimate gender, of singular, dual and plural number, of subjective, objective and referential case accomplished chiefly by pronouns and never by case-affixes, of first, second and third person, and of a great variety of tense and mood ideas; persistent emphasis of the object by means of compounding or passive construction; and elaborate development of syntax by means of conjunctive elements. Affinities of Tanoan with Nahuatlan, Kiowan, and Keresan will be discussed in a preliminary way in a separate paper.

Please note that this paper has a summary already. I added the first paragraph as there appeared to be a need for some sort of short introductory sentences. The rest is copied word for word from the text in the summary of the paper – semi-colons and all.

BERTIE FRIEDLANDER York University (N. Adelson)

Kroeber A.L. The Morals of Uncivilized People. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol.12: 437-447

The intention of this article is to examine the morals of civilized people, savages/barbarians, and animals. It is a common belief that morals develop through evolution. They evolve from animalistic instincts to civilized morals. Kroeber wrote this paper to reject this theory.

The basic argument is that morality itself is instinctive to every human being. If this is the case, then it is improbable for it to evolve and change over a relatively short period of time; it is permanent and therefore “incapable of deterioration”. If we believe that we evolved from animals, then we have to look to animals for the origins of our morality. Any variations of morality can be attributed to the cultural surroundings. Kroeber states that essentially “men are men”, and it doesn’t matter if they are civilized or not, they still practice “virtue” to the same degree. For the civilized society, those virtues might take different shapes and forms. They might be more refined and translated into laws or religious beliefs, but they still come from the basic instinctive impulses. He argues that the difference between the morality of savages and civilized people lies in the differences in the civilization and not in the morality itself. He dismisses the role of religion in the development of morality, associating it exclusively with ethics.

To prove his arguments, Kroeber writes a series of comparisons between civilized peoples’ morals and the ones of savages or barbarians. In his deliberations he includes cannibalism, incest, parental devotion and hospitality. He concludes that the basic morals in those cases are the same for each level of development. In some cases, savages and barbarians are more in tune with their instincts (e.g. hospitality). Civilized peoples have the basic concept of hospitality; however, the civilization itself prevents them from using it to the full extent. Kroeber explains this situation citing the fact that a rich person would be unable to satisfy an entire city and would go bankrupt if that kind of hospitality was attempted. It is however present and ready to be used if necessary.

LUKASZ DZIEDZINSKI York University (Naomi Adelson).

Lobingier, Charles Sumner. The Primitive Malay Marriage Law. American Anthropologist 1910 N.S. 12: 250-256.

In this article, Loblingier details certain rules and customs surrounding marriage amongst the Malay tribes in the Philippines, sometimes expanding the observations made by field workers to other peoples to which he refers as primitive. The structure of Lobingier’s article is as follows: as he goes through several aspects of marriage laws, he gives examples from the various tribes of the Malay.

He emphasizes the primitiveness of Malay culture and refers to their practices as “persistent” and “archaic” throughout the article, following suit with the ethnocentricity of anthropology in his time. This, however, is not something he actually proves, but rather something that he feels is agreed upon by simple comparison of Malay traditions to those of civilized European society.

He views marriage types as being in a unilineal progression from wife capture through wife purchase to mutual assent, where the Malay are at the second stage. He acknowledges that these stages can overlap even within a single culture at a given time.

The ‘field anthropologists’ on whose writings Lobingier based his findings and theories, Plasencia and Loarca, refer to Lobingier’s so-called ‘wife purchase’ as dowry and earnest-money respectively. They recognize that this money is not simply a ‘purchase’ but is a much more symbolic and important part of Malay marriage. Lobingier, on the other hand, says the following: “Plasencia doubtless viewed these customs in the light of those with which he was familiar at home and applied what he considered corresponding terms; but it seems clear that what he calls “dowry” was merely the consideration for the bride and that the purchase marriage was in full vogue among the Tagalogs of his day”.

Lobingier also describes other marriage practices of the Malay including serving parents of the intended bride, punishments of breaking the agreement, the marriage ceremony, polygyny, polyandry, incest laws and divorce.

HANNAH WEITZENFELD York University (Naomi Adelson).

MacCurdy, G. George. An Aztec “Calendar Stone” In Yale University Museum. American Anthropologist October-December, 1910 Vol. 12(4):481-496.

George MacCurdy discusses an Azetec calendar stone, which is displayed in the Yale University Museum. Professor Marsh gave this stone to Peabody Museum of Yale University in 1898. It has a hole through the center and is covered with hieroglyphics. Victims who were sacrificed were fastened to the stone by the arms or limbs with a rope passing through the hole securing them. The author mentions how these stones were also used in fights between warriors.

The reader learns that the Yale stone measures 54.6X45.7X25.6 centimeters, each face being rectangular. The material is hard and made of volcanic rock. There is a central vertical perforation lined with a brass tube, which reaches from the top to a point about ten centimeters from the bottom. At the top the inside diameter of the brass tube is 5 centimeters, while at the bottom it is only 3.5 centimeters. The wall of the tube has an average thickness of four-tenths of centimeter. The six rectangular faces are referred to as top, bottom, sides, and ends. MacCurdy discusses each face with special attention paid to the top face. It has the sun’s disk in relief. The Yale stone is compared to other stones, for example the Yale stone of the sun has many points in common with the Aztec Calendar of the Museo Nacional. MacCurdy examines the Yale stone in great detail. The article discusses the stone from its shape to the symbols engraved on it.

DAGMARA ROMANSKA York University (Naomi Adelson)

MacCurdy, G.G. Anthropology at the Boston Meeting with Proceedings of the American Anthropological Association for 1909 American Anthropologist 1910 Vol. 12: 61-74

This is a summary of the Boston meeting of the Anthropological Association for 1909. The article begins by listing all Officers for the Boston meeting and their allotment of titles and designated responsibilities.

There are reports on the year’s deaths of Association personalities, Reports from the Secretary, and financial reports of the year’s expenses and revenues for the Association by the Treasurer.

The article ends by giving synopses of submitted articles and papers of anthropologists, including R.S. Woodworth, Edward Sapir, Warren K. Moorehead, etc. The papers were those read at the actual Boston meeting.

This article was an interesting insight into the mechanics of organizing an Anthropological Association.

ELISE GRETO York University ( Naomi Adelson)

Montgomery Henry ”Calf Mountain” Mound in Manitoba American Anthropologist 1910 Vol. 12: 49-57.

The Calf Mountain mound on a natural ridge in Manitou Country in Southern Manitoba was excavated in September 1909. Nine burial places were found within the circular area of about 35 feet. Each burial place contained layers of black soil, calcareous layers of varying thickness, followed by more black soil, before reaching the layers containing the object and the skeleton remains, under which were further layers of calcareous material and more black soil. It could not be determined how many calcareous layers there were, as there appeared to be disturbances from previous digging operations.

The burial places revealed a varying number of human skeletons, buffalo skeleton parts, including the skulls, and a selection of shell and copper beads plus other burial goods. Twenty-eight buffalo skulls, twenty three buffalo scapulae and twenty human skeletons were found as well as fourteen kinds of objects made from shell, copper, bark, hide, bone and stone.

It appears that the mound contained the burials of successive generations of the same family, with each burial place representing one generation. Based on the differences in the condition of the mound contents, it was estimated that it contained five centuries of burial places. This was confirmed by the comparisons to the contents of other mounds. There also appears to be similarity between the mounds erected in Manitoba and those found in the Dakota states.

Of major interest was the discovery of engraved and sculptured shell objects which are characteristic of southern mounds and were almost exclusively found in Tennessee and Virginia. But the specimens found in Manitoba were unlike those found in Tennessee. The shells had markings, which showed that they were human facemasks. It was uncertain if these were mourning masks worn at burial ceremonies. The shell carvings, however, indicate some link between these prehistoric people and those of Tennessee and vicinity.

BERTIE FRIEDLANDER York University (N. Adelson)

Parker, Arthur C. The Origin of Iroquois Silversmithing. American Anthropologist July-September, 1910 Vol.12 (3): 349-357.

Arthur C. Parker attempts to explain the progress and development of Iroquois silversmithing techniques. Parker focuses on ornamental decoration derived from European designs, from the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Parker begins by explaining that prior to the 1700’s Iroquois ornaments were principally constructed of pewter, iron, brass and copper (349). These ornaments consisted of buckles and brooches. Previous accounts of ornaments dating to the 1700’s do not mention the pattern or describe the ornaments. During the 1800’s design elements began to change. Parker explains that because of the Europeans intense desire for the trade, the “market for trade goods” was overwhelmed with European silver ornaments. These new ornaments consisted of crosses, bracelets, earrings, crowns, etc.

Next, Parker traces the history behind ornament designs of these time periods. Parker suggests that the designs being produced by the Iroquois during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were European in origin and that subsequent designs were an unconscious attempt by the Iroquois at imitation. The Iroquois incorporated the European designs and over time came to see the designs as their own. The designs were altered to incorporate various nature images, such as moons, suns, and star symbols. Parker backs up his claims concerning the Iroquois adaptation of European designs by stating that the Iroquois, before the colonial period, had no ornamental brooches and that the design idea for the various articles originated elsewhere. Examining the archaeological record in England (especially, Yorkshire) Parker finds information supporting his theory. The brooches were traced to be interpretations of English “Scott Luckenbooth” brooches. Parker cites to Dr. Joseph Anderson, Curator of the National Museum of Antiquities, and notes that the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquities of Scotland, provided illustrations that revealed the original European designs resemble the articles created by the Iroquois. On the basis of this information Parker concludes that the Iroquois adopted the ornamental design from their earliest interactions with the Europeans of the colonial period.

Parker concludes the article by reiterating that because of the lack of description in the historical record, there were assumptions made concerning the origin of Iroquois ornamental design. This lack of description and illustration led Parker to question where the Iroquois ornamental design originated and inspired his research on this topic.

NICOLE ANDERSON-MURILLO Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Parker, Arthur C. Additonal Notes on Iroquois Silversmithing. American Anthropology July-September, 1910 283-293.

The main focus of this article was to show that most of the silver brooch patterns that the Iroquois used were modified copies of brooches that came from Scotland. The author provides pictures of brooches to help in his analysis of comparison and goes on to give detail about what the brooches look like and what they mean.

He gives a little background information about the brooches but mostly covers what they look like. He starts out showing pictures of Scottish brooches and shows Iroquois brooches before going into detail how the two types of brooches are similar and different. He also demonstrates detail on how the Iroquois brooches have become different in stages and by the end do not look anything like the Scotland brooches.

Parker’s main point was that the Iroquois got the idea of the brooch from the Europeans after they started settling in America. The Iroquois first got the idea of making the brooches when they started making trades with the early settlers.

Parker did a good job of proving that the Iroquois got the idea of brooches from the Scottish and has excellent pictures to help show the similarities of the two types of brooches.

DEREK KOCHER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Dr. Jonathon Hill)

Peabody, Charles. The Exploration of Mounds in North Carolina. American Anthropologist. 1910 Vol. 12. 425-433

In the article “The Exploration of Mounds in North Carolina,” Charles Peabody presents his fieldwork of the excavations of Indian mounds and burial sites in Fayetteville, North Carolina. The article begins with Peabody describing his initial impressions of the land, people, and general environment. The reader is given the impression that the area offers an unpolluted atmosphere, where the people are “hospitable” and “friendly” (pg. 427).

Peabody continues by describing the ethnic influences of the area and recounts the impacts of various Indian families (e.g., Siouan Woccon, Siouan Catabwa, Iroquoian Cherokee and the Algonguians). As well, Peabody discusses how these different Indian families interact with one another .

Additionally, Peabody discusses his role in excavating the land and various burial sites. Actually, the article presents a report of his findings during various excavations, especially noting his findings at one mound, which was deemed to be of “considerable importance.” He describes the land at this mound and how the presence of roots created an obstacle for archeologists who were trying to uncover artifacts. Firstly, roots were considered to be the prime factor in destroying the bones found in the excavations. Secondly, due to the constant presence of roots, if there was ever a forest fire it would likely persist for an extended period of time.

Peabody expresses frustration when the mounds being excavated provide bones in an extremely unsatisfactory condition (e.g., are broken), therefore, making them virtually impossible to be studied.

Peabody closes by declaring that the vicinity of Feyetteville, referring to the individuals that occupy the land and studying their rituals, tools, etc., provide more wisdom than performing excavations and examining pieces of deceased Indians. Peabody concludes by urging anthropologists to study the people who encompass the land in their research and ensures that it “will be sure to reward the archeologist” in the end (pg. 433).

DIMITRA LAZAROU York University: (Naomi Adelson)

Radin, Paul. The Clan Organization of the Winnebago American Anthropologist 1910 Vol.12: 209 – 219

Radin explores the hierarchical listings of the Winnebago clan organization. All the Winnebago clans have animal names. Drawing on past lists of Winnebago clan organization, Radin attempts to draw conclusions surrounding the Native Americans’ kinship and genealogy. The first conclusion is that the Winnebago people are divided into two sections. These sections consist of an upper of heavenly clan and a lower or earthly clan. The two exogamic divisions are not connected to superior or inferior status; they are simply divisional terms relating to ones ancestors. The reason for this division is to prevent intermarriage between the groups.

Descent is strictly patrilineal and most often the man’s clan name becomes associated with the offspring, with the exception of some cases of inheritance rights. Radin’s careful collection of genealogies provides evidence for different clan association between members of the Winnebago. Interestingly, Radin also points out that clan association is often severed when the male paternal ancestor is either a white man or an Indian from another tribe. Upon marriage, the man always lives with his wife’s parents for the first few years. During these first few years the man must never address his mother-in-law and must act as a servant to his father-in-law.

Most importantly, the Bear clan and the Thunderbird clan control the actions of the group. The Bear clan acts as an internal police force, consisting of mostly warriors and lead hunters. The Thunderbird clans are the spiritual leaders of the group, consisting of shamans and chiefs. Both groups possess sacred objects and spiritual places within the culture. Other clans, such as the Wolf, Buffalo, Eagle, Elk, Deer, Snake, Bird, Water monster and the Pigeon also have their own distinct sacred paraphernalia. Although there are different clans, the rights and responsibilities associated with birth, death, funerals, and intermarriage are strictly enforced throughout the ranks.

Similar to other North American Native societies like the Crow, the Hidatsa, and the central Algonquin, the Winnebago define their organization through clan membership. The clan names and memberships are fundamentally important to the culture. Radin’s study helps the outsider understand this relationship between ancestral heritage to clan name.

ROBERT WASYLYK York University (Naomi Adelson)

Shimer F.W. and H.W. The Lithological Section of Walnut Canyon, Arizona with Relation to the Cliff Dwellings of this and other Regions of Northwestern Arizona. American Anthropologist 1910 Vol.12: 237 – 249

Walnut Canyon is a short narrow gorge that is approximately eight miles southeast of Flagstaff, Arizona. Shimer and Shimer have compiled an in-depth and precise description of each of the rock layers that constitute the walls of the gorge. The gorge is approximately 380 feet to the floor and consists of alternating sections of limestone and dolomites with trace amounts of quartz and other debris. At around 150 feet above the floor of the gorge are a series of cliff dwellings. Humans inhabited these cliff dwellings some time ago (no dates are given).

The first section of the article details the 19 distinguishable layers of rock and other formations found in the side of the gorge. Shimer and Shimer are careful to note all the minute details of granular particulates and traces of quartz with the rocks. The caves are formed because of constant erosion of the softer rock between the two cement and calcareous layers. Average cave houses measured 15 feet in length, 10 feet in depth and 7 feet in height. Evidence of fire is found in the backs of the cave, by way of soot stained walls, burnt corn and bones. Many of the dwellings have skillfully erected front walls and doors. On occasion, two caves are adjoined by a small hole in the wall. Evidence of pottery and other food manufacturing tools are also found in the caves.

Similar caves are found at Jacob’s Canyon upon the western side of Kaibab plateau and in the Grand Canyon. These caves are similar in bedding and lithology to that of Walnut Canyon, though less pronounced. Shimer’s conclusions reveal that wind and water erosion combined with the ‘cross-bedded’ sandstone has resulted in the formation of the caves deep enough for dwellings.

ROBERT WASYLYK York University (Naomi Adelson)

Will, G.F. Some New Missouri River Valley Sites In North Dakota. American Anthropologist 1919 N.S.,12: 58-60

In this short article, the author identifies some new archaeological sites found in North

Dakota that had yet to be ‘located’ by the North Dakota State Society. The author describes these to be the Apple Creek Mandan sites, which had been previously recognized but not ‘definitely located’. These sites are thought to have been the first villages to be abandoned during the earliest small pox epidemic at this location.

Some very small fragments of pottery and a considerable amount of bone chips were found at one of these Apple Creek Mandan sites. A second site produced some chipped flint and arrowheads. The author states that some ‘curious’ mounds were also found, but feels that some further investigation is required to identify the origin of these mounds.

JADEN JAVITA WINFREE York University, Toronto (Naomi Adelson)

Willoughby, Charles A New Type of Ceremonial Blanket from the Northwest Coast. American Anthropologist January-March, 1910 Vol. 12(1): 1-10.

A blanket belonging to a Captain Swift, who was engaged in fur trading on the north west coast, found its way to the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. The “Swift” blanket was remarkable in its intricate pattern and meticulous weaving design. The pattern, although quite unique, had some commonality with other blankets from northern tribes. The decorations however, more closely resembled the design used on baskets and embroidery found in the northern half of the region..

The weaving technique used in the “Swift” blanket is remarkable and was the highest developed hand-weaving known among North American tribes. It is quite different to the well-known Chilkat blanket, especially in the ingenious method of preventing fraying of the edges. Except for fur overcasting at its upper edge, the robe is entirely made of goat wool, which seems specially adapted to this work and is used in preference to other varieties of hair, wool and vegetable fiber formerly used by the Indians throughout the United States and Canada. The use of cedar bark is found in the Chilkat blanket.

The Swift blanket is manufactured in such a way so that it possesses a positive and a negative side, an uncommon feature that was not seen in most Northwest blankets, though technically the weaving is similar to the Chilkat robes. The colours of the Swift blanket are yellow, brownish black and the natural white of the wool. Although the strands are drawn with equal tension, the weaving has the same appearance on either side although the colours are reversed. Tracing the pattern and design of this robe, it is probable that it originated in the northern coast region of British Columbia.

BERTIE FRIEDLANDER York University (N. Adelson)