American Anthropologist 1894

Boas, Franz. The Correlation of Anatomical or Physiological Measurements. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:313-324.

As Boas states in the beginning of his article, the physical measuring of human beings is done in order to classify or describe certain types of man. Be that type designated based on race, sex, or social class, the idea was to separate the groups from one another. Boas suggests that a “biometric method” may aid in understanding “variation and transformation.” The purpose of the article is to describe a method for biometric evaluation that will sort out independent variables and clearly demonstrate correlation between others.

Boas explains the manner in which traits may or may not influence one another, and how to statistically determine whether there is a correlation between traits. He uses several examples from Sioux, Crow, and Ojibwa populations and measurements of cranial breadth, cranial length, facial breadth, stature, and reach. These data are presented in tabular form and then illustrated graphically to show the strength or weakness of correlation.

Boas concludes with a long discussion of the use of correlation statistics to predict variation. He discusses the changes that would be expected in certain variables based on the manipulation of another related variable. Furthermore he discusses the application of this to large data sets. In all this seems to be a well organized and thorough discussion of the statistical analysis of anthropometric data.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
David L. Maltese University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Bourke, Captain John G. Distillation by Early American Indians. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:297-300.

Captain Bourke, in this article discusses the common conception that the process of distillation for the production of alcoholic beverages was introduced to New World aborigines by European conquers, and presents what he feels is evidence to the contrary. While it was well know that New World peoples commonly created alcoholic beverages through the process of fermentation, it was not thought that distillation, a process that involves boiling to arrive at the finished product was known to them. Bourke feels that there is good evidence that a number of indigenous New World peoples including the Aztec and the Apache, were creating distilled beverage prior to European contact.

Bourkes evidence comes mostly from accounts of New World explorers, such as Christopher Columbus, of beverages being produced by the people they encountered. Bourke says that some of the beverages described are similar to beverages that were still being produced at the time of his research. Furthermore, he contends that descriptions by Spanish colonizers describing practices surrounding the creation and consumption of alcoholic beverages a decade after contact, suggests that the indigenous tribes must have had knowledge distillation prior to colonization. He claims that it is illogical to assume that in ten years time, a conquering culture could familiarize itself with the indigenous flora to the extent that would be necessary for them to educate their subjects as to the plants’ use in distillation. Bourke’s argument seems well founded, though would have benefited from more evidence than he was able to present in three pages.

CLARITY RANKING:4
David L. Maltese University of Florida(John Moore)

Bourke, Captain John G. Distillation by Early American Indians. American Anthropologist July, 1894 Vol.VII(1):297-299.

This article addresses distillation techniques of Mexican Indians. Bourke argues that the Indians at least the Aztec- (297) had these techniques without influence from Europeans. In order to show this, the author describes the liquors made by the Indians through observations of early explorers.

Bourke first describes that Mexicans have been celebrated for their skills in making liquors by fermentation of the maguey, nopal, mesquite and maize. The author uses quotes by Columbus to describe the drinks tizwin and mescal. The Indians of Veragua on the north coast of South America used corn to make tizwin. Bourke claims this spicy drink resembling English Beer was also a drink of the Arizona Apaches, their acred intoxicant He also claims that this is not a similar drink to the Cherokee corn-meal gruel sour drink. Mescal, as observed by Columbus, was favorite alcoholic stimulant of the Mexican Indians (297). Mescal was made from maguey or the American aloe plant. The heart of the plant is baked, fermented and distilled, and the marrow of the trunk was boiled with spices to make the final product mescal. Bourke then provides a quote from Columbus in French.

The author next supplies an account of the Mexican Indians by Emperor Charles V. The account was given within ten years after Tenochtitlan was ruled by Cortez. The Emperor quote describes pulque, a noxious drink from the maguey that was known to impose severe damage on spiritual and temporal health. The toxicity of maguey was a result of the roots and lime boiled with it. The Emperor describes extreme acts committed when the Indians were intoxicated with pulque.

Bourke notes that the addition of lime water and noxious roots is a practice of the Rio Grande, Texas in 1894. This occurs in mescal found in antinas in southern Texas and northern Mexico. For this reason and the above accounts, Bourke makes the argument that it is unlikely that the Spaniards taught the aborigines to add native roots and berries to their distillation process that were unknown to them. This would have occurred less than ten years after the Spanish conquest.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
GABRIELLE FERLEY Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Bourke, John G. The Laws of Spain in their Application to the American Indians. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7 (15): 193-201.

Bourke believes that Spanish domination has been neglected by American colonial history. The “Castilian contact” with native peoples has been represented as bloodthirsty, cruel, and oppressive. Bourke does not deny that there is sufficient ground for believing this to be the case. However, Bourke points out the objective of the Spanish crown, was to introduce civilization and Christianity to its “new subjects.” The focus of this article is the laws passed by the Spanish crown concerning the treatment of the native peoples. Bourke admits that the administrators, being away from their homeland, were not always dutiful in following the laws. Instead his main point is that there were in fact laws and that considerations were taken concerning the state of the native population.

In colonizing the American continent the Spaniards had two choices, to destroy the native population or assimilate them into civilization. The Spaniards accepted the task of assimilation. Here Bourke admits again that there were points where the Spaniard faltered, often being guilty of cruelty, oppression, and injustice. However, the point is made that, without the civilizing influence of the Spaniards the natives would not have existed in the improved conditions that were the result of assimilation. Native moral and social conditions were improved. For example, there was the introduction of many types of domesticated animals and plants. This Bourke says aided in the improvement of the native condition. He also mentions the trade skill the natives were taught and the improvements introduced to the traditional crafts. Bourke then goes on to list the rules imposed by the Spanish crown initiated by Queen Isabella.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
SHANNA SCHOFIELD University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Bourke, John B. The Laws of Spain in Their Application to the American Indians. American Anthropologist April, 1894 Vol. VII:193-201.

The main focus of the article is the Spanish influence on the American Indians. Spanish discovery of the Indians led to cruel and unjust punishment in trying to convert the Indians to Christianity. Although the Indians were subject to malicious acts by the Spaniards, there were laws passed to protect them from these events. Some of the laws passed range from Indians living in peace to no liquor being sold to them. Queen Isabella of Spain in her last will and testament stated her intentions of converting the Indians to a better state of life through Christianity. In the will she stated, hey shall make it their principal object diligently to execute and carry out this my will, and that they neither consent nor allow any of the Indians native of or residing in said isles and main land to receive any harm whatever, either in person or property, but that they command them to be well and justly treated. (Bourke, 195) The basic point the other is trying to convey is even though the Indians were treated unfairly at times, the overall outcome had positive results. By introducing the Indians to Spanish luxuries, such as fruits and livestock, it enhanced the overall living of the natives. Through evidence presented, by the Queen will and laws passed, it seems as if the Spaniards had good intentions in converting the Indians, but enforced them in wrong ways.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JASON HAYWARD Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Brinton, Daniel G. The Origin of Sacred Numbers. American Anthropologist April, 1894 Vol.VII:168-192.

This article explores the presence of sacred numbers in different societies. The author makes the case that the numbers three and four, or derivatives of them, frequently exist as sacred numbers in varying societies. The number three is derived from abstract sacredness because its application is in the imaginary and non-phenomenal world. The number four is used in the objective world and is derived from material relations. Moreover, diffusion does not account for widespread use of these numbers as these conceptions are directly from the mind. Lastly these numbers are useful tools when looking at cultures.

The author proves the omnipotence of three and four by listing anecdotal cases like Hegel’s theoretical postulate of thesis, antithesis, synthesis; mythology constructs of time and space; or religious tenets like the Christian trinity. After investigating the presence of the three series, he discusses the four series. Again he uses anecdotal lists to convince the reader of the validity of the hypothesis. The author addresses the number seven because it is often used in primitive myth and sacred rites and explains this by saying that three and four combine to make seven. Unfortunately the number 13 exists frequently too. The author explains this as being a derivative of four also saying that it is derivative of seven with one number being shared.

Finally the sacred numbers can be used as ethnic criteria by locating each culture within either the four series or three series. This will explain whether the society leans toward the material or the spiritual life.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Brinton, Daniel G. The Origin of Sacred Numbers. American Anthropologist April, 1894 Vol.7(1):168-173.

Brinton addresses the symbolism and use of sacred numbers with the ultimate goal of identifying what interpretations of these uses can reveal about a culture, especially in regard to its early civilization. After first listing and then defending his main points of argument, the author hopes to convince readers of the sacredness of the numbers 3, 4, and their derivations. Brinton maintains numbers cannot be viewed as sacred or holy due to conventional or classificatory use. Instead, one must investigate the use of symbolism as an expression of mental capacities. Accordingly, 3 and 4 can be considered sacred under two very different sets of criteria. Referring to classical mythology, definitions (of humans relations to both space and time), literary works and other elf-apparent lines of thought, Brinton presents very convincing arguments supporting the holiness of these numbers. A historical analysis of the number three reveals its abstract use in distinguishing the factors of time-past, present and future-and space-length, width and breadth and how these labels are evident even within mythology. Four sacredness stems from the human body relation to the world. According to Brinton, when a man stands, there are four directions about him, in front of him, behind him, to his left and to his right. Man is also said to be built with four walls; we can even refer to a person as being quare-built. From these man went on to identify the cardinal directions, the quarters of the world and the four seasons. These associations carry through into the development of religion (four-faced gods), the winds, the ife and death of vegetation; hence of the seasons, of fertility and of food. The number seven is not sacred because it the result of the sum of the numbers 3 and 4, like most may think. Instead, seven is holy because it represents the combination of vertical and horizontal space-the four cardinal directions plus Above, Below and Here. Brinton claims that the fact that there are seven planets, the constellation of the seven stars, seven colors in the rainbow and etc. only serve to confirm the sacredness of the number seven. The analysis of the predominance of the number 3 or the number 4 in the ythological symbolism of a nation can reveal whether the culture expresses general tendencies toward a material or a spiritual life. A blending of the symbolism of both 3 and 4 is evident in only the most advanced cultures.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
Jenna Rompelman Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Brinton, Daniel G. Variations in the Human Skeleton and Their Causes. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:377-388.

Brinton, in this address before the American Association for the Advancement of Science, wishes to do away with notions that any variation seen in the skeleton is the result of a reversion to an ancestral simian form. He says that too often physical anthropologists wish to describe variation as a step backwards on the evolutionary path, when in fact there likely are much more immediate causes. Brinton suggests that it is foolish to think of such variation as “the ghost of a grandfather a thousand times removed, but ever inopportunely popping up in the present.”

Brinton says that for anomalies for which there can be reasonably applied a pathological, physiological or mechanical causation, “it is illogical to look further.” Furthermore he says that to assume that something is a reversion is to “take for granted hypotheses which have not yet been established beyond a doubt.”

Brinton’s arguments are profound for the time period. He states at the outset that he is against many of the racist declarations of physical anthropology. He entreats in this article to show that many of the variation that others have deemed “simian” are in fact not the products of reversion, but instead those of mechanical and adaptive forces. He further wishes to explain how many traits which are proclaimed by others to be definitive markers of race in fact exist in all humans, and differ in their expression based on environmental influences.

In this article, Brinton deals with morphologic variation related to sex, mechanical function, and deficient nutrition. In all he provides an excellent rebuttal to those “polygenists and reversionists” that continue to push forth ideas that are illogical, inexplicable, and racist.

CLARITY RANKING:5
David L. Maltese University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Brinton, Daniel G. Variations in the Human Skeleton and Their Causes. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol. 7:377-388.

In ariations in the Human Skeleton and Their Causes, Daniel G. Brinton looks at different theories in physical anthropology regarding differences found amongst groups of people, and the possible causes of such. In particular, he argues against the then widely-held notion that anomalies in human skeletal forms could be etrogressive anomalies, or inexplicable traits found in humans that were attributed to a regression to ancestral, ithecoid, imian, or ape-like characteristics.

Brinton focuses on showing that we have no right to assume that any such variation is a reversion until we are unable to show that it is a result (377). He goes on to say that a variation is product of definite and present activities moving under fixed laws toward a calculable result. He argues that ithecoid or imian traits that are explained by others to be etrogressive are actually results of mechanical or functional processes [and] that such traits are not racial in anything like the degree attributed to them, but are found in all races subjected to the influence of these processes (378).

Brinton argument covers basic characteristics in human skeletons that cannot be attributed to retrogression of traits. The first part of his argument is a discussion on bone tissue, primarily focusing on he osteogenetic process, and how formations of bone are a result of certain universal properties of bones. Oddities of bone formation are typically a result of some physical influences on the bone, not by atavism, or retrogression. Another universal skeletal property he looks at is variation between the sexes, and that these differences cannot be explained by atavistic traits but by the laws of reproduction and biology. Another aspect of variation he looks at is that caused by echanical function. Traits from increased or diminished function or use of a bone usually develop over the course of an individual life due to prolonged use or lack of use of the muscles around a bone; not because of appearances of random vestiges of pithecoid ancestors. Another cause of variation that Brinton thinks cannot be adequately explained by retrogressive traits is relative malnutrition among groups of people. Populations that tend to be malnourished tend to be smaller than others that are better nourished, and their physical diversity cannot be explained by reversion.

At the end of Brinton paper is a discussion prepared by another physical anthropologist who challenges arguments made by Brinton. His key argument is that not all human skeletal differences can be explained by processes acting on them to make them different during the life of an individual, but can in many examples be ascribed to reversion to traits of pithecoid ancestors.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
LAURA CLEMENTS Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Chamberlain, A. F. New Words in the Kootenay Language. American Anthropologist Apr, 1894 Vol.VII:186-192

Chamberlain begins this article with an explanation of how the Eskimo adopt new words into their vocabulary. The Eskimo employ two methods for incorporating new words into their vocabulary. One is the result from the established stem words currently in use. The second is to adopt the new word in a similar fashion to the way it was first heard and used. The Kootenay vary in the way they adopt words. The essay describes the names and derivations for ‘things new’ in the Kootenay language.

The categories used are: 1) words relating to religion, 2) names of quadrupeds (animals), 3) names of birds, 4) names of fish, 5) crustaceans, insects, and 6) plants, vegetables, fruits.

An example from each category is:

– God defined as ‘he who made us’ – probably derived from missionary influence

– Horse defined as elk-dog

– Peacock means large tail

– Whale defined as large fish

– Centipede is related to the term for chair and references arms and legs

– Peach Pear literally means ‘rose-hip’

Many other words are spelled phonetically and defined.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Chamberlain, A. F. Words Expressive of Cries and Noises in the Kootenay Language. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.VII:68-70.

A.F. Chamberalin worked in the Kootenay district of North America. His three page essay details some of the expressive speech of the people in this district in the form of animal cries, human cries and noises, noises in nature, as well as other noises. Presumably he was inspired to complete this work because his friend and informant, Amelu, could summon all types of animals with his speech calls.

The article reviews words and how they are expressed in the language. There is not much interpretation of the words other than that some sounds may be onomatopoetic. This article is a salvage ethnography of speech, like: noises made by a lake – (Ga’kok.a’sukqo’mek).

CLARITY RANKING: 4
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Cushing, Frank Hamilton. Primitive Copper Working: An Experimental Study. American Anthropologist January 1894 vol. 7: 93-117.

Frank Cushing discusses the debate about the primitive nature of copper working in North America. The debate occurred during the 1892 meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington. During his presentation, Mr. Warren K. Moorehead introduced copper art found in ancient Ohio mounds. The copper art consisted of sheets of copper with figures, large and small, all carefully executed. At the time of the meeting there was still doubt as to the ability of “the mound builders.” Moorehead suggested the objects were of European manufacture with only the design coming from an Indian artisan. The sheets of copper were even in thinness with clean edges. Moorehead could only imagine a roller mill aiding this kind of copper art.

However, Cushing was not willing to dismiss the copper art as European. He had lived with the Zuni witnessing and learning the art of metalworking. Cushing set out to experiment with the metalworking skills he had learned and he only used stone tools in his effort. Stone tools and bone implements were among the few tools utilized by the Indians. Cushing was able to demonstrate that flat sheets of copper could be processed using only the stone and bone tools. Having knowledge of the many copper objects that have been recovered from the mounds, Cushing knew of none that could not be reproduced using his experimental technique.

There are other elements of the copper art that lead Cushing to believe they are of native manufacture. The figures on the sheets are similar to the art found on other materials beside metal, especially that of shell art. From the evidence of shell art Cushing asserts that the knowledge of engraving existed before the advent of metal working. This allowed for an easy transition when applying similar figures to metal.

Cushing makes inferences about the result of metalworking. He suggests that skilled artisans may have rose as a distinct class of specialists involved in the production of art. There is also debate about the origin of development of this type of metalworking. The figures portrayed are similar to those found to the south in Mexico. Cushing presents the question of greater origin but leaves it unanswered and left open to debate as the subject of another paper at another time.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Cushing, Frank Hamilton. Primitive Copper Working: An Experimental Study. American Anthropologist Jan., 1894 Vol.VII:93-117.

The overall problem Cushing article addresses is whether the copper artifacts from ancient mounds in Ohio are indigenous or foreign. The stimulus for this article came from Cushing attendance of a meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington, where Warren K. Moorehead presented a paper entitled ingular Copper Objects from Ancient Mounds in Ohio. In the discussion that followed the presentation many of the people in attendance argued that the ancient mound builders did not have the technological capability to create the intricate copper artifacts that Moorehead found, and therefore the copper artifacts were more likely of European origin. Cushing and others in attendance disagreed and the argument was left unanswered.

Cushing continued his side of the argument from the meeting in his article rimitive Copper Working: An Experimental Study In this article Cushing basic argument is that the ancient mound builders were capable of creating the copper artifacts found by Moorehead. He argues that although the Indians did not have knowledge of smelting or tools of iron or steel, they were still capable of creating the copper artifacts using stone age technology. Cushing does not further his argument to directly answer the question of whether or not the copper artifacts are indigenous or foreign, but he does suggest that since the mound builders were capable of creating the artifacts then it is much more likely that the artifacts are indigenous.

Cushing constructs his argument by beginning with his knowledge of Zuni techniques for working metal and other materials. He argues that these techniques could be used with stone-age technology alone, to craft replicas of the copper artifacts found by Moorehead. He then completes his argument through example, by crafting the replicas himself using only stone-age technology, and describing the procedures through both words and diagrams in a step by step process.

This article was fairly easy to understand and the diagrams were very helpful, however there were several very long sentences which at times made the article difficult to read.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
Felomino Flores Lawrence University (Peter Peregrine)

Cushing, Frank Hamilton. Primitive Copper Working: An Experimental Study. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.7:93-117.

The copper objects discovered at the ancient mounds of Ohio are the concern of Frank Hamilton Cushing article, Primitive Copper Working. A paper read by Warren K. Moorehead at the Anthropological Society of Washington inspired Cushing to write this article. As Moorehead suggested in the reading of his paper, the copper objects discovered in Ohio could not have been formed or created by the primitive mound builders of this region. Moorehead reading also concluded that the elaborate copper plates and figures were of remarkable regularity and design, and therefore could not have been fashioned by merely the use of stone tools. A discussion following Moorehead reading suggested that although the copper objects exhibited characteristics of Indian artistic treatment and design, it was believed that these objects were of foreign manufacture and that the thin sheets of copper and metal could only have been produced via the means of more advanced methods. Cushing, however, argues that the copper objects, as described by Mr. Moorehead, could very well have been produced using primitive stone tools.

The basis of Cushing argument is supported by his knowledge of Zuni Indian metal working, along with his research and experimentation with metal-forming using solely primitive methods. Cushing explains that pre-historic methods of metal-working were known and implemented prior to European contact throughout the Southwest. The processes of annealing, fusing, soldering, brazing, and smelting could all have been carried out using subterranean oven-furnaces and kilns, both of which are known to have by used by Indians. As a method of reducing ore, stones were heated in great fires, and the copper would separate from the rock. Cushing supports the idea that Indians were capable of separating copper from stone by replicating the process by means of the same primitive methods.

After demonstrating that the metal could be extracted and obtained during the period of the mound builders, Cushing explains how the copper objects could have been formed and manipulated by aboriginal Indians. First, he suggests that the aboriginal art of metal-working was influenced by other forms of art, such as stone-working, bark-working, skin-working, shell-working, and horn-working. Cushing demonstrates in great detail how copper can be thinned, flattened, and smoothed using stone tools and deer bones. He also explains how he has been able to reproduce copper objects using deer horns, bones, and stone tools in order to emboss, groove, chisel, grind, and shape the copper. Cushing demonstrates how plates can be used to create symmetry and regularity among the copper objects.

Finally, after analyzing the style and detail of the copper objects, Cushing concludes that the copper figures and designs are all of Indian origin and art form. The copper-workings match the art forms of Indian shell-working, as well as figures depicted in other forms of Indian art. Through his experiments and research, Cushing strongly concludes that it was not at all impossible for the copper objects and designs, as described in Moorehead collection, to have been formed and created by the mound building Indians using primitive tools and methods.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
Ryan Gebler Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Ellis, Myron The Chinook Jargon. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:300-311.

Ellis describes the Chinook jargon, used by Indians of the Pacific Northwest. He discusses the history of the language, its vocabulary and its usefulness. He also discusses what he sees as the future of the language. Ellis contends that it would be a monumental undertaking to create a complete dictionary of Chinook terms. The jargon is vastly different in different locales and as such would be difficult to describe completely. Ellis suggests that this would only be possible were someone to learn the dialect in at one location with such expertise that he might then travel throughout the Chinook speaking regions and record the differences he encountered.

Ellis leaves the discussion of history to a passage from Hale’s work “Oregon Tribal Languages.” Ellis says that a number of dictionaries of Chinook jargon have been published beginning in 1863 with one produced by the Smithsonian Institution. This dictionaries seem to show very little change in the language through time, but Ellis contends that this is because one of the primary changes affecting the language is the incorporation of English words which are left out of the dictionaries because English-speaking readers don’t need them defined. Ellis reports that the Chinook jargon is comprised of 1402 words and 1552 “phrases that refer to single English words.”

On the usefulness and future of the language, the author says that the two are closely related. It is only through its usefulness that the language may be perpetuated. One of the signs of its usefulness is that the language migrated south from its birthplace into many parts of California. Its usefulness comes from the fact that in an area of the country which has many tribes, each speaking a different language, an English speaker who is fluent in Chinook can interact with reasonable success with most of the tribes in the area. It is because of this that Ellis sees Chinook jargon lasting well into the future.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
David L. Maltese University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Eells, Myron. The Chinook Jargon. American Anthropologist July, 1894 Vol.7:300-313.

This article is based in the research done on the Chinook jargon by Myron Eells. He begins with a short description of the origin and history of the language. Eells mentions that it is a combination of Indian, French, and English words. In order to learn this jargon, he had to first learn how to speak it and then move to another location where it is spoken in a different way.

Eells also brings up the other dictionaries of the Chinook jargon put together by other researchers but does not go into further detail. He does claim that the jargon has been useful since it has spread from its birthplace at the mouth of the Columbia River, and traveled in all directions, including California and Alaska.

The author claims to have found 1402 words recorded in Chinook-English and 1552 phrases that answer to English words. Unfortunately, not even half of these words are used and they are spelled several different ways. It also may take a Chinook phrase to mean the same as one word in the English language.

The author really does not pose an argument in this article, only his opinion of his research on the jargon. Eells does state that more Indians need to learn English, because during that time period, whites were not learning the Indian languages.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JAMIE LEMERAND Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Emerson, Ellen Russell The Book of the Dead and Rain Ceremonials. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:233-259

Emerson, in this article, embarks upon a discussion of the Egyptian ritual “text” the “book of the Dead.” She says that “among the Egyptians, as among our red races, the supernatural… was sought through talismanic formula.” She discusses various aspects of these “formulae,” and compares them to the practices of Native Americans. Emerson puts forth some of the fundamental beliefs of the Egyptians including their belief that the heart was the seat of the soul. She says the Egyptians did not differentiate between the psychic and the physical in their view of life and soul which is much like the conception held by Native Americans.

Emerson goes on to make further connections between icons of Egyptian ritual and Native American ritual. The author says that to Egyptians, the mask served as an important symbol. However, rather than human masks an Egyptian, “like more primitive peoples…represented his gods in the disguise of animals heads.” Emerson also cites the similarity between the importance of the post, or plain column in both religious systems, and the resemblance between Indian lodges (divided into four spaces) and Egyptian religious architecture (utilizing quadrangles). Owls and “purgatorial fire” are but a few more of the items that ancient Egyptians and North American Indians have in common.

One of the most important symbols to Emerson’s discussion is that of the serpent. Important in Egyptian religion as fire-breathing guardians of the underworld, the snake has numerous meanings among the various tribes of North America. For the Tusayan and Ojibwa Indians, the serpent represents rain.

Emerson’s contention is that ritual practices are somehow inherent in “primitive races.” As such the seeming similarity is important to her argument, for it seems to suggest that despite a great temporal divide, spiritually the Egyptians and Indians are very much alike. As she says at the closing of her article: “So men repeat themselves; and what our aboriginal races have done Egyptian civilization renewedly repeated, adhering like all ritualists to the letter of the laws laid down in a traditional past.”

CLARITY RANKING: 1
David L. Maltese University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Emerson, Ellen Russell. The Book of the Dead and Rain Ceremonials. American Anthropologist July, 1894 Vol.7(3):233-259.

The main issue with which Emerson is concerned in this article is the connection between the symbolism found in the Egyptian ook of the Dead and ancient Native and South American rain ceremonials. By pointing out these similarities, Emerson attempts to show that there is a strong continuity between what arbaric peoples have traditionally done and what ivilized people currently do. The Egyptian forms of expressing death and the afterlife, then, are extensions of the forms that were created by aboriginal populations to represent and understand the world.

Emerson sets out to prove first of all that the symbolism found in Egyptian accounts of what death is like, i.e. interactions with spirits, significant figures, etc. is a more richly developed version of that found in Native American rain ceremonials. In order to show the continuity of ideas, Emerson takes a large numbers of facts found in the Egyptian ook of the Dead and describes the counterparts that are found among drawings representing Native American ceremonials. For example, one significant feature of the ook of the Dead is the depiction of massive posts that stand in front of the entrance to the underworld, requiring all who wish to enter the underworld to pass by them. Similarly, in Native American ceremonials, the post is extremely important as a sign of truth in the dance, initiation into lodges, etc. Some of the other notable similarities that Emerson finds between the Egyptian and native imagery are the sacred presence of the owl, the use of serpents or serpentine lines to depict rain/water, and the connections between feathers or plumes and breath.

By making continual close comparisons between Egyptian and native symbols, Emerson is able to very conclusively show the flow of ideas from what she deems the primitive societies to those that are civilized. Emerson concludes that the acts of seeking rain and interpreting death rites and rituals have much the same goal a desire for life and its dramatization, and the acknowledgement of the relationship between cause and effect.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
BRITTANY RUSSELL Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Fewkes, Walter J. A Study of Certain Figures in a Maya Codex. American Anthropologist July 1894 vol. 7 260-274.

In this article Walter Fewkes examines the ‘long-nose,’ or Rain God figure as it appears in the Codex Cortesianus, a Mayan book. The figure is represented in several different ways throughout the codex and the objective of the article is to explain the symbolism of the ‘long-nose’ figure.

Upon examination of the codex, Fewkes focuses on the differentiation of the heads of the figures because the head shows the most variability. Fewkes follows with a discussion addressing the variety of symbols that appear in conjunction with the head. The discussion includes analysis of the objects that the figure is holding, oral appendages, and appendages on the top of the head. Within the article there are several plates showing drawings of the variation of the Rain God head.

Fewkes analysis of the Rain God figure leads him to associate the ‘long-nose’ figure with that of the snake. In several instances the snake appears in the context of the ‘long-nose,’ or Rain God figure. It is at this point in the article that Fewkes considers identifying the ‘long-nose’ figure as the Rain God, Tlaloc of the Maya. Fewkes says snakes are often associated with water either as the pet of a rain/water deity or as one itself.

There is additional speculation by Fewkes as he works through the symbolic meaning of the various representations of the Rain God. He considers that there may be a relation between the figure and the four cardinal directions. Fewkes bases this consideration on information obtained from the region of the Hopi, Tusayan culture. There are parallels between Tusayans and the Maya in the treatment of the cardinal directions, as well as the symbolism of the Rain God.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Fewkes, Walter J. On Certain Personages who Appear in a Tusayan Ceremony. American Anthropologists January 1894 vol. 7 32-52

In this article Walter Fewkes discusses the Hopi Indian celebration known as the Po-wa-muh, where men use masks to disguise themselves as monsters called Na-tac-ka(s). The discussion includes a consideration of characteristics that the celebration shares with those of Mexican cultural groups. The symbolism of the masks is shared between the Hopi, Tusayan area and Mexico. Fewkes describes the Po-wa-muh celebration, which honors the deities associated with the bean-planting ceremony, as well as the masks worn to depict the deities.

Fewkes thinks there is a relation between the Hopi and Mexican ceremonies. He uses the symbolism of the Hopi to address this question. The ti-hu or doll is used to represent a wealth of symbols used by the Hopi. Fewkes also considers the Hopi use of colors to describe cardinal directions. Following the discussion of the Hopi symbols and color system, Fewkes addresses the differences and similarities seen in Mexican cultures, particularly the Aztec. Based on the similarities seen in the Aztec, Fewkes believes the ceremony has a common origin in Mexico.

Although Fewkes believes the ceremony was brought by peoples of the south to the Hopi villages, he leaves room for the possibility of independent origin. Fewkes believes that the environment has the ability to shape “stages of culture.” When there is a similarity in environment, there will be a similar intellectual response. However, the main argument made in the article reinforces the idea of diffusion of symbolic ideas from the south to the northern region of the Hopi. Any differences of symbolism are attributed to the long duration of time after the ceremony was introduced to the Hopi area.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Fewkes, Walter J. The Kinship of the Tusayan Villagers. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol.VII:394-417.

This article explores the roots of the lineage and kinship terms of the Tusayan Hopi village of East Mesa. The author, Walter J. Fewkes, does this by looking at totems of different groups and archaeological evidence.

Many of the houses in the area are in ruins which indicate long use. Still others bear evidence of nomadic stopping points. Many of the legends told in the groups are historically probable. Fewkes conducts a census of the area by family, gender, and location. The combination of the location of habitat with respect to the city center and the family names are good indicators of kinship.

Fewkes describes a kiva ceremony between the totems/fetishes of the group. Some of the totems are frog, snake, and flute. According to Fewkes these totems represent previous clans of different tribes. The legends and rituals are historically significant because they detail the merging of peoples. Fewkes points out that it is difficult to understand the subtleties behind these group associations. It is clear why the foxes, coyotes and wolves go together but less clear why the ants should be associated with the Horn people. Moreover, there is so much obscurity in these tales that it is difficult to truly say what is happening. Legendary evidence, does however, support the arrival of the first three families.

Included in the article are charts of his census as well as different families, names, totem and social standing. He compares legends, totems, and history in an attempt to ascertain the origins of the Tusayan village people.

Fewkes concludes that the Tusayan villages, while there is no evidence of Navajo blood, are composite of the Pueblo people. The Hopi claim kinship with other groups of New Mexico and Arizona which are also sedentary. In addition, their language is peppered with foreign words from Tanoan, Keresan, Piman and others.

CLARITY RANKING: 1
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Fewkes, Walter J. The Kinship of a Tanoan-Speaking Community in Tusayan. American Anthropologist April, 1894 Vol. 7: 162-167.

This article sets out to help out in the struggle with racial affinities involving Indians in Tusayan. Fewkes even states, he object of this article is to show how far the process of amalgamation of the last important Tanoan addition with the Hopi has gone and how much it has been affected by its neighbors. (Fewkes 162). Through the use of linguistics, family ties, and kinship Fewkes would like to better understand these communities.

It is known that a few villages along the East Mesa speak the Tanoan dialect. The arrival of Tusayan ancestors may have directly affected the Hopi people as a whole. Other reasons may include that the Indians were constantly moving around so it was hard to set up systems of beliefs. There is good evidence that the Hopi people did not in fact speak the Tanoan language. Through blood kinship and descendants the Hopi people and Tanoan colonists can be linked.

Data was then collected on a Tusayan Tanoan community, given the people descents and what kind of background they came from. For example, you may be pure Tanoan or have a Navajo father and a Tanoan mother, or you may marry in to the Tanoan culture. But in any regards all the data was collected to reflect the community.

In the end what Fewkes seem to conclude is that language is not a direct factor related to kinship. So two people speaking the same language are not guaranteed to be more closely related than two people who speak a different language. Another thing is that language may be able to survive even after kinship has changed. The kinship of the Hopi people is something Fewkes wants to look at in greater detail in the future.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
Grant Horton Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Gaillard, D. D. The Papago of Arizona and Sonora. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:293-297.

Gaillard entreats to give a brief overview of the culture of the Papago Indians of the Southwest. The Papago are a sedentary people, raising horses and cattle and undertaking agriculture during seasonal periods of rain. Population estimates range between two and five thousand individuals on either side of the Mexican-American border. Problems in studying these individuals result from the remoteness of their territory of occupation and the lack of Papago individuals who speak either English or Spanish. Furthermore there were no researchers, English or Spanish, familiar with Papago language. Gaillard briefly describes many aspects of Papago culture including living conditions, agriculture, crafts, burial rites, marriage and religious ceremonies. While he dedicates but two or three sentences to certain topics such as marriage, Gaillard does give a fairly detailed description of their origin myth, which has some ties to religious beliefs. Gaillard includes a description of attitudes towards the Apache, enemies of the Papago. The Papago considered the Apache ritually unclean. Anyone involved in contact with Apache, through war or otherwise was required to undergo a cleansing ritual which Gaillard details.

Gaillard does not set forth a fundamental question in this article, instead only providing a descriptive account of the subjects. He does well in the brief space used to give an overall picture of the Papago, though, as would be expected, many questions are left unanswered.

CLARITY RATING: 5
David L. Maltese University of Florida(John Moore)

Gaillard, D. D. The Papago of Arizona and Sonora. American Anthropologist July, 1894 Vol.7:293-297.

The author, D. D. Gaillard, describes the Papago, a group of people who “roamed” the desert Southwest in the early 1890s. He provides a generalized outlook and description of the culture, with information provided by “Marmela, an old Papago woman of Poso Verde, Mexico” (296).

According to Gaillard, the Papago live in southern Arizona and in the state of Sonora in Mexico. The area is very arid and difficult to live in, and agriculture is very limited and dependent upon rain cycles. The population at the time is debatable, and at a maximum was about 10,000 people.

The social structure is described at some length. The system of authority is such that for each settlement there is a headman who is locally in charge. Families each have their own names, and Gaillard goes into a description of the pottery and other material culture made by the Papago. He provides a short description of marriage, short probably due to lack of information. Marriage is described as being “lightly esteemed by the Papago, the wife being changed at pleasure, but generally presented with horses and cattle to help support the children, whom she retains” (294).

Gaillard then provides a synopsis of known rituals. He provides a light description of burial practices and a narrative of other Papago rituals, particularly dances. Cosmology is devoid of belief in a God, according to the author, “but [they] attribute all that happens to the actions of spirits, generally evil spirits, and go through many dances and incantations to banish these daimons [sic] (295). Such dances are the huaca and baile del buro, among others. The Papago say they originated in the area, and have a creation story involving two gods and the surrounding mountains.

The author data comes from a sole informant, who is a member of the Papago but speaks Spanish, as the author was unable to speak the Papago language and very few other outsiders could, as well. He was also not able to witness much of Papago life, as outsiders were not allowed to see very much, especially in terms of rituals.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
LAURA CLEMENTS Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Gatschet, Albert S. Songs of the Modoc Indians. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.VII:26-31.

In the short article Songs of the Modoc, Albert Gatschet translates three songs into English and discusses some of the historical significance the songs have for the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians. He spent much time with the Modoc Indians and has translated numerous songs from dictation. This article is a classic example of salvage ethnography. The songs explored in the article are “The Song of the Rollhead Owl”, “The Robin Redbreast – A Cradle Song”, and “Satiric Song”. Rollhead Owl is about a man who is ungrateful and throws away all of his possessions and begins to throw away his body parts, including his legs. His faithful dog goes and fetches each part bringing them back to the rightful owner. The ending of the song is dramatic with the man cutting of his head. His head traveled for many miles over the earth. The Cradle Song is a short song depicting the habits of the robin. Satiric Song is a satiric dance-song about the inhabitants of the lake harbor which lies three miles north of the lower course of the Williamson river. The translation of the title also means a little-bad place. The song refers to frequent cremations and the author speculates that there may have been an epidemic earlier than the Modoc War of 1872-1873.

The songs were chosen because they were frequently sung and were highly prized. In addition to the description and translation of the three songs, Gatschet includes a glossary of terms for his readers.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Gatschet, Albert S. Songs of the Modoc Indians. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.VII: 26-31

In this article, Gatschet is addressing two issues. The first is the culture of the Modoc Indians as expressed through songs sung at different occasions. He gives three examples of songs that are used on a regular basis. The first song is about the owl. Gatschet says that ike everything else seemingly miraculous or unaccountable, is made the subject of songs and folk-stories (26). The song is about a man trying to become an owl and his dog and sister trying to stop the transformation. In the end, the man does become the owl. The second song is sung to a sleeping child. This song is sung by a mother and the grandmother. The third song is about an epidemic that happened many years ago. During this epidemic, all that died were cremated. Despite the undertones of death and illness, the song is actually song as a dance song. But despite the explanation of the words of the song, Gatschet misses explaining the context in which these songs are sung. The songs, most likely have meaning and are sung at certain points of the day, but there is no mention of the that in this article.

The second purpose of the article is more of a linguistically approach. Though not part of the article, the author gives a list of words that were found in the song, along with more in-depth meanings. He also gives an idea of the metric count of song by providing what types of stress go on each word. Though not the main purpose of the article, it does give a better understanding of the words that were used in the song examples.

The article does give a literal translation of the songs the Modoc Indians are singing, but it does not give a cultural context to the songs. Only one song is explained on when and how it is used. Otherwise, Gatschet mainly use the article to explain the literal meaning of the songs. The meaning of the songs and the article are not clear at all. The linguistically arguments do help in understanding the songs but the culturally context is lost in the linguistics of the article.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
KAMILA BEHNKE Lawrence University (Peter Peregrine)

Hewitt, J. N. B. Era of the Formation of the Historic League of the Iroquois. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol. 7: 61-67.

In this article Hewitt considers the date of the formation of the Historic League of the Iroquois. He explores the arguments made by Lewis Henry Morgan, Horatio Hale, and others as they try to establish a date for the formation. There are accounts of interviews with chiefs and other natives involved with the formation the league. These accounts are problematic. The native perspective of time is dissimilar to the chronology of historic records.

David Cusick’s research adds to the information available concerning the formation of the Historic League. Linguistic data from his work is used to explore the origins of the formation, as well as, defining the native groups who were part of the formation. Historic events are also analyzed in hopes of matching these events to the ones described by the natives.

Ethnographic accounts are also given into evidence by Jacques Carter. In his 1535 accounts there is mention of warring groups but no mention of the existence of a league. Instead, the explanation offered points to the formation of the league due to outside pressure from the Hurons and their Algonkin allies. Despite the evidence suggested above there was still considerable discontent with the date of formation. After much debate about the wars waged and the treks of explorers a date between 1559 and 1570 was decided upon.

CLARITY RANKING: 1
SHANNA SCHOFIELD University of Florida, (John Moore)

Hewitt, J. N. B. Era of the Formation of the Historic League of the Iroquois. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.7(1):61-67.

Hewitt paper centers on the debate concerning the date of the formation of the Iroquois League. Based on his article, it would appear that there was a substantial body of contemporary research and literature at the time that dealt with this issue. A date for the formation of the League was placed from anywhere between 1100 A.D. to the early 1600s. Hewitt argument focuses on the types of evidence that were used by his contemporaries in their research.

Hewitt refers to the works of academicians such as Lewis H. Morgan and David Cusick who studied the history and customs of the Iroquois Nations. In his analysis of their findings, Hewitt concentrates on their sources of evidence. The vast majority of the evidence provided by contemporary studies was based on oral traditions and narratives. Hewitt argues that oral traditions are notoriously famous for their lack of chronological accuracy and he presents Cusick study as evidence for this statement. Cusick collected information from Iroquois elders concerning events in their history. The material given Cusick by his informants was gathered from the histories of the Iroquois Nations as recorded in wampum belts. Hewitt argues that this information is chronologically inaccurate. He writes, he defeat of the Eerie occurred 169 years before the time Cusick wrote, and yet he and his co-annalists err by 160 years regarding the date of that event. (p62) Hewitt argues that a lack of accuracy in Iroquois historical and oral records necessarily implies a lack of accuracy concerning Cusick conclusion for the date of the Iroquois League formation.

Hewitt himself uses the research provided by historic personages such as Jacques Cartier who was in the vicinity of the Iroquois and Huron lands in the 1500s. Hewitt states that Cartier was the first person in history to have mentioned the existence of a confederacy of nations known as the Iroquois. Cartier was in the region during a period of turmoil and war between the Huron and their allies and the Iroquois Nations to the south. Based on this information, Hewitt argues that the formation of a League of Iroquois nations would have resulted from increased military pressures on those tribes. Forming a confederacy would have been highly advantageous and as such, a good indicator of the need for a confederacy would be an increase in the fighting. Based on historical records, Hewitt argues that the Iroquois began a more aggressive and successful campaign against the Huron and their allies in the mid-sixteenth century. Thus he concludes that the Iroquois League formed at around 1550, probably sometime between 1559 and 1570.

Hewitt argument first breaks down existing theories about the questioned date by discussing the chronological demerits of oral narratives as historic records. He then argues for his own date of the mid-sixteenth century by citing the works of early travelers and historians, focusing on the period during which the Iroquois League began to be mentioned in their accounts. He puts forward the theoretical viewpoint that o league or confederation of peoples was perhaps ever formed without a sufficient motive in the nature of outside pressure. p64) Based on this and the written accounts mentioned above, he places the date of the formation at approximately 1559. Hewitt also goes on to refute arguments that could be made against his estimation of the formation date. These arguments he refers to are concerned with the correspondence of oral traditions to the historic record. For instance, one argument he refers to states that if the League formed in 1559, there should be people alive in the 1630s, who knew some of the original founders. Hewitt rebuttal of this argument is that there is no evidence indicating that there were no Iroquois alive in the 1630s who knew the founders of the League.

Hewitt argument is holistic in that it takes into account the works of both his contemporaries and early travelers to the Iroquois and Huron lands. His argument is also strengthened by his reliance on historic data and the placement of his research in a theoretical context. His evidence is provided throughout the body of his work in a logical manner that serves to be very convincing. However, some of the arguments he makes at the end of his paper seem invalid, such as the statement quoted above concerning personal knowledge of the League founders. Hewitt also appears to dismiss certain arguments as being obviously unfeasible, but does not state his reasons for ding so. For instance, he writes f course an epoch for the formation of the league antedating 1609 by 360 to 420 years is not to be considered. p. 62) Overall however, this is an interesting paper that gives the reader a good overview of the major arguments in the debate over the date of the Iroquois League formation. It is also somewhat convincing although at times, his argument appears to be dismissive of existing evidence.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
JYOTHI RAMANATHAN Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Holmes, W. H. Caribbean Influence in the Prehistoric Art of Southern States. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.VII:71-79.

W.H. Holmes is a student of Native American history and tries to theorize about the movements of men based on the study of art, institutions, and physical characteristics of the land. Concentrating on the study of south eastern United States, he looks at the links of the mainland with Caribbean islands through art.

There is a difference in Florida/Georgia ceramics from the rest of the south-eastern United States. One of the designs that is unique to Florida/Georgia ceramics is the stamp design. Because of their uniqueness, the author begins to compare them with the decorative conceptions in the West Indies. Holmes’ museum does not have much art collections from the surrounding isles of Florida, but Turk’s island, the Bahama group, Antilles. These offer examples of Caribbean style and Holmes uses these for comparison.

Motive grouping and execution of the art are close and the author feels this closeness indicates contact. A striking characteristics of West Indian decorative design are the filled space of concentric circles and angular figures. This similar stamp design is seen in the Florida/Georgia pottery. In addition, Holmes found traces of West Indian design up through North Carolina, Tennessee and Alabama.

After comparing the design, the author looks at how the design ideas were brought to the area. Three hypotheses exist – (1) there was causal and occasional friendly visits, (2) they were pressured to move, or (3) they moved north and occupied the southeastern U.S. The second option is weak because if they did indeed first occupy the area there would be evidence of exact replications/duplicates. In addition the uses of West Indian design seem arbitrarily placed onto the ceramics and other preexisting materials here.

After looking for more evidence of contact, Holmes finds that early explorers of Florida published details confirming frequent contact between Florida and the Caribbean. In addition, there is evidence of word borrowing which indicates presence and domination in the area by Caribbean peoples.

Stools are of Caribbean form and no prior examples exist in area. A good example of an isolated artifact is the Turks island stool, which is carved wood from stone tools. The designs suggest prior artifact existence and adoption of new influence of design instead of recreating surroundings. These products belong to the Timuquanan-Muskhogean period of pre-Columbian times. Author concludes that there are also hints of Yucatec influences. All of these factors together support the notion that frequent maritime navigation occurred but that people were attached to their homeland. Thus the design motifs were transmitted by infiltration from higher to lower culture groups.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
AMY COX Gainesville (John Moore)

Holmes, W. H. Caribbean Influence in the Prehistoric Art of Southern States. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.7(1):71-79.

In this article, Holmes addresses the distinctive artistic quality of various items found in the regions of Florida and Georgia in the United States. In particular, he points out that the designs imprinted in earthenware forms discovered in this area are very intricate, consisting of curved lines and angular elements in many different combinations. Because this style of design is unlike anything found in surrounding areas within the U.S., Holmes proposes that the source of inspiration for these pieces comes from outside the states.

Holmes basic argument is that the artistic ideas found in the Caribbean islands spread to the mainland areas and influenced the style of decorating found in the Florida-Georgia region. First, Holmes shows a particularly clear example of the kind decoration found amongst Floridian and Georgian pottery. He then presents three examples of designs from various islands in the Caribbean. In making the visual comparisons and explaining the composition of the designs from each region, he is able to show the striking similarity between them. He then addresses the issue of how such ideas might have gotten passed from the islands to the mainland. He rejects the notion that the people of the islands gradually left their homes and established new permanent residences on the mainland, taking with them their native art forms, because no singular items have been found that show purely Caribbean characters. Rather, it is more likely that the islanders simply made frequent trips to the mainland, and the regular exposure to island styles eventually transformed mainland art and produced the unique adornments characteristic of this region in the U.S.

Because there is no single conventional element found in Caribbean art that has not been shown to have a counterpart in Floridian art, Holmes stresses that there was not merely a happenstance blending of styles. On the contrary, the extremely high degree of similarity would seem to result from a full adoption by the Floridians of Caribbean styles. This hypothesis fits in with the tendency noted by Holmes for culture elements to filter down from higher (Caribbean) to lower (mainland) groups.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
BRITTANY RUSSELL Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Migration and the Food Quest: A Study in the Peopling of America. American Anthropologist July, 1894 Vol.VII:275-292.

This article discusses the movement of people throughout the world and lists variables that contribute to migration.

The struggle for existence is based on inner and outer body requirements. Inner body requirements are hunger and thirst. Outer body requirements are things like clothing, and housing that serve to protect the skin. These essential needs translate into the exploitation of the earth for materials, transformations of these materials, movement of these materials, commerce and exchange of these materials, and the arts of consumption. Man has always moved. Furthermore migration is caused from a group of motives not just a singular motive. Motives can be classified as either subjective or objective. Accidents and tragedies, like shipwrecks, also play a part in migration.

Mason discusses how the peopling of America occurred. He focuses on migration by sea instead of land and poses a hypothetical case to illustrate his point. The case is the ancestor settlement of the Haida Indians of British Columbia who, many centuries ago, set out on the Indian ocean.

He suggests ten possible water routes for the Haida migration, and then reviews the necessary conditions that would prove which way the people came. Twelve necessary conditions exist to support migratory routes. They are food supply, conveyance, currents and highways, winds and temperature, suggestions and barriers, blood, social structure, language, arts, remains and historic evidence, religion and folk-lore, and modern witnesses. His hypothesis is that the peopling of America occurred steadily and continuously from Asia by way of its eastern shores and seas from the Indian ocean. Subsidiary movements occurred on the rivers and seas of India, China, Mongolia, and Siberia.

The article then goes through the twelve necessary conditions to prove his hypothesis.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Migration and the Food Quest: A Study in the Peopling of America. American Anthropologist July, 1894 Vol.7(3):275-292.

Mason primary concern focuses on explaining the eopling of America, how is it that America became populated? Man faces both inner and outer challenges for survival, the former of these dealing with the need to satisfy both thirst and hunger and the latter involves the seeking of shelter, protection from the harshness of the environment. Migration ( ntentionally or unintentionally leaving a spot and never returning to it then occurs when humans feel they can make the greatest improvements (in the inner and outer challenges) for the least amount of effort. Migration can further be divided into two types: attractive and repulsive. People either move to a new location because they are compelled, intrigued to, and they have enough to energy to conquer the challenge, or they are forced to relocate by some other factor. Mason proposes two main ways that people migrated into America from Asia, either they followed the arctic route and crossed the land of snow and ice (Norway, Greenland), or they followed his method of choice and migrated by way of sea. Through a comparison of people today and those hypothesized back then, and conditions which would be necessary to ensure successful migration, Mason furthers his argument that people could have been navigating the seas for centuries. His list of arguments is great and varied, but all focus on questioning the similarities between American Indians and Asian peoples and identifying how traveling by sea is the most sensible means of traveling. Traveling by sea is the hortest and easiest highway upon a globe. It is also presented that water is the greatest natural resource because it provides, food and transportation simultaneously. Mason claims his evidence supporting the early migration of other races into America should not be despised; any sensible person should be able to see the similarities between ur west coast Indians and existing eastern Asiatics. The relationship between the two continents has been more continuous and influential than most people credit. Mason argues people migrated to America with a specific purpose, to better their lives and enjoy their efforts in life. To support any other theory of disappearing continents, the aimless wandering of tribes or people traveling the sea without food or motive, for the explanation of the peopling of America is ludicrous.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
Jenna Rompelman Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Technogeography or the Relation of the Earth to the Industries of Mankind. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:137-161.

Mason puts forth a description of what he terms “technogeography.” He refers to it as a branch of “anthropogeography,” and states that “by technogeography is meant the study of the relationship between the earth and human arts and inventions.” He says that there are several “charming” books on the subject. The author’s goal for this article is to “trace out completely” a few “human actions as shaped and modified by the earth.”

One of the bases for his focus is that “exploitation, cultivation, manufacture, transportation, exchange, and consumption, together constitute the round through which commodities are conducted.” He contends that these are taught to use by nature, because there were fisherman, and miners before there was Homo sapiens.

Mason makes more grandiose claims a little later in the article. He discusses the creation and organization of the earth, and how it was the force of the earth that came together to create what he calls the earth’s “culture areas.” He says that in those culture areas which were essentially homogenous, the people residing there were undifferentiated. He uses the example of “the arctic region with its marine mammals and semi-aquatic men” as an example of this.

The next section of this article deals with “the earth as a single culture area” and introduces the concepts of centrifugal and centripetal movements of culture. Centrifugal movement came about among the “savage and barbarous people” who took the resources provided and created their own industry isolated from others. Centripetal movement brought “these separate cultures together as a higher composite organization of industry.” This was a move towards civilization. All of these is governed by man’s interactions with the earth.

CLARITY RANKING:1
David L. Maltese University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Technogeography, or the Relation of the Earth to the Industries of Mankind. American Anthropologist April, 1894 Vol.VII(2):137-161.

The overall concern of this article is technogeography, which the author defines as “the study of the relationship between the earth and human arts and inventions.” (A.A., 137) This area of study looks at the ways the earth has influenced the methods by which humans satisfy their wants and desires.

The author’s basic argument is that the earth and humans were made for each other. He sets out to prove that the earth has dictated every aspect of human development. The author argues that the earth is the mother of all humanity and that all of our characteristics and traits exist, because they are her traits. He also argues that the traits and character of individual societies are the direct result of the region of the planet in which they live. Finally Mason argues that humanity is moving towards an age when we will learn how to maximize our relationship with the earth, create a universal human society across the entirety of the planet, and that any part of the planet that is deemed useless, which includes humans, will either have to comply or be eliminated.

Most of the evidence that Mason uses in this article are his own observations. He begins his argument by describing the earth as the producer of mankind. The earth provides all of the materials and forces of locomotion which humans use. He also describes the earth as the teacher of processes, that through watching the processes in existence in nature, humans learned all of the basic skills of survival and even production. Next he argues that the character of various culture areas on the planet, are a direct result of the character of the region of the planet in which they live. People who live in areas of a monotony of environment are themselves monotonous, and not much inclined too improve their way life or advance their development. A couple of Mason’s monotonous regions include the arctic and equatorial regions. Along the same lines he describes temperate zone of the Eurasian Continent as vibrant and exciting. This area provides its inhabitants with a variety of ways of living and, therefore, the people who live in this area are the most advanced on the planet. Next he argues that it is the nature of these advanced people to branch out over the earth in order to find more ways in which to satisfy their wants and needs than are available in their local areas. The result of this was the wars of conquest and the age of exploration. Mason goes on to argue that it is these same people who are creating a higher artificial life. They are not only maximizing the sources available in various regions of the planet, they are also reshaping the planet, moving the resources around so that they can be better utilized. In effect they are improving the way in which mother-nature works, so as to better suit their needs. He ends by stating the end result of this process is that all the parts of the planet that are useless or degenerative to this process will either have to find a way to fit into the process, or be eliminated.

This article was very easy to read and understand. In fact about half way through the article I already had a good idea of how it was going to end.

Clarity RANKING: 5
Felomino Flores Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Matthews, Washington. The Basket Drum. American Anthropologist April, 1894 Vol.VII:202-209.

In the article, The Basket Drum, Dr. Washington Matthews discusses the ritual importance of the basket drum and the drumstick for Navajo Indians. He explores the labor going into making the artifacts, how the artifacts are used in ceremony, and what is done with the artifacts once the ceremony is concluded.

First, the author explains briefly how the basket is made – stressing the importance surrounding the rules about butts and tips in the process of weaving. The Navajo have lost much of the art of basket-making because more emphasis has been placed on weaving. However, the Navajo must make this particular design of basket because it is essential for a sacred rite.

The basket’s most important use is as a drum during sacred ceremonies. The author shows how the basket is used in the important ceremony through an overview of the details of the ceremony. He explains the ritual in detail. The turning of the basket signals the beginning and the end of the songs for the evening. Songs and words accompany the turning of the basket drum. Adding to its sacred importance is the unique way in which the basket is finished. The Navajo baskets are distinct because they are diagonally woven or have a plaited pattern. In addition, the baskets are sacred because they are given to a shaman after the rite is completed and certain rules accompany what can or cannot be done with the basket.

After exploring the basket, the author reviews the importance of the drumstick that is used to beat the drum. He describes the importance of the drumstick through the exploration of the night-chant rite. A new drumstick is made out of yucca for each ceremony even though the preparation is quite complicated. The author describes in detail how the drumstick is made and then how it is unraveled during the ultimate song of the evening. The fragments of the drumstick are then buried with a prayer and ceremony. The author has a drumstick but since it was never used in a rite or ceremony it was unnecessary to ‘release it’; in other words, unravel it.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. The Remains of Don Francisco Pizzaro. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:1-25.

Don Francisco Pizzaro, a legendary Spanish conqueror of Latin America met a rather violent end at the hands of those he had conquered. Pizzaro was quite successful despite a short career. He found Lima, Peru and conquered parts of Chile, but was eventually assassinated by a rival conquistador, the son of Diego de Almagro. Then an old man, Pizzaro was abandoned by his assistants when the assassins attacked but fought bravely and was savagely stuck down. His body was buried and 350 years later, the mummified remains were exhumed for examination. McGee was present for the examination of the remains and here presents the official report that was produced by those who conducted the examination.

This report is similar in its constant reference to race and class to much of the physical anthropology being done at the time. Anthropometry was employed resulting in a complete set of measurements that allowed researchers to “deduce” a number things about the individual. Among them that “The individual appears to have belonged to a superior(white) race,” and in McGee’s opinion “in all… important aspects the head is that of the typical criminal of to-day.” While statements such as these would never pass for legitimate scientific conclusion in the modern world, they were the norm in the nineteenth century. This brings about the one of the main problems of this article. While it is certainly adequate for someone taking an interest in historical views of the biological construct of race et al, it is wholly inadequate as a scientific reference.

Some of the attackers survived to be interrogated and gave highly detailed accounts of the assassination, indicating a great many wounds were inflicted upon Pizarro. Despite this the individuals examining him could only produce three paragraphs describing trauma to the skeleton and saw only one distinct mark in the neck area, which, according to the assassins was struck repeatedly. Despite a lack of evidence and because of a prejudice towards the identification of the individual before them, the researchers declared that these were indeed the remains of Pizzarro.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
David L. Maltese University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

McGee, W. J. The Remains of Don Francisco Pizarro. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol. 7:1-25.

The body of the conquistador Don Francisco Pizarro was exhumed and examined in Lima, Peru in 1891, the 350th anniversary of Pizarro death. A Peruvian commission of physicians, politicians, and biological anthropologists conducted the study with the objectives of identification, authentication of the popular history of Pizarro heroic death, and anthropometric characterization of the remains. A report written by the commission, which scientifically authenticates the remains as those of Pizarro, comprises the bulk of this article.

W. J. McGee, who provides a short introduction to the translated record, states that the purpose of translating and printing the commission report s partly to suggest and stimulate study, partly to give it permanent place in the scientific literature of our language (3). In his introduction to the record, McGee also relates a brief biography of the conquistador and alerts students of anthropology and phrenology to possibility that Pizarro cranial characteristics indicate a criminal nature. McGee assumes that the reader is familiar with the tenets of phrenology. Although he indicates prognathism, general conformation of the cranium, and the breadth and fullness of the basal and occipital regions of the brain-case as evidence of Pizarro criminality, McGee leaves the reader to interpret the other anthropometric evidence related in the report.

McGee phrenological evaluation is, however, of secondary importance to the argument presented in the report, which concludes that the remains examined indeed belonged to Pizarro. As the objectives of the examination were to identify, authenticate, and measure the remains, the commission systematically and scientifically recorded the procedures used to examine the remains, and provides detailed descriptions of the clothing, state of putrefaction and mummification of various areas of the body, and evidence of trauma suffered before and after death. Embedded in these descriptions are excerpts from biographies of Pizarro and his contemporaries that confirm these remains as his. The commission discusses with particular interest the evidence of peri- and post-mortem violence, as this evidence substantiates the accepted history of Pizarro death, which states that Pizarro was besieged by numerous armed men, that he fought valiantly, but was ultimately felled by a wound in the neck. In addition to the detailed descriptions of the remains, the commission includes a table relating specific measurements of cranial and postcranial features. Through reference to historical documents, detailed descriptions of the examined remains, and the table of anthropometric evidence, the commission strongly supports its contention that the examined remains are those of Pizarro.

This article is intriguing both because of its intrinsically interesting subject matter the identification of the remains of one of the most notorious figures in the history of the Americas and because of its reference to the popularity and respectability of phrenology at the time. Further, the blatant racism found in the introduction and report is both jarring and fascinating to readers of our time. Not only is this article a good source of meticulously gathered information about the remains of Don Francisco Pizarro, it provides insight into the world of late-19th century anthropology, and leads the reader to ponder how anthropology has, or has not, changed.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
CAROLINE BOWLES Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

McGuire, J. D. The Development of Sculpture. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol.VII:358-371.

The author sets out to question the assumption that the sculptures of America are traced from crude beginnings. His hypothesis states that the sculpture of Egypt, America and that of the Assyrians are so individualistic that it is difficult to trace them all to a common origin.

McGuire states that the methods employed in sculpture have gone through waves, with 19th century sculpture being similar to the sculpture of 2500 years ago. The methods now employed are more mechanical and technical. The ax and pestle, familiar American tools, are used to make sculpture that is indistinguishable from early worked stone.

The skill of sculpture accompanies settled society. Curiously, sculpture is most often found in savage societies. McGuire justifies this by saying that the economy of the savage society is important in determining if sculpture as an art form developed. Moreover, appreciation of symmetry and small carvings of bone and wood are found among the earliest traces of man’s sculpture. What is unique about sculpture is that the size of sculpture is correlative to the degree in which society is settled. If a society is less nomadic, the larger their sculpture will be. This is evidenced in totem poles, and large idol statues.

In countries where sculpture has long existed, a linear progression from simple to sophisticated exists in relation to the production of sculpture. This leads to a deliberate and intentional shaping of stone. Native Americans, for example, did not produce very sophisticated sculpture. McGuire believes that the most rudimentary sculptures are on Easter Island. One cannot say where the sculptures came from, nor can one speculate if the art was ‘other art’ inspired or derivative of the existing natural form.

The author also details the sculpture in Mexico as low-relief but quite sophisticated. McGuire reviews the process and concludes that these sculptures are equal in skill to those found in Egypt.

He then reviews pieces from Egyptian and Assyrian sculpture and explores the methods employed in sculpting the works, the chronological development, as well as the meaning of some of the pieces. He focuses on Egyptian statues and explores how each piece was constructed and the difficulties that the artists would have faced. The most popular theory is that the early races had the technological sophistication of tempering copper or used diamonds for blade points. Technology in the form of new tools and materials seems to have come later in history and with it more realistic sculpting.

After exploring the sculpture of these historical centers, McGuire touches upon smaller societies like that of the Hupa Indian and Eskimo. Carving and sculpture has existed in all societies. McGuire conclude that in order to understand the development, it is necessary to explore the sculpture from Egypt as well as South America and Asia.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

McGuire, J. D. The Development of Sculpture. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol. 7:358-366.

In his article he Development of Sculpture J. D. McGuire discusses the origins and evolution of sculpture and the relationship of sculpture to mechanical development. McGuire argues that in every culture the development of sculpture follows technological development. Further, McGuire echoes Morgan in his assertion that all sculpture in all cultures follows the same pattern of development from rude, gestured portrayals of subjects to perfect representations achieved only by European artists.

McGuire approach to the topic is framed by an evolutionist perspective e presents the cultures he discusses on a continuum from primitive to civilized, natives of North America being the most primitive group, having only a limited understanding of proportion as well as only primitive sculpting tools. The Greeks, on the other hand, were the most developed ancient culture, able to represent subjects perfectly. Essentially, McGuire argues that because the Greeks possessed more advanced technology, including iron chisels and mallets, sculptors were able to represent figures more accurately than their North American contemporaries.

McGuire cites archaeological discoveries to support his argument. He describes sculptures from ancient civilizations in North America, Central America, North Africa, Europe, and Asia, and discusses the tools used to create these sculptures. McGuire discusses the different cultures, their sculpture, and their technology according to their evolutionary stage, thus emphasizing his theory that cultures evolve following the same pattern, and that primitive cultures simply have not gone through the stages already passed by civilized cultures.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
CAROLINE BOWLES Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Mercer, H. C. Indian Jasper Mines in the Lehigh Hills. American Anthropologist Vol. 7:80-92

The University of Pennsylvania sent out expeditions during the summers of 1891 and 1892. The crews were looking for jasper quarries. They knew that the quarries were thought to be associated with the “Red man’s” tools. Local farmers living in Bucks, Lehigh, and Berks counties in Pennsylvania identified the quarries.

The quarries were at first suspected of being, in fact, sinkholes due to the character of the landscape. Usually where there is jasper one can expect to find limestone. It was decided the pits were the work of Indians, despite the presence of the limestone topography. On the basis of a tree stump found in association with one of the quarries, a date of 1680-90 was established. Mercer found fragments of polished celts, thinned-down blades, and an arrowhead factory was further evidence that the quarries were the work of Indians. Mercer cites ethnographic data on the Indians of the Delaware valley and their continued use of jasper for their tools.

Mercer continues by discussing the extraction, production, and transportation process of the jasper as it was mined. Various tools of limestone and wood were used to extract the jasper from its matrix. Jasper was then heated to cause it to fragment into smaller pieces evidenced by what appears to be an oven in the base of one of the quarry shafts. “Turtlebacks” were large leaf-shaped pieces of jasper that were thought to be worked into smaller pieces that could later be worked into a finished tool.

The quarry site may have been a place were the raw material was worked into usable forms but not finished tools. There is also the possibility that the quarries served as habitation sites for the workers. The work on one of these jasper quarries would have taken a considerable amount of time, requiring the workers to be close by.

Finally Mercer discusses the turtleback and its’ resemblance to others found in Europe and other parts of North America.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Mercer, H. C. Indian Jasper Mines in the Lehigh Hills. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.VII:80-92.

The author of this article was part of an excavation of nine jasper mines in Pennsylvania. The entire writing describes the different areas that were studied and what was found. Although, there is no explanation of the items, which made the article hard to follow.

Mercer included a map of the area to show where the excavation actually was but there were no illustrations of the objects that were discovered. He only says that they are being held at the University of Pennsylvania. Mercer does not relate the findings to anything of relevance–only that it shows the signs of an Indian mining village. The reader had no way of knowing what characteristics would point to that conclusion.

The author also does not include the methods used during the excavation. It seems as if he is writing for a group of people that already understand what he is trying to explain. This article seems to include confusing information with little or no explanation.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
JAMIE LEMERAND Lawrence University (Peter Peregrine)

Newcomb, Simon. Citizenship Prize Essay. American Anthropologist 1894 7(4): 343-351.

In this article the American Anthropologist journal introduces the prize-winning essay addressing “The elements that go to make up the most useful citizen of the United States, regardless of occupation.” The contest was open to competitors from all countries. Two winners were selected, but only the first prizewinner’s essay is printed in the article. Professor Simon Newcomb won the contest.

In his essay, Newcomb describes who he thinks would make up the most useful citizen of the U.S. He begins by mentioning inventors, scientists, captains of industry, philosophers, jurists, and teachers who have done the most to mould life in the19th century. Newcomb believes that the most useful citizen will have all of the qualities listed above. He does not need to be a specialist in any one area but a man with the outstanding ability to influence his fellow man by “showing them the good they all might do.” There is an extensive discussion outlining the qualities of such a useful man. Some of the qualities mentioned are wisdom, knowledge of politics and economics, and political morality. Finally, Newcomb says the most useful man needs to be a man of stature. Someone who is in good health is also someone who has a lot of energy of the mind and body. The man must maintain a commanding presence, therefore a person of short stature will not do. A man of average height does not have the ability to demand attention and make his influence felt.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Saville, Marshall H. The Ceremonial Year of the Maya Codex Cortesianus. American Anthropologist 1894 vol. 7: 373-375.

In this article Marshall Saville investigates the features of the Codex Cortesianus. The Codex was published in Madrid, where the original codex is housed in the Royal Archaeological Museum. Saville says the codex has been reproduced in the colors of the original form and has been folded to look like a fan or screen with the pictures on both sides.

During his investigation, Saville discovered the Tonalamatl, which is the ceremonial year of the Maya of the Yucatan. Saville works through the pages of the codex technically examining each picture and its meaning. He concludes his analysis with a discussion of the four discoveries he made.

First, he concludes that there is a time series of 260 days, divided into thirteens, beginning with 1 Imix, and making a sacred ceremonial year. Second, the glyphs in this part of the codex are to be read from left to right through a series of pages in an alternating manner. Saville describes the manner: all eight pages are to be spread out and read from the upper left-hand corner of the first page from left to right, reading all the upper glyphs in sequence. The third discovery made by Saville is that the pictures and glyphs accompanying the time series, noted above, describe ceremonies that were to take place at intervals during the ceremonial year. Finally, Saville thinks that the coincidence of a sinistral circuit of glyphs indicates the quarter in which ceremonies were to be observed during the last four days of the year.

Saville hope that the investigation of the Tonalamatl will be a source of knowledge for future students who wish to study this aspect of the Maya codex.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Saville, Marshall H. The Ceremonial year of the Maya Codex Cortesianus. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol.7(4):373-376.

In this article, Saville discusses an edition of the Mayan Codex Cortesianus that has recently been published with features not found in any other published codices. Specifically, Saville purpose in the paper is to announce the discovery of the Tonalamatl, or ceremonial year, found in this newest codex. First, Saville explains that the sacred year in the Mayan chronological system consists of 260 days; each of the 20 days in a month are numbered from one to thirteen in constant repetition, and twenty of these series of thirteen days constitute the sacred year, otherwise known as a year within a year. There was damage to some of the pages of the codex, so Saville spends some time explaining how he correlated the pieces that were present and how he was able to piece together the day names and numbers for the Tonalamatl. He then explains the four conclusions that he came to through the process of piecing together the ceremonial year. First, the time series of 260 days beginning with the date 1 Imix composes the sacred year. Second, the glyphs in the codex are meant to be read from left to right through a series of pages. Third, the pictures and glyphs that he found describe various ceremonies that take place at different time intervals during the sacred year. Finally, the coincidence of the sinistral circuit of glyphs may indicate in which quarter of the year the ceremonies were to be observed during the last four days, since no pictures accompany these last glyphs. Saville closes by indicating that this newest codex should prove to be a very significant source of information about pictures and glyphs in other codices.

CLARITY RANKING: 3
Brittany Russell Lawrence University, (Peter N. Peregrine)

Steinmetz, S. R. Suicide Among Primitive Peoples. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol.VII:53-61.

S.R. Steinmetz, in his essay Suicide Among Primitive Peoples, questions the assumption that self-destruction is infrequent among savage peoples. The question is provocative for Steinmetz because during this era it was assumed that suicide and insanity increased as the civilization of a society increased. His essay exposes several cultures that are considered savage but have a high rate of suicide.

He collected forty-two positive and three negative cases of suicide among primitive peoples. The areas researched are Polar peoples, North American Indians, South American Indians, Bedouins, peoples of the Caucasus, native race of British India, Melanesians, Micronesians, Polynesians, and Indonesians. The article explores the reasons behind suicide in these individual societies. Although the reasons are varied and culture-specific, he is able to conclude something from the data.

It is difficult to surmise where suicide occurs the least, but he hazards a guess that it occurs the most in the Hyperboreans and North American Indians. Out of the forty-two cases, he finds that love, sorrow and related emotions are the motive in 20 cases, offended pride in 13 cases and fear of slavery and captivity in five. The list goes on.

It is difficult to find a plausible theory for the varying frequency across similar cultures, but he notes that, in general, the motives are similar to those motives found in civilized countries. In addition, the reasons regarding the consequences for suicide vary across all of the cultures but with women universally committing the most suicide.

In conclusion, he submits that suicide occurs more frequently among savage peoples and the reason behind this may have something to do with their faith in the afterlife.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Steinmetz, S. R. Suicide among Primitive Peoples. American Anthropologist January, 1894 Vol. 7:53-60.

In his article, suicide among Primitive Peoples, S. R. Steinmetz addresses his concern that sociologists have considered suicide among primitive people unworthy of serious study. Additionally, Steinmetz fears that because sociologists have devoted so little energy to the study of suicide in primitive societies, they assume that it is uncommon or unheard of. Steinmetz argues, however, that suicide occurs, even frequently, among primitive peoples.

In the tradition of the armchair anthropologist, Steinmetz provides anecdotes collected from ethnographies of cultural groups in the Americas, ancient Europe, Southwest Asia, and Oceania to support his assertion that suicide occurs in primitive societies. He does not, however, discuss the manner in which these anecdotes were gathered, nor does he make any attempt to evaluate how the information might be biased due to possible unwillingness among some cultures to discuss the subject.

In addition to the anecdotes, Steinmetz provides minimal statistics enumerating the instances of suicides he has collected from various primitive societies, as well as a list of the motives recorded for these suicides:

I find love, sorrow, and all related emotions as the motive in twenty cases, offended pride and sensibility in thirteen, fear of slavery and captivity in five, depression and melancholy because of disappointment, sickness, etc., in seven, family quarrels in four.

The other motives are restricted to single cases. (59)

In contradiction to the above statistics, though, Steinmetz concludes that among the motives recorded offended pride seems to occur most frequently (59). Beyond this counterfactual conclusion, Steinmetz makes no attempt to support any theory or derive any conclusions as to the significance of suicide among primitive peoples.

Furthermore, the organization is convoluted, as Steinmetz interrupts his series of anecdotes with quotes from ethnographies that refute his suggestion that suicide is universal. In his self-critical attempt to prove that suicide does occur in primitive societies, avoiding in-depth analysis of why suicide occurs or what it signifies in various cultural contexts, Steinmetz provides an article that is not only difficult to follow, but unsatisfying in its conclusions.

CLARITY: 2
Caroline Bowles Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Tooker, William W. The Algonquian Terms Patawomeke and Massawomeke. American Anthropologist 1894 vol. 7: 174-185.

In this article William Tooker reviews the etymology of the Algonquian words patawomeke and massawomeke. Up until this point, there has been a misuse of the words. The terms were used variously to describe a location or a topographical feature. Tooker uses a comparative study of the Algonquian language to find analogies with other dialects of the same origin. With the aid of Algonquian scholars Tooker endeavors to uncover the etymology of these two words.

Tooker dissects the words into their various grammatical elements so that he can examine the meanings of each element. Thus, Tooker concludes that the meaning of patawomeke can be interpreted in several ways. However, the basic meaning is “traveling traders or peddlers.” There is continuity with this interpretation due to the fact that the goods of these Indians were spread over great distances. They were believed to be the traders of a certain mineral.

Tooker analyses the work massawomeke in the same fashion. There are also several interpretations that can be concluded from the grammatical evidence. The basic meaning of the word is something similar to “those who go and come by boat.” The basis for the conclusion of the meaning of this word is, that the Indians were found to be living on lands close to rivers, requiring the use of a boat.

The analysis of the two Algonquian words allows for much discussion before the etymology is decided upon. However, the main interpretations are presented above and the most common interpretation of each word is given.

CLARIY RANKING: 3
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Tooker, William Wallace. The Algonquian Terms Patawomeke and Massawomeke. American Anthropologist April, 1894. Vol.VII: 174-185.

The main focus of this article is the translation of the Indian tribes Patawomeke and Massawomeke. Most of the information obtained about the discovery of these tribes is from the works of Captain John Smith. He learned of their existence when he was held captive among the tribes located between the James and Rappahannock Rivers. Smith, in his early works proclaimed the Patawomeke were named due to the fact that they were the largest tribal community on the Potomac River at the time. Tooker goes on to give his own translation of what Patawomeke means. Tooker says that, n accordance with Algonquian synthesis, Patawomeke, by free translation is, traveling traders and peddlers. (Tooker, 180)

Smith contact with the Massawomeke (Iroquoian affinity) came on his first voyage of discovery. Smith decreed that the Massawomeke were named aptly, hose on a great water. (Tooker, 183) Tooker on the other hand had a different opinion of what Massawomeke translated to. He thought it meant, hose who go and come by boat.

The author offers valid evidence as a background tool to better help the reader understand the article. He uses past doctrines of the 1600 to improve awareness of where the tribes were located and what they were like. But, there are many contradicting theories as to what the terms Patawomeke and Massawomeke mean. Tooker makes valid reference when breaking down the words to form a meaning, but is often unclear how others come to a conclusion on what the terms mean.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
JASON HAYWARD Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

Tooker, William Wallace. On the Meaning of the Name Anacostia. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol.7:389-300.

Prompted by a remark made by a colleague at an 1892 meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington, D.C. Tooker decided to research the Name Anacostia, which was currently being used for the East Branch of the Potomac River. Though his colleague claimed the name to be indecipherable, Tooker here presents evidence of its meaning and etymology.

The author reports that the name originated with the Nacotchtank Indians of the Potomac River Valley. As this fact was known to him prior to the beginnings of his inquiry, he felt that the best path of investigation would be to examine the relationships beween the Nacotchtank and the tribes around them, as these tribes generally lived in peace. The goal then was to “place them in the scheme of semi-civilization as existing at the time of Smith’s discovery.”

Quoting James Mooney of the “Bureau of Ethnoglogy” Tooker shows evidence that the name Anacostia has its origins with the Jesuits of the area, who “latinized” the name of Nacotchtank, changing it to “Anacostan” from which the subject is derived. Tooker then presents further evidence as to this fact. Numerous names for this particular Algonquin tribe exist in writings from the time of the areas settling by whites. Most are close, and when represented on maps of the day, are located in the area to be expected if they were the “Anacostans.”

Tooker takes a phonetic approach to describe how the name underwent such a seemingly dramatic change. “The English had a habit of getting rid of harsh or unwanted sounds.” Texts of the day made an attempt to describe Indian pronunciation and as such provide phonetic representations of the names of local tribes.. Some of these represented sounds can be clearly identified as those that English speakers would gladly discard as being “harsh or unwanted.” When examining the name Nacotchtank and replacing these harsh sounds with more aurally pleasing ones, one quickly comes to a very near approximation of “anacos” anacoch.

Tooker then provides a brief analysis of the term “anacoch” which he says is phonetically identical to the term for “trader” or “merchant.” He contends that the suffix “stan” which is present in many place names, means “the town.” Thus he concludes, the name with it’s “latinized ending” means “at the trading town.” Tooker does an excellent job of presenting his case and provides a very convincing argument. Whether his comparison of the word “anacoch”(which he arrived at by trying to assume an English mispronunciation) to another word that was known to be in use in Massachusetts (some four hundred miles away) is valid, is unclear, though it fits nicely into his article.

CLARITY RANKING: 4
David L. Maltese University of Florida (John Moore)

Tooker, William Wallace. On the Meaning of the Name Anacostia. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol.7:389-393.

In n the Meaning of the Name Anacostia, William Wallace Tooker discusses his quest to discern the roots and meaning of the term nacostia, a term he saw in a sentence referring to how the ord came from Nacotchtank and cannot be interpreted. The word Anacostia is in reference to a eneral discussion of the geographic nomenclature of the District of Columbia, and the statement developed his esire to discover, if possible, the true meaning of the name in contrariety to the dictum of my text (389).

He begins by saying that he will show ome data relating to the etymology and meaning of the name Anacostia (389). He provides historical information on where he people, the name of whose village is now the subject of our consideration, (389) lived. He places them at the ime of Smith discovery and also tries to place them by looking at he names of their neighbors (389).

Tooker provides a discussion of English activity at the time, as English interpretations of Native American names are very important for analysis of etymology. One English captain described a group called the Nascostines (also known as Anacostias in the man jounral) who were protected by the annyda Indians, as the Cannyda used the Nascotines for trade purposes. He finds that the nacostias were traders in English as well as in aboriginal manufactures and products (390). He quotes a journal that states that acochtank was the principal settlement within or adjoining the District and that he Jesuits Latinized the name as Anacostan, whence we get Anacostia (390).

Wallace begins an analysis of etymology, justified given the fact that the same village was on the same map, only with slight spelling differences so that we know that it was the saem village, with different spellings. He states that the differences on the village name are ery slight indeed (391). He then ascribes to the English language a set of conditions that explain how the etymology would be affected for the same name for a town. He finds that variants of the name for the town show a meaning that means o trade, o barter, etc., and reemphasizes the troubles Europeans had with pronouncing Native American words. Through further analysis he finds that the name of the town meant at the trading town or those of the trading town (393), discerning the meaning of the term nacostia. CLARITY RANKING: 4

LAURA CLEMENTS Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)

, Welling, James Clarke, Orbituary. American Anthropologist 1894 Vol. 7:418-.

James Clarke Welling died on September 4, 1895 in Hartford, Connecticut. He was the president of the Anthropological Society of Washington. Clarke was born in Trenton, New Jersey where he received his A.B. in 1844 from Princeton College. Welling also received his A.M. at Princeton College in 1847. He went on to finish at Columbian University where he received the degree of LL.D. in 1868. Welling held many outstanding positions in the intellectual world. Among his many positions are two presidencies, one at Princeton and one at Columbian University. He was also regent of the Smithsonian Institution and one of the founders of the Anthropological Society of Washington.

Welling’s primary interests were history, political economy, and philosophy. He was noted for his linguistic skill and his intellectual contribution to the Civil War. At the time of his death he was in the midst of writing on the history of the Civil War, as well as, various philosophical works.

CLARITY RANKING: 5
Shanna Schofield University of Florida, Gainesville (John Moore)

Wirth, Albrecht. The Tale of the King’s Daughter in the Besieged Town. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol.VII:367-372.

In this article, Albrecht Wirth, explores the consistency with which myths around the world deal with daughters who betray their fathers. First he details the story of Shapur de Sassnide and the northern Arabs in Hatra. In this story a girl falls in love with a warrior. She lets him into the castle, thus betraying her father. Her father is killed and then the warrior kills her.

The author then discusses the myth of Minos and Skylla, and a myth about a daughter and the Emperor of China. He also finds a similar theme in the story of Moses. In this story Moses secures a vast quantity of storks to exterminate the serpents surrounding the city of Saba. He is marching toward the city when Adonia, the Queen of Ethiopia, falls in love with the approaching Moses. She betrays her city on the condition that he marry her. Moses agrees but never communicates with her afterwards. Also similar to the Moses story is the Norwegian Tale “Maiden’s Tower”.

After countless retelling of various daughter/father myths, the author attempts to thread the tales into a symbolic and meaningful cosmology. He uses imagery of sun, winds, light, and water to show how all of these myth stories of father/daughter are linked to a greater universal cosmology.

The author concludes his essay with the retelling of a Babylonian saga, the tale of Irene. In this story the king hides his daughter so that the Sun God will not damage her. Heaven sends man to speak to the maiden in hopes of converting her to Christianity. When the King becomes aware of the violation of her seclusion, he tosses her under the feet of wild horses.

CLARITY RANKING: 2
AMY COX University of Florida (John Moore)

Wirth, Albrecht. The Tale of the King Daughter in the Besieged Town. American Anthropologist October, 1894 Vol.7(4):367-372.

In this article, Wirth recounts a Persian story in which a princess, Nadira, becomes enamored with a Persian warrior-king, Shapur de Sassanide, while he is trying to capture her city. She sees him one evening and writes him a message saying that if he promises to marry her, she will open the gates of the city for him. She shoots the message to him on an arrow; he reads the message and responds to her, again by arrow, saying that he agrees. The town is eventually taken, Nadira father is killed, and she becomes the wife of Sassanide. The next morning afterwards, Sassanide asks her how she slept, and she replies that she slept poorly because she was being pressed by a rose leaf. When he asks her what kind of life she had when her father ruled the city, she says that she lay upon eiderdown and ate marrow, wine, and honey. Sassanide becomes upset that she has betrayed a father that would be so good to her, and he calls for his guards to bring a wild horse to trample her to death.

This story, of Greek origin, is not unique, however. Variations on the theme of a princess falling in love and sacrificing her city and father for the man she loves, and being subsequently put to death, can be found in many different cultures and countries all around the world. For example, similar tales are found in Chinese, Norwegian, and Babylonian legends, and amongst both Jewish and Christian faiths. In his article, Wirth offers an explanation of these stories, centering on relations of figures in the sky.

In the common tale of the king daughter, the hero that she falls in love with is the sun. The town and castle to which he lays siege represents the clouds in the sky, and the princess is lightning. She expresses her affection for her Sun God by shooting arrows, or bolts of lightning, to him. She destroys her own town and her father, collectively represented by the storm cloud, because of her love for the sun. As soon as the rains vanish, however, the sun has won the battle and leaves, while the maiden is destroyed by being crushed or drowned. Wirth goes through several other stories after he has laid out his theory, including a reference to the well-known tale if Rapunzel, in order to show that his explanation using sky imagery does indeed fit with this type of story.

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BRITTANY RUSSELL Lawrence University (Peter N. Peregrine)