Human Organization
1999

Abramson, David M.   A Critical Look at NGOs and Civil Society as Means to an End in Uzbekistan.   Human Organization,   Fall. 1999 Vol. 58 No. 3   : 240-250.

El artículo trata sobre la manera en que las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales en Uzbekistán conceptualizan y desarrollan su papel.

A partir de entrevistas, encuentros y talleres con responsables de ONG en Uzbekistán, l autor analiza la inadecuación de tal categoría en la realidad socio cultural de ese país. Muestra cómo, a partir de la historia reciente, no es posible diferenciar sectores en la perspectiva y con la estructura occidental.

Esta inadecuación propicia una deformación no sólo conceptual, sino en la forma de establecer las relaciones de ayuda al desarrollo de agencias internacionales con sus contrapartes locales; además de que tal situación es aprovechada por las personas que crean y dirigen estas ONG para canalizar recursos y asegurar su permanencia, alimentando por otra parte la formación de una nueva elite –en el fondo el reciclamiento de las anteriores-, bien conectada a nivel internacional y nacional.

CLARITY: 4

JOSÉ LUIS GARCÍA CHAGOYÁN    Universidad Iberoamericana  (Marisol Pérez Lizaur)

Abramson, David M.  A Critical Look at NGOs and Civil Society as Means to an End in Uzbekistan. Human Organization 1999 Vol. 58(3):240-48.

This article discusses the implementation and effect of foreign aid and development around the world, focusing on the consequences of aid for the target country and the political biases and interests of the donors.  The lack of research on these topics “lulls us into complacency in thinking that aid is essentially a selfless enterprise” (240).  In particular, the article examines the cultural translation of concepts such as civil society, nongovernmental organization, and nonprofit, as mechanisms donor governments use to “legitimate” foreign aid.

Abramson emphasizes his discussion on three important points throughout the article, thus he says:  “First, elite recipient communities are not pre-existing, but are largely created through the development process.”  This means that projects structure a recipient community of elites, and this generated new forms of knowledge and practice, alignment and interest, where “the dialectic of acceptance and subversion of NGO ideals by local recipients” were examined.  This brings us to the second point, where the ways in which the meaning of NGO was created are subjects to controversy.  Lastly, promoting activities that are alien to state structures may lead to violent conflicts, as well as to mistrust and social disintegration.

Uzbekistan attained independence in September, 1991.  In 1994 foreign aid organizations began to spend both the time and money on the development of nonprofit and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).  The main issues facing NGOs in Uzbekistan then, and now (1999) are “securing governmental approval and acknowledgment that NGOs are not trade unions or political parties and do not therefore pose a political threat”  (243).

Over the few last years, Uzbek state policies toward Muslim organizations, practices, and activism have become more restrictive.  Promoted by government fears that movements from Afghanistan and Tajikistan might politicize and arm Muslims in Uzbekistan, a conference on Civil Society in Central Asia was convened by the donor community in March 1998.  The article indicates the anti-Islamic rhetoric and mistrust of Islam that are prevalent in the donor and development community, as well as in the government in Uzbekistan. 

Current U.S. government policy on aid to Uzbekistan conforms to Uzbek government rules, which prohibit support for political parties, trade unions and religious organizations.  Consequently, the nongovernmental sector supported by U.S. assistance represents a very small, well-educated, Russian-speaking and anti-Islamic part of the population.  Civil society was being built, but was excluding the political participation of Muslim activist groups.  This contributed to the lack in development of foreign or locally supported organizations that were concerned with Islam as an organizing framework in Uzbekistan.  This creates conflict between internationally supported grassroots Muslim organizations.  “Uzbekistan runs the grave risk of alienating its poorer classes  and facing increased competition from alternative social movements whose members may seek external support and become less willing to compromise with the idea of national state.  Algeria, Egypt, and Palestine are three tragic examples of this problem”  (248). 

The elite that is western-educated and trained, benefit from their involvement in distributing money using it to build civil institutions.  Uzbek national NGOs foster a particular strategy, where “civility” is opposed to accommodating an Islamic political culture.  The article concludes that to help build civil society, Uzbek citizens would have to be exposed to the western ways of democracy, western economic practices, and political systems, but at this point it is still unclear how Uzbek citizens would utilize that exposure, or what they would learn from NGO support.  “The goal is to provide moderates with possibilities conductive to drawing respectfully on the past and flexible enough to accommodate conflicting visions for the future” (248).

CLARITY RANKING: 3.

ANA C. VRNOGA, California State University, Chico  (William Loker)

Agar, Michael and Heather Schact Reisinger.    Numbers and Patterns: Heroin Indicators and What They Represent. Human Organization. 1999 Vol. 58(4):365-375.

Quantitative epidemiological indicators are typically used to monitor trends in substance usage. Such trends are usually tracked via a "number trail" by institutions that deal with drug users, such as the Federal Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN), the Federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Administration (SAMHSA), and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

In this article Agar and Reisinger demonstrate how quantitative indicators were ineffective in detecting new trends in heroin use in the Baltimore, Maryland metropolitan area in the late 1990s. At this time it was noted that use was rising in "nontraditional" groups, such as white youths from the suburbs. From interviews with youth and adult experts as well as analysis of the Baltimore Sun, a time-line was established to indicate that the trend first began to appear around 1996.

The authors then analyzed typical indicators from the drug use field to determine how well they matched the results seen in interviews and media analysis. A survey of 12th graders in the Baltimore City schools indicated that heroin use was at best a trivial problem. Data from surrounding counties indicated the same thing. The authors concluded that, based upon this data alone, concern over heroin use was a waste of time.

Agar and Reisinger then analyzed data compiled by DAWN. This data, gathered from hospitals and medical examiners, indicated that "not much (was) going on with heroin" at the same time the rise in use was known to have appeared. Combined with inconclusive DEA data, this apparent anomaly led the authors to investigate the link between indicators and patterns of use.

The authors then turned to two qualitative indicators that recognized the new pattern of use at the same time as the interviewees and the newspaper. The Pulse Check system. developed by the Office of National Drug Control Policy in the White House, employs a series of telephone calls to key people in a city, including ethnographers, who are expected to know what is happening with illicit drugs. As these observers are more immediately involved with drug scenes, they are likely to recognize major changes in patterns of use. This is exactly what occurred in 1995, when the system reported a rise in use by middle and upper-middle class teenagers and young adults. The second source of qualitative data was the National Institute on Drug Abuse's Community Epidemiology Work Group (CEWG). In late 1995, the group reported new heroin users from all socioeconomic groups who tended to snort rather than inject. While traditional qualitative indicators failed to track new trends in heroin use, the more novel qualitative indicators employed were much more accurate and more reflective of the reality of the situation.

The authors ultimately recommend improving the collection and analysis of qualitative data, and to more systematically compare results with traditional quantitative indicators. Despite the obvious utility seen in this case, Agar and Reisinger contend that qualitative data has been held in disdain, due to a bias in favor of numerical data.

Agar and Reisinger then recommended a novel new system of monitoring based upon anecdotal data, or "narrative" data, as they call it. Such a system would be comprised of a variety of people in close contact with different drug-using groups. These people are typically uncredentialed, and in some cases have little formal education. The authors call these people the "grunts" of drug intervention, research, and law enforcement. According to the authors, one can learn more from these people about details and variations in patterns than from any other outside source.  A system of this type, with its shift away from "experts" to "grunts," would indeed be a novel approach.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

FLOYD MEADOWS California State University, Chico (William Loker)

Agar Michael and Heather Schacht  Reisinger. Numbers and Patterns: Heroin Indicators and What They Represent. Human Organization. Fall. 1999 Vol. No. 3: 365-374.

Los autores presentan el resultado de un estudio realizado en 1998 en Baltimore,  donde había reportes sobre el  incremento del  uso de heroína entre grupos de consumidores llamados “no tradicionales”.

El énfasis del estudio es llamar la atención  sobre cómo pueden variar los datos cuantitativos de los cualitativos, la importancia de cotejarlos y no emitir resultados contundentes en una investigación basándose sólo en uno de los dos aspectos.

Los datos existentes antes de hacer la investigación provenían de:

1.- FEDERAL DRUG ABUSE WARNING NETWORK ( DAWN ), que tenían estadísticas de pacientes admitidos en ayuda de emergencia y  los datos eran recolectados por SUBSTANCE ABUSE AND MENTAL HEALTH ADMINITRATION (  SAMHSA ).

2.- Investigaciones de población escolar y adultos.

3.- Datos estatales y federales sobre admisión para tratamientos también recolectados por SAMHSA.

Los investigadores agregaron datos de DRUG ENFORCEMENT ADMINISTRATION ( DEA )  y usaron faxes del Center por Sustance Abuse Research ( CESAR ) de la Universidad de Maryland, recurrieron a los comentarios recibidos en PULSE CHECK, un programa de la Casa Blanca que recibe llamadas telefónicas sobre drogas, además de hacer sus propios cuestionarios y entrevistas personales a jóvenes y adultos.

Los datos tomados en las escuelas y en casas de familias de la ciudad indican que es poco el uso de heroína pero según los datos de Pulse Check se ha incrementado desde principios de los 90.

Durante las entrevistas detectaron que la mayoría de los entrevistados reportaba como “hace dos años” cuando se enteraron del incremento del consumo de heroína  y por los estudios concluyeron que eso se debía a que a fines de 1995 y principios de 1996 el diario THE BALTIMORE SUN publicó varios reportajes sobre este asunto, lo que quedó en la memoria popular como su inicio, pero las entrevistas reportaron que en realidad esto sucedió mucho antes, desde principios de los 90’s.

La explicación que encontraron es que en estas fechas empezó a llegar heroína colombiana, mucho más pura, más barata que la asiática y que facilitaba inhalarse en vez de inyectarse como la tradicional. La población ya tenía más conciencia del riesgo de contraer SIDA por inyecciones así que fue fácil el cambio pero las autoridades no “vieron “ lo que sucedía y ni siquiera tenían el concepto de heroína colombiana en esas fechas.

Otros datos descubiertos gracias a las entrevistas es que los blancos se refieren a la heroína como “droga de negros” y estos a su vez dicen “droga de blancos” y no había diferencias en el consumo entre gente urbana o sub-urbana como lo acentuaban los datos cuantitativos.

Resumen los autores diciendo que la  entrevista informal revela muchas veces los estereotipos que niegan los datos cuantitativos.

CLARITY :5

SCARLETT ZAMORA.    Universidad Iberoamericana (Marisol Pérez-Lizaur )

Arcury, Thomas & Sara Quandt.   Participant recruitment for qualitative research: A site-based approach to community research in complex societies.   Human Organization Summer, 1999   Vol.58(2):128-133.

This article outlines a method for participant recruitment in qualitative research.  The main concern is that complex societies lack clearly bounded groups from which to select participants.  The article contains a step-by-step outline on how to locate, select, and recruit research participants in contemporary societies.  The authors present this guideline to prepare future researchers in obtaining participants as well as giving readers of past case studies a means of critiquing such studies participant sampling.

Most researchers have little insight on how qualitative sampling is carried out in a scientific research format.  There is also little information available to those exploring case studies on judging the appropriateness of the sampling techniques used.  The authors see this problem and address it with both a discussion of the inherent problems with participant recruitment and a guideline on how to go about participant recruitment in complex societies.  An example of a problem mentioned was making sure the participants reflect the purpose and goals of the study.  It is important to choose representative individuals.  They mentioned, “justifying the composition of a qualitative ethnographic sample.”  In complex societies the large size of the population must be taken into account, with simple sampling approaches not being possible or ineffective in showing relevant characteristics.

The outline for participant selection includes five steps designed to generate an unbiased representative and stratified sample for qualitative research in community-based societies.  The first step is to specify the characteristics relevant to the sampling, especially those characteristics of the group the researcher wishes to study.  The second step is to generate a list of representative sites from which to obtain these participants, such as places, organizations, and services used by the members of interest.  Step three is to estimate the composition of the clientele at each site.  The authors mentioned “Gatekeepers” or community informants, from which accurate statistics on each study group could be obtained.  In this step entry into the community is possible.  Step four is the participant recruitment itself: deciding on a list of sites compiled and the number of participants from each site.  The fifth and final step is to maintain a table of characteristics of the participants.  From this process the authors feel you can expect to obtain a group of participants with the characteristics needed.  At the same time the researcher will have learned much more about the community.

This method is illustrated in a specific project: the Rural Health and Nutrition program or RUN.  This three-year study tried to specify the nutritional self-management strategies of rural older adults.  The authors described how the use of in-depth interviews in this study was very effective in obtaining the information needed.  This study supported their opinion of simple sampling, such as “snowball sampling,” being ineffective in participant recruitment in larger more complex societies.  It was found that with the method advocated here, the RUN study was able to produce a proper representative sample.

Current academic research and writing does not make much mention of methods for participant recruitment.  This can be a major problem leading to sampling bias and unreliable results.  This problem is particularly serious when studying complex societies.  The few existing methods for inclusion of participants in research are quite often only effective on smaller groups.  When applied to larger groups, such as in complex societies, these methods are both unrealistic and problematic.  This step-by-step guide can aid researchers in obtaining participants in an organized and efficient manner.  In addition readers can use this guideline to analyze the quality of participant recruitment in countless case studies previously done.

CLARITY: 4

CANOVA, GABE    California State University, Chico  (William Loker)

Arcury, Thomas A. and Quandt, Sara A.   Participant Recruitment for Qualitative Research: A Site-Based Approach to Community Research in Complex Societies.   Human Organization,   1999 Vol. 58 No. 1   : 128-133.

Sobre la experiencia de investigación sobre salud en personas de la tercera edad a nivel local en los EU, los autores proponen un método de selección de participantes en estudios cualitativos que asegure su calidad y representatividad.

Uno de los aspectos más relevantes en el método de investigación de la antropología es la representatividad de las personas estudiadas, especialmente en sociedades complejas.

Los autores nos proponen la aproximación de “Base-sitio” para desarrollar un proceso de selección de los sujetos en cinco pasos: precisando las variables clave a investigar en la población objetivo; listado de sitios, entendidos como lugares, organizaciones, servicios, etc., que son utilizados por miembros de la población objetivo; hacer un estimado de la composición de la clientela de cada sitio, especialmente con la ayuda del ‘portero’;  reclutar una muestra de participantes de prueba de los sitios seleccionados; el quinto y último paso es propiamente el reclutamiento de los individuos de los sitios.

Los autores nos muestran el caso en el que tal método se aplicó, mostrando cómo con relativamente pocos recursos, este procedimiento es útil para seleccionar teniendo representatividad, así como más elementos de comprensión de la población estudiada y mayor facilidad de acceso y participación de las personas en el proceso. En pocas palabras, aumenta la capacidad de  manejar y dirigir el proceso para obtener mayores resultados.

Finalmente, los propios autores nos explican que el método es uno de tantos posibles, y lo positivo de éste es que surge a partir de la experiencia y resultados obtenidos.

CLARITY: 5

JOSÉ LUIS GARCÍA CHAGOYÁN    Universidad Iberoamericana  (Dra. Marisol Pérez Lizaur)

Baba, Marietta.   Dangerous Liaisons: Trust, Distrust, and Information Technology in American Work Organizations.   Human Organization Fall, 1999   Vol.58(3):331-346.

Baba is concerned with the effects of trust and distrust on the use of information technology in the American work place.  She discusses the interactions that generate trust and distrust between the individuals, subunits, and firms in U.S. businesses.  The author relates this to the influx of new information technologies in organizational settings.  Baba suggests that without the presence of strong interpersonal relationships, advanced information technology cannot be implemented.

The article begins with definitions of trust and distrust.  Trust was defined as the “subjective expression of one actor’s expectations regarding the behavior of another actor.”  The presence of trust or distrust has a direct influence on the effectiveness and efficiency of instrumental exchanges within organizational settings.  Trust gives companies a competitive advantage by enabling more effective cooperation and coordination.  Employees who trust one another have collaborative relationships and learn from each other.  This trust can only exist when the second actor preserves the safety and security of the first actor.  It is safety and security, which promotes long-term stability.  The lack of this security was the basis of distrust.

Distrust is seen as the absence or failure of trust.  In complex societies the importance of kinship as a mechanism of trust is significantly reduced.  An example is the importance of insurance and warranty arrangements.  Such arrangements exist from a lack of trust between people and organizations.  Baba proposed the idea that trust could be a byproduct of cooperation.  This meant that distrust could be caused by a lack of cooperation.  Looking at society once more, she saw that greater social distance resulted in less information exchange, making it difficult for the individual to determine who is trustworthy.

Baba noted that the presence or absence of trust between organizational managers and their employees directly affected the implementation of new information technology.  The lack of trust experienced by employees with surveillance and production monitoring, lowers their chances of risk taking and innovation.  She discussed examples in U.S. automotive and aerospace firms where problems with communication in organizations lead to inefficiency and problems.  In one case a lack of communication between groups in production prohibited full integration of new design software resulting in inefficiency.  The company continued supporting paper blueprints and manual programming techniques over newer, more efficient computer software.  The reason for this continued use of outdated and inefficient techniques was because the implementation of new CAD software brought about problems that caused the designers to create products with flaws.  These problems only existed because there was no communication between the programmers and designers.  This exemplified how trust is something that needs to be encouraged in organizations today.

In her discussion of the case studies, Baba mentions the process of information control.  The use, lack of use, or misuse of information, all have purposes in managing relationships between groups.  She also discussed information quality, specifically that any group that receives low quality information may make poor decisions, appearing incompetent.  In closing she pointed out that it is very important for new concepts of organization and management to be implemented in order to better deal with these problems of trust and distrust inherent in the established “self-interest-seeking” behavior.  Baba’s discussion of these problems was very clear and would be an invaluable read for any member of an organization, be it an employee or manager.

CLARITY: 5

CANOVA, GABE    California State University, Chico  (William Loker)

Baba, Marieta L. Baba.   Dangerous Liaisons: Trust, Distrust, and Information Technology in American Work Organizations.   Human Organization,   Spring. 1999 Vol. 58 No. 3   : 331-346.

El artículo trata de la relación que se da entre estructura organizacional, el flujo y manejo de la información, y la confianza en una corporación norteamericana.

Teniendo como marco teórico las relaciones de intercambio dentro de una estructura organizacional, la autora realiza un estudio en algunas de las direcciones y niveles de la corporación con el fin de establecer cuál es el papel de la confianza dentro de las relaciones que utilizan alta tecnología de información.

A través de 6 casos de estudio desarrollados, establece que, las condiciones y estructura preexistente a la adopción de tecnología de información, es la clave para entender cómo las distintas personas y grupos dentro de las direcciones y niveles de operación, usan, bloquean, interrumpen, cuidan, destruyen, en una palabra, administran la información, de acuerdo con sus intereses, posiciones y roles; aún cuando estén en proceso de adoptar y hayan adoptado tecnologías nuevas de información.

Por lo tanto, la autora recomienda para los programas de adopción de nuevas tecnologías, tomar en cuenta las relaciones preexistentes y trabajar con las personas que están directa e indirectamente involucradas, en procesos más amplios orientados a fortalecer sus capacidades y las relaciones de la estructura organizacional.

CLARITY: 5

JOSÉ LUIS GARCÍA CHAGOYÁN    Universidad Iberoamericana  (Marisol Pérez Lizaur)

Baer, Roberta D., Susan C. Weller, Lee Pachter, Robert Trotter, Javier Garcia de Alba Garcia, Mark Glazer, Robert Klein, Lynn Deitrick, David F. Baker, Lynlee Brown, Karuna Khan-Gordon, Susan R. Martin, Janice Nichols, Jennifer Ruggiero.  Cross-Cultural Perspectives on the Common Cold: Data from Five Populations.  Human Organization. Fall, 1999 Vol. 58 (3) 251-225

This paper focuses on conceptualizations of the common cold among four geographically dispersed groups of Latin Americans: Guatemalans in Guatemala; Mexicans in Guadalajara, Mexico; persons of Mexican descent in Edinburg, Texas (on the Texas-Mexican border); and Puerto Ricans in Hartford, Connecticut.  In addition, a comparison group of middle income Americans living in Tampa, Florida was also studied to see the extent to which cold concepts were seen in what is considered to be a “mainstream” population.  The paper includes a detailed and valuable abstract.

“The Cold” is biomedically referred to as a type of acute respiratory infection (ARI), or specifically, an upper respiratory infection (URI).  Baer, et al. explain that the common cold was chosen for study for the following reasons: it is a very common illness, it is rarely of great severity, and there are very few data from cross-cultural studies on the extent to which perceptions regarding the causes, symptoms, and treatments of the cold vary cross-culturally or across different geographic regions within a single population.  The literature suggests a hot-cold folk classification of medicine and illness throughout Latin America.  In the folk classification, an imbalance of hot and cold in the body may cause illness, which is to be treated with “hot” and “cold” remedies.  It is often assumed that the beliefs of middle-income or mainstream Americans are more similar to those of health care providers.  The information taken from the literature raises the question of to what extent nonbiomedical, or folk, conceptualizations about the common cold are seen in populations not usually associated with folk medicinal beliefs, such as middle-income/mainstream Americans.  Another issue addressed by the authors’ research was how conceptualizations of the common cold differ from similar illnesses, such as “the flu,” and other illnesses.

The main methods used to collect the data from all five areas (the four geographic dispersed groups and the comparison group) were interviews, and qualitative and quantitative questionnaires.  The responses were analyzed and aggregated using consensus analysis. The data suggest a great deal of both intra- and intercultural agreement as to the causes, symptoms, and treatments of the common cold.  For example, all five sites agreed that colds can be caused by a lack of vitamins, low resistance, exposure to drafts/wind/air, a change in the weather, not being properly clothed in cold weather, and by being around a person who has a cold.  They also agreed that the symptoms of a cold include red, inflamed eyes; sneezing; muscle and body aches; fever; a runny nose; sore throat; headache, etc.  Agreed upon treatments include drinking liquids, using medicines given by a doctor; drinking orange or lemon tea; using eucalyptus or camphor balm, such as Vicks; and/or taking vitamins. 

The cold seems to be viewed as very much in the realm of a biomedical illness, with the exception of ascribing the hot/cold system of causality to the common cold, among all five populations.  Finally, the cold is clearly differentiated from what is known as “the flu.”  An illness with the characteristics of folk flu does not seem to exist in any of the Latino populations.  This suggests that “the flu” is perhaps a culture-bound syndrome. This illustrates the importance of understanding cross-cultural and cross-lingual terminology.

In the conclusion, the authors point out the importance of biomedically-trained healthcare workers being aware of patients’ conceptualizations about “cold” causality.  Without this knowledge, there may be difficulties in communicating with patients about more serious types of acute respiratory infections and their prevention.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ERIN M. EARNSHAW California State University, Chico (William Loker)

Baer Roberta, Welle Susan, Pachter Lee, Trotter Robert, García de Alba Javier, Glazer Mark, Klein Robert, Deitrick Lynn, Baker David, Brown Lynlee, Khan-Gordon Karuna, Martin Susan, Nichols Janice and Ruggiero Jennifer. Cross-Cultural Perspectives on the Common Cold: Data from Five Populations. Human Organization, Autum. 1999. Vol. 58 (3):251-260

Los autores parten de que la dicotomía frío/calor ha sido una creencia importante para la clasificación de las enfermedades y su tratamiento en Latinoamerica, incluso en espacios considerados urbanos. Ellos vinculan esta concepción con la cultura folk. Se interesan en saber si existe un cuerpo coherente para conceptualizar la enfermedad en 5 distintas poblaciones. Buscan establecer de qué manera la variabilidad étnica influye y de qué manera el resfriado difiere conceptualmente de otras enfermedades como la gripe.

Los datos fueron tomados de 3 puntos de USA, uno de Guatemala y otro de México. De USA, participó gente de la comunidad México-Americana de Edinburg Texas, de Puerto Rico, la comunidad de Hartford, Conneticud y gente de clase media de Tampa Florida. De Guatemala, la comunidad ladina rural de Esquintla y, de México, gente de la Cd. de Guadalajara.

Participaron 200 personas en total, 40 por cada población. Se les aplicó un cuestionario que contenía 142 ítems, 52 sobre casos, 48 sobre síntomas y 42 sobre el tratamiento para el resfriado. También incluía datos demográficos y cuestiones acerca de su experiencia con la enfermedad.

Se realizó un análisis estadístico de covarianza. Encontraron que la interpretación intercultural varía al examinar la relación entre variables demográficas y diferencias culturales en cuanto a creencias y/o pensamientos. Los cuatro grupos latinos manifestaron diferencias entre resfriado y gripe. Los mexicanos tendieron a definir la gripe como un ejemplo del catarro. Algunas personas de Texas incluyeron la alta temperatura como un síntoma.

Estos datos sugieren  que a nivel intra e intercultural existen bastantes similitudes en cuanto a causas , síntomas y tratamiento del resfriado común en las muestras con las cuales se trabajó. Asimismo, los 5 grupos, mencionaron que el frío es un importante concepto de causalidad del resfriado común.

Los autores concluyen que observaron un alto grado de semejanza al comparar los grupos en cuanto a causas, síntomas y tratamiento del resfriado común en los 5 grupos estudiados.

CLARIDAD : 4

LETICIA OSORNIO CASTILLO, México, Universidad Iberoamericana  (Marisol Pérez-Lizaur)

Bee, Robert L.    Structure, Ideology, and Tribal Governments.   Human Organization.  Summer, 1999 Vol. 58(3): 285-294.

Robert Bee’s article attempts to evaluate the “ideal” qualities of tribal governance (effectiveness, broad representativeness, stability, and fair and effective distribution of tribal assets) for Native Americans in the United States. Bee focuses on effective stability in the context of reservation politics.  While advocating reform, he recognizes the difficulties of bringing this about.

The article claims that the underlying disquieting factor in Native American governance is its use of a western political structure imposed by federal government through the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act (PL 93-638). Bee gives clear examples of the imbalance between the western political structure and traditional ideology and structure of the Native American groups. Although not all Native American Nations share the same traditions of governance, leadership, and use of power, Bee shows how the stability of tribal governance is threatened from inside influences and outside intervention. Case studies exemplify tribal community response to leadership behavior and state intervention to weaken or limit tribal powers by challenging political sovereignty of Indian Nations.

Bee uncovers the conflicts between behavior of tribal governing bodies that oppose prevailing tribal ideals. These examples of conflict lead Bee to formulate ideas of institutional reform through the rewriting of tribal constitutions and other formalized government operating procedures to reflect more accurately the prevailing tribal ideology about appropriate and legitimate leadership behavior.   His emphasis is always on tribal responsibility for its own needs and cultural values, rather than an imposed federal structure or ideology.

Bee provides an in-depth analysis of the impact of tribal leadership stability, especially in the distribution of tribal economic resources.   He reviews the influence of western colonization and federal intervention and imposition of a western political structure and associated ideologies on traditional tribal political ideologies.   Bee refers to three tribal situations of the Rosebud and Pine Ridge Lakota communities, the Quechan tribe on the Fort Yuma reservation of Southern California, and Mashantucket Pequot of Connecticut.

The article concludes with the carrot-and-stick approach to motivate tribal governments to seek stability while avoiding state intervention. Throughout the article a clear representation and understanding of Native American legislation relevant to the issues of government stability is presented.   In fact, it is in the federal legislation that Bee identifies a stimulus and an avenue for tribal governments to achieve stability. 

Bee places ultimate responsibility in the hands of Native American tribes. He offers two suggestions: 1) to circumvent broad issues of political ideologies, focus on how to ensure equitable distribution of economic resources and 2) removal of tribal council members from the specific hiring/firing decisions within tribal programs as well as from allocating program benefits.  He maintains that the tribal council should retain overall responsibility for determining goals of such programs and overseeing their effectiveness.  He sums up the principal weakness of tribal governance as, “…local political factionalism primarily sparked by the distribution of scarce economic resources;…”

CLARITY RANKING:  4

ARLENE WARD California State University, Chico (William Loker)

Bee, Robert L. Structure, Ideology and Tribal Governments. Human Organization, Fall.1999 Vol . No 3: 285-294

El autor hace un estudio etnográfico y análisis documental del conflicto que representa para las tribus Indias de Estados Unidos la opción de mantener su ideología tradicional o adoptar la ideología occidental que con frecuencia se les trata de imponer.

La estabilidad de la estructura política  de los pueblos Indios en E. U. Es la preocupación fundamental del autor. Dicha estabilidad se ha visto  amenazada, pero no se puede  afirmar que en forma generalizada se deba a presiones externas o a conflictos internos.

En su ensayo etnológico comparativo, Bee presenta diversos ejemplos de grupos que han logrado su cohesión interna, han mantenido su estructura jerárquica  y conservado su estabilidad como los Mashantucked Pequot de Connecticut, que después de estudiarlos, llega a la conclusión de que la estabilidad estructural que tienen se debe a que el gobierno tribal  distribuye amplia y equitativamente los recursos que obtienen de un casino de su propiedad.

Otros grupos han permanecido en cierto nivel de aislamiento, que aparentemente podría ayudarles a conservar su unidad y por lo tanto estabilidad, pero desde el punto de vista del autor el tener una “cerca” a su alrededor por sí sola no garantiza la estabilidad ni la continuidad en su ideología; sin embargo opina que esto no significa que una tribu debe adoptar  la ideología de otra.

Existen diferencias de ideología política en las reservaciones que distinguen entre tradición orientada a “pura sangre” y otra  culturalmente más heterogénea: “sangre mezclada “, lo cual crea ideologías contradictorias que luchan entre continuar con la ideología tradicional o tomar la ideología occidental ,  lo que a su vez, provoca conflicto, que es aprovechado por partidos políticos para sus propios fines.

Bee enmarca su estudio desde la Antropología Política y la teoría del conflicto y observa que en épocas de inestabilidad las ideologías se vuelven difusas. Ha habido casos en que la distribución de recursos no era equitativa, los líderes tribales fueron acusados de actuar como dictadores pues su conducta violaba los mandatos constitucionales  y en general  presentaban conflictos debidos a incompatibilidad de ideologías y de estructuras políticas.

Por otra parte, menciona una imposición sociocultural para tener un balance entre lo tradicional y lo occidental. Afirma que hay un sofisticado esfuerzo estatal para inhibir el desarrollo soberano económico y político de los pueblos indios y concluye afirmando que para tener respetabilidad, las tribus deben empezar a actuar como gobierno y usar hábilmente sus recursos, propios pues ahora la presión viene de afuera, pero pronto la presión vendrá desde dentro y sin estabilidad o estructura no podránsolucionar sus problemas.

CLARITY: 5

SCARLETT ZAMORA.    Universidad Iberoamericana (Marisol Pérez Lizaur )

Birenbaum-Carmeli, Daphna.   Love Thy Neighbor: Sociability and Instrumentality Among Israeli Neighbors.   Human Organization,   1999 Vol. 58 No. 1   : 82-92.

A partir del estudio etnográfico de 3 familias israelíes de clase media alta en un barrio de Tel Aviv, la autora descubre la forma de organización social tradicional y cuál es el uso y función para los actores.

La autora encuentra que la organización vecinal se construye sobre la base de una tradición comunitaria judía, según la cual la buena relación y la reciprocidad es un valor importante; sin embargo, a partir del estudio, ella nos muestra cómo tal forma de organización tradicional es instrumentalizada y refuncionalizada por los actores para hacerse de servicios menores que sirven para resolver problemas cotidianos de la vida, pero sin involucrar otros aspectos de la vida personal, a pesar de la frecuencia e intensidad de la relación entre los actores.

Finalmente la autora hace una revisión crítica de la institución comunitaria tradicional judía y de los valores ligados a ella, a la luz de los hallazgos observados en esta zona de la ciudad.

CLARITY: 4

JOSÉ LUIS GARCÍA CHAGOYÁN    Universidad Iberoamericana  (Marisol Pérez Lizaur)

Birenbaum-Carmeli, Daphna.  Love thy neighbor: Sociability and Instrumentality among Israeli Neighbors.  Human Organization.  January, 1999 Vol.58 (1):  82-91

In this article Birenbaum-Carmeli examines Israeli neighbor relations in the up-scale Givat Narkis neighborhood located in Tel Aviv.  Her study is based on three years of field work and a local survey.  Birenbaum-Carmeli presents three case studies as typical illustrations of the types of relations one would find in this neighborhood.   The resulting data would suggest that neighbor relations in Givat Narkis are more instrumental than intimate.  The study as a whole illustrates how Israeli neighbor relations differs from the type of cultural relations that we are familiar with here in the United States.

Birenbaum-Carmeli first outlines the particular way in which this and other neighborhoods in Israel came into being.  These neighborhoods started off as somewhat complete settlements rather than true neighborhoods that expanded over time.  The unusual start of these communities prompted studies to be undertaken regarding the nature of social interaction derived from these unusual circumstances.  Israelis identified satisfaction in their neighborhoods to depend on local facilities and socioeconomic status rather than on the strength of neighbor relations (Birenbaum-Carmeli, 83).  Neighbors were seen to be valuable but interchangeable.  Long lasting bonds with neighbors were rare.  Small services would be exchanged in order to maintain ones outward appearances as a “good neighbor” but ultimately an individual’s address seemed to dictate personal happiness.

The article then talks about and describes Givat Narkis spatially and in relation to other neighborhoods.  It is a neighborhood that exhibits a high degree of internal social stratification, is predominantly middle class and considered very desirable to live in.  The neighborhood is comprised of many high-rise apartment buildings and houses set close together.  There is a lack of parks and open space which means that the residents have to share the available facilities.  Over half of the residents surveyed said that they only knew one or two of their neighbors.

Three case studies illustrate the hypothysis that the relations between neighbors are often tense and superficial.  One case involves a woman reporting her neighbor of many years for having a preschool in her home that is too loud.  She knows that the woman with the school needs the income but felt slighted by her in a separate dealing in the past and decides to shut her down anyway.  The woman with the school knows that her neighbor was the one who reported her but still maintains a social relationship with her in the form of small gift/task reciprocity.  This type of behavior is common in Givat Narkis.  To be considered ‘un-neighborly’ by other residents is a stigma that the people who live there try to avoid even to the extent that they are willing to maintain relations with difficult people at any cost.  This behavior leads Birenbaum-Carmeli to conclude that relations are often strained and superficial.

This study illustrates the separate ways in which people of different cultures relate to each other in a very common situation shared by people all over the world.  This type of study is important if one is to understand the differences in human interaction in the context of a shared commonality.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

DAVID HEDLEY, CSU Chico (William Loker)

Brown, Denise Fay.    Mayas and Tourists and the Maya World.  Human Organization, Fall 1999, Vol. 58(3):295-304.

In her article, Brown discusses the impact of the creation of El Mundo Maya tourist project on the cultural landscape of the indigenous inhabitants of the region. In 1992, five countries: Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico signed an agreement for the collective large-scale promotion of tourism in the region, called El Mundo Maya. Brown argues that the creation of a new cultural landscape, combining elements of existing Maya cultures with key elements added or eliminated toward tourist appeal, in turn creates a physical and cultural competition for the existing landscape. The author focuses on the Yucatec Maya town of Chemax in Mexico, examining how the commoditization of the Maya world affects and will affect the cultural survival of the Maya.

Brown begins with a brief description of the Mundo Maya project launched in 1992 to promote tourism throughout the Maya region to international tourist markets. Brown asserts that redrawing the map of the Maya world essentially redefines the landscape in terms of tourism marketability. Many important modern Maya centers disappear from these new maps, while places of tourist interests are added. Thus, infrastructure improvements and additional capital are concentrated in high-tourist areas.

The author discusses the concept of cultural landscape, in which the physical geography of the land and the cultural characteristics of the inhabitants meet. She describes a sort of cultural praxis, where the physical world, the subjective individual, and the collective cultural memory come together. Next, she describes the cultural landscape of Chemex, a Maya town located on the Yucatan Peninsula, inorder to illustrate how the redrawing of the Maya world map, “represents the appropriation of cultural spaces…will have devastating impacts on the indigenous peoples and cultures of this region.” Brown firmly asserts the Mundo Maya project had been undertaken by governments with little to no indigenous representation, inhabitants of potentially affected areas were not consulted, and this exclusion will lead to cultural disintegration through competition for cultural landscapes.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

HUNTER, TRAVIS AND ISAAC VEGA    California State University, Chico  (William Loker)

Brown, Denise Fay.   Mayas and Tourists in the Maya World.   Human Organization Fall, 1999.   Vol.58 (3):295-304.

La autora nos muestra las consecuencias del impacto del turismo a gran escala en los espacios físicos y metafísicos que una sociedad y cultura necesitan para sobrevivir, mediante reflexiones acerca del significado del paisaje cultural y su impacto en la comunidad indígena originaria de esos espacios.

Se basa en el desarrollo del proyecto turístico Mundo Maya acordado en 1992 por los gobiernos de Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Belice y México, y las consecuencias para las comunidades del municipio de Chemax, México, ya que dicho proyecto ha reconstruido el paisaje cultural de los mayas sin, ni siquiera en el mapa, considerar a las comunidades indígenas actuales que no representan un atractivo turístico.

Para demostrar lo anterior, Brown se apoya en conceptos teóricos de cultura, paisaje cultural, patrimonio y economía, entre otros, de diversos autores y los compara con el material etnográfico que elaboró durante su trabajo de campo en Chemax (3 meses en 1979 y 24 meses entre 1989 y 1999) y con lo que el proyecto Mundo Maya ofrece al turismo y a las comunidades indígenas.

Concluye que el éxito del programa turístico basado en el paisaje cultural de los mayas ha implicado un desplazamiento cultural de los mayas actuales, con los consecuentes cambios culturales y sociales para éstos que a cambio no han recibido algún beneficio y corren el peligro de que desaparezcan sus espacios de producción y reproducción cultural.

CLARIDAD:5

SUSANA PEDRAZA-GARRIDO    Universidad Iberoamericana  (Marisol Pérez-Lizaur)

Burkholder and Howard B. Glasgow, Jr. Science Ethics and its Role in Early Supression of The Pfiesteria Issue.  Human Organization. Winter. Vol. 58 (4) 1999. 443-453

El comentario incluye los hechos que se presentaron ante la corte en contra de ciertos oficiales de estado que han impedido la investigación sobre los efectos de la Pfiesteria sobre la salud humana y el medio ambiente en Carolina del Norte, Estados Unidos.

Los autores del comentario, ambos investigadores del Aquatic Botany Laboratory de la North Carolina State University, especialistas en la Pfiesteria y sus efectos en la muerte de peces y en los seres humanos.

Ambos autores acusan a George Griffith de haber distorsionado la información acerca de la Pfiesteria en su artículo “Exaggerating Enviromental Health Risk: The Case of the Toxic Dinoflagellate Psiesteria” Human Organization, Summer,1999. Vol. 58 (2):119-127.

Los autores dan cuenta y defienden la calidad académica de su trabajo sobre tema, el cual ha sido reconocido por la comunidad científica, especialmente por la American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS).

Los autores acusan a Griffith de no haber realizado un buen diseño de la investigación y de negar la evidencia acerca del asunto. También lo acusan de no haber consultado fuentes, documentos y publicaciones científicas al respecto. También lo acusan de haber influido en los criterios de evaluación de las propuestas de proyectos de investigación, de tal forma que afectó la investigación realizada en la universidad sobre la Pfiesteria, a su favor para lograr financiamiento para su proyecto. Otra acusación es el de afectar el prestigio ético y científico de los autores.

 El escrito acusa a Griffith y otros oficiales, -Griffith trabaja como investigador y profesor asociado en el Institute for Coastal and Marine Resources and Department of Anthropology, East Carolina University-, de conducta científica no ética, de impedir el avance de la ciencia y de estar confabulado con los intereses de las autoridades locales encargadas del turismo, así como de la industria pesquera y turística de negar  evidencia que puediera dañar el desarrollo industrial.

El comentario pone en serias dudas el interés científico y de compromiso ético de Griffith con la salud de la población estudiada.

CLARITY 4

MARISOL PÉREZ-LIZAUR Universidad Iberoamericana  Iberoamericana  (Marisol Pérez-Lizaur)

Chibnik Michael. Popular Journalism and Artistic Style in Three Oaxacan Wood-Carvin Communities. Human Organization. Summer. Vol.58 No 2 . 1999:182-189

La aparición de dos publicaciones sobre trabajos de escultura en madera provenientes de tres pueblos de Oaxaca provoca el interés de Michael Chibnik para investigar las consecuencias  económicas en la vida de dichos pueblos.

Shepar Barbash escribió un artículo en la revista Smithsonian en  1991 acompañado de fotografías de Vicki Ragan. Posteriormente los mismos autores publican el libro Oaxacan Wood Carving: The Magic in the Trees , en 1993. Esto le da gran impulso a estas creaciones, empieza a haber agentes que las promueven por catálogo, otros compradores llegan directamente a los pueblos  y  en general, mayor publicidad  a las artesanías de Oaxaca.

Al iniciar su trabajo etnográfico mediante entrevistas y observación participante, el autor relata que causó cierta desilusión en los pobladores de estos pueblos pues esperaban que tomara muchas fotografías como los autores del libro quienes vivieron dos años en Oaxaca.

Chibnik hace breves relatos de cómo se inició esta actividad  en cada uno de los pueblos. El primer artesano nació en Arrazola en 1919  y vendió sus primeras piezas de escultura en madera en el mercado de Oaxaca a fines de los años 50 y principios de los 60. A partir de ahí poco a poco se fueron conociendo las esculturas, empezaron a hacerlas en los pueblos cercanos aunque con otra técnica ya que el iniciador nunca ha enseñado su método a otra persona que no sea su hijo y poco a poco también las empezaron a vender en Oaxaca. Ya en los años 80 tenían tanta demanda que intervenían hasta los niños para ayudar a pintarlas.

Sin embargo aunque los pobladores insisten en puntualizar que el auge había empezado antes de las publicaciones, éstas proporcionaron un “boom” realmente importante pues no se puede menospreciar que la revista Smithsonian tiene una circulación de más de dos millones

Este auge cambió las vidas de las gentes pues como observa Chibnik desde la Antropología Económica, casi todos los pobladores de los tres pueblos empezaron a dedicarse a hacer esculturas en madera y fueron dejando las labores en el campo a las que se dedicaban antes, pues no había comparación con los ingresos que recibían en una y otra actividad. Otro factor que desde su punto de vista influyó fue que en esos años ( 1993-1994 )  hubo una devaluación del peso y  eran más atractivas las ventas. Cuando en otros pueblos de México había pobreza y sufrimiento, en estos pueblos  los campesinos  incrementaron sus ingresos.ntes de las publicaciones algunos agentes denigraban los productos porque no formaban parte de una gran tradición pero ahora realmente se ha formado una nueva “tradicion “

La interrogante que se plantea es si esta prosperidad continuará?  Pero por ahora no es posible contestarla pues sabemos que igual influye el gusto y demanda de los compradores como las modas y la competencia. Un problema que plantea y que puede saturar el mercado es que muchas veces reciben pedidos de piezas que sean exactamente iguales , otras veces los mismos artesanos las hacen iguales porque creen que tendrán más demanda pero  esto hace  que pierdan originalidad.

CLARIDAD: 5

SCARLETT ZAMORA    Universidad Iberoamericana  ( Marisol Perez.Lizaur )

Chibnik, Michael   Popular Journalism and Artistic Styles in Three Oaxacan Wood-Carving Communities.   Human Organization Summer 1999 Vol. 58, No. 2:182-191.

In this article Chibnik examines the production and sale of ethnic and tourist art among three communities in Oaxaca, Mexico and the effects that popular journalists, museum personnel, and local and foreign merchants have on the success of certain stylistic and formalistic attributes and individual artisans and their communities.  In particular, this article examines the impact the publications by popular journalist Shepard Barbash and photographer Vicki Ragan have had on the sale of Oaxacan wood carvings from the villages of Arrazola, San Martín, and La Unión over time.  Chibnik argues that the influence of the authors' publication in the Smithsonian (1991) and a popular art book entitled Oaxacan Wood Carving: The Magic in the Trees (1993) has authenticated the work of individual Oaxacan artists in the eyes of non-local merchants and patrons and has caused the replication of certain stylistic and formalistic attributes to persist in the production of such art.

Chibnik supports his argument by outlining the history of Oaxacan wood-carving before and after its artistic boom, the ethnographer's work among the three wood-carving communities, and the reception of the Barbash and Ragan publications in both Oaxaca and the United States.  Interspersed amongst these accounts are in-depth descriptions of the lives of artisans Manuel Jiménez of Arrazola, Isidoro Cruz of San Martín, and Martín Santiago of La Unión, as well as, the portrayal of wood-carvers and Oaxacan culture in the Barbash and Ragan publications.  After providing an extensive historical background, Chibnik focuses on describing what effects on sales and styles of Oaxacan wood-carving have taken place, including the results from eye-witness interviews with several artists.

In the discussion Chibnik provides a sound interpretation of his results.  He explains that the Barbash and Ragan publications had only minor direct effects on the sale of Oaxacan wood-carving and that the activities of art dealers and the fluctuations of the peso were the primary influences.  Although Barbash and Ragan's influence was mildly influential in the short term, their work had a serious long-term effect on the production and sale of Oaxacan wood-carving in foreign markets. "By helping make Oaxacan carvings emblematic of the region rather than a mere short-term fad, Barbash and Ragan have contributed to the development of a new craft 'tradition'" (188).  As a result of the inaccessibility of the English-language in the rural Oaxacan region, Ragan's photographs were most influential among the carving communities as a vehicle for the successful production and sale of stylistic and formalistic attributes.  Although non-local attitudes have affected the sale and production of Oaxacan carvings, competitive conformity among each artistic community has created a consistency in artistic style and form that are indicative of a tradition. 

The sale of ethnic art has become increasingly situated within the global market.  As a result, what is identified as authentic ethnic art is often dependent upon a combination of indigenous and foreign agency.  In the rural wood carving communities of Oaxaca this interrelation of local and non-local interests has invented a new vibrant artistic tradition whose development must be understood from a global and local perspective.

CLARITY RANKING: 5        

BRANDON PATTERSON    California State University, Chico  (William Loker)

Chrisman, Noel J,  C. June Strickland, KoLynn Powell, Marian Dick Squeochs, and Martha Yallup.  Community Partnership Research with the Yakama Indian Nation. Human Organization. Summer, 1999 Vol 58(2):134-141.

This article details an innovative approach of participatory action research (PAR) for planned social change.  The authors provide an overview of community organization or community development theories within the field of applied anthropology citing the works and theoretical basis of several applied anthropologists.  The authors combine grounded theory and ethnographic techniques to create a qualitative research methodology founded on open-ended questioning. The article provides an overview of the issues associated with the Yakama Indian Nation’s need to promote health and disease prevention; specifically, the prevalence of cervical cancer in the tribe.

In their research, the authors apply the anthropological principles of (1) working with people’s felt needs; (2) using local human and material resources; (3) working oneself out of a job by preparing for lasting change; and (4) understanding and working within the culture. The  authors involved and employed key members of the community in order to provide a solid basis for capacity building (effectively develop, mobilize, and use resources to manage change) and  partnership in the research efforts to enhance the tribe’s ability to gather, analyze, and present data.  Thus, the Yakama people were provided with the ability to convert research to programs.

The authors claim that direct participation of individuals empowered them with the values of self-reliance and egalitarianism.  This could be undesirable in some cultural groups who value hierarchy; especially Native American tribes.  The authors remind researchers to recognize variability in cultural values and “adapt the principle to the group with which we work.”  

The article clarifies that the participation, methods, and especially the “locality development” of the community contributed to the empowerment of the Yakama people.  Locality development occurs when the leaders or consultants in the project are combined with the “energy” of the community members to work together with shared power.   The Yakama Reservation, in Western Washington, encompasses 9,000 Yakama as well as 7,000 other Native Americans.   Through the use of existing tribal organizations (the Cancer Committee as an Advisory Committee, the Yakama Health Employment and Welfare Committee and Tribal Council), researchers were able to recruit a broader population of women, who were the victims of cervical cancer.

In detailing the four-year, $25,000 project, concepts of community as social relationships, institutions, common values, common goals, and common territory were broadened by the project’s community partnership and community organization process. The article concludes that the participatory action research structured the community organization process by encompassing personal relationships and tribal commitments through joint participation. It further asserts that collaboration implied equality among participants and the pooling of assets of all the partners (university investigators, tribal government, and health center employees). Heavy investment in tribal researchers, data analysis, and presentation culminated in successful synergism between research findings and community change activities.

CLARITY RANKING:  5

ARLENE WARD California State University, Chico (William Loker)

Chrisman Noel J., June Stricklan, KoLyn Powell, Marian Dick Squeochs, and Martha Yallup. Community Partnership Research with the Yakama Indian Nation.  Human Organization , Vol  58 No2. 1999: 134-140

El origen de este trabajo se remonta a 1991 en que Martha  Yallup,  directora del Departamento de Servicios Humanos de la Nación India Yakama en el este del estado de Washington solicitó ayuda para controlar el cáncer cérvico-uterino en la tribu. Dos respetables mujeres mayores habían muerto por esa causa el año anterior y esto la motivó a buscar a Noel Chrisman y June Stricklan solicitándoles ayuda.

El grupo decidió abarcar varias áreas al iniciar el estudio: salud pública, antropología, enfermería y educación para la salud. Por otro lado,  parte del proyecto era también acrecentar la capacidad de la tribu para investigar y en un futuro saber hacer detecciones tempranas de dicha enfermedad.

La metodología empleada fue de entrevistas  abiertas y observación participante , aunque es importante recalcar que formaba parte del grupo de investigadores un miembro de la tribu, Martha Yallup. Se dio énfasis a la recolección de datos cualitativos para conocer porqué las mujeres de la tribu no aceptaban hacerse con regularidad la prueba del Papanicolau.

Los autores hablan de la importancia  acerca de la Investigación de Acción Participativa ( Participatory Action Research : PAR )  definida por  Whyte y sus colegas ( 1991 ) como una forma diferente  de realizar Antropología Aplicada porque implica colaborar con la comunidad más que dirigir el proceso.Durante los cuatro años que duró la investigación se preocuparon  de involucrar a la comunidad en sentido de salud, bienestar y espiritualidad. Se enteraron de sus temores y creencias, compartieron actividades rituales con ellos.

El resultado fue mucho mayor interés  por la salud en general, mayor involucramiento de mujeres mayores para enseñar a sus hijas sobre el cuidado de sí mismas, pudieron expresar su desagrado frente a la frialdad de la clínica que hacía el Papanicolau y sólo  les enviaba una carta notificando su estado de salud y propusieron que hubiera entrenamiento en la clínica para indios y no indios indistintamente.

CLARITY:5

SCARLETT ZAMORA    Universidad Iberoamericana  (Marisol Pérez Lizaur )

DeLind, Laura B. and Anne F. Ferguson.    Is This a Women's Movement? The Relationship of Gender to Community-Supported Agriculture in Michigan. Human Organization. 1999 58(2):190-200.

Community-supported agriculture (CSA) has been a growing phenomenon over the past 10-15 years in the United States. CSAs are a localized, farm-centered group of people in deliberate resistance of the dominant food system. They constitute an economic alternative to small farmers who cannot compete in the larger marketplace and provide a source of high-quality food to local consumers that is minimally processed and packaged.

Embedded in the CSA vision is a sense of community and place. CSAs offer a critique of what constitutes quality of life, but also of unchecked growth, rampant consumerism, and unrelenting economic rationality.

DeLind and Ferguson's research was spurred by a woman at the Growing in Place Community Farm (GIP) in Michigan, who asked, "Is this a women's movement?" (190). Noting that the members of GIP were predominately women, the authors set out to explain this gender-based relationship.

DeLind and Ferguson looked to the literature on new social movements to provide context to their research. They compared CSAs to other movements of the 1980s and 1990s that were aimed at democratizing social institutions and opening space for the expression of identity, plurality, and greater autonomy. CSAs were held to have much in common with such movements, in that they are "place-focused, autonomy-seeking, lifestyle oriented" movements (192).

The authors identified four frameworks that may explain women's differential participation in CSAs. These include: ecofeminist perspectives; gender-role analysis in society; situated knowledge approaches; and empowerment paradigms. These frameworks assisted in the conceptualization of gender differences within the context of the CSA movement.

Econofeminist approaches tend to symbolically relate women and nature. Proponents view women as more innately close to nature than men, due to their biology and psychology. Social role analysis holds that it is not women's biology that disposes them to care about their environment, but that the roles they are socialized to play guide their actions. The situated knowledge perspective grounds analysis in women's everyday activities and life experiences instead of in symbolic connections or socially-mandated roles. The empowerment paradigm springs from environmental justice literature. In this politically focused perspective, women are seen to confront toxins, pollutants, and other hazards as part of their caregiving roles. This confrontation leads to empowerment through social and political activism.

Data was collected through a survey, focus group sessions, and an analysis of GIP data, such as membership lists and other organizational records. Findings were centered on four themes: (1) Explanations members gave for participating at GIP. Men generally offered essentialized notions of feminine traits that they hoped to acquire through participation. Women's responses were much less uniform, and as a group no single explanatory framework offered explanation. (2) The reason members joined. Men listed personal reasons, such as making new friends or personal improvement. Women, on the other ha