(c) Robert Borofsky (Webmaster, 2004)

 
Human Organization
1998

Acheson, James M. “Lobster Trap Limits: A Solution to a Communal Action Problem. Human Organization, 1998 Vol. 57 (1): 43-52

“Lobster Trap Limits: A Solution to a Communal Action Problem”, by James M. Acheson, is a discussion of the need for limits on lobster traps, and why they have or have not worked in various communities. He chooses four island communities in Maine to serve as examples, and his analysis of these situations can be applied to the broader question: under what conditions are norms are created? His intention is to identify why certain groups of people will choose one method or another, or why they do not set limits at all.

To answer this question, he turns to his study of lobster tap limits. Certain characteristics are necessary within a harbor gang to make communally accepted traps limits feasible. Acheson finds that these characteristics occur exclusively in those gangs that live and work on islands. He describes four communities, and the similarities and differences in how they approach the question of setting limits on the number of lobster traps any one fisherman may use. The four islands he discusses are Mohegan, Criehaven, Green Island, and Swan’s Island. The date that each island began exporting lobsters and type of trap limit set are all stated and discussed.

He concludes that islands, rather than the mainland, are most likely to set limits, because they are perimeter-defended territories rather than nucleated ones - a close, small community is simply more likely to keep and stick to trap limit rules. Political entrepreneurship is always necessary; the limits that do exist only came about after years of hard work and campaigning on the part of highly successful fishermen. On the mainland, fishermen have very little incentive to set limits because there is no way to enforce them. Also, part-time fishers often provide competition, causing full-time fishers to set out more of their own traps in order to maintain a steady income. Ultimately, for both the centralized and decentralized means of determining norms, Acheron finds that “the nature of boundaries, ability to limit entry, political entrepreneurship, group size and social capital all play a role” (51) in the formation of these norms.

CLARITY: 4

LAURA BERNSTEIN University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper).

Agrawal, A. Profits of the Move: The Economics of Collective Migration among the Raika Shepherds in India. Human Organization, 1998. Vol 57(4): 469-478.

In this article, Arun Agrawal takes an in depth look at the Raikas, one of the largest groups of migrant pastoralists in India. Agrawal is interested in the Raikas because of their tendency to group smaller herds (in this case, of sheep) into a larger collective herd when they migrate. Agrawal aims at understanding the reason behind this collective mobility and what makes it, as opposed to individual mobility, more desirable. He is also concerned with the tendency of many anthropologists to simply accept one form of migration or another as naturalized. He is a staunch opponent to this and sets out to get at the Raika’s reasons for forming a collective mobility.

The Raikas migrate in groups called dangs, the constituent unit of which is an ewar. Each dang has between eight and eighteen ewars. Agrawal studied thirteen different dangs and collected data on the expenditures and revenues that were accrued by each group over the course of the migration. From this data, he points out that those dangs with larger flock sizes are able to produce a larger profit. By banding together, herdsmen create economies that would not exist were they not to form a collective.

Agrawal suggests the Raikas benefit from the collective mobility of banding together because it addresses the social, political, and environmental variability to which they are subjected. Collective mobility allows shepherds to become a vocal community, permitting them to strengthen their voice with numbers and thereby defend their own interests more effectively. Collective mobility also causes added exchange in market places because of the increased flock sizes. According to Agrawal, this increased interaction in the market is critical for the continuation of a traditional pastoralist lifestyle.

The security benefits offered by this form of migration allows individuals who normally would be vulnerable on their own to establish a collective which is able to confront security risks, such as theft and other conflicts that arise in a constantly changing social environment.

Agrawal sees the collective migration as necessary in the face of governmental forces which are trying to permanently settle these people. This attests to the complex and highly variable environments in which the Raika must thrive. Pastoralists achieve their livelihood through mobility, and this mobility is furthered by migrating collectively rather than as individuals as well as by market participation. Basically, when faced with conditions such as the Raika’s, migration has to take on a collective form, or it will not happen.

ELLIOT MICHAEL SIEBERS University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Alvarez, Robert R. Jr. La Maroma, or Chile, Credit and Chance: An Ethnographic Case of Global Finance and Middlemen Entrepreneurs. Human Organization 1998 Vol. 57 (1): 63-72.

The goal of this article is to explain the Mexican-American chile trade and the effects of imposed capitalism on the middlemen entrepreneurs. The author argues that this account is an ethnographic study of trading middlemen marketers in Mexico. To begin, the article defines a few of the key terms involved with the chile trade. One term, “la maroma,” defines the logic behind the middleman entrepreneur. It is a high-risk involvement, because positive outcomes are reliant on the skill and cunning of the entrepreneur. For example, the entrepreneur must anticipate capital gain in order to keep his company well supplied materially. In this instance, he is paying with money he has not yet attained. The article illustrates the definition of “la mamora” with an elaborate story about a hypothetical man named “Juan” in Mexico. Juan is a middleman entrepreneur who loses his job due to capitalist ideals, and begins business for himself. As a self-starting man, Juan does not possess much of his own capital, and therefore relies on forming a trusted bond with his employees, who mainly consist of friends and relatives. Because of his “la maroma,” or accurate anticipation of outcomes, Juan’s business thrives.

Furthermore, the article focuses largely on another definition that coincides with “la maroma.” This concept, called “chileros,” defines the idea of minimum capital means extending to maximum buying activity among Mexican entrepreneurs. Once again, using Juan as the prototype, the author stipulates that the requisite for “chilero” is an understanding of the variability of banks, capital access, and other information that can be carefully manipulated. Juan succeeds because he effectively employs trusted family members and friends, who do not require high working wages. As capital gain increases, Juan uses his banking skills to efficiently order inventory, select the best banks (Mexican middlemen are known to use at least 4 or 5 different banks), and account for payroll.

Lastly, the article concludes with the information that the chile trade between Mexico and the United States is a co-dependent relationship. Greater ethnic diversity in the United States creates the need for ethnic-type foods, such as chilies. The United States relies heavily on the vegetation of Mexico. Mexican entrepreneurs are able to market their goods effectively in the United States because of the demand. They are at risk, however, because U.S. companies are fickle, and will drop a producer to hire a more cost-effective substitute. It is in the chile trade relations and thought processes that we recognize the ethnography of the Mexican middlemen entrepreneurs.

CLARITY: 2

SARAH CATAROZZOLI University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Andreatta, Susan L. Agrochemical Exposure and Farmworker Health in the Caribbean: A Local/Global Perspective. Human Organization, 1998. Vol.57(3):350-357)

Susan Andreatta addresses the agrochemical problems three Caribbean Islands face with the unregulated use of biocides on crop and livestock production. The three islands she studied were Antigua, Barbados, and St. Vincent. Andreatta interviewed farmers, agricultural producers, and officials from each island. Andreatta's goal was to demonstrate the unavoidable health issues that are directly caused by agrochemical use and disposal. The following paragraphs will outline the causes of biocide use, and also the major reasons why agrochemical use poses a health hazard to individuals and the environment.

Although tourism has become one of the major economic strongholds in the Caribbean over the last half century, agricultural exports continue to play a large role in the livelihood of many island inhabitants. The governments of the three islands have resorted to exportation of nontraditional foods, such as asparagus to compensate for struggling economies.

Many nontraditional food items are being grown for exportation to the United States and other countries. As a result of growing non-endemic crops, biocides have been used more frequently. The economic pressure to grow nontraditional crops further increased biocide use, because farmers had to use a greater number and amount of biocides to prevent infestation of crops that are most successfully grown elsewhere. In addition, the consumer demand for fruits and vegetables to meet certain physical characteristics, like shape or color also increased pesticide use.

As of 1998, the Caribbean had no formal regulations regarding the uses of biocides. In fact, many of the pesticides used are on the United States’ restricted or cancelled lists. As more pesticides become resistant to pests and diseases because of overuse, “cocktail” pesticides are increasing in popularity. Farmers are mixing various pesticides in order to create non-resistant products. This is dangerous because chemical reactions from combining pesticides have not been studied, and the effects may be even more detrimental than using a single pesticide.

Farmers must deal with a huge conflict of interest. They need to provide food and shelter for their families, but at what cost? Health risks, even death has been linked to prolonged exposure to biocides. In Antigua, Barbados, and St. Vincent there is a lack of protective clothing and disposal containers to help decrease health problems. The reproductive health of men and women has also suffered. Sterility, miscarriages, and birth defects are frequent problems associated with overexposure to biocides.

The environment also suffers from ongoing biocide use. Run-off pollution from pesticides kills fish and makes bodies of water unsafe for people to consume. Many indigenous animals also have experienced population decreases. Many pesticide containers are improperly disposed of, and have been found near populated areas.

Many farmers on the three islands have not been adequately educated about the dangers of pesticides and their usage. Andreatta asserts that the solution does not solely rest on education. Rather, the economic interests in the Caribbean and the rest of the world must embrace safer farming practices.

ABIGAIL ROSS University of Wisconsin- Madison (Larry Nesper).

Andreatta, Susan L. . Agrochemical Exposure and Farm Worker Health in the Caribbean: A Local/Global Perspective. 1998 Vol. 57, No. 3 (350-358)

This article addresses the political ecology surrounding farm worker health and environment in Antigua, Barbados, and St. Vincent. The author defines political ecology as the combination of “concerns of ecology and political economy to encompass the constantly shifting dialectic between societies and land-based resources and also within classes and groups within a society.” Susan Andreatta examines the transformation of agro-food systems and production processes in these countries, arguing that trade dependencies on international markets have played a major role in negatively affecting the quality of farm workers’ lives.

Through conducting over 100 interviews with farm workers, government and agency officials, transnational representatives, and healthcare officials, Andreatta gained a broad view of the history, present day, and future projection of agro-food production in these three countries.

She provides a brief history of what led the plantocrats to abandon their large land plots due to economic devastations in the early 20th century. The governments of these three countries divided up the land and distributed small portions to poor and landless inhabitants, who were trying to compete in world trade markets. This did not prove successful in many ways, and by the 1970s, in attempts to jumpstart much needed economic development, governments of these countries opened their export base to a wide range of non-traditionally grown agro-foods. This, in turn, says Andreatta, negatively affected the health of farm workers.

A number of health problems resulted. The non-traditional plants attracted more pests in the tropical climates. Due to the prolonged use of certain agrochemicals, many farmlands have become “pesticide-tolerant pest environments.” Another problem is that transnational corporations which sell the agrochemicals in bulk to countries like Antigua, Barbados, and St. Vincent limit essential information about proper usage information to Third World countries, which increases the risk of biocide exposure. There are no official records of approved pesticides, control of imports, or disposal information. Few farm workers have the time or money to attend the limited outreach programs concerning farm worker health.

The responsibility of learning how to properly use the agrochemicals lies on the farm workers themselves, who most often do not receive usage instructions from the transnational corporations. Commonly, farm workers do not wear protective clothing or take precautious measures when using these chemicals because these options are often more costly than the farmers can afford. As a result, laborers are often directly exposed to hazardous chemicals biweekly. There are hundreds of documented eye damage health cases, as well as very high percentage of reproductive damage. The author estimates an even higher rate of serious health complications that are unreported each year.

CLARITY: 4

BRITTANY REED University of Wisconsin Madison (Larry Nesper)

Berardi, Gigi. Application of Participatory Rural Appraisal in Alaska. Human Organization, 1998. Vol. 57 (4): 438-446.

Gigi Berardi discusses, in this article, the problems associated with the current extractive research techniques being used in rural Alaska in connection with attempts to implement modern technology. She makes it apparent throughout her article that the current techniques being used cause resentment and insecurity. This response by the local people eventually leads to the failure of the very projects, which are to be implemented. Berardi specifically discusses in this article the present problems of gathering information to form a workable sanitation system in Village Alaska. She argues that if Participatory Rural Appraisal is used then the villagers will not respond with the usual resentment to the invasions of their privacy and, in turn, will not end up resenting the project in general. In fact, Berardi argues that if Participatory Rural Appraisal is used, as a research method, the people will become more involved, which will quell their fears of having their statements taken out of context and misconstrued and therefore they will tend to provide more honest information. Berardi believes that if the villagers are involved in the gathering of the information for the design of their sanitation system, then the project will be more successful in the end, due to community support.

Berardi supports her claims by using the Participatory Rural Appraisal method in a community similar to Village Alaska. The community with which she worked was a village in the Yukon Delta National Wildlife Refuge, which was contemplating a sanitation system of their own. The results that she obtained supported her claims that the same participatory method would have a strong positive effect in the current problems in Village Alaska’s situation. However, Berardi does believe that the Participatory Rural Appraisal method should be modified specifically for use in Village Alaska, due to its unique dualism of modernism and traditionalism.

Berardi also concedes that the strength of the Participatory Rural Appraisal method is that it elaborates on the information on the complexities of the community that may play an important role in the eventual success of the projects. In this statement, she acknowledges that although the research approach is important and largely effective, it cannot always be the only method used. This is because the method is generally very subjective and not often statistical. Berardi stands by her claim, however, that Participatory Rural Appraisal is “good science” in that it is repeatable and dependable.

CLARITY: 5

JACQUELYN SARATORE University of Wisconsin Madison (Larry Nesper).

Chacko, Tomy. Artisanal Fishing Along the Alleppey Coast, Southwest India. Human Organization Spring, 1998 Vol. 57(1): 60-63.

In this article, Tomy Chacko describes the economic situation of coastal Indians from Kerala, especially along the Alleppey Coast. Chacko attempts to deduce how these poor fishermen have adapted to the various problems that face a newly industrialized society. The Alleppey coast extends for 82 km, and houses about 14,200 fishermen. Traditionally, these fishermen used long hand-crafted wood boats called valloms to gather the abundant fish along the coast. In the past 10 years however, large mechanized trawlers have scoured much of the sea of fish, leaving little to the small fishing families and decreasing the amount of trade at local markets. The long boats used in this period cannot go further out into the open sea, forcing the local fishermen to utilize boats with outboard motors.

Chacko then discusses the adaptations that have been utilized by the fishermen of Alleppey. Many valloms have been fitted with motors and modern equipment, and new vallom forms have been developed to increase productivity. These include the muri vallom which consists of two long valloms with nets placed between the two sections. In addition, the fishermen have developed the valiya vallom, which consists of a large wooden boat with attached motor and long nets that can reach the sea floor. Chacko argues that these two innovations allowed the fishing communities to fish farther out and for longer periods of time, as well as operate in stormy or rough conditions. In addition, the fishermen justify the use of motors because they can bring fish to the market faster, guaranteeing freshness. This in turn creates a higher income for the fishermen. Despite these mechanical adaptations however, many fishermen rely on the old ways of fishing.

Chacko illustrates that many experienced fishermen feel that are too many negatives to owning and operating a motorized vessel. By surveying the fishermen who used motorboats, Chacko found that most of them had been fishing less than ten years. He found that after ten years, most fishermen went back to manually powered boats citing several reasons for making the switch. Motorized boats can cost at least 25,000 rupees to repair during the year; money that is not easily generated from fishing. In addition, one must factor in fuel costs and loan payments and other costs associated with motorized boats. Many of the elder fishermen also describe how the health of the population has also declined, for youths no longer get the exercise from pushing oars. This puts the population in a difficult situation though, for they cannot bring in large catches without resorting to motorized craft.

Chacko ends by illustrating the lack of support by the Indian government for these coastal fishermen. These people only know how to fish, and their lifestyle is being threatened by large corporations bent on mining the sea of important resources. Chacko suggests that the Indian government should end commissions for low volume fishermen, and to promote new scientific research for producing smaller and cheaper motorized equipment. In this manner, the people of Alleppey coast can continue to live their lifestyle without the burden of debt or the destruction of their way of life.

CLARITY: 5

KRIS BURNITZ University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Chesterfield, Ray and Enge, Kjell. Gender, Cognitive Categorization, and Classroom Interaction Patterns of Guatemalan Teachers. Human Organization, 1998. Vol. 57 (1): 108-116.

In this article, Chesterfield and Enge immediately lay out the premise for their research, stating, “in countries such as Guatemala, where a large percentage of the female population does not attend school or drops out after first grade, female teachers are seen as providing greater opportunities for girls’ success in school” (108). Next, they provide background information, listing several numbers to illustrate Guatemala’s huge gender gap in respect to literacy and school enrollment. Additionally, they examine numerous reasons as to why females have had such difficulty receiving a good education. Finally, the authors get into the meat of their paper, describing a study they preformed to analyze Guatemalan teachers’ perceptions of their students.

They begin by describing their methodology in order to show how they controlled this experiment. First of all, they had the informants (teachers) create “free lists” of terms, meaning they generated unrestricted inventories of words used to describe or classify their students. Next, Chesterfield and Enge explain how they gathered their sample of teachers and then describe the tools that they used to collect the data in the classrooms. Lastly, the authors describe how they trained their fieldworkers and note several important characteristics about the settings (schools) where they conducted their research, specifically mentioning that all of the schools were located in poor, rural areas.

Finally, they analyze their data, supplementing the information with a number of statistical graphs and charts. Based on their research, the authors conclude “that rural teachers in general may see their students in a rather unfavorable light in their daily interactions in the classroom” (110). They also show that while the female teachers viewed the girls as most intelligent and the boys as most aggressive, male teachers associated both sexes equally with intelligence. Moreover, they did not see the boys as aggressive but rather as “know-it-alls.” By and large, the authors were surprised at how the terms reflected classroom behavior above academic performance.

Overall, Chesterfield and Enge discovered that girls interacted more with female teachers than males. They also found out that the female teachers overall tended to view their students in a more positive light than their male coworkers did. Thus, the authors concluded that yes, “The presence of female teachers can increase the interaction of girls in the classroom” (115) although they stressed that this is not the “cure-all” for educational inequality. In the end, they suggested that teachers hold small weekly meetings in order to discuss issues such as this so that they have a forum where solutions can be worked out.

All in all, this article is concise and clear. However, the reader will surely get the most out of it if he/she has a strong knowledge of statistics with which to analyze the charts and graphs. In the end though, Chesterfield and Enge do a good job of explaining each step in their project so that it is understandable even to those without a background in statistics.

CLARITY: 3

REBECCA FLAX University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Cohen, Jeffrey H. Craft Production and the Challenge of the Global Market: An Artisans’ Cooperative in Oaxaca, Mexico. Human Organization Vol. 57, No. 1, 1998:74-82.

This article evaluates treadle loom textile production and market trends for two competing Zapotec-speaking communities; the more successful Teotitlan del Valle and the smaller Santa Ana del Valle industry. To attempt gain greater control over the export market, Santa Ana has created a community-based cooperative, with little success. There are several reasons for this. Teotitlan has a population of around 5,000, while Santa Ana’s population is around 3,000. Population is less a factor in the success of the Teotitlan textile export market as other factors. There are four factors that are central to Teotitlan’s control. First, Teotitlan dominates the local textile export market. Second, through contracts, they control access to the export market in both communities. Third, gallery owners in Teotitlan pay fees to local tourist agencies to bring potential buyers to their shops. Finally, there has been a slow decline in the textile market since the 1970s.

To combat the dominance exerted by Teotitlan industry leaders, the residents of Santa Ana established a weaving cooperative in 1987. With government funding, the cooperative had two goals; to begin an export market for woolen textiles and to bring foreign exporters directly to the village to undermine Teotitlan’s monopoly. This article focuses on two factors in the success of cooperative strategies in the marketplace; first, the control of access to market knowledge and, second, the position of the cooperative in market networks.

Teotitleco market knowledge is controlled by merchants, independent producers, and pieceworkers. The merchants control the flow of knowledge and style changes to foreign business persons. Buyers dictate designs and color schemes, often coming to Teotitlan to oversee production. Independent production in Teotitlan is based around the household membership, and has deep roots to kinship ties and friendships. In this way, the market has deeper roots than that of the Santa Ana cooperative, which further strains the flow of market knowledge. Pieceworkers are given raw materials by merchants and independent producers, and paid a wage for weaving. In this way, there is little chance for economic growth for pieceworkers to move into the upper two tiers, further exerting control of market knowledge and economic dominance.

The Santa Ana cooperative’s marginal position in the market network is the result of the push and pull of inner struggles. The united feel of the cooperative has allowed for governmental funding and an illusion of collective goodwill which has maintained a place for Santa Ana in the local market, in opposition of Teotitlan’s pressure. However, the cooperative’s tactics are undermined by members’ division of wealth and connections of certain textile industry locals with greater ties to the Teotitlan market. This has created jealousy and mistrust within the framework of the cooperative.

The success, or lack thereof, in regards to Santa Ana’s weaving industry is much a product of market knowledge control exerted by Teotitlan industry participants that are deeply rooted in the culture of the community that has been growing for generations. The cooperative effort by Santa Ana’s residents to gain a foothold in the market both sustains the grasp they have and keeps it marginalized due to interior struggle. If these local problems are ignored, the industry will continue to be plagued by only marginal export market involvement.

CLARITY: 5

CHRIS COON. University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper).

Everett, Margaret. Latin America On-Line: The Internet, Development, and Democratization. Human Organization, 1998. Vol. 57(4): 385-393.

Email, the Internet and computers have revolutionized industry, politics and the everyday lives of millions of people around the world. It has become such a common place for so many people, that many can’t remember living without it. But what about underdeveloped or economically challenged countries that haven’t kept up with this whirlwind of technological change? In her article, Margaret Everett brings up the current and problematic issues associated with this change and the role of the World Wide Web in Latin America.

Being that in that in less than a decade the use of computers and the Internet has grown to unbelievable proportions is not surprising considering it’s ease of use and that it has created accessibility to millions of different topics from around the world. Unfortunately, Everett argues, areas such as Latin America haven’t been able to keep pace with the rest of the world and this has caused rifts between countries and people. The landscape, social status, and politics are only a few of the roadblocks that technology pioneers face when trying to bring these areas up to date. Everett states that, “the consensus seems to be that technological change is critical to economic growth as well as democratization.” And yes, in all Spanish-speaking countries and Brazil there are Internet connections and the number of host computers doubles every 12-15 months, but this is only a stepping-stone for what needs to come.

Everett suggests research conducted in Latin America could assess the issues facing this technological change and upgrade to compete with world markets and also see which areas are in the most need. She states that, “access to the internet might be enhanced by free community networks and terminals in community centers, schools, and churches.” This would help alleviate the problem the economy and personal wealth play in many individuals lack of a computer or other opportunities. Uncensored information is another problem for many countries with political instability, but Everett shows that with this information comes a new insight for many people into the outside world. In her last comment she says that technology can’t change every issue plaguing these countries, but it can begin to narrow the “existing inequlities.” But a lot has to be done politically, socially and economically in this area before major technological change can happen.

CLARITY: 4

STEPHANIE ROBERTS University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Gordon, John L. The Resurgence of Applied Anthropology in a Post- Exotic World: An Australian Perspective. Human Organization, Fall 1998 Vol.57(2):127-132.

John Gordon addresses the topic of applied anthropology research in the field of industry in this article. Gordon uses several different types of evidence to support his argument that applied anthropology can once again have important uses after a period of decline. He focuses on this area of anthropology because he argues that the changing economic and global cultural conditions have permanently altered the ability of people to do “exotic” fieldwork. He discusses the history of fieldwork in anthropology as part of this argument, examining periods when many did their fieldwork abroad, and other periods when people did research closer to home. He argues that external political factors often affected this tendency. He states that the period before World War II encouraged American anthropologists to study their native country, while after World War II, their new position as a world leader encouraged them to study abroad. More recently, budget cuts in government funding for such endeavors has once again encouraged studies of the United States.

He begins by using a biography of, Elton Mayo, a native Australian who became a professor in the United States. He made groundbreaking discoveries concerning the social interactions between labors in various factories in the 1920s while doing fieldwork in American factories. Gordon then goes on to discuss the changing patterns in research due to the United States being a world leader. He claims that researching at home can be a beneficial alternative when faced with government budget cuts. He also points out that changes in the global situation has made it much harder to find authentically native people not changed by western influence. He concludes by stating that in today’s global economy, the understanding of cross-cultural implications in business are invaluable. This is the kind of training that should be offered by colleges to future anthropologists.

The article’s evidence is very clear, however, some of the conclusions Gordon draws can be confusing. The historical evidence and analysis of the present situation of anthropology was convincing. However, his conclusion that college anthropology departments should focus on training for global studies could have used a more understandable explanation of the roles that anthropologists play in this transition.

CLARITY: 4

JENNIFER GULIG University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Handwerker, W. Penn. Why Violence? A Test of Hypotheses Representing Three Discourses on the Roots of Domestic Violence. Human Organization, 1998. Vol. 57: 200-207.

In “Why Violence?…Handwerker tests three hypotheses that explain domestic violence against women by their partners. Handwerker begins with statistics on the consequences of domestic violence. For example, women who experience violence have greater risks of arthritis, hypertension and heart disease, and their children have a greater likelihood to experience physical, emotional and sexual violence.

Handwerker first focuses on the “rotten man” hypothesis, which explains violence against women as the result of cognitive and emotional states in men that are conditioned by life experiences, along with the genotypes and social learning that are reflected by these and encoded during childhood, and labels men either “good” or “bad.” He then describes a second hypothesis centering on social circumstances. This hypothesis states that violence comes out of situations that produce stress, threat or frustration. Finally, he points to the possibility of a hypothesis focusing on social relationships as an explanation for violence. In this hypothesis, power inequalities are the cause of violence, and power equalities actually produce good behavior from women’s partners.

In testing these three hypotheses, Handwerker looks to populations of the West Indian islands, specifically Antigua and Barbados, as recorded in the 1950s and 1960s. Both islands experienced large structural transformations in their economies. In these societies, women are an “underclass” and have little economic power, and therefore are subordinate and dependent on men. These men act as gatekeepers to power and resources. Often physical and emotional abuse, as well as homicides, arise from this structure when the women did not meet the mens’ wishes.

Handwerker measured the levels of violence on a scale of 0 to 24 and affection on a scale of 0 to 32, based on behavior, such as “slap or hit you to hurt or punish” or “talked with you and respected what you said.” He also measured poverty, social class and status differences between women and their partners, and women’s power relative to that of men.

Handwerker found that the likeliness of an affectionate relationship is low for women with violent partners, and that the likeliness of a violent relationship is low for women in affectionate relationships. He also found that threat, stress or frustration did not explain violence, nor did it explain levels of affection. In his analysis of the results and the three hypotheses, he found that women in relationships with “good” men in the context of power equalities had the least risk of experiencing violence, but not, Handwerker notes, a 0 percent chance. Any power inequalities that are added to such a relationship increase a woman’s risk of violence. Women whose partners are “bad” or rotten men have an increased risk of violence, and those with rotten men and power inequalities within the relationship have to highest chance of experiencing a violent relationship. Thus, Handwerker says, increasing power equalities produces more affection, even from violent men, and increasing inequalities results in a greater chance for a violent relationship, even from affectionate partners. Handwerker effectively finds the social relationships hypothesis to be the most relevant.

Finally, Handwerker suggests solutions to the problem and tragedy of domestic violence against women based on his findings. For example, we should rid ourselves of the assumption that violence is the result of stress, and we should accept and use the idea that violence is related to neurotransmitter levels and neurological conditions, but not genetics.

CLARITY: 4

JESSICA JONES University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Harthorn, Barbara Herr. California Farmworkers: Dilemmas in Developing Interventions for Health and Medical Care Concerns Human Organization, Vol. 57, No. 3, 1998

In this rather wordy and cryptic article, Barbara Herr Harthorn attempts to address the possible modes of intervention in researching the health and medical concerns of California farmworkers, and the problems associated with each type of intervention. The article uses data from a 1995-97 study of 32 workers from Santa Barbara County, California.

Harthorn begins by defining the act of intervention in relation to the work of a medical anthropologist as “intervening between a cause and a hypothesized effect or a known effect and a hypothesized cause.” She states the purpose of such research as being to isolate causes and enhance knowledge about the process, and the main problem of such research in its general disregard for the potential social changes produced. She admits that this kind of thinking is antithetical to the way anthropologists were used to thinking about research.

She continues by presenting the three most prevalent health issues for farm workers in California: susceptibility to tuberculosis, exposure to agricultural chemicals and pesticides, and maternal and newborn health.

She cites the high rates of tuberculosis among ethnic minorities and children due to poverty, poor nutrition and living conditions, and the widespread lack of knowledge of the disease and its treatment among the farm working community specifically. She identifies TB as a likely site for intervention as it poses a recognized threat to the general population and is treatable if pursued.

The second health issue, chemical exposure due to pesticide use in agriculture has a more far-reaching impact on not only the workers, but the consumers of agricultural goods as well, and thus presents itself as an attractive subject of intervention research. Problems include the relative lack of awareness of specific risks from exposure, grower opposition to the research, and political resistance to intervention within agriculture.

Finally, maternal and child health issues seem to not be as receptive to intervention studies as the others, due to institutional racism in California and the general lack of concern among the workers themselves.

Harthorn concludes by laying out several levels of intervention that can be implemented at global, state, local, or corporate levels. Such scales include the intervention geared toward individual workers for the short term, community-based self-education programs through development organizations, and at the highest level the entire agricultural industry effecting long-term conditions and policies. Finally, she addresses the road-blocks to such ventures such as lack of incentive to change by growers, lack of access to medical, and labor resources within farm worker communities and the expendability of the farm worker due to a nearly endless supply of cheap labor from Mexico. She states that such actions are beyond the expertise of the typical anthropologist, and that knowledge of mass communication and the media along with collaboration with experts within the private sector will be necessary if such interventionist ventures are to be pursued.

CLARITY: 3

TRAVIS REINKE University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Johnson, G. David, Cecelia Formichella, J. Stephen Thomas, Dulal Bhaumik, Frank Verlion Degruy, III, and Catherine A. Riordan. Stress and Distress among Gulf of Mexico Shrimp Fisherman. Human Organization, 1998. Vol.57(4): 404-413

This article focuses on the shrimp fishing industry in the Gulf of Mexico region. Johnson et al. state that although this industry is a large part of this region’s economy, it has suffered substantial hardships in recent years. The authors describe the difficult work environment shrimp fishers experience under optimal conditions, noting that recent pressures from increased international competition, governmental regulations that increase costs, and interest groups have made the shrimp fishing industry a less profitable one. The authors state that this has affected both workers’ ability to control economic circumstances, and their independence and control over the work environment. In light of this situation, Johnson et al. attempt to measure the presence of a diagnosable mental disorder in shrimp fishers, and its relationship with stress exposure, satisfaction with the work environment, and psychological sense of mastery.

The authors hypothesize that increased job stressor exposure, decreased job satisfaction, and a decreased sense of mastery will correlate with higher occurrences of diagnosable psychological distress. This hypothesis fits with the social stress model, in which environmental stressors are seen as causes of psychological distress and physical illness.

To test this hypothesis, the authors selected 34 ports based on total shrimp landings between 1991 and 1993. At each selected port, shrimp boat captains were selected for study using the “dockside intercept technique,” in which the person is approached while returning to shore from a fishing trip. A total of 567 captains were interviewed for the study, composed of off-shore and inshore fisherman. The desired measurements were obtained by direct survey of the selected fishermen. Roughly 14 questions were asked of each participant; answers were provided in the form of a rating on a scale of one to five, or with a short answer.

The authors then proceeded with bivariate statistical analyses of the collected data to determine the correlation between measured variables. The relationships between these variables were then compared to two control groups. One control group was a national study of American adults, and one was a study of 1000 primary care patients.

The results of the study correlated with the hypothesis. The evidence reported that as the measured environmental stressors increased in intensity, and as feelings of control over one’s life decreased, incidences of measurable psychological distress increased. The findings state that these fishermen experienced psychological disorders at twice the rate of the general male population. This increase is most likely seen in mood and anxiety disorders rather than alcohol abuse. Johnson et al. infer that this is possibly a result of the fishermen surveyed, and that alcohol problems would be higher in fishermen currently on land and those who had left the industry. The authors conclude that the fishermen at highest risk for developing a disorder are those with a decreased sense of mastery, and that current regulatory and economic pressures are likely sources of a decreased sense of mastery.

CLARITY: 4

BRIAN ROLNICK University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Kendall, Carl. The Role of Formal Qualitative Research in Negotiating Community Acceptance: The Case of Dengue Control in El Progreso, Honduras. Human Organization 1998 Vol:57 no.2:217-221.

In this article, the author discusses a program aimed at controlling mosquitoes, especially those carrying the dengue bacteria, in the city of El Progreso, Honduras. He describes in some detail ways in which the program worked to raise community awareness of the insects, including educating locals on pest control methods. Rather than just making recommendations based on current medical knowledge, the project also took into account the local beliefs about dengue. This local information was gathered through an in-depth series of surveys and interviews, and then combined with the medical knowledge of dengue to design a program that effectively reduced the population of dengue-carrying mosquitoes while still being sensitive to the local culture.

This combination of local and medical knowledge about insects and illness led to a demonstrable drop in insect densities, without anything more than surveys and public awareness efforts. It is the only such project to have shown success using “only words”. The author does note, however, that this success was not replicated in following years, although the locals had gotten the message. He suggests problems with the organization and leadership within the program itself as factors that may have decreased its effectiveness.

The author also places this program in the larger context of medical anthropology. One criticism of medical anthropology is that much of it had been done without allowing a lot of time for research. Instead, research efforts were aimed at quickly identifying local beliefs about illness and then correcting them with education based on modern medical knowledge. This approach assumes that beliefs can be separated from their cultural context, without affecting the culture in general. This is another major criticism of the author and many of his colleagues. Instead, Kendall advocates longer and more in depth studies which can take the local culture into consideration, like that of this project.

He also argues that applied anthropology in general is not an oxymoron. In other words, he believes that it is possible to conduct ethnographic research with a specific interventionist agenda, and that this is not bad science. This follows from the idea that the ethnographer is not so much a recorder of culture as a negotiator or interpreter of it, and thus that intervention is not always wrong, as in the case of controlling disease.

In general, this article is a well-written example of how anthropology can provide immediate and practical improvements in the lives of others.

CLARITY: 4

LYNNETTE KLEINSASSER University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Kruse, Jack; Klein, David; Braund, Steve; Moorehead, Lisa; and Simeone, Bill. Co-management of Natural Resources: A Comparison of Two Caribou Management Systems. Human Organization, 1998 Vol. 57(4): 447-459.

This article addresses the effects of caribou management systems on the herd fluctuations of North American caribou. The authors compare two such systems in Alaska and Canada. They examine whether involvement by caribou hunters at the village level results in increased overall effectiveness of the management.

The authors’ comparison indicates that under a joint management board, government managers are more sensitive and responsive to user concerns, but that direct user involvement in a joint management board does not increase the likelihood that village-level users will cooperate with management actions.

The study compares the State of Alaska’s system for the Western Arctic Caribou Herd to the Beverly and Qamanirjuaq Caribou Management Board in Canada, the latter being an example of a user-participatory co-management system. The authors compare management effectiveness between the two by assessing knowledge of the existence of the management system, agreement on acceptability of herd monitoring practices, shared belief and perceptions on caribou population changes, perceptions of communication between caribou users and the management boards, and expectations for cooperation of users with management decisions. They conducted a census of government managers and surveyed approximately 200 traditional caribou users in both locations. The article includes 15 graphs displaying manager and user responses as well as a number of citations from formal interviews. In support of the authors’ basic argument, these graphs and personal interviews demonstrate that considerably more Canadian users knew of the existence of the management system, knew that traditional users were on the board, and felt that the board would consult users before setting harvest quotas. In support of the second part of the authors’ assertion, results indicate that a higher proportion of the Alaskan traditional users, not users of the Canadian joint management board, expect that they would cooperate with management in terms of hunting restrictions or other herd-stabilizing actions.

CLARITY: 5

PARTHY SCHACHTER University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Lackey, Jill Florence, and D. Paul Moberg. Understanding the Onset of Intercourse among Urban American Adolescents: A Cultural Process Framework Using Qualitative and Quantitative Data. Human Organization Winter, 1998. Vol. 57 (4): 491-501.

The main idea addressed in this paper is the great impact that culture has on teen sexuality and decision-making. More specifically, the authors investigate the design and effectiveness of programs to educate and positively influence teens about sexual activity and the decisions involved. It is pointed out that often is the case where just one aspect of the culture is addressed when such programs are designed and implemented, but that the programs would actually be much more effective if more aspects of culture are incorporated thus using a more “holistic” approach. The argument is supported by both numerical data obtained using surveys and testimonials obtained during focus groups. Numerical data is presented in tabular form, and the testimonials are presented using quotes from the focus group conversations. Much time is spent describing the method of the study in great detail that does present logical and legitimate support of the thesis.

The authors explain that culture is continually changing, and one result of these changes is subcultures. They go on to say that these subcultures are often deviants of the norms of the culture and are due to the lack of opportunity afforded the individuals involved. The study was conducted in Milwaukee, Wisconsin because this city has one of the highest teen pregnancy rates in the country. The concern is not only with this fact, but also the risks associated with sexually transmitted diseases. The causes of the sexual practices of the teens in this city are investigated and found to be greatly due to cultural factors, primarily popular music and that many of these teens don’t have the opportunity to focus their efforts in more constructive manners. Many solutions to this problem are proposed in the conclusion and supported by the proceeding paragraphs.

CLARITY: 4

MIRANDA WARREN University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Lovell, Anne M. and Cohn, Sandra. The Elaboration of “Choice” in a Program for Homeless Persons Labeled Psychiatrically Disabled. Human Organization, 1998 Vol.57(1):8-21

This article examined a program, run in New York City that sought to provide rehabilitation and treatment to homeless persons that were considered mentally ill. Approximately one-third of homeless persons are thought to fit this label, and most of these people often refuse to seek treatment, even when options for such treatment exist. Traditional methods of treatment were medically based, and very tightly controlled. This new program sought to provide unlimited “choice” to the group of people targeted to receive treatment and counseling. The program interviewed many homeless people and considered only those that were diagnosed as mentally ill, for treatment in this program.

The program center was set up to provide a location the participants could come for food, shelter, clothing, and counseling. This environment was one with “no strings attached”, the participants could come and go as they pleased, utilizing the center’s resources as they saw fit. In most shelter programs there is an underlying cause the shelter is trying to force onto the participants, either expecting something in return, or pushing a religious message. This new center opted to be different, in the hopes that the lack of a “message”, and allowing the participants to make choices for themselves would lead to an increased commitment to the various counseling and treatment programs the center had to offer.

This program also sought to secure apartments for the participants and jobs so the participants could help defer living expenses. One item the program overlooked was the fact that in addition to mental illness many of the participants were also abusers of drugs and alcohol. When given the opportunity, the lure of getting high was often too great for the participants, and the apartments turned into drug-dens and locations where drug transactions could take place. In some instances, the participants sold their furniture, and even robbed the treatment center to get money for their illicit activities.

The consequences of unlimited choice proved too great to ignore. In time the center had to impose many rules on the participants for their own and the participant’s safety. The program was trying to instill a feeling of self-reliance upon the participants, this worked for a time, until the total lack of oversight led to a lack of social obligation to mainstream society by the participants. In the end the center had to respond by limiting choice to preserve society’s moral code.

CLARITY: 3

ADAM WEISSE University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Lovell, Anne M., and Cohn, Sandra. The Elaboration of "Choice" in a Program for Homeless Persons Labeled Psychiatrically Disabled. Applied Anthropology:Problems of Human Organization 1998 Vol.57(1):8 18.

In this article Lovell and Cohn discuss the consequences and the degree to which "choice" (empowerment) is instilled into a new experimental rehabilitation program for the psychiatrically disabled homeless. The individuals are more involved with their program, especially in the need for independent housing. They begin by stating that more traditional rehabilitation programs for the homeless involved a "medical model" where the individual afflicted is handed over to an expert with a powerful authority. The new experimental treatment hands over a portion of the authority to the individual and is centered on the idea of "client choice." The goal of this experiment was to stress the ability of persons with mental illness to learn new skills and behaviors, to develop their potential, and to make decisions regarding their own lives. After having done ethnographic fieldwork at a center in New York, Lovell and Cohn attempt to show how instilling the concepts of empowerment and choice failed for both the homeless and the Center staff and how choice conflicted with the larger community to recreate moral codes within the Center's community. Using case studies from their fieldwork, the authors illustrate how the new sense of empowerment led many members of the Center to revert to their former lifestyles of drugs and prostitution resulting in a loss of capital for the Center. Also, with the shortage of low cost housing the rehabilitation specialists were forced to make choices for the Center’s members and to consider specialized housing where the private owners have strict criteria for psychiatrically ill tenants. The newfound individualism also led to a lack of communal respect within the Center. Nevertheless this led to a stricter set of rules devised by both staff and members regarding the sharing of community space.

CLARITY: 3.5

MICHAEL BALISTRERI University of Wisconsin - Madison (Larry Nesper)

Lyon-Callo, Vincent. Constraining Responses to Homelessness: An Ethnographic Exploration of the Impact of Funding Concerns on Resistance. Human Organization Spring 1998 Vol.57(1):1-7.

Homelessness is a growing problem in the United States. Lyon-Callo questions the cause of homelessness in his article. Shelters habitually take people in and attempt to treat their physical and psychological ailments, while trying to make them fit in for social interactions with the rest of the populous. Most people think that these mental and physical aberrations are the causes for the person’s homelessness. However, most of the people in the shelter are actually employed. They are no less fit than any other person in society, but they do not have enough income to obtain housing. Lyon-Callo proposes that the large gap between the income of the rich and the poor is the reason for increased homelessness. In Massachusetts where he studied, affordable housing had a waiting list for an average of 39 months. Most people in the shelter did not make enough money to pay for a single room apartment. The people in the shelter were intelligent and hard working, but they were at a disadvantage with the wage they earned. When the shelter tried to lobby for wage increases, it lost funding. Most of the organizations that donated money to the shelter donated with specific requests that the money be used for making the homeless socially acceptable, or at least less noticeable. Obviously, this only perpetuates the homelessness problem. When Lyon-Callo suggested that the shelter workers begin to lobby for affordable housing and above-poverty level wages, the staff was supportive. However, when the staff tried to acquire housing, even tents, for the homeless, the media twisted the effort, saying that the shelter was creating a tent city in the area. This angered donors, who threatened to stop funding if this effort was not immediately ended. The workers, scared to lose their own jobs, did what they were told and went back to the strategy of making the homeless more pleasant to the middle class. Lyon-Callo points out that in order to get better wages and more affordable housing, the ideology of the people higher in management has to be changed. If they continue to see the homelessness problem as the result of physical and psychological imperfections, they will continue to only treat the people. If they think of homelessness as a social problem stemming from the lack of affordable housing and poverty level wage structuring, they will treat the problem by working on housing and wages. Lyon-Callo says anthropologists need to study high level management personnel in order to fix the problem of homelessness in the United States. If you cannot communicate with those that have the money, you will never be able to convince them to part with it.

CLARITY: 4

JENNIFER WEIS University of Wisconsin- Madison (Larry Nesper).

Lyon-Callo, Vincent. Constraining Responses to Homelessness: An Ethnographic Exploration of the Impact of Funding concerns on Resistance Human Organization , 1998 Vol.57(1):1-7.

This article is about the issue of homelessness in the United States. The author Vincent Lyon-Callo looks at several things before, during, and after he did his research. One of the questions, which he attempted to answer and did answer, was what the ethnographer's job is when it comes to research and study. He says that they are supposed to, if studying a problem, be involved and looking for solutions, which have not yet been tried or thought of. He says that the current trend for treating homelessness is to treat it like a disease. This disease can be treated with job training, therapy, and substance abuse counseling. The feeling is that these are what cause homelessness. Lyon-Callo feels that the problem lies within the institutions and within the belief structure of the problem. He feels that the programs need to be looked at and that the problem is not job training, but in financing and funding.

The author did his research in homeless shelters in Northampton Massachusetts. He volunteered as a staff member, and he talked with staff members and homeless individuals. As he was working with these individual he found that active participation was the best way to do his research. He also felt that it was his responsibility to help and get fully involved. He helped them set up programs and commitees to look at new ways of solving homelessness. Through this, he found out even more about the structure of dealing with homelessness and the barriers that are set in place.

This article details the group’s efforts to change the structure of the shelter system and the problems that they faced in there attempt. It give a good analysis of the reasons behind certain barriers and truly makes the reader think about one’s own biases and preconceived notions about homelessness and how it should be dealt with.

CLARITY: 4

ANNA ALBERT University of Wisconsin-Madison (Professor Larry Nesper).

Manderson, Lenore, Wilson, Ruth P. Negotiating with Communities: The Politics and Ethics of Research. Human Organization, 1998. Vol.57(2):215-216.

In this short article, Manderson and Wilson discuss the ethics of the work conducted by anthropological scientists and local communities. In the process of doing field research, anthropologists must be sensitive to different moral and political dilemmas that surface at all levels. Each situation is a unique case, changing within different groups of people as well as over time. These relationships may even require renegotiation as community members seek to benefit from the fieldwork being conducted on their culture.

Manderson and Wilson then summarize articles on the relationships between anthropologists and research communities presented originally at the Society for Applied Anthropology annual meeting. These articles provide examples of how individual researchers responded to the cases they encountered. Kendall et al. discussed how dengue control in El Progreso, Honduras was accomplished through qualitative research and community participation. Negotiations by Manderson focused on the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women’s Health and righted the tarnished view these people had formed from previous frustrating researcher encounters. O’Neil, Reading, and Leader spoke with Canadian indigenous people about their concerns on health issues and misuse of research information. By speaking with incarcerated Canadian Native Americans, Waldram faced many ethical dilemmas in overseeing interactions between these people and the government. Wilson used her short-term work on health in Africa to question power relationships with consultants and anthropological scientists.

The articles reviewed here all support the view that ideologies in research must be sensitive to the politics, government policies, communities, and institutions in which the anthropologist works. Through an understanding of heightened ethical guidelines, applied anthropologists can be more sensitive to the needs of those they are studying. Manderson and Wilson clearly stress this viewpoint throughout their summaries, and clearly believe in this creed.

CLARITY: 5

SHAINA KLEIN University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Manderson, Lenore, Kelaher, Margaret, Williams, Gail, Shannon, Cindy. The Politics of Community: Negotiation and Consultation in Research on Women’s Health. Human Organization 1998 Vol.57(2):222-229.

This article describes the process that the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women’s Health followed as it began its initial stage of research. The researchers began by defining the groups of women who would likely be underrepresented in a large study and then decided to target these groups with community-involved research. The two main groups chosen were Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders and non-English speaking communities of immigrant women from the Philippines, Bosnia, or Herzegovina.

After choosing these target groups of study, they began a difficult process of consultation and recruitment of women willing to participate in these groups. The difficulties that they encountered during consultation are explained in detail in the article.

Research on the Aborigines has a history of not benefiting the community in any way. Therefore, these people are reluctant to let researchers work within their groups if they do not see an immediate benefit. Many examples are given in the article about the long process of consultation with these groups and the difficulty they had in convincing them that they would benefit from such encounters.

With the Filipino women, consultations were straightforward because the researchers had a stronger base with leaders in this community. The process involved community discussions, focus groups, and meetings that provided these women with the opportunity to contribute ideas that they felt were important to consider in this study.

Overall, the article describes the difficulties encountered in preparing to do research beginning with ethical issues that come up because of bad histories of research with groups, then moving on to discuss issues of the definition of community. Finally, the consultation process itself is explained and all of the difficulties encountered with these communities in obtaining their consent are put forth in detail. The examples clearly show the reader how difficult this process is, and how each community reacts to it differently.

The authors discuss their research process with insight into the difficulties they encountered and with great sensitivity to the people with which they were working. They bring to light many issues that all researchers should keep in mind when approaching a community for study such as considering the benefits for the community itself, and working with people who are in full consent of the project.

CLARITY: 4

ELENA KOUNESKI University of Wisconsin, Madison (Larry Nesper)

McCay, Bonnie and Jentoft, Svein. Market or Community Failure? Critical Perspectives on Common Property Research. Human Organization, 1998 Vol. 57:21-27.

The article addresses capitalism and the problems associated with its failures as an economic system. The methods used to explore the failures of capitalisms are viewed from the prospective of liberal economics. Two main downfalls of capitalism, held by many social scientists are discussed as well as the criticisms each receives, and the authors offer what they believe to be a better way of viewing the behavior that lead to capitalism’s downfall.

Bonnie McCay and Svein Jentoft begin their article by stating that the behavior of the community is responsible for the failure of communism and is also attributed to many social and environmental problems. The “Tragedy of the Commons” is the first and foremost critic of communism. This idea holds that the community is made up of and behaves as individuals. It entails citizens being rewarded for acting altruistically and for the good of the group, but they also get rewarded for acting opportunistically and exhibiting free riding behavior. This critique points to common property, or the lack of private property as a main culprit. The second critique is at the opposite end of the spectrum. This is the “thin” argument and it takes the standpoint of anti-reductionism. It entails that the community works as an integrated whole, and this group is fundamentally moral.

The authors proceed by going more in-depth about what it means to be acting as an individual and the consequences of such actions. McCay and Jentoft begin their argument for a different view of the downfall of communism by explaining the fundamental flaws in the “Tragedy of the Commons” and the “thin” anti-reductionist arguments. They argue that both criticisms are too abstract and generalized to each extreme. For example, the “tragedy of the Commons” requires a simple, small-scale self-governed populace in order to be successful. If the community grows too large, the system will be taken advantage of and people will act in their own interests. Also, the definition of common property has changed from having free use of common property to one of not having any property, and being unable to exclude others from “government or state owned property.“ The point is made that government or state steps in in an effort to keep the individual from acting self-opportunistically. The “Thi n” argument is problematic because it generalizes and presumes interactions will be based on rational action and the importance of culture and community, this narrows the motivation of individuals. McCay and Jentoft suggest a mid-range theory called “thick” which entails a more ethnographic and complex view on human end environmental relations. The authors bring into discussion the concept of embeddedness, which is how community and culture interact and are contained within economics and vice versa. In the “thick” approach, the importance of both individual and community are realized, but does not attribute either as completely embedded within economics or social context. The authors conclude with the notion that in order to understand the economic failure of capitalism, the factors behind community and government behavior, as well as how they interact are necessary and deserve more study.

CLARITY: 3

KARI WITTLIEFF University of Wisconsin (Larry Nesper).

McCay, Bonnie J., Svein Jentoft. Market or Community Failure? Critical Perspectives on Common Property Research. Human Organization 1998 Vol. 57(1): 21-29.

Analyzing the “tragedy of the commons”, the failure of workers in capitalist markets, McCay and Jentoft discuss the collapse of markets from an ethnographic perspective by considering the community surrounding such markets. They continue the discussion of failed capitalist markets started by William Foster Lloyd and Garrett Hardin.

First, McCay and Jentoft define what is meant by “common property”. The community’s relationship to such “common property” and how they are to manage it becomes part of the social definition of “common property”. Individual responsibilities, ethics, and sense of competition do not combine just as a sum of individuals, but rather as the community which then affects each individual.

McCay and Jentoft argue that comparisons between successful and unsuccessful attempts of community property management are a “thin” way to analyze the problem, meaning theories used to differentiate the two are generalized and overanalyzed. Instead, they propose a “thick” way to analyze the idea of “tragedy of the commons”. They question the use of theory and emphasize the importance of the interaction between humans and the environment, culture, and history.

They emphasize the understanding of embeddedness. Economies are embedded within greater social systems that can shape the economy in different ways. Social interactions, symbols, values, and individual roles affect the way an economy functions. Thus, McCay and Jentoft argue that “community failure”, meaning the breakdown of social bonds and responsibility towards resources, causes “market failure”.

Then, the authors question why some communities succeed and others do not. Governmental and state intervention is considered as a way failure can either be prevented or caused. External and global markets affect local markets as well. In this article, McCay and Jentoft examine local markets from a more global and external perspective.

CLARITY: 3

CATHERINE BECK University of Wisconsin (Larry Nesper)

<