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Human Organization
1965

Antoun, Richard. Conservatism and Change in the Village Community: A Jordanian Case Study. Human Organization, 1965 Vol. 24(1):4-10

Richard Antoun addresses two questions in this article. Why do villages exist at all? What are the circumstances of social conservatism? Antoun goes on to answer the latter question in great depth by using four variables: economic, ideological, spatial, and structural. The broader question of why the village exists at all is dealt with only briefly. All of the evidence provided in this article has been gathered from field work in Jordan done in the village of Kufr al-Ma.

In this examination the main question the author begs us to ask ourselves is, why have things stayed the same, rather than, why have things changed? Antoun attempts to answer the question, why have the villagers of Kufr al-Ma remained socially conservative while their urban counterparts have become more liberal over time.

Kufr al-Ma’s social structure is examined in relation to who owned, or share-cropped land, and who did not. If the villager did not own, or share-crop his own land then in most cases that villager had very few opportunities to work in the village and then had to travel outside of the local region to find employment. The jobs outside of the local region paid more money thus creating great economic stratification among the villagers. Despite this economic stratification, social groups were formed on the basis of kinship and friendship, not economic differentiation.

The village also relies strongly on Islamic ethics of generosity, hospitality and charity, and traditional customs. These customs include distribution of your personal wealth, believed to help reduce utilization of personal wealth for personal gain of power and status.

In Kufr al-Ma a strong justice system that relies heavily on civil and religious courts has been set up. There is a council of village elders that ultimately end up settling most cases of breach of law and social conduct. These verdicts impact the way people of the village live their lives. Therefore the villagers are expected to maintain their standards of conduct, not only within the village, but also when they travel to the more urban areas of Jordan. Traditional forces of social-control are wide-reaching.

Social relationships were examined between urbanites residing in Kufr al-Ma, and the long-time residents of the village. For this examination, the life of the village school teacher was analyzed. The teacher was said to be in the village, but not of the village. The teacher made no lasting relationships with the villagers due to lack of kinship ties. Compounding the problem is the fact that the villagers have an intense distrust of outsiders, believing them to be government informants.

The villagers have maintained their traditional ways of life despite the influences of urban areas, which reflect a more modern and liberal lifestyle. The villagers have managed to do this by sticking with their traditional belief and values system. Ultimately the belief that there is no wealth other than brothers and kin, has brought many people back to the village after seeking economic opportunities in the towns. There was a deep psychic connection these people held to the village and its associated way of life. There was a gap in these peoples’ lives that could only be filled by returning to the village.

CLARITY: 4

ADAM WEISSE University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Antoun, Richard T. Conservatism and Change in the Village Community: A Jordanian Case Study. Human Organization 1965 Vol. 24: 4-10.

Antoun’s article attempt to answer the question of why do villages still exist. To answer this question he uses his field study in the village Kufr al-Ma in Palestine. The first thing he does is give an account of the job cycle and mobility of Muflih al-Hakim. This gives the reader a look into the life of one man from the village wholeft and then returned. His return is part of the reason why the village life has still persisted in the Palestinian area. He returns because he marries and settles down with a family. Through out the paper this is a reason why people return to the village according to Antoun. They may choose to seek temporary employment in the villages if they are a non-landowner, but they then return to raise their family in the village.

The next aspect that he looks at while writing this article is the make-up of the village. The people who remain in the village are mostly farmers. This is because the other options are jobs that are located in the city. The reason for this is because there is no government system in the villages and the closest city is twenty miles away, so they work too far away to still live in the village. The next thing that Antoun looks at is the difference in income among the individuals and families who stay within the village. He also compares this to those individuals who leave either for the army, a government position, or to work as wage earners in the city. He also looks at the religious customs of the people who live in the area and how that impacts those who remain in the village. Finally, he gives an account of a teacher who came to the village and ended up being in the village but not part of the village. In conclusion he looked at the economic, ideological, spatial, and structural aspect of the village, and failed to answer his question of why does the village still exist.

CLARITY: 3

ANNA ALBERT University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Ayoub, Victor F. Conflict Resolution and Social Reorganization in a Lebanese Village. Human Organization, 1965 Vol.24(1):11-17

In this article Ayoub addresses how members of a Druze village in post World War II Lebanon have changed their traditional way of solving disputes through a mediation procedure called a waasta through the possible involvement of the superimposed courts associated with the new central administration. He discusses how long-established mediation practices were employed to keep solidarity within the Druze and how the fundamental basis for this feeling was that of maintaining strong relationships within the kin group. However, with new exposure to capital, goods, services, and different cultural practices displayed by the media of Beirut, village life has begun to change as people have assimilated to new lifestyles. With this came a change in values, roles, and social structure that have tempted individuals in the community to take disputes to the “winner take all” system of the courts, disregarding the traditional way of maintaining proper kin relations. By creating this new social organization, Ayoub argues, the Druze village is becoming part of a greater community: the nation of Lebanon.

To support his argument, Ayoub tells of three disputes in which at least one of the factions involved decides to ignore the traditional waasta method of mediation, which usually concludes with both parties dividing some sort of capital, and employ the court system. Immediately providing information regarding the social structure and economics of the Druze village, Ayoub then tells of disputes over workman’s compensation, marriage rights, and land ownership. In these stories it is made apparent how traditional views of these subject matters and that of kin relationships have changed. How individuals treat and maintain relationships with distant members of their kin have changed. There are new expectations in disputes in that now instead of believing “he is a kinsman, therefore I expect him to accept mediation” one believes a kinsman should accept a magistrate’s resolution.

CLARITY: 4

MICHAEL BALISTRERI University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Ayoub, Victor. Conflict Resolution and Social Reorganization in a Lebanese Village. Human Organization, Spring 1965 Vol. (1) 24:11-17.

The article addresses how the inhabitants of newly named sovereign states begin to recognize and utilize established conflict resolutions. Victor Ayoub delves deeper into this by focusing on how the change in populace social structure allows for the option to seek conflict resolution outside of traditional modes. He does this by referencing how the gradual change in social structure is coming about through his research and observation of a Lebanese town.

The author begins his address of this issue by giving a general background into his study locale. Ayoub describes the population makeup of Lebanon as being religiously diverse as well as strong in religious tradition and gives further background knowledge of a specific Lebanese village from which he derives his research. Some of the issues he addresses in regards to background information are the values held by the village as a whole. These issues are comprised of kinship roles, the status of women, economics, religion, village social structure, history and traditional conflict resolution methods.

Three separate examples of attempted and sometimes successful divergence from traditional conflict resolutions, in favor of the court system were given. First, Ayoub gives an account of a case dealing with workman’s compensation between kin. Second, is a description of a young woman’s kidnapping after her refusal of marriage to her cousin, whom is entitled to her hand according to kinship roles. Finally, a land dispute between two distant kinsmen which deals with one party trying to claim land twenty years after it had been turned over to the other party. Traditional conflict resolution within the village is made through compromise, and closely supervised and supported by the kin of those involved. The man seeking workman’s compensation and the young woman met with an unwillingness to support court action by village members. However, this was to a varying degree, the young woman was allowed to not marry her cousin and return to the village as a maiden. These signifies change in two ways, first, that the option to seek help outside of the traditional system is viable, and secondly, the way kin relationships, which play a large part of traditional conflict resolution, are becoming more flexible. The third account, concerning a land dispute was first put to the traditional conflict resolution and when that attempt stalled the court system was looked to, the case was won and the ruling was upheld.

Each account appealed to the non-traditional court system, with varying degrees of success. Each example was accompanied by problems encountered due to the cultural situation as well as explanations as to the mechanism for change in each case. Ayoub concludes his article by reiterating the idea of changing social structure and how it can be applied in a broader picture. The author sees this change, not as an end to community traditions, but as a movement towards a larger, unified national community.

CLARITY: 4

KARI WITTLIEFF University of Wisconsin (Larry Nesper).

Barclay, Harold. Process in the Arab Sudan. Human Organization, 1965 Vol. 24 (1): 43-48

In “Process in the Arab Sudan”, Harold Barclay sets out to discuss cultural change in the Sudan in terms of that culture’s contact with the forces of Islam and the West. His research refers specifically to the Arabs who live along the Nile, chiefly those in the Khartoum province. The discussion focuses primarily on the effect of “Westernization” on these people: how contact with the West has played a secularizing role and caused the abandonment of various sacred rituals. He also discusses the processes of “Islamization” and “Arabization”, both of which have been occurring since Arabs reached the Sudan thirteen hundred years ago and have had a different effect than the more modern “Westernizing” force.

To illustrate cultural change, Barclay examines the change in the observance of traditional rituals. The word “rituals” is used to refer to three distinct parts of the life of a typical Sudanese Arab of this region. The first kind of ritual is associated directly with the religion of Islam - prayers, fasting, observance of holidays, adherence to dietary laws, and other laws of a religious nature. The second type of ritual has more to do with socio-religious movements within the culture, such as saint cults and brotherhoods. The third type of ritual involves ceremonies surrounding life - marriage, birth, death. Barclay explores how each of these categories has or has not been impacted by the Sudan’s contact with Western culture and ideas.

Barclay’s basic thesis is fairly simple - the religious rituals have remained largely untouched by the West, but the other two types show changes directly related to the secularizing force of Western society. His supporting evidence is descriptive, rather than scientific, and is presented in a clearly structured manner. First, for each of the three types of ritual, he explains the meaning, significance and how it is generally observed. He then goes on to present examples of how the ritual has or has not changed and why, illustrating his points with examples drawn from his personal experience. Through these experiences, he concludes that to study cultural change in the Sudan, one must look at many demographic factors, as well as major social movements. In this way one can understand how the process of Westernization has effected the people of the Sudan in their both their everyday and in their religious lives.

CLARITY: 4

LAURA BERNSTEIN University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper).

Beckett, Jeremy R. Australia’s Melanesian Minority: Political Development in the Torres Straits Islands. Human Organization 1965 Vol. 24:152-158.

The Torres Straits Island group, located just north of Australia, was formally annexed by Britain in 1888, and still remained under Australian control at the time this article was published. The author focuses on the formal and informal political structure of the native Melanesian population (numbering approximately 7000 people in 1965) because he sees them as a good example of an “indigenous, coloured minority living in a modern, wealthy, and predominately white nation-state” (152). He finds this topic worthy of discussion in light of the many other native populations around the world that were beginning to seek greater political influence and representation in their national governments. Beckett makes the critique that while many “primitive” peoples living in a modern nation are encouraged to manage their internal affairs themselves, they are less often encouraged to become active in the government of that country in general.

His evidence is mostly a short history of the islanders’ government. He describes the political structure of the islands before contact with Europeans, up through what was occurring when the article was published. This includes not only “the proper channels” but also significant events such as labor strikes and the formation of the Aborigines and Torres Straits Islanders Advancement League. These more informal political actions served to bring attention to the islanders’ issues and in some ways precipitated the formation of more formal legislation. He also notes that while the political influence of the islanders on the mainland is growing, local authority is determined in part by the amount of perceived influence leaders have with the federal government. He cites Murray and Badu islands as examples of this.

In general, evidence is presented clearly and chronologically, with the appropriate historical examples and their social and legislative consequences. While he shies away from making generalizations about other native groups and their interactions with a larger government, it is nevertheless his main topic. In that sense, this article is an excellent case study in a developing debate on indigenous peoples’ rights and representation.

CLARITY: 4

LYNNETTE KLEINSASSER University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Befu, Harumi. Contastive Acculturation of California Japanese: Comparative Approach to the Study of Immigrants. Human Organization, 1965. Vol.24: 209-216

Befu uses a comparative method to try and understand why some immigrants, who have similar cultural backgrounds, when immersed into a new culture, become acculturated to that new culture while others do not.

In Befu’s study, he compared two Japanese communities who had settled in neighboring villages; Chestnut Creek and Sierra. He chose two communities that had come from the same region in Japan and that were socio-economically the same. One of the communities today is still not economically well off, while the other is doing quite well. Befu was curious to find out why this occurred.

When the two communities first came over to North America Befu noted that they both intended to return to Japan once they had become economically sound. Both communities found seasonal jobs and kept to themselves in their tight knit communities. However, with the events of World War II, Befu was informed that the communities did not intend to return to Japan. With that in mind, he knew that the communities now had to start thinking about their economical status in the United States.

Befu observed that the people from Chestnut Creek did not have many opportunities to plan for a long future. He recorded that most of the people in the community left in search of a village that could offer them more. Those who stayed did not associate with other people of different cultural backgrounds, which did not help their economy. The community in Sierra on the other hand, did have opportunities to better themselves. Befu noted that there was land to buy and many of the families were able to start businesses. They also formed and participated in many organizations within and outside of their community. This helped their community acculturate nicely to the new region in which they inhabited.

Befu concludes that if immigrants participate in events that are going on in the areas in which they live they can economically better themselves. However, if they decide to be ignorant and not work with each other and others, they will only be hurting themselves economically and socially.

CLARITY: 5

CAITLIN LELINE University of Wisconsin- Madison (Larry Nesper)

Boek, Walter. Field Techniques in Delineating the Structure of Community Leadership. Human Organization, 1965 Vol.24:358-364.

Walter Boek mentions that sociologists and political scientists have dissimilar methods in obtaining information in communities, but that anthropologists have a third method, in this case, overlooked, which minimizes the errors that can occur in the other two. Boek argues the importance of the utilization and acknowledgement of the anthropologists’ methods in obtaining information during fieldwork through five steps, and uses some of his own personal experiences to help prove the validity of these methods.

Boek’s main concern, and main objective, is to prove that by using anthropological methodology in analysis of community leadership, you can gain access and trust within the group of people you are studying with great success. Boek seems bitter that Thomas F. Anton, who critiqued various concepts of power in communities, failed to mention anthropologists’ research methods, and thus, Boek is out to prove its importance.

Boek’s basic argument is that we need to take a deeper look at the methods used by anthropologists. He wants to prove that these methods are very helpful in gaining access into different communities. He speaks of the mechanics of leadership in different communities, and describes the inner thoughts of the leaders. He recognizes the fact that one cannot simply learn the inside-outs of leadership without first proving one’s trustworthiness and reliability. He suggests that we must first prove to our informants that we are worthy of the information that we want from them.

To prove his points, Boek compiles a list of five steps that an anthropologist should follow in order to be successful in obtaining the information they want. Boek uses some examples of his own fieldwork to express and illustrate just how important these five steps are in gaining desirable information. He also mentions that by following these five steps, he and his co-worker helped to establish and open a new, much needed, county health department. By using specific and personal examples in his article, he demonstrates that the information he is portraying is valuable and important in being a respectable and trustworthy fieldworker, and will allow us the ability to gain insight on others’ cultures and societies in a graceful manner.

Boek helps to shine light on the anthropologists’ methods when he recognized that all of the perspectives weren’t being covered. He helps to uncover and prove the importance of every action a researcher takes when doing fieldwork. His article was made even more powerful by providing a ‘guideline,’ and by citing examples of success in his own fieldwork. By reading Boek’s article, we are made to remember that intrusion on a community needs to be done gracefully and carefully. We need to be careful how we come about our information, and make sure we don’t violate any confidences.

CLARITY: 4

ANGELA YONKER University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Borhek, J.T. Role-Orientations and Organizational Stability. Human Organization, 1965. Vol.24: 332-38.

Borhek chooses to examine different distributions of individuals and their specific roles within the Seventh-Day Adventist Church (SDA). Borhek argues that different personal beliefs surrounding the purposes of the SDA church have a direct relationship to the structure and function of the church. In addition, his theories are based upon his view that societal influence and opinion inevitably changes as time progresses. It is because of this outside societal change that every member of the church determines his or her own actions and commitment level within the church. The above observations help Borhek to formulate the term “role-orientation” to describe his decision to classify the members of the entire church into three separate categories.

Borhek collects data over a time frame of six months and includes interviews and observations of church related activities. The three role-orientations Borhek distinguishes are: doctrine-orientated, community-orientated, and group-orientated. He then continues to summarize the characteristics that comprise each group.

The doctrine-orientated group contains six out of the twenty people Borhek interviewed; however, analysis shows that around half of the congregation fit this role. These members of the church reject the media and do not accept any aspects of popular culture. In addition, they emphasize doctrine, missionary practice, and conversion more than the other two groups that will be discussed. Also they had the least amount of formal education and total net income.

The second group Borhek classifies is the community-orientated subgroup of the SDA church. Nine of the twenty members interviewed belong to this distinction. This group has the highest amount of education and is the most tolerant of non-SDA members. They do not reject outside culture and focus more on public ideas regarding matters such as education and social welfare. Borhek sees this group as the connection between the church and the outside world. Twenty-five percent of church members fit into this category.

The third segregation Borhek names are the group-orientated role. Five of the twenty people studied fit into this distinction. These individuals do not examine ideological themes within the context of the church. Instead, they focus on the immediate congregation and relationships between individuals. Their contribution to the church focuses on administrative tasks. They show hostility toward those members who belong to a lower socioeconomic status, like those affiliated with the doctrine-orientated group. Approximately twenty-five percent of SDA members belong to this group.

Borhek claims based on his findings that role-orientated segregation within the SDA church serves specific purposes with intended results. It is due to this segregation that the church functions as a whole. Each role-orientated group serves its function and purpose in keeping the church successful. Each group specializes in the strengths its individuals possess. This maintains balance within the congregation. Each of the three groups provides personal support to other members within the group. This eliminates examining differences between individuals because each group is comprised of similar interests. This makes it unnecessary to travel outside the confines of the specific group because the individual is socially content in his/her position. Performing a set task for the group fulfills the needs of the church; therefore, each separate group can perform its set tasks, in turn, creating balance and stability within the total group.

CLARITY: 4

ABIGAIL ROSS University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Bramfield, Theodore. Anthropotherapy—Toward Theory and Practice. Human Organization, 1965 Vol. 24: 288-293

In this article, Bramfield provides a brief outline of the problems facing education and proposes the collaboration of anthropologists and psychologists to address major issues concerning individual students in a greater school setting in order to achieve what he terms “social-self-realization”.

He outlines the problem by stating that education is the primary arena in which modern cultures transmit valuable information to future generations within a social context. Issues of individual and group identity, conflict, and cooperation play themselves out on a daily basis within schools. Yet, up to this point, anthropologists are rarely consulted for their expertise and school psychologists tend to focus on individuals exhibiting behaviors that impede learning.

To remedy this, he advocates a combining of the efforts and professional experience of both anthropologists and psychologists to work with school systems to better understand the dynamics of conflict and cooperation and how these effect both individual students and the school system as a whole. The end result would be what he calls “social-self-realization”, i.e., an ability for students and the educational system to fully achieve potential.

The article is not always clear however. I often got the impression that Bramfield was suggesting that anthropologists play a role in prescribing certain behaviors; a social engineering project of sorts. He also fails to provide concrete examples how such a collaboration might work. For these reasons, the article should receive a rating of about 3 on the clarity scale.

CLARITY: 3

Spindler, George. Comment on Theodore Bramfield. Human Organization 1965, Vol. 24: 293-295.

Spindler agrees with Bramfield’s view that education can benefit much from anthropology but raises certain questions that fall into two major categories. The first is a request for concrete examples outlining the problem. Bramfield provides none. The second, a series of questions about how such a collaboration would work. Should each school or district provide resident anthropologists as they do school psychologists for example?

Opler, Morris E. Comment on Theodore Bramfield. Human Organization 1965, Vol. 24: 295.

Essentially, Opler questions whether we need a term such as “anthropotherapy” when terms such as “active anthropology” and “applied anthropology” already exist. He suggests that a new term would only muddle the issue and confuse what anthropologists already do.

CONSTANTINE JOHN REGAS University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Clifton, James A. The Southern Ute Tribe as a Fixed Membership Group. Human Organization, 1965. Vol. 24: 319-327.

In James A. Clifton’s article, “The Southern Ute Tribe as a Fixed Membership Group,” he discusses the relationship between the members of the Ute tribe and how the tribe’s social structure is now based in lieu of the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934. Clifton shows in his article that the Ute tribe is not what we would consider a kinship group based upon nuclear families, but more so a fixed-membership group, as described by Leonard Plotnicov’s defining attributes. Through this fixed-membership group the true members of the tribe are able to attain certain benefits, but this group has long since moved away from homogeneity and stability because of their corporate ways.

In Clifton’s introduction, he points out that reservation Indian communities are similar to “small-scale societies” and in this way he looked at Margaret Mead’s interpretation of these communities from the 1930’s. Mead suggests that since these types of social structures have been disrupted because of “acculturative influences,” this leads to “cultural disintegration or disorganization, the fragmentation of values and behavior, anomie and so on.” With this breaking down of their social structure, it is no wonder that the Ute Tribe has become corporate in nature and as Clifton states “a legal identity, a defined area of responsibilities, and a jurisdiction.”

Gaining access to the Ute Tribe is quite difficult, even for members of a similar tribe or bloodline. It is usually gained by birth and can be attained by marriage, but these members are vulnerable to constant scrutiny while they try to adhere to the tribe’s norms and values. Being that Clifton thinks that the members of this tribe were not one homogeneous cultural tradition when they were joined in 1936, it is easy to see that the Ute Tribe is trying to now create a clear kinship group and repairing damage created in the past. In trying to satisfy this group and keep it’s members, the tribal structure services the “needs and wants” of it’s people in return creating this corporate structure. And through this corporate structure, the Ute tribe is able to better conform to the outside world while still servicing it’s own needs.

James A. Clilfton’s article is somewhat clear in its interpretation of why the Southern Ute Tribe is structurally based the way it is today. He states in his conclusion that he feels the tribe will be able to culturally adapt to the social changes in the world through its current management. But because of its non-nuclear social structure based upon past family traditions and values it will never be able to return to its ancient ways.

CLARITY: 3

STEPHANIE A. ROBERTS University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Crawford, Robert W. Cultural Change and Communications in Morocco. Human Organization, 1965 Vol. 24: 73-77.

Robert Crawford’s article discusses how communication is useful in today’s world, describing the various methods and how they have influenced the cultural and social changes of Morocco. The methods of communication he discusses are radio, film, television, and the press.

To start off, Crawford gives the reader some background history on Morocco, beginning in 1956 with the rule of King Muhammad V. The people of Morocco feared the heir to the throne, Prince Moulay Hassan, due to the powerful position he would have to fill, but were happy to see that he rightfully deserved to be the King when his time came in 1961.

In 1958, a revolt occurred in the Rif Mountains against the government and the implementation of the government. The quickness in which King Muhammad V regained order was in large part due to the radio. The words of the King could be heard all over, either via the radio or through the grapevine.

The Moroccan government soon realized the importance of the radio and the full potential it can have on influencing the thinking of people. Therefore, the government soon began to work toward the nationalization of this method of communication. Morocco has a high rate of illiteracy, so the radio is an important communication media, both in the propagandistic and educational sense.

The next method of communication examined is film. While the radio is primarily directed to the sense of hearing, film is directed toward sight, hearing, and if done with certain sensitivity and in color, can affect the sense of smell and touch. Crawford would give outdoor viewings at a mosque that were of both educational and entertainment value. The audience was not only interested in the films themselves, but also in the equipment that was used in order to make the viewings possible.

Next, Crawford discussed the usage of television. The television is used in much the same way as film, but, as Crawford states, “This technological development will, however, have relatively little positive and constructive effect unless serious attention is given to the development of programming in terms which the audience can understand and cope with” (Page 76).

Crawford believes that the media used in Morocco that has the least effect on the population is that of the press. This is in large part due to the fact that a large portion of the population is illiterate. Those who read the newspaper are fairly highly educated (Western-exposed group). The newspapers are found to reflect the interest of the groups controlling them, therefore strengthening the beliefs already held by the readers.

Crawford concludes by saying that the effectiveness of the different methods of communication as constructive tools is limited due to the shifting policies, which control them. Today, King Hassan realizes the potential these media tools have and intends to promote them not only to enhance his position, but also to further the economic and social development of Morocco.

CLARITY: 4

AMBER DRURY University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Darity, William A. Some Sociocultural Factors in the Administration of Technical Assistance and Training in Health. Human Organization, 1965 Vol. 24: 78-83.

Darity addresses the westernization of Middle Eastern societies. He concentrates on the actions of Middle Easterners which seem contradictory to Westerners, specifically exploring some of the difficulties health technicians may encounter while teaching western medical practices to the people of the region. Darity asserts that without a basic knowledge of these contradictions health technicians workers will make little headway in addressing the problems people face.

The body of the article is organized under three headings: Some General Observations, Some Sociocultural Factors Affecting Health Services, and Some Sociocultural Factors Related to the Training of Health Personnel.

In the general observation section, Darity emphasizes the point that although Middle Easterners may speak a Western language and wear Western clothing, they are still Middle Easterners. Darity’s evidence for this gap between appearance and reality is the prevailing views of educated Middle Easterners that women are valuable only as housewives. He observes that Western style education is relatively new in the region, and although it is coveted, there are many socioeconomic barriers to receiving education. In addition, those who do receive education mostly come from a rural, but culturally rich background. In his mind, this accounts for even educated, assimilated Middle Easterners continuing to act as though they are from the Middle East.

The section on health services is concerned with traditional medical practices of the region, and how health technicians may work within these traditions. He describes the two different situations that technicians may encounter. First, conditions where western medical care can simply augment traditional treatments for an ailment, and second, situations in which technicians must attempt to modify the traditional views. In both cases Darity stresses that the technician must work within the framework of Middle Eastern culture in order to be effective.

Darity describes some of the obstacles health technicians may encounter when preparing Middle Easterners to be health and welfare workers in the segment on training. He emphasizes that though these people achieved a high level of education, they have not completely left their traditional beliefs behind. Some problems Darity predicts that health technicians may face include an unwillingness of their trainees to adapt health care to the beliefs of some of their countrymen, nationalist pride, and a desire for prestigious jobs, not the down and dirty work of providing real services to poverty stricken regions.

Throughout his article Darity stresses two points; Westernized Middle Easterners have retained much of their cultural heritage and beliefs, often in ways that are contradictory to their Western education, and Western health technicians, in order to be effective, must find way of working within this cultural heritage.

In arguing these points, Darity relies entirely upon secondary sources. He even manages to cite himself on several occasions, however one instance Darity falls back on anecdotal evidence to support his argument. Such is the case with his description of traditional medical practices. His habit is to make an assertion, then cite another writer who has made the same assertion on the topic as evidence, expound upon its relevance, and then repeat.

CLARITY: 3

ERIC FIEDLER University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Dean, Lois. Minersville: A Study in Socioeconomic Stagnation. Human Organization, 1965 Vol.24: 254-261.

“Minersville” investigates the causes and effects of the booming labor surplus in rural and small town areas of the United States during the Cold War. The people living in such areas tend to be stuck in a perpetual social and economic decline stemming from their lack to “keep up” with modern America. The communities isolate themselves, accept little to no help from outsiders, including their own Federal Government, and become apathetic to their own demise. Local leadership reflects the population at large by resisting programs for social improvement and economic recovery.

Dean attempts to explain the phenomenon of decaying small towns in the shadow of rapid urban and suburban development by hypothesizing that such a community alienates themselves from the rest of the world, wears blinders to possible solutions, and lacks overall spirit to amend the problem, much less clearly see the causes. These deteriorating communities will neither rebuild, nor sustain its existence while mired in the perpetual indifference towards economic growth and social development.

The researcher studies a region in southern Illinois to draw parallels between the attitudes and political feelings of its leaders, and other communities similarly situated. Dean surveyed a broad range of communities, including a suburb and a decaying coal town. Interviews with influential townspeople, local politicians and educators, as well as unemployment rates and political tendencies show a sharp contrast between the desperate small town and its booming suburban counterpart. The research reflects a resounding resistance to outside influence that echoes the rejection of policies of the modern United States on issues of race relations, military action, labor relations, communism, and universalism. Due to a lack of leadership and drive to overcome obstacles of isolation and alienation, Dean finds a desire for a renovation of their current situation. It seems that the people of the area, and perhaps in similar areas of the country, have fallen into a cycle of crumbling of social infrastructure and economic development.

CLARITY: 5

ISAAC PERKINS University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Dohrenwend, Barbara. Some Effects of Open and Closed Questions on Respondents’ Answers. Human Organization 1965 Vol. 24(3):175-184.

Dohrenwend explores the effects open versus closed questions have on responses received in interviews in order to evaluate specificity, depth, and validity of responses. She states that prior to her study, the common belief was that if one desired to measure a certain attitudinal dimension, a closed question should be used, but if one desired to understand motivations and feelings in depth, open questions should be used. Dohrenwend conducted a controlled study in which she attempted to standardize all factors including the respondents themselves, the interviewers, and the experience of the respondents prior to the interview. The thirty-two respondents were all female undergraduates at Cornell, the four interviewers were all experienced interviewers and the respondents all went through a pseudo experiment to minimize the effect of experience on responses.

Through her study, Dohrenwend found that responders were more resistant to answering questions about feelings and opinions, but that their resistance was lowered as the interview continued. Variability in response was minimized by the pseudo experiment, but completely standardized interviewer performance was not possible. Regarding usability of response in interviews, Dohrenwend found that open questions don’t necessarily lessen usability; it is influenced more by interaction between interviewer and question form than just question form. Open questions often lacked self-revelation and inference regarding motives and feelings in responses so they are not as effective in obtaining depth.

Dohrenwend concluded that overall, closed questions are more effective in research interviews due to the fact that subject matter is more important that question form to produce valid answers. Open questions allow deviation from the topic when questions relate to the self and when depth is desired. Higher proportions of depth were achieved through the use of closed questions. She did note, however that the subject matter used may have minimized the effects of open and closed question forms because the subject matter was more salient and structured than usual field subject matters. She also stated that evidence has been found that lower education levels make open questions less effective. Lastly, Dohrenwend offered that open questions offer a better measure of salience than closed questions, and that less pre-testing is necessary to study motives and opinions when using open questions. Therefore, open questions should not be eliminated completely.

CLARITY: 4

KATIE KRUEGER University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Donoghue, John and Daniel Whitney. The Gappei: Local Organization in Japan. Human Organization 1965 Vol. 24: 217-221.

In this article John Donoghue and Daniel Whitney explore the rapid administrative and economic changes that followed the village-town amalgamation that occurred in Japan in between 1889 and 1956, also know as the gappei. By comparing two villages that had been amalgamated with one that had not, they studied what specific aspects of the villages had transformed as a result of the gappei. The authors interviewed village leaders who had come into power after the merger in order to learn what specific financial and political changes had been made since the original amalgamation.

In their brief summary of the history of the gappei, the authors state that from 1899 to 1965 there had been 3,200 mergers of small villages into larger towns. As a result of these mergers the authors claim that several aspects of the towns had changed, including the hierarchy of power among villagers, an increased level of communication between towns and the nation, as well as changes to the physical landscape of the towns. Quotes from local officials in two amalgamated towns focus on the changes that had occurred since the gappei, such as mechanized equipment, new roads, and new town halls, as well as a new sense of future planning on the part of town leaders. In the section of the article labeled The problems of Non-Amalgamation, the authors discuss aspects of the village that had maintained the traditional small village status. In this village the inhabitants are faced with burdens such as carrying water in buckets as opposed to constructed irrigation for agriculture. Donoghue and Whitney attribute these tasks to the village’s failure to participate in the gappei.

Donoghue and Whitney conclude that, although the amalgamation took effort on the part of the villages and their leaders, and that the system is not without its faults, it had “far reaching effects on leadership patterns, information linkages and social and economic development.” The authors suggest that research should continue to focus on the “new Japan” that emerged as a result of the gappei.

CLARITY: 5

KALI LOSBY University of Wisconsin, Madison (Larry Nesper)

Dubey, D. C. and William Sutton. A Rural “Man in the Middle”: The Indian Village Level Worker in Community Development. Human Organization, 1965 Vol.24:148–151.

This article seeks to describe the pressures affecting the Village Level Worker (VLW) in the Community Development Program of India. When conflicts arise between villagers and the Block Development Officers (BDO), the job of the VLW is to act as a liaison between these two groups. He represents the BDO administration to the villagers and speaks on behalf of them to his BDO superiors. Pressures from the village arise because villagers want to obtain as much from the government as possible with the least amount of contribution. The VLW must convince the villagers to add their labor to government resources in order to create progress. The block expects the VLW to produce results in the village while placing as little strain upon the superiors and using as little resources as possible. More tension arises in the VLW position because the job is ambiguously defined, and villagers make petty demands on these people while supervisors use them for errands and odd jobs.

Communicating ideas from the villagers to the block supervisors is risky and hazardous for a VLW in the established bureaucracy. Relating the ideas and policies of the superiors down to the villagers is difficult because the VLW often does not understand what these messages mean or how to explain them. Too many unreasonable duties are expected of the VLW, who must cope with pressures from the villagers, the BDO, and the extension officers.

VLW adjustment has resulted in three patterns. Some workers resign to escape the unrealistic duties. Others attempt their own strategies of trying to fulfill their communication duties by taking a moderate ground between the two groups. Finally, some favor one side, most commonly the side of one’s supervisors. Few favor the villagers because this will not lead to job security. Those VLWs who were able to create the strongest links between the two groups invested many long hours and much hard work.

This paper was based on a year of fieldwork in India conducted on fifteen Village Level Workers in eight Community Development Blocks. It is well organized and contains helpful headings to group together different aspects of the VLW job difficulties.

CLARITY: 4

SHAINA KLEIN University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Forbes, Jack D. A Comprehensive Program for Tribal Development in the United States. Human Organization, 1965. Vol.24: 159-161.

In his article, Jack Forbes presents a number of proposals designed to encourage tribal self-development for American Indian tribes. He acknowledges the advances made by the Kennedy and Johnson administrations but cites governmental paternalism as the major barrier to tribal independence.

Forbes’s first proposal to stimulate tribal self-development is to reorganize operational procedures. He argues for creating an Inter-Tribal Council composed of delegates chosen by several tribes. This body would be responsible for, among other things, advising government agencies on tribal affairs, developing programs to stimulate economic growth, and creating an Inter-Tribal Development Corporation (ITDC). He argues that the ITDC is a necessity as many tribes are not viable economic entities that can support themselves once government wardship is phased out. The ITDC would eventually take over all programs of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and provide economic assistance for tribal programs and employment for Native people.

Forbes’s second proposal is to increase the land area available to tribes. He argues that Indian Claims Cases have shown that many western tribes have a legitimate claim to land that is now considered public domain. He suggests that lands that were illegally seized and arbitrarily divided should be returned to tribes, at least in portion. Forbes recognizes that some might argue that these proposals suggest giving away public wealth and land. He counters with the government’s willingness to do this for other groups and individuals, and argues that Native peoples are entitled to some compensation for what was taken from them.

Forbes’s third proposal is to rethink the political status of tribes. He makes several suggestions but argues that the best procedure is to recognize Tribal Regions with their own governments, independent of the state. As the U.S. government claims to value international law and the sanctity of treaties, he feels that any federal government attempt to deprive tribes of their own government should be questioned legally and morally.

Forbes’s fourth proposal relates to Native people’s voting rights. He emphasizes the need for legislation allowing for people to vote in languages other than English. He recognizes the desire of the U.S. government for all citizens to learn English but considers this to have no bearing on one’s right to vote.

Lastly, Forbes argues strongly for the creation of a Native American University, one that would target the needs of tribal students and societies but would also be open to non-Native peoples. He acknowledges the creation of the Institute of American Indian Arts by the BIA but suggests it does not offer a complete vocational education that would include subjects such as politics, business, or social work.

Forbes uses a method for convincing readers of the importance of tribal self-development that addresses the dominant culture’s point of view. He acknowledges steps already taken by white society and possible objections to his proposals. In each case, he offers a counterpoint that attempts to appeal to our sense of equality and justice.

CLARITY: 4

MARGARET KLEMT University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Freeman, Howard E. and Lambert, Jr., Camille. The Influence of Community Groups on Health Matters. Human Organization, 1965 Vol. 24(2): 353-357.

This article concerns the influence of formal community groups such as religious institutions, unions, and political organizations on matters of social policy. The authors question the political approach of involving such membership groups with regard to whether an organization’s stance will influence community members positively or negatively.

Study results obtained by the authors indicate that in matters of health, routinely seeking out and involving as many membership groups as possible is not an unequivocally prudent social strategy. One must consider such factors as the size of membership in a given organization, the likelihood that members will align themselves with the group to which they belong, and the influence of a group on those in the community who are not members. The authors’ study suggests that the overall influence of many volunteer organizations in a given community is negative.

The authors’ argument is based on a study of working-class families in a single suburb. Informants were given a list of twelve community organizations and asked to identify the two that they would be most likely to follow for advice in voting on health issues, and the two that they would be least likely to follow. They were then asked about their own membership in various groups. The authors present several charts detailing the number of members in each organization; the positive and negative influences identified by members and non-members, respectively; and the net influence of each organization, which the authors explain with a numerically-weighted formula. They examine the data by assigning a rank and a score to each group. In all but two cases the organizations score negatively, the exceptions being the Parent Teacher Organization and the Catholic Church. The prevalence of negative net scores leads the authors to assert that if a health-action program wishes to use membership groups to obtain community support, it is necessary to consider each organization individually and assess whether the likelihood that members and non-members will follow its guidance is worth risking its possible negative influence.

CLARITY: 3

PARTHY SCHACHTER University of Wisconsin – Madison (Larry Nesper)

Gould, Harold A. Modern Medicine and Folk Cognition in Rural India. Human Organization (1965) Vol.24: 201-208.

In this article, Gould addresses issues involving health care delivery for residents of a rural village in India. Many factors contribute to whether an individual uses folk medicine, seeks modern medical care, or relies on religious practices for treatment of illness or injury. Additional factors involve issues of trust and who provides the treatment.

Illnesses fall into two categories: chronic non-incapacitating dysfunctions and critical incapacitating dysfunctions. The type of illness is the primary determinant as to what type of medical treatment is sought. Chronic non-incapacitating dysfunctions are generally drawn out, cyclical, partially debilitating illnesses, rarely fatal, which allow the sufferer to carry on with a semblance of the normal routine. Critical incapacitating dysfunctions are illnesses that could prove life threatening, debilitating, or cause severe pain. Some illnesses can move from one category to the other, such as asthma or TB.

The author looks at four types of treatment delivery: patient-sought indigenous therapy, patient-sought scientific therapy; or, based on personal ties to the anthropologist, medicine from the anthropologist or treatment by a medical doctor at the urging of the anthropologist. Treatment by a medical doctor is provided in less than 10% of the cases, generally out of desperation. The social connection within the framework of the village is more important than access to scientific methodology. The anthropologist becomes a respected substitute for, and intermediary with the nearest medical doctor.

The author also discusses the case for preventive medicine, such as immunizations for smallpox. Even though smallpox is rampant, villagers refuse to be immunized, believing that the disease is caused by their misdeeds and they are receiving divine punishment. They believe that the only method of treatment is a religious rite. Refusal to accept immunization is partially due to its delivery by outsiders. Another issue discussed is the use of antibiotics for infections. Drug treatments that are inexpensive and available to villagers are not obtained independently, but are readily accepted when provided by the anthropologist, because of their social relationship. The social experience is crucial.

Gould clearly makes a case for the provision of public health delivery in the underdeveloped societies. To secure cooperation it is necessary to combine both technical qualifications and interpersonal skills, and to deal with the individuals on there own societal terms.

CLARITY: 5

KAREN LEDERER University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Gulick, John. Introduction. Human Organization, 1965 Vol.(1)24:1-3.

Volume 24 of the journal, Human Organization was compiled as a record and explanation of the changing aspects of culture in the Middle East. John Gulick, a contributor of one of the volume’s articles, also edited this volume. The first essay in the journal is his introduction to the area of study presented within. In this essay, Gulick gives an explanation for topic choice and outlines aspects that will be explored in order to illuminate Middle Eastern culture. Subtopics include social structure, technology and economics, institutional continuities and innovation, and problems of cross-cultural communication. Gulick discusses a few of the articles presented under each subtopic heading to give the reader a general overview of the journal’s content. Along with discussing the journal’s foci, Gulick tries to familiarize the reader with the authors and the people they study. He assures us that the authors were chosen because of their current, active work with the cultures in question. This assures a modern view of each culture. He also tells us that the Middle Easterners studied are, for the most part, uninfluenced by western culture. This is an important factor, since customs and routines can be changed or abandoned when the people are presented with a more efficient, logical (to westerners) belief or method. When discussing the people and their culture, he casts aside some stereotypes and elucidates a small number of facts from each article. For example, he reveals that only 5% of all Middle Easterners exist as pastoral nomads, a type of subsistence that has, in traditional western thought, been the archetype of Middle Eastern culture. Instead, we learn that most Middle Easterners have contempt for village life, preferring urban life. Overall, this introduction serves mainly to pique the reader’s interest in the topics within through discussion of topics, short presentations of individual articles, and debunking misrepresentations of Middle Eastern cultures.

CLARITY: 4

JENNIFER WEIS University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Gulick, John. Old Values and New Institutions in a Lebanese Arab City. Human Organization, 1965. Vol. 2, No.1: 49-52.

John Gulick addresses urban concepts that arose during the nineteenth century, a period of rapid urban growth as the Industrial Revolution was sweeping across Western Europe and North America. The concepts employ terms such as ‘city,’ ‘suburb,’ and ‘urbanization.’ The latter often results in greater numbers of people living in tighter surroundings. From the traditional western perspective, these conditions are seen in a negative light, since they imply increases in poverty, disease, and bad working conditions, to name a few.

Gulick sets out to prove that urban concepts can be seen positively and that the western outlook has been shortsighted. He questions another of these ‘sound’ beliefs: that the “Western industrialized” city-model is the only form of industrialization. In this model, certain prerequisites are deemed necessary to the emergence of an industrialized city. He argues that the “Western industrialized” city-model cannot be the only form of industrialized city. He bases this argument on Asian and African cities that have become industrialized without meeting all of the necessary requirements. Better theories on urban social dynamics are clearly needed, and Gulick advocates multiple “cross-cultural urban studies.” That is, he feels close investigation of specific cities that have experienced urban growth and industrialization must be completed. These results should be compared to the western model and case studies from other cities. Only then will it be possible to make broad generalizations concerning prerequisites for industrialization and the effects of urbanization.

Gulick chooses a specific city to prove the value of urban studies. He compares city life in Tripoli, a Mediterranean seaport in Lebanon, in1914 and in 1964. Over this fifty-year period the city has become lightly industrialized but has retained many of its cultural patterns. This case study proves that “urbanization per se does not necessarily destroy traditional cultures (52).” It also bolsters the argument of assuming that all industrialized cities have met the prerequisites imposed by the Western model.

First, the evidence given shows how Tripoli has become industrialized: the economic base has shifted to light industrial; health and governmental services, education, and public utilities have increased; modern travel and communication have been adopted. Gulick emphasizes that these characteristics have simply been added to the extant agrarian-commercial patterns of Lebanese Arab culture. He then provides evidence of these patterns, none of which are found in Western industrial culture. They include the Islamic tendency to belong to a sect, the importance of family loyalty and thus the practice of nepotism, and the prestige of literacy, which is “coupled with disdain for manual and mechanical labor (52).” This last pattern in particular would seemingly hamper the development of an industrialized city, yet Tripoli prevailed and emerged industrialized while retaining its age-old values and customs.

CLARITY: 4

MARIEKA BROUWER University of Wisconsin, Madison (Larry Nesper).

Halpern, Joel. Peasant Culture and Urbanization in Yugoslavia. Human Organization, 1965 Vol.24:162-174.

In this article, Joel Halpern claims that the world is moving towards eventual universality. This pattern is seen most noticeably in technological and scientific realms as machines such as automobiles or airplanes spread all over the world. Halpern sets out to study the consequences and change this is causing within various sub-cultures, namely peasant societies.

To begin, the author gives a brief history of peasant life and the common notion that such societies are resistant to change. This is seen as a problem to most industrializing societies. As technology replaces peasant labor on farms, developing nations are less interested in peasant labor and more dependent on their “mental allegiance,” or their minds. Overall, Halpern stresses that change due to development and “modernization” affects both peasant communities and urbanites.

Yugoslavia, a country that had recently undergone a political revolution and was in the process of a social revolution, is used as the main example of visible changes occurring in urban and village life. Although peasants have farming and land rights built into the Yugoslavian constitution, the practice of farming is seen as archaic and the trend is for the young to move to cities. Many of these people who go to the cities continue strong ties with their villages often still commuting back and forth. Halpern labels these people as peasant-workers. Such people are crucial in reforming peasant life because they bring change to the community.

Evidence of the difficulty of making the village-town transition is given by three personal accounts of people in various stages of this shift. The life story is given for a peasant-worker commuting from his village, for a skilled worker in the city still tied to his village, and for an “urban intellectual” two generations removed from village life.

For the remainder of the article, Halpern discusses the process of urbanization in recent history in Yugoslavian cities. Although it is one of the least urbanized countries in Europe, all of the major cities have doubled in population in the past thirty years. The shift from rural to urban life has occurred in different ways in each region. In western areas, using Croatia as an example, government has long replaced kin groups, and the transition from peasant to townsmen was fast and easy. However, areas where kin relations are still very strong, such as Serbia, change slowly and with more resistance.

By using Yugoslavia and its different regions as an example of the changes occurring from urbanization, Halpern attempts to show the inevitable nature of change in rural communities as caused by technological development. He believes that we can better determine the consequences of such change on each sub-culture if we understand how this process is occurring in all areas of the world.

CLARITY: 4

ELENA KOUNESKI University of Wisconsin, Madison (Larry Nesper)

Hirsch, Abraham M. “Importing” and “Adopting” Skills. Human Organization 1965 Vol.24:124-127

Hirsch discusses the issues of “importing”, which is to bring in a person or persons into a society in order to obtain a skill that they exhibit, and “adopting”, in which one or more members of the society actually take on a new skill. Both of these can be used when it becomes clear that a society is lacking in a specific skill that has become necessary or wanted in that particular society.

Hirsch states that adopting a new skill is utilized when a society deems the skill useful not only to the society, but particularly to the individual obtaining the skill. He goes on to explain that persons are often willing to take on this new skill because it advances their status in that society, especially if they are considered to be of a lower class or caste in their community. This appears to explain, in some part, the lack of new skills acquired by certain societies that are organized in a tribe-like fashion. They are only capable of raising their status by exhibiting strength. Taking on a new skill will not increase their status; hence they do not bother to.

Hirsch explains importing as a good short-term solution to bringing in the necessary skills a society lacks, but needs. When a person is brought into a society to provide a skill, they are often isolated, being the outsider, and have no other choice but to do the work they were brought in to do, often times at a lower pay rate than is deserved. One of the greatest advantages of importation is the time and effort saved in training someone already a part of the society to learn the needed skill. However convenient it is in the short-term, in the long run, the benefit of importation diminishes when the skill is not taken up fairly early by original members of the society. According to Hirsch, societies that have developed quickly are those that have “adopted” rather than imported the necessary skills.

Hirsch also discusses the assistance programs that aid in sending out importers to different countries where a skill is needed. The officials in these programs attempt to minimize the amount of time importers spend in a country by speeding up the adoption process. Hirsch explains that certain skills are more easily adopted than others, giving an example that industrial production skills have historically been adopted more easily than agricultural production skills.

Hirsch further explains that there must be incentives for the persons trained in order for them to more easily adopt a new skill. Those incentives may include a new title, or a financial reward, which is as much for the improved social status as it is for the pure monetary value. Hirsch believes there is much more research to be done on the topic of skill adoption.

CLARITY: 4

AIMEE HUGL University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Hurt, Wesley R. & Brown, Richard M. Social Drinking Patterns of the Yankton Sioux. Human Organization 1965 Vol. 24: 222-230.

Hurt and Brown argue that the Dakota Indians of Yankton, South Dakota formed their unique social drinking pattern by adapting their traditional culture to life on a reservation. Beginning with a brief history of how alcohol was introduced to the Indians, the authors describe how social drinking patterns evolved in their culture to the high incidence of drinking and crime that is witnessed today.

Hurt and Brown did their fieldwork focusing on two uniquely different taverns on the reservation. By observing public social gatherings they analyzed their data by organizing the information according to age and sex of the participants at each bar. Their observations were grouped into the following categories: young men, young women, middle-aged and older men, and middle-aged and older women. By looking at each group separately one is clearly shown an exclusive glimpse into the Indian social drinking culture.

The authors found, by observation, that there was a “significant relationship… between the social drinking patterns and the relatively more restricted opportunity that the Indian men have than do the women in asserting their respective roles” (p.222). They observed that the Dakota Sioux have culturally based traits that emphasize boasting and aggression in social settings, as well as a high value placed on generosity. The culture showed that men in Sioux Indian culture competed for prestige by bragging about their war adventures. However, now that the tribes were centered on the reservation with no wars to prove their bravery, drinking filled in this gap. Drinking became a substitute for the men to prove their bravery. Tribal ceremonies and social gatherings became a time for telling how much one had drunk and how much they were still able to consume. Drinking parties were also a time for the men to show off how generous they could be by providing large quantity of alcohol to the attendants.

Through the field study of these people the authors show that there are distinctive features that prove how the Indians adapted to a restricted life on the reservation by substituting alcohol for older cultural endeavors.

CLARITY: 5

ELISE MATTESON University of WisconsinMadison. (Larry Nesper)

Jeffery, Thomas. Educational Testing in Afghanistan. Human Organization, 1965 Vol. 24: 83-88

In this article, Thomas Jeffery examines the organization of Afghanistan’s school system, focusing on the Department of Evaluation and Measurement’s efforts to standardize testing procedures throughout the country and to improve the general level of education. Jeffery initially points out that Afghanistan is a landlocked country with poor ground transportation, which, until the invention of the airplane, remained largely isolated from its neighbors. Now, as people are able to travel more freely, Afghanistan has opened up to the world, realizing a need for improved job training, technology, and education. In order to advance as quickly as possible, Afghanistan asked a number of countries for assistance in developing a plan to standardize their educational system. In this article, Jeffery concentrates specifically on the United States’ programs and ideas for achieving this goal.

The need for testing begins when an Afghan student finishes sixth grade. He has two choices if he wishes to continue his education: he can gain admission either to a secondary school or to a pre-vocational school. However, the enrollment at both of these institutions is quite limited and developing a standard means for selecting applicants becomes necessary. Initially, a team from the Teachers College at Columbia University (the TCCU Team) developed a three-part abstract reasoning test in order to determine the general education level of sixth graders around the country. The team discovered that both those administering the exams as well as the students needed a fair amount of training. Jeffery states, “every attempt had been made to stress the need for following the instructions to the letter, but apparently they did not.”

Based upon these results, the team created admissions tests for students entering 7th grade, students applying to vocational schools, and students wishing to attend the university in Kabul. These tests function very much like the SAT or the ACT: they measure students’ mental capacities and/or acquired knowledge. They also serve as concrete evidence when a student questions why a certain institution has rejected him. Furthermore, they quell arguments between the ever-competitive vocational schools, each of which desires the very best students. And finally, test results help to place students in the appropriate faculties at the university. (Students at Kabul University don’t choose which school or college they will attend, rather they indicate their preference and are assigned to a school by an admissions officer.) Overall, school assignments are now based on more than just students’ secondary school academic records, providing a broader view of the students’ abilities

All in all, Jeffery shows how quickly new testing methods are bringing Afghanistan’s educational system up to par with the rest of the world. As an expert with first hand experience on the subject, he relies on himself for most of the information when another perspective would be beneficial. In addition, he skims over several issues (such as women and education) and neglects to define a few terms. However, Jeffery paints an overall clear picture of Afghanistan as a constantly changing and progressing country, eager to become an international figure.

CLARITY: 4

REBECCA FLAX, University of Wisconsin-Madison (Larry Nesper)

Jones, Garth N. Strategies and Tactics of Planned Organizational Change: Case Examples in the Modernization Process of Traditional Societies. Human Organization, 1965. Vol.24(3):192-200.

This article is about incorporating structural and social change into traditional societies. Jones believes that the conscious application of knowledge assists in the transformation from traditional to modern. Understanding the social and political structure of a community is an important tool to control and manipulate change and achieve goals. The author questions how to efficiently integrate modern technologies into communities. He analyzes examples that isolate strategies and tactics that have aided in planned organizational change. His examples were selected based on successful attempts at planned organization.

Several strategies are employed based on the individual needs of a community. Coercive strategies use restrictive power to accomplish goals. The strategy of pressure involves the use of force. The problem encountered was that change was administered by a group of outsiders and although successful, may not be continually maintained. The strategy of stress induction uses organizational chaos to its advantage. The revitalized system may reduce opposition to change. However the author classified the example used in the article as weak. Normative strategies use manipulation to achieve compliance. The strategy of participation is the combined effort of community and administration. The community is consulted and involved before the changes take place. The example cited failed because the technological innovations were ineffective and poorly planned. The strategy of education and training can be very effective when implemented under the right circumstances. However, the author notes that this strategy can be very costly, time consuming and results are not guaranteed. The example was successful because a series of progressive programs and relationships were formed between the community and the administration. Utilitarian strategies control the dispersal of material resources to retain power or initiate change. The strategy of placement involves assurance and deliberation. The two examples cited were more related to technological conversion than traditional replaceme