Anthropologica (Old Series)
1959

Balikci, Asen. Two Attempts at Community Organization among the Eastern Hudson Bay Eskimos. Anthropologica, 1959. 1(1-2): 122-135.

In "Two Attempts at Community Organization", Balikci compares the attempts by Euro-Canadian agencies to introduce new social organizational structures within two Eastern Hudson Bay Eskimo communities. These communities are the Great Whale River and the Povungnituk community respectively. These social organizations were put forth to address the "Eskimo Problem" as Balikci puts it, concerning the lack of hunting opportunities and inter-ethnic tensions afflicting these northern communities. In his comparison of the two communities Balikci pinpoints why the Great Whale River initiative failed and what allowed the Povungnituk initiative to succeed.

Balikci begins with the Great Whale River. A division of occupations (laborers and hunters) and therefore income groups characterized their existing situation. The reduction of hunting opportunities and the prestige that went along with it affected the power structures in the community. The headmen of a community were not seen to represent the entire community's interests. The Euro-Canadian administrator instituted a council around which it was hoped all the Eskimos could rally. The Eskimos democratically elected six individuals. This council soon faltered and failed, Balikci charges this happened for five reasons. The first being that the council was created without any specific function or long range program. Secondly the councilors dealt with issues that were not a priority to them or not understood. Thirdly the administrator was ignorant of the absence of symbiotic inter-group relations. Also the administrator did not perceive the status of the headmen diminishing. Lastly the unequal representation of the groups discouraged planned collaboration.

In the case of Povingnituk their community organization succeeded. Balikci identifies the reasons for their success as beginning with the fact that there were three different organizations operating at the same time. The objectives of the organizations were perceived by the Eskimos as highly beneficial. The initiative for the projects originated with the Eskimos not the Euro-Canadians. The communtity structures were supervised by the Euro-Canadians with little interference with the projects created by the Eskimos.

Balikci concludes that the Povingnituk social organization succeeded due to the fact that it was closely supervised and motivated by the Euro-Canadian organizer. Social structures that are introduced from an outside source Balikci finds, have a better chance of success when they are created around a set function that is understood and accepted by the natives. Balikci uses conversations with informants and accounts of both communities to illustrate why one would fail while the other achieved success.

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CHIMU TITI York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Chapter VIII Temporal Divisions and Units of Measurement. Anthropologica, 1959. 1(8): 230-238.

The article is a discussion on the temporal divisions and the units of measurement used by the Native American groups, the Micmac and the Malecite. The beginning of the paper discusses the calendrical system of the Micmac and Malecite as being lunar before adopting the European solar system to count time. The Micmac calendar contains twelve months, and is listed in the article in Micmac comparing it to the European months. The author believes that although twelve months seem to correspond with existing data, some informants describe the calendar as having thirteen months. The writer believes that this is likely to be true, because if their calendars were lunar than an extra month would be needed at some point to account for missing days.

The Malecite calendar, like the Micmac calendar, is described as containing twelve lunar months, with a possible thirteenth month in every six-year cycle. There is a list of the Malecite months' name followed by their meanings. Their lunar system of months appears to be universal to all the Algonkian tribes and was created by the natives previous to European contact. These tribal groups further divided the year into four seasons, Paniah (spring), Nibk(summer), Taouck (autumn) and Kesic(winter); which are described in the article.

Following the sections concerning the calendrical systems, are brief discussions on their division of moons, and the system of daily time. Preceding each are lists containing the native words for the moons and the Malecite words for the parts of a day. A small listing of the Malecite measurements is also included in the paper.

The last section of the article details the monetary system after European contact. The original pre-European and early contact system was thought to rely on bartering. As trade relations changed over time with the Europeans, the furs of animals became the standard currency. After 1760, the Malecites signed a treaty and the skin of a beaver became the standard value for which trade was conducted. All other fur-bearing animals carried a fixed value in relation to the value of a beaver pelt. A table specifying the relationships between other animal skins and a beaver skin is included in the article.

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ANDREA BUSSMANN York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Chapter IX Medical Practices. Anthropologica, 1959. I(8): 239-262.

This article examines the medical practices among the Malecites and Micmacs, describing their methods of treatment as well as the function of specific figures such as shamans and herb doctors, who provide methods of treatment and coping strategies for dealing with diseases. The author addresses the question of whether the various herb treatments among the tribes are the result of either European contact or intervention, given the fact that herb remedies were generally used in Europe at the time. The question is ruled out however, as the vast quantities of various herbal remedies are more numerous and occupy a much more pivotal role in the lives of these respective groups. The question itself occupies an interesting space within the article. It portrays European accounts of the practices engaged by these tribes, but also functions as a way of not only identifying the specific practices of the Malecites and Micmacs, but also functions as a vehicle for discussing how these practices were engaged, the acquisition of herbs and other remedies in relation to time (seasonal), and location (as in a general area or specific spot) and the way in which families and individuals with specific functions such as shamans and herb doctors share knowledge and practices and provide methods of treatment among themselves.

Medical practices are also viewed in terms of spiritual and magical elements and their integral role in how remedies are used and how they work in general. The use of several narratives to portray these accounts, giving one an "up-close" account of the collection, engagement, and magical features perhaps reveals how such practices impact the lives of the Malecites and Micmacs. The author lists an extensive amount of illnesses (such as colds, cholera, smallpox) and remedies among each group describing both use and methods of treatment.

This article seeks to provide a method of looking at and understanding the ways in which remedies are used among the Malecites and Micmacs while recognizing the vast and extensive knowledge that exists among each group. Perhaps consideration of how cultures cope with various conditions may be useful in understanding material and complex aspects of culture.

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JASON LAWRENCE York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Honigmann, John and Honigmann, Irma. Notes on Great Whale River Ethos. Anthropologica, 1959. 1(1&2): 106-121.

The authors of this article argue against the conceptualization of "Ethos" which assumes that connections must be made to the motivations which produce "emotional aspects" of a culture in order to understand the "quality" of those aspects. The authors assert that cultural traits can be better comprehended if motivations are left out of the study. Alternatively, they hypothesize that the quality of different parts of a culture should be viewed in relation to another, separate idea. In this case, the writers make the link between childhood socialization practices and adult behaviours. After observing the social patterns of the Great Whale Eskimo people, the authors argued that the behaviours exhibited in these people as adults were directly related to the child-rearing practices in the community.

The writers observed the Great Whale Eskimo and made connections between various personality traits and child rearing practices. They concluded that their ethos was the result of a learned process beginning in early childhood. Six personality traits were chosen and the links were made to the six traits.

First, overt friendliness was observed in the Eskimo people demonstrated by a "smiling exterior". It was argued that the friendly manner exhibited in adulthood was directly related to the "complementary" parent-child relationship. Second, confidence was described as a personality trait among the Eskimo people. The community represented an optimistic group who were not afraid to ask others for help. This was linked to the nurturance children received from their parents and the fact that the babies were never left alone which built confidence in the children from a young age. Third, narcissism (admiration for oneself) was observed in the importance placed on the women's appearance and through the men's successful hunting. This was seen as a result of the praise children received for their achievements. Fourth, touchiness was shown in the group as the Eskimo were easily hurt and frustrated. This was a result of the lack of restrictions and rejections the children experienced which made them unable to accept these problems as adults. Fifth, the group exhibited deference. They did not act in an aggressive manner because it was not tolerated in the community and the parents did not allow their children to behave that way. Finally, flexibility was noted in the community as the children learned in an open, non-rigid environment.

In sum, the authors argued that child-rearing practices and adult behaviours can be directly correlated. Their thesis was illustrated through the study of the Great Whale River Eskimo. The authors observed six personality traits that they linked to child-rearing practices in the community. Thus, it was shown that cultural ethos is the product of childhood socialization.

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GARY STRANG York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Honigmann, John J. and Irma Honigmann. Notes on Great Whale River Ethos. Anthropologica, 1959. I (1&2): 53-68.

The authors discuss how the development of temperaments (ethos) that are distinct in the Great Whale River society, develop in the formative years of childhood and continue to manifest itself throughout the learning process. They point to the fact that motivational states in a given culture underline the emotional aspects of that culture. By eliminating the motivation, however, it is argued that it is still possible to get to the underlying ethos.

The hypotheses that child-rearing routines are stylistic reflections of adult behavior are presented. The authors examine how stylistic personality variables among the Eskimo culture are learned early in the life.

The first of the six behavioral features common to this Great Whale Eskimo community is that of friendliness and the ability to have emotional attachments. The authors demonstrate this by suggesting that the warmth and geniality expressed to strangers is a result of early childhood learning. Through passive teaching and avoidance of traumatic events, parents aid in this friendly behavior. This friendliness also relates to the sexes, where men and women recognize their partners in social arrangements.

The next behavior is confidence and optimism. Although Christianity has a lot to do with promoting these behaviors, they stem from the early experience of weaning. When a baby cries, he knows his wails will not go unnoticed, and as the child realizes the reluctance on the parents part to leave him, it promotes a sense of confidence.

The article demonstrates the importance of narcissism as evident through effects of clothing, hunting and dancing. The authors make a note of the difference between this ethos in men and women. The sense of narcissism is nurtured early, as parents reward their children when they do something good. This behavior also develops in the early social environments.

Touchiness and the capacity to be hurt are also manifested in the early experiences of Eskimo children. If someone with whom he encounters does not accept his friendly disposition, he is easily hurt and feels rejected. A further explanation of sibling jealously is also presented.

Sulking replaces outright aggression as a form of passive aggression. The authors note that the Great Whale River Eskimos would rather walk away from a situation than express hostility.

Finally, the Eskimos employ a relaxed mode of flexibility when it comes to everyday living. This is demonstrated by the attitude taken toward disasters, and the inability for systematic organization. The Eskimos are noted to passively stand by, uninterested in the pursuit of information. The article concludes with a summary of the six stylistic behavioral features and an admission that they are not distinct patterns, but are interrelated.

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ZAVETTE QUADROS York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Korner, Ija N. Notes of a Psychologist Fieldworker. Anthropologica, 1959. 1(1&2): 91-105.

In this article, Korner suggests how psychology techniques can be applied to anthropological fieldwork. Using his own example of a psychologist’s experience with anthropological fieldwork, Korner explains the benefits of both disciplines, saying that each can learn a lot from the other. Korner expresses this idea by pointing out what these professions have in common with one another, and by demonstrating how he has applied psychology techniques in the field of anthropology.

Korner states that psychology and anthropology have similar tasks, in that each profession is focused on the individual or persons. Anthropologists and psychologists ask questions and listen to individuals speaking about their experiences. As Korner explains, "what an individual thinks and feels his life is like, what his experiences in the past have been, and how he thinks events of the past are reflected in his present life and behavior". From these encounters with individuals Korner explains, "Psychologists assume they can evaluate an individual’s life pattern and deduce a motivational hierarchy". The article then reflects on psychological theories, and sees them as being inadequate. Like psychology, anthropology is described as being slow in developing an adequate system of study. Korner looks at ideas that would improve anthropology and psychology. He realizes that in order to improve the understanding of individuals, theories from sociology should be used. Since psychology and anthropology have similar objectives, Korner thinks that these two professions should unify their principles.

Korner explains his difficulties and problems with obtaining information in the field. The trouble with the field is that the investigator brings personal assumptions to the observation, which reflects in the study. Korner suggests a technique used in psychology that could address this setback in anthropological fieldwork. Anthropologists could benefit from the training clinical psychologists have received, known as "self-observation and self evaluation". Korner goes on to express that individual tolerance is needed in the field. Tolerance, he says, is needed when interviewing individuals. Again he suggests how anthropologists can benefit from a method psychologists use, "non-verbal communications". By demonstrating how this technique worked in his own fieldwork, Korner explains that anthropologists could use this technique to improve the results of interviews. Korner also gives an example of how anthropology can help psychology. He demonstrates this by explaining how the Rorschach Test works in Western countries, but the test did not work in the field. By showing how the two professions can work together, Korner demonstrates how psychology can help anthropologists formulate methods that would work in the field

Overall this article speaks to the coming together of psychology and anthropology. "The psychologist has some tools to make the anthropologist a better instrument for gathering data; the anthropologist, on the other hand, can tell the psychologist about his bias in constructing theories of personality". These ideas from Korner were formulated from his personal experiences as a psychologist, and by his experience in the field. He recognizes the difficulties, and similarities both these practices have.

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JULIE NEILANS York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Mac Neish, Richard S. A Speculative Framework of Northern North American Prehistory as of April 1959. Anthropologica 1959 Vol. I. (1 & 2): 7- 23.

This paper throws light on Northern North American archeology. It illustrates the fact that a great deal of archaeological study of this region is still to be done. The author of the paper has tried to make a logical sequence of the known sites and industries. For this purpose, to demonstrate his point he has used a self-created map or chart of Northern Archaeological sites leaving a room for revision and supplement to incorporate the new findings. This paper shows a progress toward synthesis of the rapidly accruing archaeological data and gives the reader a clear picture of what is known.

According to the map the northern pre-history can be divided into ten traditions, namely (1) Britain Mountain (2) Cordillerian, (3) Yuma; these three traditions are based on tenuous evidence, (4) The Northwest Micro-Blade (5) The Arctic Small Tool, (6) North Pacific (7) Inuk; these three traditions are solidly established, and more and more is known about them through new research. Then there are (8) Aleut, (9) Dorset, and (10) Denetasiro traditions having fairly strong foundations in pre-history. There is a valuable concentration of artifacts findings in relation to these traditions.

Britain Mountain, Cordillerian, and Yuma traditions are associated with peculiar Arctic phenomenon with lack of diagnostic artifacts that cast considerable doubts upon the authenticity of these traditions. Although Cordillerian tradition is quite distinctive in terms of its cultural components and artifacts but there are many differences and one cannot determine whether these are cultural influences or amalgamations of adjacent earlier cultures in the respective areas. However the artifacts of the Yuma tradition are relatively clear in indication of its development in the New World and spread northwards.

The Northwest Micro-Blade tradition has a number of distinctive characteristics. The dates associated with this tradition indicate that this tradition may have lasted until about the time of Christ. Inuk, The Arctic Small tool and Northern Pacific Traditions influenced many other cultures in the Arctic as well as across the Arctic that Inuk tradition spread as far as Greenland.

Among the other three traditions, except the Aleut tradition, the Dorset, and Denetasiro traditions are firmly established and present reasonable areas of study through their heavy concentration of artifacts. The Dorset tradition seems to be the component of three traditions, mainly from Arctic small Tool, which has a number of influences, also from Inuk traditions, and few elements from northwest Micro-Blade tradition. However as for the origin of Denetasiro tradition, it is still undetermined, which is a key problem in northern prehistory. Therefore this paper not only illustrates rapid and tremendous strides in discovering North American prehistory, but also points out a need of more and more archaeological study in this region to have an understandable and coherent picture of North American prehistory.

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ADNAN WAHEED York University (Maggie MacDonald)

MacNeish, Richard S. A Speculative Framework of Northern North American Prehistory as of April 1959. Anthropologica, 1959. 1(1): 7-23.

The article was published from a desire expressed on the part of MacNeish's colleagues to create and present a chart that would discuss the known cultural traditions of the region in North America north of the sixtieth parallel and fill in the archaeological gaps in order to frame a coherent history of the region.

Initially, MacNeish makes reference to his chart, dividing arbitrarily the geographical areas as well as temporal units in accordance to the archaeological data he had gathered. In order to differentiate one cultural tradition from another, as well as to separate them temporarily, the author sorts the archaeological data via diagnostic artifacts as well as a variety of dating methods (Carbon-14 dating, geographical stratum analysis).

MacNeish begins with the presumed earliest cultural traditions of the area, touching on the British Mountain, Cordillerian, and Yuma traditions. He speculates that the British Mountain and Cordillerian traditions both have similar traits found in sites within Siberia, suggesting that migration into the New World occurred at the latest around 9000 - 10 000 years ago, or presumably earlier. MacNeish then touches on the Yuma tradition, noting the influences it had on other traditions.

Subsequently, the author addresses the Northwest Micro-blade, Arctic Small Tool, and North Pacific traditions. When addressing the Northwest Micro-blade and Arctic Small Tool traditions, MacNeish notes similarities such as the wide variety of influences from an extensive region including Asia. Interestingly, MacNeish speculates that the North Pacific tradition may have originated on the North Pacific coast of Asia, due to the lack of clear predecessors in the region and the sophisticated marine tools present.

Nearing the end of his article, MacNeish moves on to address the Inuk, Dorset, and Denetasiro traditions. While discussing the Inuk tradition, the author expresses his belief that it was the predecessor of the Inuit culture (`Eskimo'). Accordingly, the Dorset tradition, with influences from the Arctic Small Tool, Inuk, and Northwest Micro-blade traditions, appears to have been limited to the eastern Arctic. Lastly, MacNeish touches on the Denetasiro tradition, which appears to have originated around 1000 CE until the period of European contact.

MacNeish's body of evidence, self-confessed by the author, is tenuous at best. Although he cites specific archaeological sources, much of the data is incomplete. This lack of archaeological data is also reflected through the citation of conversations with colleagues to support his argument. However, such cannot be made against him, as his paper may be a symptom of the frustration over the lack of archaeological data in the area.

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CHRISTOPHER J. R. OWENS York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Melching, W.H. Chapter VI Religion. Anthropologica, 1959. 1(8): 161 – 205.

W.H. Melching’s article on religion is divided into two sections which focus on Shamanism and hunting taboos among the Malecite and Micmac Indians. Melching argues that Shamans, whose role in society is similar to that of both a physician and priest, is in fact a trickster who relies on luck, and uses fraud to legitimate magic and his spiritual connection. The Shaman, referred to as "Manitoo" and variations such as "M’teoulin," is most significant to his tribe for his alleged ability to predict elements of the future. This information can influence a tribe’s hunting and migration patterns as well as manipulate tribal decisions regarding warfare.

Melching provides numerous accounts of deceit thereby exemplifying how the Shaman fabricates his position as one with supernatural powers. Included are stories of magical remedies which cure the sick, self transformation from man to animal, and of walking through hard ground "as if it were snow or mud". According to the Shaman, if a sick person is not cured through his magic, it is because that body is possessed by the devil. Similarly, transformation is said to be only conceivable when the Shaman is out of sight from other persons; such rules offer explanations for instances when luck is not on the Shaman’s side.

In regards to hunting, Keskamzit is described as a "lucky power with a touch of the supernatural" that brings fortune to a specific aspect of one’s life. The person’s life as a whole does not change. What does change are the components of which pertain to how Keskmazit was received. For instance, if a hunter experiences the acquisition of Keskmazit while hunting ducks it is believed that he will only feel its effects in future duck hunts. When one finds Keskamzit he most certainly understands he has found it but is forbidden to tell how he obtained it, for if he does he will lose it. The result is that others know only that one has found Kezamzit, not how they can find it for themselves.

The underlying principle of both the belief in Keskamzit and the Shaman is that there is an "unsystematic belief in a cosmic, mysterious property which is believed to be existing everywhere in nature". It is an understanding of this spiritualism that defines Malecite religion prior to Christian influence.

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AUSTIN KJORVEN York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Oschinsky, L. A Reappraisal of Recent Serological, Genetic, and Morphological Research on the Taxonomy of the Races of Africa and Asia. Anthropologica. 1959. Vol I: 47-71.

Oschinsky criticizes the suggestion that anthropology should concern itself with man's genotype (internal blood frequency distribution) as oppose to man's phenotype (external physical traits) in order to classify races. Those who suggest this genetic approach find it unproductive to classify races based on physical traits as the environment influences one's appearance. They criticize the phenotypic approach as being "descriptive", revealing little about the true nature of difference, and emphasizing the product of evolution instead of focusing on the process of it. Proponents of the genetic approach believe that evolution works at a genetic level and that the differences in genes create the differences in race. They believe that by studying different races' blood types, a true method of racial classification can be exposed. However in his article, Oschinsky demonstrates how genetic methods of racial classification are even less fruitful than phenotypic approaches.

Oschinsky asserts that blood type has no taxonomic value and he proves this by providing secondary information in the form of charts. These charts demonstrate that there is no single blood type that corresponds to a particular race, instead many different blood types can exist within the same race. There appears to be no correlation between blood quality and the modern criteria of racial classification at all. Racial categories would have to be subdivided according to every different blood type within the same race in order for this type of classification to occur. This is implausible because if all 2, 560 blood types occurred in the thirty-eight anthropologically recognized races then there would be 92, 780 different racial groups. Oschinsky also charts how races can have very similar blood types but very different appearances. To base racial groups on blood types could therefore erase important racial distinctions.

Oschinsky recognizes that physical anthropologists have yet to develop valid, biologically relevant criteria for racial classifications. However he asserts that for the moment, for functional purposes, physical characteristic distinction is the best method of classification available.

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DENA GRANER York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Taylor E. William. Review and Assessment of the Dorset Problem. Anthropologica, 1959. 1: 24-46.

William E. Taylor, describes the Dorset problem as one of the major problems in archaic history during the 1920’s and beyond the late 1950’s. Taylor assesses the unresolved debates over the origins of the Dorset culture, through historical reference and chronological interpretation of various archaeologists. The geographical and artifact data presented, debates two possible genetic connections to the Dorset. The dichotomy of the Dorset problem arises from the data shortage on Canada’s Arctic. Taylor collects the various chronological assumptions and conflicts of the dichotomies and streams them to find resolved unification.

Furthering the Dorset problem are the judgments of different archeologists on single findings and interpretations, rather then collective consideration. Taylor argues that little is known about Arctic Canada and because of this it is necessary not to cancel other interpretations of findings based on connections of single discoveries because, it hinders resolution to the problem. The opposing arguments are therefore, unsound because assumptions based on geographical location and scattered artifact data, creating conflicting views. The geographical location of the artifacts, suggest that the Dorset were Eskimo, however, the artifacts are similar to Paleo-Indian artifacts. As new information arose, the archaeological assumptions became less connected and more conflicting. Rather then accumulating what is known about Canada’s Arctic history; archaeologists separated the components of Dorset discoveries into fragments, creating gaps forwarding the Dorset problem.

In summary, Taylor draws his conclusion through analytical review of the differentiating discoveries and theories presented by various archaeologists and tie them into a whole. Taylor concluded that the Dorset were Eskimo, microlithic tradition was prominent, artifacts show sequential change, and through dendochronology and carbon dating found that the Dorset extended to 1000 B.C. At the risk of furthering the problem, Taylor connects the debating arguments for future analysis of the problem. Taylor concludes by restating the inadequacies of interpretation are subject to the shortage of unified data of Canada’s Arctic area.

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ELISA FAZIO York University (Maggie MacDonald).

Unknown. Games and Amusement. Anthropologica,1959. 1(8): 205-229.

The author of the article generally concerns himself or herself with thoroughly describing Aboriginal games, mainly those of the Micmacs and Malecites. He or she does so because many observations of these games have been inaccurate. He or she largely concerns himself or herself with giving an accurate observation of the Aboriginal games. He or she basically argues that a comparative study of past observations of these games enables him or her to point out inaccuracy made by others. He or she wants readers to be convinced that the comparative study entails re-observing these games that others have observed and documenting detailed descriptions in order to obtain a more accurate account.

The author uses evidence that past observances have been inaccurate by pointing out that he or she finds no correlation between his or her observation and others’. The data offered explains the differences between observations of Micmac and Malecite games such as in the games of chance. The author presents this evidence by explaining the accounts of past observances then stating that he or she differed with the conclusion of how Micmacs and Malecites conduct their game of chances and how other Aboriginals conduct other games. To convince that his or her argument is reasonable and correct, he or she then does a comparative study between the Micmacs and Malecites and other Aboriginal groups and concludes whether or not the games of ball have been of European or Aboriginal origin. He or she also looks at if the Micmacs and Malecites have been influenced by other Aboriginal groups. He or she then discovers that Micmacs and Malecites have different ways of conducting games; this goes against past observances which claim that the Micmacs and Malecites have the same way of playing and conducting games.

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JESSICA TICAR York University (Maggie MacDonald).

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