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Rothstein focuses
her article on the roles women play in In rural As evidence for these statements, Rothstein provides statistical evidence about the people of San Cosme, and the numbers of men and women working in which fields. She also cites individual villagers and states which relatives they have gotten opportunities from. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Aikens, Melvin C. Obituary: Jesse Jennings. American Anthropologist 1999 (101) 2-13 pp155 Melvin Aikens from
the Jennings’ first
scholarly publication was "The importance of Scientific Method
in Excavations" in the Bulletin of the Archaeological Society
of North Carolina" He wrote about the importance of order, cleaning
and tracking records while you are excavating. His first major publication
was the " Peachtree Mound and Village
Site, Jennings’ traveled
to Aikens concludes
with the major honors Jennings accepted throughout his career, including:
Editor of American Antiquity in 1950-54, the Executive Board of the
American Anthropologist Association in 1953 to 1956, Viking Medallist
in Archaeology in 1958, and many more. Aikens showed that This article was fairly easy reading with a few difficult phrases that can easily be understood by consulting a dictionary. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Aikins, C. Melvin. Jesse D. Jennings (1909-1997). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 155-159. Jesse Jennings,
who helped lay the empirical foundations of modern North American archaeology,
was originally drawn to cultural anthropology, not archaeology. The taxonomically
structured "McKern System," which compared cultural traits
from archaeological sites to define the foci, phases, aspects, and
patterns of the basic cultures, also guided Jennings’ work. After completing
his doctoral work at In addition to numerous
publications dealing with North American archaeology, CLARITY RANKING: 5
Bar-Yousef, Ofer & Kuhn, Steven L. The Big Deal about Blades: Laminar Technologies and Human Evolution. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol.101 (2): 322-338. This article deals
with the long held and widespread view that the emergence of blade
technology and appearance of modern humans are contemporaneous. The
abundance of blade evidence in the The authors use
the vast amount of archaeological evidence that has been uncovered
during past decades to show that this connection between blade technology
and modern humans is unfounded. Drs. Kuhn and Bar-Yousef
draw on the archaeological research of many of their colleagues to
show that blade technology was being utilized as early as the late
Lower and Middle Palaeolithic in Africa and The evidence used
in this article is presented to the reader in a very straightforward
manner. The authors draw on archaeological data found at many
sites across Africa, Europe and Asia to illustrate that blade technology
can be seen much earlier than the this evidence cannot show why this technology becomes more widespread with modern humans, it can show that blades were not an invention of these people. The authors provide maps and diagrams from the various archaeological sites to aid in the illustration of their factual evidence for the evolution of blade technology. They provide a very clear and concise article to express their conclusions. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Bar-Yosef, Ofer and Steven Kuhn. The Big Deal about Blades: Laminar Technologies and Human Evolution. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):322-338. Ofer Bar-Yosef and Steven Kahn have used "The Big Deal about Blades" to combat the theory that the evolution of the blade has any relation to the evolution of the modern human. The authors begin by describing different blade types. They cover the definition of a blade "any flake more than twice as long as it is wide" (323), the procedure of knapping a blade, and the advantages of laminar technology. Blades and flint
knapping materials have been found in layers that are associated with
eras long before the age of the modern human. The Upper Paleolithic
has been associated with the type of lithics discussed here, but the
information that links the blade with the Upper Paleolithic is outdated.
Such an assertion is based on data from the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. The technology used to manufacture such blades existed prior
to the Upper Paleolithic. Evidence can be found at sites in the Near
East and the Although blades and the technology used to manufacture them were present before the Upper Paleolithic, they are found more often in layers associated with the Paleolithic. The question is why did blades become so popular in the Upper Paleolithic? The authors theorize that before the Upper Paleolithic the appearance of blades is contingent on whether the creators of the tools came across a decent source of the raw material used for the construction of the tools. The blades and bladelets common to the Upper Paleolithic era are perfect for use in and construction of composite tools. These composite tools would have taken more time to create. Therefore it is likely that the appearances of such tools indicate a social structure that allowed for division of labor so that some individuals could concentrate on subsistence needs and others could spend time creating the more intricate tools. CLARITY RATING: 4
Berman, Judith
C. Bad Hair Days in the Paleolithic: Modern
(Re)Constructions of the Cave This article provides insight into the debate regarding archaeological data of Upper Paleolithic humans versus the conventionalized, modern image of the Cave Man. Berman argues the modern image of the Cave Man is not consisten with documented, historical data obtained by a myriad of archaeologists. Public, mass media is credited with popularizing the erroneous image. Television shows such as The Flintstones and legends of "wild men" (in particular the Sasquatch), bombard the lay public with stereotypical representations of "these primitive people." Berman denounced these images as fantasies. She examined one of the most meaningful attributes associated with the Cave Man: his hair. Berman considered the modern construction of the Cave Man as a reckless man with wild, uncoiffed hair. She explained that because there is not a lot of information regarding the physical appearance of Cave Men, the modern day image must be one that is psychologically, socially, and culturally conditioned, and related to contemporary and recent constructions of the symbolic significance of body hair. She refered to resources that are available, and which yield a more accurate description of the Cave Man. These include the skeletal remains of Upper Paleolithic humans, the material artifacts of Upper Paleolithic humans, and thirdly, images of Upper Paleolithic life produced by Upper Paleolithic human artists. All are sources of data that provide information on Upper Paleolithic humans. In reality, she concluded, the data from Upper Paleolithic humans showed that they most likely did not have unkempt hair. For example, there are documented material items such as accessories, combs, needles and fastenings that Upper Paleolithic humans used. Also, various figural representations of Upper Paleolithic humans made by themselves such as figurines (in particular ‘Venus figurines’) attest little to the notion of a vastly hairy man. The ‘Venus figurines’ are small sculptures that show styled hair and little body hair. While some of her argument depends on representation of "Cave Women", Berman acknowledged her failure for disregarding the modern depiction of the Cave Woman. Although she mentioned that in comparison with the Cave Man, the Cave Woman does not play such a significant role. This is a very interesting read. Berman argued her points well and the inclusion of contemporary images provides contrast to those obtained by archaeologists. The artical will intrigue l readers with a wide range of interests. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Berman, Judith
C. Bad Hair Days in the Paleolithic: Modern
(Re)Constructions of the Cave The author examines the iconography of the "Cave Man" in anthropological, evolutionary, and philosophical contexts from medieval art to scientific illustrations to films and cartoons, and assesses the influence of these images on the scientific interpretation of our ancestors. She suggests that the image of the Cave Man—draped in fur, adorned with bone jewelry—is based on a specific visual construct rather than on paleoanthropological, archaeological, or biological evidence. The Cave Man is visualized stereotypically but read in many different ways, reflecting our views of ourselves relating to our origins, our place in nature, even our destiny. Berman provides an art historical and archaeological background for the development of Cave Man imagery. Berman sees hair as a visual marker for the perceived nature and animal tendencies of the Cave Man image, which is originally derived from the image of the hairy Wild Man. Artists easily appropriated the Wild Man image and applied it to human ancestors. The Wild Man’s wild hair places him outside of mainstream society and morality while the Cave Man’s wild hair places him between animals and modern humans, or between animals and civilization. Cave Man images seem natural or true to us because they draw on conventionalized observations about human origins and natural history, not because they are based on any scientific data. The author regards the depiction of hair as the key to understanding where the artist places the subject on the evolutionary tree—more hair means further away from modern humans. While an inaccurate representation of our Neanderthal and Paleolithic ancestors in Berman’s view, the Cave Man image is important to consider because it represents the primitive self in each of us. It is also relevant to recognize how much a part of an artist’s imagination these images are. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Biersack, Aletta. Introduction : From the "New Ecology" to the New Ecologies. American Anthropologist. 1999. Vol 101:(1):3. pgs 5-14. The intention of this paper was as a tribute to Rappaport’s work in the field of ecological anthropology. She begins with a brief history of Rappaport’s work and how it relates to current changes in ecological studies. Rappaport apparently believed that ecological populations should be studied as a whole and not as "units of analysis" (6). This idea was conceptualized as "the new ecology" (5). The wording used by the author indicates that at this time, this idea was either a new concept or that Rappaport was the first to introduce it to ecological anthropology. The next section of her paper summarizes key focal points of the "new ecologies" which include: symbolic, historical and political. During this section she relies less heavily on reference to Rappaport’s ideas to support her own. She makes strong arguments and uses other references to express her points. The third part of the paper is a discussion of the new ecology that "overrides the dichotomies and debates of the past" (5). It is in this section that she generously quotes Rappaport to support her beliefs while giving the audience insight to his views. From the quotes the reader can deduce his position without ever having read his publications. The final section discusses some of the new directions of ecological anthropology. She closes with a few more quotes that "demonstrate the continuing value of Rappaport’s writing as an open and provocative oeuvre" (5). The author’s goal is much more than a mere tribute to Rappaport and his work. She wants the audience to be aware of his theories and how they continue to influence the direction of ecological anthropology. It is very apparent that she supports the idea of the "new ecology". She emphasizes her position with quotes not only from Rappaport but from many other authors as well. She also uses quotes that contradict her theories so that she can then provide further evidence to support them. She uses enough reference material that the audience need not read Rappaport’s writing to understand the article. The article was well written and flowed with ease. In the introduction she clearly states how her paper is organized and proceeds to give the reader increasing information from beginning to end. Her points are well supported and her position is clear. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Biersack, Aletta. Introduction: From the "New Ecology" to the New Ecologies. American Anthropologist March , 1999 Vol. 101(1): 5-18. In this introduction to a special issue in honor of Roy A. Rappaport, Aletta Biersack attempts to trace the impact of Rappaport’s work on anthropology. She uses Pigs for the Ancestors as her starting point to trace the effects this work had in beginning a new ecology, which affected many scholars, including Rappaport himself. This "new ecology" was one that looked at populations as the units of study, and examined them in the context of environment, as a system of exchanges of a trophic nature. Biersack goes on to examine Rappaport’s own revisions of this theory, as well as the many outside responses to it. These responses take the form of the new ecologies, which Biersack calls symbolic, political and historical ecologies drawing from Rappaport as well as from others, such as Sahlins and Levi-Strauss. These new ecologies are various and focus on many aspects of Rappaport’s original theories. Biersack also places Rappaport at the center of the materialism vs. idealism debate. This debate, based in the structural opposition of nature vs. culture, is also important because recent new ecologies have found ways to synthesize this opposition. New ecologies, according to Biersack, especially symbolic and historic ecologies have found a way to synthesize the nature/culture opposition with a humanized nature. Biersack also reviews and discusses the findings of the articles in this special issue, placing them in theoretical context and in relation to Rappaport. This discussion of new uses of a new materialism is based on a comparison with her own work, which she places in the symbolic and historic ecology theoretical niche. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Biersack, Aletta. The In this article the author is talking about the totemism and cosmology of the Paiela of Papua New Guinea and what role it plays in the gold rush that occurred there from 1988 - 1990. She argues that totemism serves a dialectical purpose as opposed to the traditional view by such anthropologists as Levi-Strauss and Durkheim who believed that totemism was either about affiliations between human and other species or between religion and society. Biersack would argue that it is about religion, society and nature. Biersack divides
the article into three sections, which helps to clarify her arguments.
The first section deals with the story of the The second section is about the gold found in the area. It is believed to be pieces of the python’s flesh that he is giving to the people. In order to maintain their changed lifestyle money is now needed and the python is giving it to them through the gold. It is believed that he has kept it a secret from them until now for a reason, which is unclear. The last section is her concluding statements how this all relates to ecological anthropology and the relationship between religion, society and something she calls a nature/culture binary. She adds that there are complexities today that cannot be described by the terminology of past thinkers. Biersack shows us parts or the stories that she has collected as evidence to her portrayal of facts. It is from these stories that she justifies her thesis. She has a sound argument and follows through quite nicely. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Biersack, Aletta. The In this article,
Biersack traces the story of the discovery of gold in The article starts
out describing the basic outline of events of the gold rush, (1988-90)
and how these events were described by various outside sources. Then
she proceeds to outline the myth surrounding the The article then
outlines how various cargo-like beliefs present in the area are used
to explain the sudden discovery of the gold which is said to have its
origins at the mythic death of the python, who has withheld the gold
until now. The main point that Biersack makes is in relation to the
cultural nature of nature, and the "cognized models" of the The interpretations of people in the Mt. Kare region apply not only to the past, the reasons why things happened the way they did, but also to a somewhat millenarian future in which the lifestyles of the whites, (already associated with the sky and with a transcendence of biological necessity and hardship) will come about when the earth ends, which is coterminous with the end of the gold. This kind of millenarian idea is the basis for their continuing interest in the gold and their co-operation with international corporations who seek the rights to mine it. The article concludes
with a discussion of how ecological anthropology can move forward and
utilize a more dynamic and open approach to the study of people and
environments. This is important particularly in relation to the penetration
of capitalism into local level societies, and the impact of this encounter.
The symbolic history and the cognized model of the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Binford, Lewis R, Cordell, Linda S, et al. Obituaries: James Newlin Hill (1934-1997). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101 (2) 12: 385-387. A compilation of authors sum up the life and work of James Newlin Hill in his obituary. The reader is given a short and well-informed outline of the many academic and professional accomplishments of James Newlin Hill. Hill is portrayed in a very positive light and receives many praises from his friends and colleagues. The reader is not only informed of the character of James Newlin Hill but also his contributions to the field of anthropology. The article begins
with Hill’s early life and background, which then leads to his work
in anthropology. The reader learns of the many important jobs held
by Hill. These include: the Acting Director of the It is clear from reading this article that James Newlin Hill was a dedicated anthropologist who inspired many people. Although Hill specialized in Archaeology, he was dedicated to all four fields of anthropology and believed in its validity as a science. Hill was greatly respected and admired by his colleagues who openly promoted and recognized his many accomplishments in the discipline of anthropology. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Boyer, Pascal. Cognitive Tracks of Cultural Inheritance: How Evolved Intuitive Ontology Governs Cultural Transmission. American Anthropologist. December, 1999. Vol.100 (4):876-889 Boyer’s article is an explanation of his idea of intuitive ontology and its role in influencing acquired culture. Boyer defines acquired culture as the culture transmitted from person to person, as opposed to evoked culture, which is the culture that is innate to every person and can be triggered by outside events. Intuitive ontology is basically the recurrent inferential capacities found in all humans. The author believes that features of acquired culture can be traced back to early childhood and the limitations imposed by intuitive ontology. Boyer shows that while many aspects of acquired culture seem to defy evolutionary theories of culture, they can in fact be situated within this framework. Evolutionary theory struggles to explain cultural practices that seem to lack adaptive fitness, such as religious practices and dress styles. Intuitive ontology claims there are some recurrent, perhaps not quite universal, categories found in infants, regardless of culture. These categories are extremely rudimentary; Boyer gives as examples: Animal, Plant, Person, and Artifact. These categories come with some associated "quasi-theoretical" properties that allow for differentiation and are open for enrichment. This means everyone in some sense starts with similar capabilities to perceive the world. According to Boyer, these categories are enhanced based on the individual’s culture, which accounts for widespread differentiation among cultural groups. On the other hand, there are some constraints imposed by these cognitive tracks that explain why there are recurrent themes in a diverse number of cultural domains, e.g. folklore and language patterns. Boyer’s theory is that acquired culture is in fact influenced by evolution through intuitive ontology. He does this by showing that certain categories are found in all humans and these categories form the basis for acquired culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Brightman, Robert. Traditions of Subversion and the Subversion of Tradition: Cultural Criticism in Maidu Clown Performances. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):272-287. This article by Robert Brightman is concerned with the place of the clown in Northwestern Maidu society. The clown is an initiated member of the ruling class, (yeponi). The position of clown is not hereditary, but rather appointed by heads of the society. Once appointed to the position the clown will hold the station for life. In the past the clown has been characterized as a subversive figure. Brightman argues that the Maidu clown is subversive and yet conventional in his subversion. Brightman builds an argument through examination of the clown’s sardonic behavior and the reactions of members of the society. He deduces that the clown’s behavior is not truly anti-social. The society has dictated this role. The point is made by using cross-cultural and historical examples, and by examining past theories of the Maidu clown’s purpose. The clown challenges the convictions of society in such a way that allows the society to release tension that may exist within the social structure. The anti-social nature of the clown is seen in such ways as his lackluster involvement in obligatory rituals and turning other solemn occasions into a parody of themselves. The clown mocks the social rules through his actions. Yet the actions of the clown have been prescribed by the culture. The clown acts just as the clown that came before him, the one before that, and so forth. The society heads chose the clown knowing that he would create such havoc. The clown has been chosen by the society as the key figure in an inversionary ritual. The clown serves as a connection to the ancestors. With the ancestral connection comes responsibilities to the community. Such duties include the passing of knowledge to the next generation through the initiation of both boys and girls. The clown also interprets the yukbe’s language in conversations with spirit beings, directs the aki dance, and tends the fire in the dance house. Brightman refers to this "Janus-faced capacity" as the clown’s ability "to point both towards and away from received convention at once legitimizing the cultural order as naturally given and destabilizing it as artificially contrived" (272). With this "Janus-faced capacity" the clown serves Maidu society as both a release valve and a connection with the ancestors. CLARITY RATING: 5
Brosius Peter.
J. Green Dots, Pink Hearts: Displacing Politics
from the J. Peter Brosius’ purpose
for writing this article was to discuss the process of institutional
development with reference to a rainforest campaign that focused on
Sarawak, In regards to the institutional development that Brosius mentioned above, it is important to note that even though these institutions were created to stop environmental destruction, they actually may have stopped real change by endless negotiations and legal evasion. In the early years
of the campaign, environmentalists used what could be termed the "fern
gully" allegory. The image that the environmentalists presented
was of indigenous innocents living in the peaceful rainforest, as bulldozers
headed toward them, destroying everything in their path. By the environmentalists
presenting that type of image the The Malaysian authorities
responded to the environmentalists by accusing them of romanticizing
the situation of the Penan hunter-gatherers and for using the Penan
issue to raise funds for their own organizations. The most outspoken
critic was Malaysian Prime Minister, Dr. Mahatir Mohammed, who characterized
the campaign against logging in Sarawak as nothing more than a "smear’ campaign
against Brosius’ larger intellectual issue was the dilemma that faces us between environmentalism and institutionalization. The dilemma is not whether we should make a choice between one or the other, or whether one is a better alternative. Rather, it is important to us because we have to be careful about the terms under which institutionalization occurs. We have to make an effort to determine what is gained or lost, who is heard or silenced as the process of institutionalization continues. Furthermore, when dealing with development of these institutions one must take into consideration that these institutions exclude moral or political intervention in favour of bureaucratic or scientific forms of intervention. The only criticism I have is that the vocabulary used in the paper was above my comprehension level, which made the paper difficult to understand. Also, there was much important information included, making the article quite difficult to summarize. This paper has particular importance to the discipline of anthropology because these environmental movements have been taking place on terrain once thought of as anthropologists’ own- the rural/remote field site. The paper is also important to anthropology in the sense that otherness is seen in indigenous rights campaigns and that critical commentary is needed to aid in stopping that. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Cartmill, Matt. The Status of the Race Concept in Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol. 100(3):651-660. In "The Status of the Race Concept in Physical Anthropology," the author outlines the disagreement among physical anthropologists about the validity of race as a biological category, and he looks at how the concept of race has been used and misused in research. In 1996, the American Association of Physical Anthropologists passed a statement on biological aspects of race, but the difficulties they faced in gaining approval of the statement reveal the divisions within physical anthropology as to whether biological races exist among humans. According to Cartmill, each side uses the same evidence; one seeks to discredit use of that evidence, and the other uses it to support their theories. The author begins the discussion of the race concept by presenting the cases both for and against the used of racial categories in physical anthropology. The basis of the argument for racial taxonomy is, briefly, that geographically determined populations will interbreed and thus carry the same genetic material. The anthropologists who oppose racial classification criticize the weakly and irregularly defined categories. For example, if race were a geographical construct, then subdividing North Americans, who were all born in the same region, into racial groups contradicts that distinction. Also, Cartmill notes that concepts of physical race ignore modern human populations, assume that population variation is a recent phenomenon, and only use visible characteristics to determine race The article outlines the use of the race concept in research articles, and finds that the role of racial categories in the study of human variation has changed little, if at all, over the past 30 years. Physical anthropologists agree that behavior is affected by biology, but, as Cartmill aims to show, there is a difference between biology and environment in the shaping of an individual. By using philosophical and biological examples, the author presents evidence that genes do not act independently of environments, and thus a genetic trait will be expressed differently according to environmental circumstances. The carefully worded essay ends by explaining that while geography may possibly affect genetics, conventional racial groups assume genetic and ancestral uniformity. That uniformity does not exist, thus invalidating racial classification. Race is, in effect, a cultural notion. CLARITY RANKING: 4 .gif){kind=small} Cartmill, Matt. The Status of the Race Concept in Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist, 1999 Vol. 100(3): 651-660.
People that promote
racial taxonomies highlight the belief that human genetic variation
is associated with geography. Ethnic groups that mate within the group
and that do not mate with immigrants, tend
to have similar facial appearances and genetic variants. Thus, it would
be appropriate to refer to people that originated from Africa but live
in the Those that argue against the race concept maintain that it is not valid to connect a race to a distinct geographical region or phenotype. Thus, many races may live together in one place, and the phenotypes of individuals within races include the entire range of variation in humans. Also, most populations are mixtures of many different groups and genes, and those groups that may be similar ethnically may differ genetically. This is in a large part due to immigration across countries and continents. In fact, there is more variation genetically amongst members of a “race” than between races. However, Cartmill conducted a study in which he concluded that the number of references in articles in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology to racial taxonomy hardly changed from 1965 to 1996. While physical anthropologists debate over the concept of race, most believe that human behavior is affected by biology. Humans are constrained by their biology and by their environment. This idea accounts for Cartmill’s belief that heritability and fitness do not exist, since they are both affected by and vary according to the environment in which the individual or group lives. CLARITY: 3 LAUREN
WOLLIN
Chin, Elizabeth. Ethnically Correct Dolls: Toying with the Race Industry. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):305-321. In "Ethnically
Correct Dolls: Toying with the Race Industry," Elizabeth Chin
investigates the claim that ethnically correct toys enhance minority
children’s’ self-esteem. She contrasts a case study of Mattel’s Shani
doll [Mattel’s African American Barbie] with data from her fieldwork
in an African American working-class neighborhood in The "doll studies" conducted by the Kenneth and Mamie Phipps Clark in the late thirties and early forties form the basis for doll manufacturers’ marketing ideologies. In these studies, researchers showed children a series of dolls of varying colors and asked the children which ones they thought "looked nice" and which ones they thought "looked bad." The results showed that black children often thought that the white dolls looked nice and the dark-colored dolls did not. As a response to this study, doll manufacturers started producing more ethnically diverse dolls; they hoped to tap a market of minority parents concerned with their children’s self-esteem. Chin criticizes
this move with information gleaned from her fieldwork. The children
she interviewed expressed their frustration with the limits of Mattel’s
Barbie and Shani dolls. Although the Shani dolls were similar to the
girls in color, they did not mirror other aspects of their lives and
identities. The working-class children of CLARITY RANKING: 5
Clark, Gracia. Mothering,
Work, and Gender in Urban This article focuses
on urban Gracia Clark bases
her findings on field research conducted in 1994-95, and supplements
them with prior research conducted throughout the 1970’s and 1980’s.
She interviewed 60 women aged 45 to 95 who were working in Kumasi Central
market. Since market trading is the occupation of the majority of both
urban and rural Clark’s findings
are placed in a broader context when she compares CLARITY RANKING: 5
Clark, Gracia. Mothering,
Work, and Gender in Urban Clark analyses urban The ideal The most common
occupation for Clark has watched CLARITY RANKING: 4
Cole, Johnnetta B. John Langston Gwaltney (1928-1998) American Anthropologist September,1999 Vol.101 (3): 614-615 John Gwaltney was an amazing individual. I do not know him personally, and the only knowledge I do have is from his obituary. Reading the available text without prior research into his works, one can see the remarkable influence he had in the lives of the individuals that surrounded him. John Gwaltney was
not only a black anthropologist (which was uncommon in his time); he
was also blind. He overcame his disability and went on to receive his
B.A. degree from It was clear from the article that he was also well versed in poetry, song, creative art, and excelled at education and anthropology as well as being a strong advocate for the representation of Black anthropologists and ethnographies. As Cole states, John Langston Gwaltney was "a humanist and a visionary, who believed in the indomitability of the human spirit to rise above oppression" (615). CLARITY RANKING: 5
Cole, Johnnetta B. John Langston Gwaltney (1928-1998). American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol. 101(3):614-616. In this obituary for John Langston Gwaltney, Johnnetta B. Cole lauds the work, innovations, and passions of an African American cultural anthropologist. Gwaltney, who passed away on August 29, 1998, lost his eyesight soon after birth but did not seem to let his vision impair his life or career. Cole relates his educational and professional accomplishments, which includes several books. Gwaltney’s dissertation
on river blindness among Chinantec-speaking people in Gwaltney recognized the value of black culture as well as its traditional misrepresentation in anthropological literature. He sought to correct the misrepresentations of cultures in his innovative "native anthropology." Native anthropology used traditionally ignored perspectives and input from the people being studied in order to produce ethnographies that were representative of and recognizable to the group. He strongly advocated a view of a "vibrant, historical" (615) Black culture that acknowledged its influences and complexities. One of his new methods for information collection was the folk seminar, in which people in their own homes provided personal narratives for the sake of anthropological research. In addition to his anthropology, Cole remembers that Gwaltney was a poet, singer, and wood carver; a mentor and a teacher. The obituary showcases a man whose brilliance and passion earned him professional and personal acclaim, and left important marks on American anthropology. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Dagg, Anne Innis. Infanticide by Male Lions Hypothesis: A Fallacy Influencing Research into Human Behavior. American Anthropologist, 1999, Vol.100(4)940-950. Dagg writes to disprove the Infanticide by Male Lions Hypothesis because she fears that this hypothesis, when allied with another about infanticide amongst primates, has dangerous implications when applied to humans. She claims that infanticide is not a universal practice amongst humans of varying cultures and therefore precludes genetic predisposition. Dagg presents four main criteria that would allow for the hypothesis to be true amongst lions. She proceeds to refute them all with information from behavioral reports on Serengeti Lions. She reviews all the research conducted on these lions chronologically. She proves that the research done has not consistently focused on one pride nor has any of it consistently produced findings that would support the hypothesis. She mentions the Packer and Pusey case where the researchers appeared to have found evidence supporting infanticide by male lions, however, they manipulated the data by failing to mention that females were also a major cause of infanticide. Dagg is disturbed by the fact that such a hypothesis could come to be accepted by both the academic world and popular culture when founded on such flimsy evidence. She wonders how this is possible and what its repercussions are for research in general if such fabrications can so readily be accepted as factual. Dagg claims that this was made possible by theory-driven hypothesis that effects the way researchers collect, view, manipulate, and present raw data. Dagg warns against relying on sociobiological explanations of human infanticide and omitting cultural explanations; there is no room left for social change if such behavior is genetic. CLARITY: 5 KELLY
HINES
Comitas, Lambros. Obituary: Conrad Maynadier Arensberg (1910-1997). American Anthropologist 1999 Vol.101(4:8)810-817. A virtual child prodigy, Conrad Maynadier Arensberg was accepted into Harvard at the age of seventeen. A highly skilled anthropologist and ethnographer, he helped to revolutionize mainstream anthropology, making several major contributions to its methodological and theoretical development. Arensberg was elected president of both the Society for Applied Anthropology in 1945 as well as the American Anthropological Association in 1980. In addition to Anthropology, he harbored a love for English, history, and languages, becoming fluent in many. In 1932 Arensberg
was invited to join a Harvard anthropology department project designed
to study CLARITY RANKING: 5
Cordell, Linda S., Lewis R. Binford, Timothy K. Earle, Allen W. Johnson, William S. Longacre, Robert W. Preucel, James R. Sackett, Michael B. Schiffer, and Michael R. Walsh. James Newlin Hill (1934-1997). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2):385-399. This obituary of
archaeologist James Newlin Hill, who passed away August 2, 1997, recalls
his personal and professional accomplishments. Hill held several positions
on professional committees and boards, including Chair of the Anthropology
Department at UCLA, and Chair of the American Anthropological Association,
and of its Division of Archaeology, as well as being a member of its
Committee on Ethics. His focus was the United States Southwest, particularly
ancestral This interest led
to the Broken K Pueblo research project in One publication that Hill edited, Explanation of Prehistoric Change, was an attempt to form a strong theoretical framework as a way to study cultural change and stability. A contemporaneous work, co-edited by Hill, strove to apply method and theory in archaeological studies. Both books were intended to study social organization, including craft specialization and exchange. Hill was one of the founding members of the Southwestern Anthropological Research Group (SARG), an association that sought to foster and support archaeological research by compiling a computer database. The project addressed general research questions of interest to southwestern archaeologists, and it became a model for public archaeology databases. The nine authors also wrote of his encouraging, thoughtful disposition. He helped students at all levels to develop suitable methods, and treated his students and colleagues alike. At UCLA, Hill played a major role in strengthening the anthropology department as well as in developing the undergraduate honors program. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Davis, Elizabeth
A. Metamorphosis in the Culture Market of The overall concern
addressed by The main attraction
Westerners have to such objects CLARITY RANKING: 5
Davis, Using Tuareg artisanry
in The author is in disagreement with Clifford’s ideas about the way exotic, non-Western art fits into the "art-culture system." Contrary to Clifford’s belief that the "exotic" appeal of an object lies in its creation of distance in time and space, the changing dialectic of Tuareg artisanry today and the Western expatriates who increasingly consume it shows a more collaborative, egalitarian development between the consumer and producer. Previously, Tuareg
nobles were the sole employers of Tuareg artisans. In the service of
the nobles they produced artistic works as well as more practical items
such as saddles, leather bags and tools. The displacement of the Tuareg
nobility, through various colonial practices and general "modern" developments,
as well as through rebellion against the Nigerian government, has enabled
artisans to shift the focus of their artistic production to other consumer
groups, and to enter into the cash economy. The "new" expatriates
in Tuareg nobles have not been unaffected by these changes. The nobles have also developed a niche in the dialectic culture market. Impoverished Tuareg nobles have taken to painting (ironically under the training of Western professionals) representational images of a more "traditional" Tuareg culture. These radical changes among Tuareg artisans, from being primarily employed by Tuareg nobles, for whom they produced more practical goods, to being employed in the context of a fetishistic capitalist economy, have upended the "traditional" classificatory system of social positionality within Tuareg society. "Modern" artisan objects represent a transformation in relations between Westerners and non-Westerners, a transformation which both embodies tradition and "modernity." CLARITY RANKING: 4
Durrenberger, E. Paul. Erem, Suzan. "The Weak Suffer What They Must." The American Anthropologist. Vol.101 (4) pp.783. This study puts emphasis on the importance of empirical studies in anthropology today. In the instance of this particular paper, it is of hierarchy and leadership roles. Durrenberger has found a scenario which is a textbook example of the effects of shifting leadership roles, and the importance of hierarchy in a relatively closed culture. The case is of a labor union undergoing a change in management. At the begining of our interval of interest, the labor union is at a peak of leadership and support by its members. All around the same time, the older and more trusted stewards begin to retire. For about a year prior to their actual retirement, they train a younger and less experienced generation to take over for them. As these new stewards take to their responsibilities, the union members have less faith in them, as they have not yet proven themselves. Shortly after, a crisis emerges wherein the hours of the workers are cut, and the union is ineffective in correcting the problem. Time passes and no resolution to the problem is found. The role of leadership has by now shifted from the union to the management itself. Once the union leaders realize this, they take action and begin shifting those roles back onto themselves. Durrenberger goes into a detailed study of these events, including calculations and statistical models. Included is a section on "Theoretical Backgrounds" wherein the theories are outlined. Also included is a "Triads Revisited" section, where triads are used to analyze the data. Somewhat optionally, Durrenberger outlines the statistical methods through which the results were obtained. Finally, Durrenberger makes a small commentary on relevant "Structure, Agency, and Class" scenarios, with respect to labor unions. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Durrenberger, Paul and Suzan Erem. The Weak Suffer What They Must: A Natural Experiment in Thought and Structure. American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol. 101(4) 783-793. Paul Durrenberger has examined the emic perspective of union workers in order to decipher whether they have formed their own folk models concerning the relationships in the work place. Durrenberger conducted a study using the Anthropac triads test, in which he asked employees at several hospitals to take the three words, worker, steward, and representative, and name the one word that is farthest from themselves. If the final statistics from the study show more of a similarity between the union representative and the workers this indicates a "union model." If co-worker is chosen then this indicates a structure based on hierarchy. This is due to the fact that the individual has chosen the two positions that are ranked above him. A choice of representative as the least similar would indicate a workplace centric model. The original study conducted by Durrenberger took place in 1996 among several hospitals. The one time study could have been influenced by recent events in the work place and union that may have tainted the views of the people being surveyed. The opportunity arose in 1998 to retest one of the hospital groups. The union representatives were going through a change over. The first survey had taken place at a time when the elected union representatives had been in place for an extended period of time. These representatives were secure in their dealings with management and the union members had faith in their union. The survey conducted at that time indicated structure that was union centric. The second survey conducted in 1998 showed a structure that was work place centric. This reflects the changes happening within the union and the workers lack of faith in their union and its representatives. The new representatives were unaccustomed to dealing with management, to leading the workers, and did not have the "relationships of mutual obligation" (785) that the previous representatives had gained over the years. Through this study Durrenberger intended to and succeeded in showing that cognitive structures are not stable things, rather they are subject to change as the external structure changes. CLARITY RATING: 3
Ember, Melvin. Ember, R. Carol. Cross-Language Predictors of Consonant-Vowel syllables. American Anthropologist December 1999 Vol. 101(4):730-742. The authors suggest that language culture research should look at something different, specifically, the degree to which words in various languages are composed of consonant-vowel syllables. The authors make the argument that languages vary considerably in the degree to which syllables are consonant-vowel in form. The authors noted one study that theorized that consonant-vowel syllables are more prevalent in warm climates. Another suggested that frequent baby holding explains a high frequency of consonant-vowel syllables They set out to find out if (either of) these were true. To establish their argument, the authors first look at Monroe et al. (1996) which states that warmer climates are associated with higher consonant-vowel scores. Next, the authors resort to the writings of Barbara G. Ayres and discuss her theory that baby holding has an effect of consonant-vowel scores. The authors then described their own research. Their argument relies on the study of various cultures. In a chart, the authors list culture in the first column in alphabetical order. In the other columns, the authors states the consonant-vowel score, number of cold months, literacy, amount of baby holding, doubtful ratings (that is if there were doubtful ratings on both climate and baby holding), number of phonemes, vowel to consonant ratio, and the mean number of syllables. The authors then analyze the data and draw conclusions. The conclusion the authors make is that high amounts of baby holding partly explains a high frequency of consonant-vowel syllables. The authors suggest that this is so because frequent baby holding makes regular rhythm rewarding (the idea is that consonant-vowel syllables and alteration make a sort of rhythm). This is evident in their analysis in that it is statistically significant and an independent predictor of consonant-vowel scores. They find that in their analysis climate is not involved independently of explaining consonant-vowel scores. They do note however, that although it is not a direct causal predictor there is still a moderate statistical relationship between baby holding and climate. The authors argue that this may be because where it is cold, the best way to keep a baby warm and safe is to keep it close to the body. From this, the authors conclude that more research is required where multiple regression analysis will find other variables correlated with consonant-vowel syllables. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Ernst, Thomas. Land, Stories, and Resources: Discourse and Entification in Onabasulu Modernity. American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101(1): 88-97. The author, Thomas Ernst writes his paper on the issue involving, new politics of difference that has emerged in multinational resource development among the Onabasulu. The change of the Onabasulu community life is also looked at in terms of kinship and ethnicity. Onabasulu society is going through an alternation of arrangement of their social organization due to resource development. Multinationals and the State of Papua New Guinea as well as Chevron’s petroleum extractions located nearby are the impact of the alteration of preexisting arrangements of the Onabasulu society. The author uses abbreviated stories told by several people from the Onabasulu community, he then gives a short explanation of it underlying the political agenda. The three stories told contain information about geographic features, autochthonous female originary figure named Duduma, and traces of kin relations and control of land. Storytelling however is "messy, contested, and full of ambiguities, and it lacks the imperative clarity of liturgical language and performance." The importance of this paper is dealing with political ecology and how entification takes place without acknowledging nature and society. The author writes a little about the location and population of Onabasulu and some surrounding communities. This gives the reader a better understanding of change that takes place and how the Kutuba Petroleum Development Project affects the land. With the land changing the aspects of Onabasulu changes as well as surrounding communities. The explanation given by the author in regards to the first story talks about ethnicity, boundaries and groups between Onabasulu and Huli. The second story given is followed by an explanation discussing lineage, legally fixed clans, landscape, and creation of social life. Lineage, status, territory, and creation of ethnic and social groups (as in story one and two) are apart of the explanation for story three. As mentioned before the explanations given by the author gives a political understanding of the abbreviated stories. The information the author collected for this paper is all form 1996. The paper wasn’t written until 1999; therefore many things may have changed in that time period. Even though the paper is recent we must keep in mind the information may not be. The abbreviated stories are myths told by several people among the Onabasulu, so some of the details are slightly different depending on who told the story. However the author does take into account all details. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Ernst, Thomas M. Land, Stories, and Resources: Discourse and Entification in Onabasulu Modernity. American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101(1):88-97. Thomas Ernst argues for a discourse on Onabasulu modernity that recognizes the political roots of human-land relationships and the flexible history utilized by politics. He looks at the new politics as it emerges in recently developed storytelling. For the Onabasulu, on the Mt, Bosavi region of the Great Papuan Plateau in Papua New Guinea, story telling is a performance by all parties: messy, contested, and chock full of ambiguities. Ernst feels that it is this lack of clarity that made it morph into such a highly politicized discourse. He argues that "this case study of the Onabasulu in an era of petroleum extraction illustrates how groups are discursively produced, through state performatives , anthropological jargon ("clans" and the like), and, ultimately, local efforts to appropriate and use for indigenous purposes these discursive innovations" (90). Ernst looks at the changes and continuities in the Onabasulu world by analyzing three stories that have become important since the recent changes in their society. The first story defines the Onabasulu for the purpose of controlling cash resources, the second defines them by melding new social, political, and geographical concerns into a traditional story, and the third story is an attempt to maneuver within these new concerns. All the stories illustrate how resource development can create an entirely new discourse within a society with new beliefs and new identities. Ernst reminds us that storytelling is a fluid medium, which in this context illustrates how it can highlight politicized practices while placing it in a context that is based on understandings that are exclusive to this region. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Fienup-Riordan, Ann. Collaboration on Display: A Yup’ik Eskimo Exhibit at Three National Museums. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):339-358, This article explores important issues regarding museums, anthropology, and native North American communities. Representation, cultural appropriation, and exhibition of cultural objects are hot topics in anthropology, and Fienup-Riordan uses her experiences as a curator of a Yup’ik Eskimo mask exhibit to address these issues. The author describes how she and Yup’ik community members planned the exhibit, and the problems and challenges they faced as it moved from museum to museum. The exhibit, entitled Agayuliyararput
(Our Way of Making Prayer), showcased masks that had been collected
from Yup’ik communities in the late 1800s. It traveled across the Fienup-Riordan chronicles the movement of the exhibit and explains how the individual museums determined the theme and scope of the exhibition. On the local and regional level, pride and tribal identity were most important, so the emphasis was on local history, and the direct involvement of the community in the process was evident. In the larger museums, tribe members were less directly involved. Also, national venues tended to portray the masks as examples of Native American art rather than as local histories, but the overall exhibit design and its curators usually succeeded in maintaining its collaborative identity. The author uses this essay to present an example of an "insider’s" exhibit, and discusses ways in which larger institutions can accommodate these newer exhibits, as well as ways in which they are unable to do so. Fienup-Riordan advises institutions and scholars to reexamine the guidelines and methods that limit serious collaboration, and to be willing to listen to and work with Native Americans in staging exhibitions. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fuentes, Agustin. Re-Evaluating Primate Monogamy. American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol.100(4):890-907. Fuentes proposes that the conventional views on primate monogamy may have numerous flaws. The first issue is the lack of a single definition for monogamy. Most researchers use different criteria when monogamy, and some never define it at all. Fuentes claims that what is commonly termed as monogamy may represent a much larger range of social groupings that a single term implies. Fuentes chooses to re-examine all of the reports of primate monogamy. For this analysis he uses a common definition used in many studies; monogamy as a two-adult group with prolonged association and pair bonding. Among the prosimians thought to be monogamous he finds many exceptions. Some are flexible in their living arrangements and show variable grouping patters or only break off into pairs for part of the year. The neo-tropical primates also exemplify flexible breeding systems, which may include two-adult groups alongside multi-adult groups. Gibbons are considered to be fairly good examples of monogamy; however, Fuentes finds evidence that they may not be as strict and exclusive as often thought. They do not exhibit strong pair bonding, mate-guarding is rare, and genetic evidence shows a high rate of extra-pair copulations. A great deal of the evidence for human mating systems comes from marriage patterns. Fuentes argues that these may not be fully accurate. Also the nuclear family is not the predominant social grouping in most human societies. Fuentes claims that there is anthropocentrism in the way we examine mating patterns and suggests a revised definition for monogamy as a system in which males and females mate exclusively with each other for successive mating periods. Also, monogamy can be divided into two-adult groups, and pair bonded groups, since the two do not always go together. Monogamy may not be as common among primates as once thought, and it is important to acknowledge that many species show a high level of plasticity in their breeding arrangements. Many have no “typical” mating pattern. Better use of genetic data and more attention to variables such as ecological constraints and behavioral flexibility may help to revise some of our views on primate monogamy. CLARITY RANKING: 4 SARAH
MULLEN Fuentes, Augustin. Re-Evaluating Primate Monogamy. American Anthropologist, 1999. Vol.100 (4):890-907. Augustin Fuentes proposes a new definition of the term “monogamy,” utilizing evidence from the primate species to identify key problems with the current meaning or, more importantly, a lack thereof. Though often defined as the pairing of one adult-male with one adult-female plus their offspring, Fuentes argues that monogamy as a social system does not exist within the primate family. Monogamous primates, in fact, exhibit a wide range of behavioral patterns within the group and as individuals. Fuentes illustrates the problem of grouping all primates into one broad category by offering examples from various types of the order. He concludes that there are only twenty-four species out of all primates which could fall into the one adult-male/one adult-female category. Within these twenty-four species, however, there is a vast array of behavioral and evolutionary patterns, thus prohibiting the ability to label the group as a type of social organization. Fuentes offers three descriptive categories to replace the ambiguous term of “monogamous social organization.” The first category is the two-adult group, which would refer solely to the composition of the group and does not propose any other social or ecological commonalities, which consequently reveals the diversity within the primate family. The second category is pair-bonded groups, a reference to both group composition and social order. The third and final category Fuentes proposes is a specific definition of monogamy, which would only refer to mating patterns and not group composition or social patterns. Limiting monogamy to one concrete definition would end the current ambiguity surrounding the term. By utilizing evidence from prosimians, neotropical primates, old world monkeys, and apes and humans, Fuentes argues that grouping all monogamous primates together in one social system will only impede our understanding of complex social systems. It is therefore necessary to abandon such generalist models and accept the complexity of the primate world. CLARITY: 2 PALOMA
HAGEDORN-WOO
Gezon, Lisa L. Of
Shrimps and Spirit Possession: Toward a Political Ecology of Resource
Management in Dr. Gezon focuses
on the local fishing industry and the role of spirit possession and
ritual innovation, both local and global, on the northern tip of the Dr. Gezon then examines the spirit possession and political struggle for the Antankarana kingdom. She states that the Ampanjakas are both political and spiritual leaders in the area and are respected by the federal government. She continues by noting that, to understand any issues concerning management of resources requires a wholistic view of the problem, and one must expand their study from the "ethnographic present" to the interethnic history and ritual. She then provides a brief history of ethnic politics and their connection with religious rituals. Gezon then provides a specific example of ritual and local authority being practiced in the Fisehana ceremony. This ceremony demonstrates the political significance of rituals by having fishing companies, who are spiritually unattached to the Antankarana, ask for blessings from the Ampanjaka ancestors in order to insure a successful fishing season. Gezon uses simple
terminology and provides a definition of every tribal word, making
the paper clear and easy to follow. The paper is organized in such
a way that, the reader gains the basic knowledge at the beginning needed
to understand the larger problem which, is introduced later. This paper
deals with the interconnections of different aspects of a society via
the examination of what may seem to be a culturally insignificant point,
such as, in this case, the management of the shrimp industry in northern CLARITY RATING: 3
Gezon, Lisa L. Of
Shrimps and Spirit Possession: Toward a Political Ecology of Resource
Management in Gezon builds upon Rappaport’s interests in the systemic nature and political control of human-environmental interactions, and the interactions between meaning and material relations. She places ecological relations and spirit control within an explicitly political framework, and shows how both control the use and management of the environment. Shrimp fishing in The Ampanjaka exerts both spiritual and political control over the region. Rituals provide a way for the Ampanjaka to legitimate his authority. They also provide "a framework for Antankarana responses to national and international interest" in the resources of the area. One thing the rituals do is draw on history to establish ancestral relationships between the Antankarana, other peoples and their connection to the sea. Gezon uses a recent example of how the Ampanjaka exerted tromba control to stop an aquaculture project from moving into the area. This project, the Antankarana believed, would bring many Merina managers into the region, and they said this would "profoundly disrupt the spirits of the ancestors." This action also helped the Antankarana to maintain local management of the resources. The Ampanjaka also asserts a ritual presence when dealing with the fishing companies, asking them to participate in ceremonies blessing the ancestors. Moreover, the Ampanjaka established an annual tromba bathing ceremony, fisehana, that "further consolidated his rights to manage marine resources in the eyes of the local people." In her analysis, Gezon focuses on the political aspect of human-environmental relations, and how an indigenous leader evokes spiritual authority "through historical memory and ritual enactments" to maintain control over local resources. Gezon concludes by saying that political and historical ecology "must preempt earlier understandings of ecology." CLARITY RANKING: 3
Goldstein, Donna. "Interracial" Sex
and Racial Democracy in Goldstein questions
the popular notion of Brazilian racial
hegemony, echoed in popular and scholarly discourse, states that ‘Brazil
is different’ because interracial romantic relationships are common.
Goldstein argues that notions of race and class are bound up in ideals
of sexual attractiveness and thus racism is intrinsically present in
Brazilian society. She uses the example of the, "treasure chest
coup," a popular fantasy, to demonstrate how race and class factor
into beliefs about sexual attractiveness. The treasure chest coup describes
a situation in which a working class black woman seduces an upper class
white man and profits materially from this relationship. This fantasy,
which often becomes reality, exposes the commodification of black female
sexuality and white male class privilege. Although this is one example
of an interracial relationship, it is hardly indicative of the absence
of racism in Through systematic analysis of her data, Goldstein concludes that the presence of interracial relationships does not preclude the existence of racial inequality in Brazilian society. She asserts that by maintaining belief in Brazilian racial democracy, Brazilians are prevented from raising their race consciousness and challenging the status quo. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Harding, Thomas H. Elman Rogers Service (1915-1996). American Anthropologist March 1999. Vol. 101 (2:15): 161-164. Harding’s obituary on the life of Elman Rogers Service is focused on Service’s anthropological contributions and their significance within the realm of cultural evolution. Although Harding reveals very little about the personal life of Service, the reader is privileged with an introduction to Service’s position on the evolution of complex societies. A brief history
is given within the obituary pertaining to Service’s education, where
he was born, his role in the army and the effects the Depression had
on him as a writer. In fact, it was the Depression that "sensitized"(p.162)
Service and initiated his "interest in the origins of the inequality
associated with the emergence of political states"(p.162). Service
began his impulse to "combat inequality rather than study it" by
forming the Mundial Upheaval Society to which he later became a senior
member. He later finished his Ph.D. on Guarani acculturation, followed
by fieldwork in One aspect of interest was the relationship between Service and Morton Fried. The two were close friends, yet supported two extremely divergent theories pertaining to political evolution. Harding provides the reader with a brief explanation of both the "integrationist and conflict positions"(p.162-163) on political evolution, as well as an explanation to the "unbridgeable gap" of both theories provided by Paul Kirchoff. Service has been best known for his contributions to the cultural evolutionary theory, kinship, the origins of the state, and the concept of chiefdom societies. However, Harding informs the reader that all these diverse contributions were based on one major objective – the objective to "try and devise causal explanations of cultural phenomena"(p.163). Service has provided a revolutionary model as to how "sociopolitical development was depicted and explained…focusing on the integration of multiple local groups, hereditary leadership, social hierarchy, cycles of expansion and decline, sumptuary rules, and a redistributive economy"(p.162). Ultimately, Service’s work on political evolution has helped stimulate others, such as archaeologists and ethnologists, to join in the development of cultural evolution through "theoretical and empirical substance"(p.163). He has provided both a guide and a challenge for the younger generations of anthropologists. Service has been defined as the most influential cultural evolutionist of the past half-century. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Harding, Thomas G. Elman Rogers Service (1915-1996). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 161-164. Elman Service began
his working life in a southern Service fought fascism
as a member of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in the Spanish Civil War,
and an anthropologist colleague helped Service gain an anthropological
perspective on inequality. Service completed his undergraduate studies
at Service is best known for his ideas about the origins of the state. He believed comparative ethnography allowed for the best formulations of this problem. The development of causal explanations of cultural phenomena was one of Service’s major objectives. Service had taken Leslie White’s undergraduate course "The Evolution of Culture" and naVvely believed that cultural evolution was an established anthropological subject. Service was an energetic developer of cultural evolution, as evidenced by his publications, which added both theoretical and empirical substance not only to cultural anthropology but also to archaeology. Service never abandoned his cultural evolution hypothesis, and it would not be a stretch to say that he is regarded as the most influential cultural evolutionist of the past half-century. Service was an accomplished
lecturer and storyteller, yet some of his life experiences were off
limits. His tenure was delayed, and often referred to himself as "The
World’s Oldest Assistant Professor." He is survived by his wife "Stevie" (Helen
Stephenson), who was also trained in anthropology and co-authored Tobati ( CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hart, Keith and Conrad Kottak. Roy A. "Skip" Rappaport (1926-1997). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 159-161. Roy A. ("Skip") Rappaport, the Leslie White Professor of Anthropology at the Univeristy of Michigan, died on October 9, 1997 at the age of 71 following a prolonged battle with lung cancer. Rappaport was internationally recognized as a major figure in anthropology – his primary contributions to anthropology were in the areas of ecological anthropology, the anthropology of religion, the anthropology of the Pacific (specifically Papua New Guinea), and most recently applied ("engaged" in his own words) anthropology. Rappaport is best known for his book Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People (Yale University Press, 1968). Pigs is a classic, oft-cited case study of human ecology within tribal society, and is an important contribution to anthropological theory, ethnographic methodology, ecological anthropology, and the anthropology of religion. Social policy, in addition to topics of anthropology, knowledge, and theory, also concerned Rappaport. Policy issues, such as dealing with population increase, warfare, environmental degradation, development, globalization, and threats to cultural autonomy all concerned Rappaport and the discipline of applied anthropology. Rappaport was unfailingly supportive as a scholarly mentor to undergraduate and graduate students. Roy Rappaport was
a two-term Chair of the Anthropology Department at the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hirsch, Eric. Obituaries: Alfred Gell. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101(1): 152- 155 Eric Hirsch wrote on the life, influences and research of anthropologist Alfred Gell by the comparison of his mannerisms to famous artists such as Schubert, Duchamp & Titian, and Sherlock Holmes. Hirsch used the musician Schubert to compare the similarities in personality. He suggested that Gell, like Schubert, was modest and unaware of his own talents and importance to the field of anthropology. Hirsch also compared artists Duchamp and Titian to Gell in order to illustrate Gells own talents as an artist. Hirsch suggests that Gells artistic talents enabled him to lure the reader into the diagrammatical nature of social processes. Hirsch argued that this artistic ability allowed Gell to form his own unique style, in which his main focus was visual sources. Hirsch seeks to explain how Gell saw that anthropological studies more often would come from these visual sources, therefore it would not be adequate to just emphasise writing the culture, but to also take on the explicative imagery. Hirsch also compared Gell to Sherlock Holmes in order to explain Gells intellectual processes. He suggests that Gell was a master at clarifying an ambiguous situation by receptiveness to diversity, the use of imagination, knowledge and the so called 'trivial' matters that Gell often considered the most important. Hirsch also discussed the people who influenced Gells and how these early influences seeped through into his studies and publications. Two important influences were Levi-Strauss and Leach who inspired Gells use of structuralism. Although Hirsch suggests that Gell put more emphasis on intentuality than linguistics. However, Hirsch proposes that the greatest influence was that of Gells Ph.D. supervisor Anthony Forge. Forge influenced Gells by his own use of visual communication and thus shaped Gells approach to interpretation of his own studies. In conclusion, Hirsch discussed how unique methods of interpretations from Gells various influences and inspirations triggered different perspectives in Gells own studies, theories, arguments and publications up until his death from cancer in 1997. This short article was very concise and easily read. The comparisons to Schubert, Duchanp, Titian and Sherlock Holmes made the interpretation and relation to Hirschs meanings very clear. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hirsch, Eric. Alfred Gell (1945-1997). American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101 (1): 152-155. After contracting
malaria during fieldwork in Gell’s interest in anthropology was sustained through his participation in the rigorous seminars of the London School of Economics. Intellectually, Leach, Levi-Strauss, Husserl, Merleau-Ponty, Alfred Schutz, and Bourdieu influenced Gell. Gell was a committed structuralist, and always had varying theoretical orientations within the domain of structuralism. Gell’s ideas about the philosophy of time were strongly influenced by phenomenology, which he believed would be consistent with materialism and also subjectively realistic. The visual and the domain of art were also anthropological objects of study for Gell. He hoped to show how the "art nexus" could be of central concern to anthropological theory. This interest grew out of a serious study and attachment to the works of Duchamp, which provoked much aesthetic and intellectual controversy. Gell’s final anthropological endeavor, begun during his last months, dealt with the anthropology of humor. Gell lambasted the seriousness that dominated much of anthropological writing and the silence of anthropology in the face of humor’s "disruptive potentiality." Alfred (Antony Francis) Gell died of cancer on January 28, 1997. He is survived by his wife Simeran (also an anthropologist), his son Rohan, and his parents, Professor Philip and Mrs. Susan Gell. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Kaplan, David. Robert A. Manners (1913-1996). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101(2): 388-391. Robert Manners was
born in 1913. He spent nearly a half-century in the field of anthropology,
and the majority of his career was spent at Beside the Puerto
Rican project Manners did fieldwork among the Kipigis of Manners maintained some of his views that went against those that have evolved in contemporary anthropology. Manners believed that change was inevitable in the societies that we as anthropologists study, and group identity cannot and should not be maintained. Clarity Rating:5
Kay, Paul, and Maffi, Luisa . Colour Appearance and the Emergence and Evolution of Basic Colour Lexicons. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol. 101 (2) p. 743 This article discusses
the fact that different languages place colours into different lexical
classifications. In the past, it was commonly assumed that when languages
did not differentiate between two colours that European languages considered
distinct, it was the result of the speakers’ inability to perceive
the colours. In other words, speakers of these languages were considered
inferior, perceptionally speaking. Kay and Maffi discuss historical
challenges to this view, noting that it began to lose favour when linguistic
and cultural relativity surfaced, beginning in the 1920s with Sapir
and his contemporaries. Empirical research done by CLARITY RANKING: 3
Kottak, Conrad P. The New Ecological Anthropology. American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol.101(1):23-35. This new method of anthropology provided a paradigm shift from the ecological anthropology of the 1960’s. Previously, ecological anthropology was mainly the study of culture to optimize human adaptation and maintain the ecosystem. But because of globalization and the increased flow of technology, people, and information, it was no longer possible to study culture as a lone entity. Political awareness and policy concerns, such as environmental degradation, racism, and environmental hazards had to also be addressed with the purpose of stimulating awareness and action. This paper began by exploring the Old Ecological Anthropology, which examined human adaptation to the environment as it related to culture. This method treated the ecological population and the ecosystem as separate, and focused on knowledge for the purpose of classification rather than action. In contrast, the New Ecological Anthropology incorporates application, political awareness, and policy concerns in the study of people and culture. It attempts to understand relevant issues and devise appropriate solutions. The issues that were identified and the solutions that were developed in other nations could give insight to North American issues as well. A linkages methodology was developed to link changes from the local level to all levels of society by incorporating "multilevel, multisite, multitime (31)" research projects. These projects studied process, history, politics, and economic power to apply the information gained by the research to all levels of life. After outlining the New Ecological model, Kottak discussed some of the issues of importance in relation to this method. The decrease of natural resources created a need for self-regenerating change and culturally sensitive conservation efforts. Ecological awareness also needed to be increased to enhance the peoples’ willingness to participate in environmental preservation. NGO’s and rights movements provided an interesting issue for anthropologists as these movements challenged the nation-state and evoked in people a realm of morality and justice above an institution. Lastly, there was the issue of environmental racism that resulted from discrimination and led to an increased burden of waste and environmental hazards upon the poor. But there was hope that the New Ecological model would bring insights, and perhaps even solutions, from other cultures to these issues. This new method of study brought a shift from studying a single culture, seen as a single entity, to recognizing that all people are interdependent and impacted by other cultures surrounding them. CLARITY RANKING : 3
Kottak, Conrad P. The New Ecological Anthropology. American Anthropologist. March, 1999 Vol. 101(1): 23-35. In this article Kottak sets out to describe the theory and methods behind a new and improved ecological anthropology, in part descended from previous versions of ecological anthropology, and in part developed in reaction to these older forms of theory. This article, which is part of a retrospective on the work of Roy Rappaport, strongly criticizes Rappaport's models and theory based on a single assumption of a closed ecological system. The article initially outlines the basic framework and assumptions of older ecological anthropology based on Steward, Rappaport and Vayda. This section of the paper is also the main stage for criticism of the assumptions of these theories, in particular their definitions of an ecological population and an ecosystem. He asserts that these definitions are too closed and assume an isolation of people and ecological zones, which he thinks is unrealistic in the current world system and economy. Kottak then outlines the assumptions, methods and goals of a new ecological anthropology based in what he defines as "linkages methodology" involving a wider view of people and communities in space and time, and predicated on cooperation between scholars and officials. This methodology is both historical and political, and the researchers should be "engaged" in their subjects cultural systems as they interact with outside special interests in development and environmentalism. He argues that anthropology can be used to find solutions to conflicts of interest between local and indigenous groups and NGOs, environmental organizations, and developers. He also points out that people should always come first in such negotiations of interest. People should also come first in research methods and ethnography should not be forgotten, even though local informants may not be able to give the anthropologists the whole picture. He discusses especially
cases from He concludes that the expanded assumptions of a "linkages methodology" that include the world system, politics and economics as causal factors, and the expanded methodology are necessary improvements on the old ecological anthropology. These changes are necessary because they make viable the valuable aspects of the old ecological anthropology in an increasingly permeable social and political world. CLARITY RANKING: 5
McLeod, James R. The Sociodrama of Presidential politics: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Power in the Era of Teledemocracy. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):359-373. Presidential elections
in the In an election campaign the candidates try to prey on the voting public’s fears, values, morality and loyalty, to make themselves look good and to make their opponent look bad. According to Kertzer (1987:108) "The greatest political sociodrama… come each four years with the campaign for the presidency.". Presidential campaigns are nothing but a way of "tugging at the heartstrings" of the voters through sociodramas. McLeod believed that the best way to argue that presidential politics was a sociodrama was to study elections of the recent past, namely the campaigns of 1988, 1992, and 1996. He showed how ritual, rhetoric, and television all contributed to sociodrama being the power of presidential politics. "Political rhetoric and political rituals are the principal means by which American political elites create these presidential sociodramas for themselves and members of their culture." (McLeod 1999:362) In 1988 "attack politics" was in full effect. George Bush (senior) used the fear of the public to his advantage, when he compared his opponent Michael Dukakis, with the case of Willie Horton , a man accused of rape, who was released by police. Bush produced a commercial where a couple talked of the release of Horton and rape of a white woman. The intent of the commercial was to exploit voters fears and attack Dukakis’ record against crime. In 1992 Clinton/Gore campaign used a bus tour to get the voters to associate them with the average American. In 1996, Bob Dole ran a campaign based on family values with his rhetorical "bridge to the past", symbolizing the return to good old-fashioned family values. All three of these campaigns are sociodramas, and McLeod argues these are not going to go away any time soon, especially not in the age of teledemocracy. This article was very easy to read and to understand. It was different to read an anthropological article about something so close to home. But the study seemed to be completed using the standard anthropological tools. This article was organized exceptionally well and was a pleasure to read. CLARITY RANKING: 4.5
McLeod, James R. The Sociodrama of Presidential Politics: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Power in the Era of Teledemocracy. American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol. 101 (2):359-373. James McLeod’s article examines the American presidential campaign cycle as a series of ritualized sociodramas. Examples from the 1988, 1992, and 1996 campaigns help illustrate the functional roles of ritual, rhetoric, symbolism, and the mass media in the presidential election process. The stated goal of the article is to analyze the American presidential election cycle from the perspective of political anthropology. The election cycle is analyzed through an examination of the rhetoric and symbols manipulated and constructed during the presidential election cycle. Political rhetoric, often in the form of negative personal attacks, is combative, and much modern campaigning is devoted to such attack ads. The combative aspects of the presidential campaign must be viewed in the context of political anthropology. McLeod refers to presidential campaigns as modern "rituals of rebellion" – cultural ceremonies that express antagonism against the larger political system, yet never place the actual system in question (through the possibility of a real revolution). Through sound bites, debates, and televised performances, American voters participate ritually in the sociodramas of presidential rebellion. McLeod specifically cites the Clinton/Gore Bus Tours of 1992 as exemplifying the ways in which candidates specifically introduce symbolism and political economy. This successful strategy resulted in a disarticulation of "Average Americans" from the Republican campaign. McLeod illustrates how each calculated campaign move, whether rhetorical or symbolic, manipulates the emotions and votes of the electorate. Symbols become even more important because of the media-saturated environment in which these sociodramas unfold. McLeod believes that the power of political rhetoric – at the juncture of political economy, logic, propaganda, and persuasion – affirms the symbolic means through which presidential candidates are tested, examined, and ultimately claimed by the electorate. Competitive rhetorical sociodramas are created through Presidential commercials, debates, and speeches. McLeod postulates that in the era of "teledemocracy" and mass media elections, the power of political propaganda, rhetoric, and political symbolism will increase as electronic participation in the political process grows. McLeod ultimately asserts that the process of presidential campaigning constitutes one of the most important political rituals of our time, and thus deserves better comprehension and analytical understanding, particularly regarding the rhetoric and symbols involved. In the age of "teledemocracy," McLeod argues that comprehending political ritual is one of the greatest challenges of out time. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Moore, Carmella C. et al. The Universality of the Semantic Structure of Emotion Terms: Methods for the Study of Inter- and Intra-Cultural Variability. American Anthropologist September 1999 Vol.101(3):529-544. This article discussed one of the most highly debated issues in recent sociocultural anthropology: Cultural universals versus linguistic relativity. The authors set out to prove that cultures with completely structurally different languages share common meanings for selected emotion terms. They provided a review of ‘semantic domains’ and introduced methods that aided in the objective analysis of empirical findings on extent of which semantic structure was shared among different languages. A key goal was to provide a method for the measurement of both differences and similarities within and between cultures. Three completely distinct languages were investigated: Chinese, English and Japanese. The question was asked whether each language was arbritary relative to other language or whether there was some universality evident in semantic domains. The inter- and intra-cultural variability in the meaning of emotion terms were analyzed. The results of the investigation showed that speaking subjects of the three languages all had similar meanings to fifteen common emotion terms. The authors concluded that they had presented analytical methods that could be used as tools for measuring cultural variability. Both the uniqueness of each individual as well as the similarities between individuals and the person to other cultures could now be investigated. This artical will be a difficult read for a person without a linguistics background. The descriptions of the languages are complex, and the non-specialist is dependent upon the authors' interpretations of the semantic domains, statistical analysis and results obtained from the three populations. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Otterbein, Keith F. A History of Research on Warfare in Anthropology American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol. 101 (4):794-805. Keith Otterbein’s essay on the analysis of warfare in anthropology takes a chronological approach. Four major periods are identified by Otterbein: Foundation Period, Classical Period, Golden Age, and Recent Period. Otterbein’s approach focuses on the reception of research results among the author’s contemporaries, not the validity of the results today. The larger world in which we all live in impacts the construction of these works – colonial expansion, World War II, and the Vietnam War were particularly strong influences on anthropological research into warfare, according to Otterbein. The Foundation Period (c. 1850-c. 1920) begins in the mid-nineteenth century, around the time that ethnographic data began to be collected in the field and become available to scholars who were later deemed anthropologists. Early anthropologists were not centrally concerned with the study of warfare for a number of reasons: (1) since warfare was not usually an ongoing phenomenon during their research; (2) most scholars of the time were morally opposed to war; and (3) the role of warfare in the affairs of the societies being studies was not appreciated. The main theoretical framework employed during the Foundation Period was of an evolutionary nature, and the level of subsistence technology was the most important variable. The Classical Period (c. 1920-c. 1960) was dominated by the anti-evolutionist American anthropology of Franz Boas and his students. Of central importance was the myth of the peaceful savage. The notion of prehistoric peace, the absence of warfare in band-level societies, and the ritualistic, game-like nature of war (when it did indeed occur) are all encompassed in the myth of the peaceful savage. The dominant characteristic of the Classical Period dealt with the myth of the peaceful savage and the idea that people with no war or ritual war were of a lower developmental sequence, which is rooted in the Foundation Period, and was nurtured by cultural relativism during the Classical Period. The Golden Age (c. 1960-1980) saw a proliferation of theories of the causes and effects of war, and many classic ethnographies and cross-cultural studies were produced. The myth of the peaceful savage was shattered. The Golden Age was characterized by a dramatic increase in the theoretical and ethnographic publications on warfare, and a schism developed between those who believed that tribal level peoples were warlike and those who believed they were not. The Recent Period (c. 1980-) is characterized by two trends: the demise of theories from the Golden Age and a new direction in research on warfare, focusing on the origins and seriousness of war, ethnic war and genocide. Studies of peaceful peoples have also grown. Recently questions have arisen over whether native warfare is an indigenous development or the result of culture contact. The failure of an evolutionary framework has resulted in comparative and paradigmatic studies that examine causes (material and efficient) and consequences, and the variation of occurrences. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Powers, Willlow Roberts. John Adair (1913-1997). American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol.101(3):611-614. John Adair died
in December 1997, at the age of 84, after a long and active career.
His interests were broad, but he is best known for his work in visual
anthropology. He worked with the Navajo and the In 1939Adair did
start graduate school at the Next Adair was hired
by Cornell to teach and co-direct a series of field seminars in the
Southwest. In 1953 he joined the Cornell-Navajo Field Health Research
Project at Many Farms on the Navajo Reservation in Adair retired in
1978, but kept up his interaction with the Pine Springs Navajo community.
Perhaps it is because Adair spent so much of his time exploring, interviewing,
filming, photographing, and lecturing that he did not publish extensively.
However, he donated his extensive notes and photographs to the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Roberts Powers, Willow. John Adair (1913-1997). American Anthropologist Sept 1999 Vol 101(3): 611-614. Roberts Powers portrays the late John Adair as an innovative anthropologist who preferred visual anthropology as his method. He was interested in applying the insights of anthropology towards his many jobs, including extensive work with the Navajo. He recorded his observations and experience through films, photography and written material. His photo/film work was known for capturing all aspects of life, not just staged photography. This article sums up some of the achievements of John Adair, although at times, the history is not sequential. The following is a summary of Mr. Adair’s life, as put forward by Roberts Powers. John Adair developed
his interest in studying the Navajo, through fieldwork he did with
Clyde Kluckhohn in 1937. The following year, he began his own research
in Navajo/Pueblo silversmithing. In 1939, he began graduate school
at the He spent the longest
duration at His next project
was collaboration in 1987 on the film, "A Weave of Time." It
was a story of a Navajo family of four generations. Although he returned
to his study of silver smiths during this time, ill health prevented
the completion of his project. Before his death, Mr. Adair donated
his research and materials to the CLARITY RANKING: 5
In this article,
the author explores the employment practices of women in San Cosme
Mazatecochco, a rural community in central The author begins by discussing how kinship is often neglected in the study of contemporary societies, often only focusing on the way kinship is used by poor people for survival, instead of viewing kinship within the context of the accumulation and gain of wealth that kinship can enable. Three direction have come out of recent work with regard to kinship: the increasing recognition of kindred-based action groups in capitalist societies, the importance of kinship relations traced through women, and the need to examine kinship in conjunction with the construction of gender and the state. With the waxing
and waning of the Mexican economy, from the "economic miracle" to
contemporary recessions, families in rural The author concludes by citing specific ethnographic examples of the flexible kinship system of San Cosme and how it is tied in to the larger Mexican political economy. Specific economic classes can be set in motion through kinship and the economic gains enabled by it. However, the increasingly closed class structure of Mexican society is causing kinship to be less of a force when seeking economic advancement. Women’s insertion into the Mexican economy is the result of flexible kinship patterns and the weaving together of local norms and expectations. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Santino, Jack. Public
Protest and Popular Style: Resistance from the Right in In this article Santino argues that although the content may differ between Right and Left wing protests, the style and form of these protests are often identical. His primary example is the conflict between the Unionists and Nationalists of Northern Ireland. Santino describes a Right wing protest as one where individuals or groups believe in the legitimacy of the institutions and power structures that are in place but disagree with particular laws, dislike particular representatives of institutions or wish to protest against Left wing protests. Such protest groups are usually of the middle or lower class and find that they are distant from those who they support. Their style of protest often inadvertently emphasizes the class difference as the supported group is frequently embarrassed by this style. Members of the Right wing movement will often then feel abandoned and betrayed. In contrast, a Left wing protest is one where individuals or groups are protesting the status quo and wish to do away with the prevailing institutions and power structures. In Finally, a comparison
is made with the St. Patrick’s Day parade in Contrary to the
title, CLARITY RANKING: 5
Santino, Jack. Public
Protest and Popular Style: Resistance from the Right in In this article
the author focuses on popular political demonstrations in The Protestant groups
in An interesting parallel
to the situation in In both CLARITY RANKING: 3
Schneider, Jo Anne. And How Are We Supposed To Pay For Healthcare? Views of the Poor and Near Poor on Welfare Reform. American Anthropologist, December 1999 Vol.101. No.4: 761-782. Schneider’s article
discusses the ways that people in the The centre of the welfare reform debate includes the lack of good quality universal healthcare; decent education; housing; and support for raising children. Schneider analyses two major points of view in the article: those of people on welfare and of the working middle class. The first group supports the idea of universal benefits. "You have to provide basic things for all of the people, otherwise your economy goes down" (Pg. 761). This statement reflects the opinion of a student that attended a seminar that Schneider held. The people on welfare focus their attention on the inadequacies of the welfare system. Schneider provides an example of one woman feeling humiliated who said that welfare workers "make you feel like dirt" (Pg. 769). The seminar Schneider held was for the AWEP- the Alternative Work Experience Program, in which participants acknowledged that some people abuse the system. This view was expressed by most of the working middle class. The working class experience frustration, which is attributed to the confusion of who does and does not receive benefits. The working class group felt that since they do not get any help, why should anyone else? "Some people get benefits when they are down and out while others, who consider themselves more deserving get nothing" (Pg. 769). In these cases "they" refers to race. Schneider believes that members of the working class assume public assistance is related to race, meaning that people of colour receive more benefits. Schneider’s article is very well organized and researched. She provides material that has been in progress since 1995 and compiles it in a very clear manner. The author contributes evidence for her claims and assesses more than one point of view to reduce being biased. CLARITY RATING: 5
Schneider, Jo Anne. And How Are We Supposed to Pay for Health Care? Views of the Poor and Near Poor on Welfare Reform. American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol.101(4):761-782. Schneider conducted
research among those who had and had not received public assistance,
and explored their attitudes towards welfare and welfare reform. Her
first group of subjects included white middle-class callers to a conservative
radio program and college students working with welfare recipients
in a service learning program. Her second group of subjects was composed
of participants in the Alternative Work Experience Program (AWEP),
a Schneider’s fieldwork was done in 1995 and addresses concerns relating to the 1996 welfare reform legislation. She found that neither the attitudes of people receiving benefits nor the attitudes of people not receiving benefits were accurately represented in public or academic discourse. The concerns of her white middle-class subjects centered on the fact that the government did not provide for working citizens like themselves. Their sense of unfairness was rooted in insecurity about their own situations, not displeasure that members of the poor and working classes were eligible to receive benefits. The members of the
AWEP program were also dissatisfied with the current state of welfare,
believing that the government should provide more comprehensive and
efficient programs. Schneider asserts that the experience of receiving
government aid shaped an ideology of joint individual and government
responsibility, while those who had never received aid believed in
purely individual responsibility for one’s affairs. Because these contradictory
experiences are often unequally shared among racial and ethnic groups,
this disparity contributes to debates about race in the Schneider concludes
that the institution of universal benefits is the way to repair the
fractured welfare system and reshape ideologies about race and class
in the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Schneider, Jane C. Obituary of Eric Robert Wolf (1923-1999). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):395-399. Eric Wolf was born
in In his early youth,
he moved to In his twenties,
he applied himself to anthropology at the Wolf pursued numerous ethnological and historical group studies, which he thoroughly documented. He published many essays and books, translated into various languages, which generally focussed on national integration. His life-long project was to explain Nazism, and his book, Europe and the People without History, was a step in that direction. It emphasized what he called ‘parallelograms of social forces’. This was a comparison of social groups and modes of communication with historical situations. He believed that no form of society was immune to an overload of ideology. In the 1960’s, Wolf
was a professor at the Not only was Eric Robert Wolf a favoured teacher, an avid learner and a generous citizen, but Schneider describes his as a gentle, good-natured, family man. His professional contributions to anthropology, especially the relevance of contemporary history, connected culture to power, in terms of history, sociology, politics and science. Schneider provided a thorough description of Wolf’s accomplishments, and also included a detailed reference list of the works of this great social thinker. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Schneider, Jane C. Eric Robert Wolf (1923-1999). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101(2):395-399. Eric Robert Wolf was a leader in revolutionizing anthropology, pushing the field to include state formation, capitalist and colonial expansion. He was interested in connected anthropology to other disciplines such as history, sociology, and political science. Wolf was born to
an educated Jewish family in In 1940 Wolf and
his family moved to the After his doctorate,
Wolf turned to Along with Marshall
Sahlins, Wolf was an originator and participant in the first Teach-In
against the War in Throughout his career Wolf studied power structures and how they organize the flow of energy. He viewed power as a necessary part of cultural creation. Towards the end of his life, Wolf began studying Nazism in an attempt to understand the phenomena. Wolf was the recipient of many awards. He leaves behind an enduring legacy for anthropology and the world. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Smedley, Audry. "Race" and the Construction of Human Identity. American Anthropologist September, 1998 Vol.100(3):690-702. Smedley traces the path of human cultural interaction to show the social construction of race and its devastating ramifications. She feels that race, as distinct from ethnicity, is dramatically obvious in history. People of the ancient world were in constant interaction with each other and seemed to understand that biophysical characteristics were external and that behavioral differences were cultural manifestations. Smedley postulates
that starting in the classical period, identity
was mostly based on kinship and occupation, but otherwise was fluid
and could be altered to fit different situations. Notably absent from
the forms of identity were perceived categories that parallel today’s
racial classifications; they were not ranked based on biophysical differences.
These differences were noted in art and in descriptors, but they were
not given significant social meanings. Until According to Smedley, race developed as a way to rationalize/justify the treatment of Native Americans during colonization. By magnifying the physical and cultural differences of the Native Americans and Africans, the colonizers could regard them as people "descended from a lesser species of human being", and justify their own actions. The new ideology imposed the lowest possible social status on the newly conquered and enslaved people. Smedley states that Smedley reminds us that today’s scholars are beginning to realize that race is just a social category intended for social stratification. The concept of the universal human might, in time, replace the concept of "race" and help eliminate some of its problems. She wants to caution anthropologists against making ethnicity into the new race; instead, she argues that ethnicity should remain fluid and "multicultural". CLARITY RANKING: 5
Snead, James. Science,
Commerce, and Control: Patronage and the Development of Anthropological
Archeology in the Snead argued that the history of archeology has been shaped by the relationship between the archeologist and the patron or economic provider, and throughout time, the quest for professionalism in this area affected the relationship between the archeologist and the patron, and also the process of research. As a discipline,
archeology has been affected by the economic necessities of the individual
archeologist, as well as by the different interests of the patron.
These private patrons most likely have interests, such as economic
benefits, which conflicted with the educational interest of the archeologist.
Overall, argues Snead, this has affected the way archaeologists go
about conducting research. For instance, in the Although the argument is not clear, the author proves his point with a number of case studies that examine the lives of key archeologists and their respective patrons, and demonstrates how their relationships shaped archeology. This article was extremely long, with more than half focused only on specific proofs in support of the main argument. In regards to clarity, this article was very difficult to read, which may be due to the overuse of highly intellectual vocabulary. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Snead, James
E. Science, Commerce, and Control: Patronage
and the Development of Anthropological Archaeology in the Snead feels that
the social history of archaeology needs to be reviewed in order to
understand the impact of context on scholarly endeavors. The implications
of such things as patronage affect both the social and natural sciences;
studying its effect, even in one discipline, can give us insights into
others. This essay explores the shifts in patron-professional relationships
in archaeology by examining the case of the Hyde Expedition to In the late 1800s museums began to push for academic professionalism; for archaeologists, in particular, this required gaining access to large collections and finding the means to do so. Collections were scholarly resources, educational tools, and the subject of great institutional competition. Collections could and frequently were purchased through intermediaries, but as archaeology became more scientific a lack of context became problematic. Museums began to do excavations of their own, but archaeologists needed to secure extra funding; enter then the patrons. The financial interest of the supervision became an important influence on the work being done and research became contested in a battle for control. These tensions were particularly visible in the late nineteenth century work in the American Southwest. Snead looks at the problems of patronage and the shaping of archaeology by tracing the relationships, collections, and research done in relation to the patron of archaeology, Benjamin Talbot Babbitt Hyde. Through changes in museums, goals, and monetary flow the collections and members of the Chaco Canyon Expedition remind us of the blend of science and commerce in the past and present and how the intellectual is often a game of social politics. Snead feels that it is important to use historical data to unpack the history of archaeology so we can see social context and its impact; we can also understand where we have been and how we got here in order to improve future work. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Stasch, Rupert. Obituary of Valerio Valeri (1944-1998). American Anthropologist December 1999 Vol.101 (4): 814-817. Valerio Valeri was
born near Valeri was dedicated
to his work as an anthropologist, focusing many years on fieldwork
in From his studies
in The author of this obituary portrayed Valeri’s life in a clear, and concise manner. It was helpful that it was written in chronological order, capturing many of Valeri’s accomplishments. Stasch described Valerio Valeri’s life with admiration, but at the same time acknowledges his weaknesses. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Stasch, Rupert. Valerio Valeri (1944-1998). American Anthropologist December, 1999 Vol.101 (4): 814-817. Known for his work
in the ethnology of As a student of
Marshall Sahlins and Louis Dumont he studied the political organization,
rank system, and political myths of He taught anthropology
from 1976 until his death, and held research and teaching appointments
abroad including at the Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa (1982, 1994),
where he had been a student from 1964-1968. His major honors include
a John Simon Guggenheim Fellowship (1982-83), fellowships at the Institute
for Advanced Study, CLARITY RANKING: 4
Stern, Pamela. Learning to Be Smart: An Exploration of the Culture of Intelligence in a Canadian Inuit Community. American Anthropologist, September, 1999 Vol.101(3):502-512 Can intelligence
be measured? Until very recently
it was believed that non-Western peoples were intellectually superior
to those who are not westernized and that the social environment determined
mental function. If, in fact,
intelligence can be measured, how then can it be done cross-culturally? This is the question posed in an article
about the Canadian Inuit community called Ulukhaktokmiut or often referenced
as Holman Inuit in the article. Holman
is an area located more than three hundred miles north of the Although it is recognized
that cognitive function is affected by both environmental and cultural
factors, there are two theories outlined by two different researchers
which explains the nature of intelligence. The first is by Sternberg, who explains that
natural intelligence falls into to broad types: explicit and implicit. The
other is by First Sternberg’s theory of two types of intelligence is examined. The Explicit theory compares intelligence with cognitive function. The theory proposed that intelligence is universal and can be determines performance of a task or duty. These tasks include verbal comprehension and fluency, mathematical ability, spatial visualization and determining speed. The Implicit theory is less easily defined. It constitutes intelligent behavior in real-life situations. It is noted, however, that different cultures will vary between defining which behaviors are encouraged and which are not. One criticism of the Sternberg’s Elicit theory is that although it is possible to test one’s cognitive IQ with aptitude testing, it must be considered that each individual may test differently. Therefore the measurement of the process is inconclusive. In contrast supporters of the Sternberg’s Implicit theory put forth that real intelligence cannot be measured by a test, but can only be applied to real-world situations and how a person reacts to those situations. Recent work by psychologists and anthropologists suggests that intelligence operates differently in different situations and it is possible that together both of Sternberg’s theories apply. The author of this
report continues to support CLARITY: 5 Stern, Pamela. Learning to be Smart: An exploration of the Culture of Intelligence in a Canadian Inuit Community. American Anthropologist 1999 Vol 3: 502-514. The introduction to this article referred to the theory that social environment determines mental functioning. The author started by giving a background of How Natives Thinks by Lucien Levy-Bruhl, which was published in 1926. His findings laid down a foundation of how we perceive indigenous intelligence in relation to our own. The ultimate point being that even though an indigenous person may perform poorly when issued an IQ test, it doesn’t accurately measure his knowledge that pertains to his culture. The focus of another source, Malinowski, was an attempt to develop “culture free” instruments of which to measure intelligence. Stern’s concentration
was “an examination of the ways that intelligence is understood,
discussed, and encouraged by contemporary Inuit.” She observed
an Inuit community with her colleague, Richard G. Condon, in a series
of field studies between 1978 and 1995. The community resided in the town of The Inuit word, ihuma, corresponds to the use of the English word, smart. The best explanation that does this justice is that of another anthropologist cited in the article; “a person who has (or uses) ihuma is cheerful but not giddy. He is patient in the face of difficulties and accepts unpleasant but uncontrollable events with calmness; and he does not sulk, scold, get annoyed, or attack others physically.” (Briggs) Stern arranged the article by emphasizing different forms of intelligence valued by the Inuit. Creativity, innovation, and art were among the most regarded cognitive abilities. Her field notes captured examples of these abilities which confirmed that “not only are they accepted, they are desired and encouraged.” Another form of intelligence relevant to the community is bodily kinesthetic or physical skills. Proficient knowledge of ones limits and capacities are imperative in their dangerous artic climate. Spatial intelligence is another aspect, which is relative to their climate due to the large role that hunting has on their economy and as a food source. The remaining form of intelligence recognized in the culture is that of personal intelligence, that is commonly referred to as social intelligence. Stern states this most eloquently, “More than any other aspects of competence, the manner in which adults comport themselves is seen as a reflection of their intelligence.” Stern concluded that traditional values that measured intelligence were slowly being replaced by modern changes and influences from the outside the Inuit culture. Although expertise in the traditional skills has become somewhat replaced by other skills such as ice hockey, people still speak of ihuma in the same regard as they always have. CLARITY: 4
The authors of this
article were interested in the reactions of women to the Hill-Thomas
hearings. They freely admit that the survey project was undertaken
as a result of the anger and helplessness they felt from witnessing
these hearings. Three weeks after the hearings ended, they sampled
100 females, both white and black and from a large range of ages and
professions. The women surveyed were all from CLARITY RANKING: 5 NATHANIAL
Washburn, Dorothy. Perceptual Anthropology: The Cultural Salience of Symmetry. American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol.101 (3): 247-262. The author’s main goal in this article is to demonstrate how the use of particular symmetries in a culture’s decorative art metaphorically embodies and visually represents fundamental cultural principles. She does this to support the notion that knowledge about formal universals as perceived by the visual system is fundamental to theory about how art communicates. She predicates her arguments on evidence from studies in experimental psychology suggesting that the human perceptual system focuses on symmetry, among other holistic properties, in the assessment of stimuli. This perceptual salience of symmetry, she claims, has led to a cultural salience of symmetry in that human perceptive abilities have made possible widespread nonverbal forms of communicative behavior through material culture, including art and objects for everyday use. She uses Euclidean geometry to characterize the structure of symmetrical patterns in two dimensions. Symmetrical form and its readability come from the repetition of equivalent parts. This same kind of redundancy is important in written language and music as it functions to reinforce the information being communicated. She thinks it is plausible to expect similar communication through symmetry in visual images because the information embedded in the components, and their structure, is emphasized through repetition. Since symmetry reduces complexity, the information is presented in an economical and efficient format. Metaphorical thinking is a uniquely human mechanism in which the need for and perception of symmetry are embedded. Washburn advances the idea that concepts fundamental to a culture’s worldview can be metaphorically communicated through nonrepresentational geometric art. Washburn uses the example of the selection of symmetrical patterns—bifold rotation in particular—in Puebloan ceramic designs to communicate cultural views held by the Hopi today, specifically about the perpetuation of life. Through discussions with Hopi individuals, Washburn learned how a particular symmetry is a visual metaphor for Puebloan concepts. Based on these discussions, she proposes that the interlocking elements in bifold rotational symmetry are a metaphor for the role and responsibility of the Hopi individual in the continuation of life. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Watanabe, John M. and Barbara B. Smuts. Explaining It Away: Trust, Truth, and the Evolution of Cooperation in Roy A. Rappaport’s "The Obvious Aspects of Ritual." American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol.101 (1):98-112. The authors of "Explaining Religion Without Explaining it Away," John Watanabe and Barbara Smuts, are heavily influenced by Roy Rappaport’s study of ritual. They have applied Rappaport’s theory that "ritual behavior could make social communication between individuals more reliable" (98) to greetings among a troop of Savanna baboons found in Kenya’s rift valley. This particular species of baboon is known as the olive baboon (Papio Cynocephalus Anubis). The male baboons in question are very violent animals that rarely come in contact with one another without conflict. The non-violent greeting between two males is initiated by one male approaching a second with a fast paced exaggerated step. A specific set of facial expressions follow. These include lip-smacking, narrowed eyes, and pressing the ears against the head. If the second male chooses to accept the greeting he will maintain eye contact and mimic the lip-smacking and facial expressions of the first baboon. Once the first male approaches the second the two baboons will commence with a series of gesticulations, including presenting the hindquarters, grasping the hindquarters, mounting, touching and or pulling the penis and scrotum, occasionally the male baboons may make face to face contact or embrace. Rappaport’s definition of ritual includes the following defining characteristics. First there are sounds and deeds made and done by the participants in the ritual, and a sequence or a format in which they must be completed. These participants are not the original creators of these actions and the sequence that they must follow. Second, a ritual must be preformed and not only referred to by the participants. The greetings that take place among the male olive baboons are formulaic and consistent with the definition of ritual. Watanabe and Smut believe that these non-aggressive greetings between males insure alliances among older males in the troop. Ordinarily, older males have a lower frequency of breeding than the younger males. The alliance formed by the older males allows them to harass the younger males when they are in the company of a fertile female. A group of older males will chase a younger male away, and one of the older males will take his place with the female. CLARITY RATING: 4
Whiteley, Peter M. Alfonso Ortiz (1939-1997). American Anthropologist June, 1999 Vol.101 (2): 392-395. Born to a Tewa father
and a Hispanic mother at What set Ortiz apart
is his activism, including mediating the 1973 Wounded Knee standoff,
his involvement in returning Blue Lake to Taos Pueblo, and his role
in political and social issues facing Native Americans across the country.
He considered his activism to be the most valuable and lasting part
of his career. He taught at Princeton and the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Wilk, Richard
R. "Real Belizean Food": Building
Local Identity in the Transnational This article deals
with food as a source for nation building and creating a sense of self
by identifying others. Wilk relies on his own experiences in Wilk contrasts two
personal experiences with Belizean food, a dinner at a friend's house
in 1973, and a dinner at a different friends in 1990. He demonstrates
that through contact with foreigners (television, tourism etc.) Belizeans
have learned how to be Belizean. Wilks also discusses other aspects
of Belizean culture and how their knowledge of the world has made them
more conscious of their local identity. There is an extensive discussion
about food patterns and the stratification during colonial times. An
interesting example given is that of lobster. The poor ate it because
it was cheap, the elite ate it because it was popular in This is an excellent
article. Wilk's discussion of CLARITY RANKING: 5
Wilk, Richard. Real
Belizean Food: Building Local Identity in the Transnational Wilk argues that "the
strengthening of local and national identities and global mass-market
capitalism are not contradictory trends but are in fact two aspects
of the same process" (244). He does this by examining the local
identity of Wilk first compares
a dinner he had with a Belizean family in 1973 and a second dinner
he had with his wife and a Belizean couple in 1990. Between these two
meals the concept of a national identity had undergone tremendous change.
The country had gained independence from the British. Television, satellites,
tourism and other means of contact with the world outside of Wilk looks at the
historical diets found in Other than personal
experience and historical research Wilk also draws on a number of surveys
that he conducted. The surveys cover "1, 136 high school students
from four diverse institutions and a door-to door survey of 389 people
in Belize City, Belmopan, and a large village in the Belize District" (249).
His findings show that the modern Belizean is less influenced by the
model of the stratified diet that existed thirty years before. People’s
taste in food is heavily influenced by environment, and in the case
of the CLARITY RATING: 4
Wolf, Eric R. Cognizing "Cognized Models". American Anthropologist March, 1999 Vol. 101(1): 19-22. In this article reflecting on the work of Roy Rappaport, Wolf tries to examine the benefits and drawbacks of Rappaport’s "cognized models" for understanding cultural structure. He traces the development of these ideas in relation to Rappaport’s inquiries into ritual and ecology and to his development of a theoretical formal structural understanding of culture. The article examines the basic organization of Rappaport’s cognized models, breaking it down into five levels of "understandings" or emic concepts and knowledge-- what is "cognized" by people within a culture about the world/cosmos. These "understandings" of Rappaport’s model are make up an architecture of cognition. Wolf examines the contents of these levels of understanding and how the sum total is formed into a structural theory. The first of five levels of understanding is the apex, or the "ultimate sacred postulates" which, as Wolf describes, ultimately refer only to themselves. These postulates do not depend on historical or environmental circumstance and are thus ultimately resistant to change. The fifth level is the opposite, secular knowledge that is based entirely on the social and ecological world. The in-between levels are on this continuum of sacred to secular, and relate to the basic "understandings" about things and the interactions between things, and it is in this aspect that Wolf relates Rappaport to Mauss’s interactionist theories. Wolf concludes with a criticism of Rappaport’s apolitical and ahistorcial framing of the "ultimate propositions" of the fifth level of understanding. These he says are not treated in relation to their position in culture, and the potential aspects of power that may affect the function of these cognitive "understandings" as a part of the wider cultural "cognized model". He also discusses how Rappaport's ideas have been implemented by other authors with power and politics in mind. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Woodbury, Richard B. Obituary: Alden Cary Hayes (1916-1998). American Anthropologist September, 1999 Vol.101(3):616-618. Woodbury provides a concise chronological account of Hayes’ life, centering mainly around his unique career in archaeology. Chronicling the various projects that characterized Hayes’ research, Woodbury thoroughly examines the archaeological pursuits of Hayes. Despite his lack of a graduate degree, Hayes was considered a skilled fieldworker and creative problem solver; he is thus described as an invaluable role model for aspiring archaeologists. Even without an advanced degree, Hayes was very knowledgeable and insightful within his field; he readily shared this expertise with his colleagues and students, thus making a lasting contribution to archaeology. Hayes’ archaeological
career was not continuous, but punctuated by a brief period of ranching
in Alden Hayes is portrayed as both an outstanding person and archaeologist; the respectful manner with which Hayes reportedly conducted himself is reciprocated in the gracious words of Woodbury’s article. Woodbury is successful in documenting the life of Hayes in a manner that directly reflects the character of Hayes: clear, concise, respectful and complete. CLARITY RANKING: 5 J.
Woodbury, Richard B. Alden Cary Hayes (1916-1998). American Anthropologist. September 1999 Vol. 101(3): 616-618. In this obituary of southwest archaeologist Alden Cary Hayes, Woodbury presents an image of a man, who despite his lack of an academic background, contributed significantly and prolifically to archaeological studies of the South-Western United States. Hayes had a bachelor's degree in anthropology, but no graduate degrees. He was field trained as an archaeologist, and his major contributions were in fieldwork, data collection, and the training of successive generations of academic and field archaeologists. Hayes’s most prominent
and valuable studies are of the Mesa Verde area ruins, especially Wetherill
Mesa, and at Hayes, although he disdained theory, did indeed entertain certain working hypotheses that allowed him to do the quality fieldwork he did. He was an integral and essential part of the National Park Service in regard to most all archaeology with which the Service dealt. This association continued for most of his life and career. His archeological pursuits were interrupted by his work as a rancher and by military service both in WWII and in the Korean War. Hayes’s contributions to archaeology were numerous, despite his being among what many called "illiterate" archaeologists. He is recognized not only for the quality and quantity of his research but also for his personal integrity. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Wright, Lori E. and Chew, Francisco. Porotic Hyperstosis and Paleoepidemiology: A Forensic Perspective on Anemia among the Ancient Maya. American Anthropologist. December, 1999 Vol.100(4):924-939 Iron deficiency is one of the most common nutritional problems in the world, and if it becomes too severe, it can lead to anemia, a condition in which the normal blood cells are replaced with smaller cells that carry less hemoglobin. One of the most common causes of anemia is low consumption of iron. This is a problem for people who depend on non-heme sources of iron in which the iron is less bio-available. Recent studies also stress the importance of infectious disease and parasites as causes of anemia. The body may sequester iron in response to some pathogens, although the causality in this situation is not well understood because low iron may also lead to infection. Parasites can cause intestinal bleeding or diminish the ability of the intestines to absorb iron. If anemia occurs during childhood, when the body is still growing and has high demands for iron, it can cause porotic lesions in the cranium. These lesions appear on different portions of the skull of young infants and older infants, which allows paleopathologists to approximate age and duration of iron deficiency. Also, these lesions do not form anew in adults, although childhood lesions may persist in adult skeletons. Traditionally paleopathologists have linked high incidence of porotic hyperostosis in adult skeletons to very high rates of anemia. However, recent work suggests that populations with a high incidence of porotic adult skeletons may indicate a more robust population then those with fewer anemic adults, because the decrease in adult lesions may be a result of high childhood mortality rates. In order to examine this issue, Wright and Chew turn to the modern Mayan peoples. Anemia is still very common in these populations. The diet of the present populations has not varied a great deal since pre-colonial times, and there is evidence to suppose that the parasite load has also remained fairly consistent. Wright and Chew
use the data recovered from anthropologists exhuming bodies from the
mass graves generated by conflict in CLARITY RANKING: 4
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