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American
Anthropologist Begishe,
K., & This article addresses the issue of the Navajo people adjusting to change and the industrialization of their region. In order to undertake this research, there was a cooperative effort between ethnoscientific ethnography, and survey research; two fields which have traditionally not been thought to work together well because of the small-scale research population of the former and the large-scale nature of the latter. The researchers found that three variables were crucially important to the Navajo regarding change: degree of assimilation into the outside economy, degree of damage to the traditional kinship system, and degree of disappearance of the subsistence livestock economy. The authors of this article set out to demonstrate that ethnography and survey research compliment each other and aid the researcher in his or her work. In the case study used, a Navajo reservation facing development, ethnographers went into the field to find out what the people thought were the costs, possible mitigations of those costs, and benefits of a change in the traditional lifestyle. The ethnography provided a vocabulary and continuity that made the questions and instructions clearer to the Navajo subjects, as well as illuminating the three main concerns with industrialization defined above. The subsequent survey was then able to outline connections between concerns and opinions that would not have been revealed if the ethnography had not been completed first. The major source of evidence the authors use to make their conclusion is the case study, which utilizes both survey and ethnographic approaches in tandem. First, the problem is explained: a Navajo reservation is considering development. Second, the usage of ethnography and its relation to the survey is explored. Third, the costs and benefits outlined by the subjects is carefully outlined, and an explanation of the interpretation of the survey is offered. Finally, the authors once again state their theory and their conclusions. CLARITY: 3.5 ANNA
WATSON .gif){kind=small} Begishe,
K., & (a) The overall address of the author is the idea of how the industrial development and accelerating extractions of Navajo lands are coped with by the Navajo people. They are using a combination of Ethnoscience Ethnography and Survey research to assess the attitudes of the people. The author’s feel that the encroachment of problems faced by the Navajo people are a cause for their involvement in the future. (b) The idea is that there are three main variations in the attitudes of the people. (1) How it will affect the external economy in the Navajo, (2) Kinship systems and (3) Livestock economy. They are using ethnographic inside account on a more systematic construction of survey to create a formal approach. The authors set out to report on the actual attitudes about technological advancements on the Navajo reservation. (c)(1) The report is based on the methodology and finding of integrated ethnographic and survey research to draw the author’s conclusion. They utilize a cognitive ethnographic approach to question Navajo individuals. The idea is to focus on social cause as well as financial bearing on the Navajo people. (2) The main conclusion of the evidence was the subsequent elements found within the assurances of the people. The attitudes of change differ from that of the perception of change by the Navajo people. CLARITY RATE: 5 .gif){kind=small} As agriculture intensifies, female agricultural contributions decline. A theory is formulated and tested to explain this high proportion of variance in female contribution. Using at least two regions, five variables show to be the predictors of female agricultural contributions. The variables are; number of dry months, importance of domesticated animals to subsistence, use of the plow, crop type, and population density. This paper develops an ecological explanation for variations in the division of Labor based on sex and uses cross-cultural examination. The authors also reexamine anthropological thinking about the effects or tropical climate on social institutions. Boserup’s hypothesis of ‘gender roles and processes of agricultural intensification’ is focused on. The authors draw on hypotheses from other theories. Murdock and Provost discuss masculine advantage due to physical strength, Boserup discusses how the plow increased male farming, and that there is high female participation in rice farming. Martin and Voorhies also feel that when farming cereal crops, women focus on food processing leaving less time for agriculture. Ember argues that women simply spend more time doing domestic work and participate more in child care. These points are illustrated with the use of tables and the theories are tested using statistical analysis. Correlational data supports the model and regression analyses are shown to be good predictors of female input to agriculture. Several hypotheses are made about concerning population density. The authors have found that population density only has a weak effect on the sexual division of labor and the strongest indicators are the number of dry months and the importance of domesticated animals to subsistence. CLARITY: 4 Chang, K. C. Obituary W. C. Pei (1904-1982). American Anthropologist (No Month), 1984. Vol. 86:115-118 In 1982, CLARITY RANKING: 5 Chang, K.C. W.C.Pei (1904-1982). American Anthropologist March, 1984 vol.86(1):115-118. Upon his graduation
from Aside from his discoveries
at Working from the
1950s until his death at the CLARITY RATE: 5 Dewar, Robert E.. Environmental Productivity, Population Regulation, and Carrying Capacity. American Anthropologist, 1984 Vol.86(4):601-611 Dewar opens by mentioning that carrying capacity in an anthropological context has two distinct meanings that are somewhat confusing and need clarification. Dewar suggests that anthropologists have been labeling two distinct scenarios within a population using the same term. At the author’s discretion K denotes population growth carrying capacity and Cc will denote environmental carrying capacity. The first labeling refers to population demographics (density and growth). Dewar first provides an equation for measuring carrying capacity and points to the flaws when applying it to a non-laboratory test group. The equation is limited in its ability to account for organisms with competition, as it is modeled around specimens within an environment in equilibrium and has no basis in inter species rivalry. Secondly, the equation assumes reproduction is timely and continuous with no problematic processes. After revising the equation ecologists have bettered their results but still are not exact as, Dewar notes the inability to calculate one variable independently from another. The denominator (K) is defined as, at first, limits placed on a population’s growth rate by its density. After revision K is the variable for measuring all density-dependent devices managing a population. The latter usage of carry capacity (Cc) denotes environmental conditions. This has been measured many differences ways. Some measured Cc by means of changes in biomass, species diversity, community production, etc.. Environmental carrying capacity could also be measured via the amount of living organisms that can be sustained within an environment. After explaining the difference of K and Cc Dewar then embarks upon why K and Cc are often misused and joined together--dispelling the most common misconceptions. Assumption One: The equilibrium level of a population is determined by the productive capacity of the environment. Dewar retorts that this assumption has no credibility as it has never been tested. Assumption Two: Achieved population levels are in equilibrium. Again, the author discredits this theory as it cannot be tested. There is no evidence to say populations in equilibrium are necessarily adaptive. Assumption Three: There is a direct relationship between a particular population’s size and the productive capacity of its range. The author clearly states the proposal is correct but the time at which it occurs is unclear and questionable. All of the assumptions made by biologists and anthropologists are rooted in a profound lack of data and result in a dualistic meaning of the term Carrying Capacity CLARITY RANKING: 3 DANIEL Dobbery, Marion Lundy. Mcquire, Dennis P. Pearson, James J. Taylor, Kenneth Clarkson. An Application of Dimensional Analysis in Cultural Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1984 Vol.86:854-885 Dobbery, Mcquire, Pearson and Taylor feel that an ideal way to compare culture is by using dimensional analysis. This analysis helps to measure similarities in different dimensions of culture. In this article the researchers go through each step of how they came up with fourteen equations in the process of dimensional analysis. In order to forego dimensional analysis, they needed to establish variables and dimensions. The dimensions are the sociocultural systems. Variables are what shape these sociocultural systems. It was very important for them to clearly define the variables in order to measure them. This article provides graphs, charts and matrix to show their work in progress. With the dimensional analysis they measured the quality of the variables as well as the contribution of the variables to the dimensions. The researchers were hoping to create a law of anthropology. By using dimensional analysis, they were trying to create a form of mathematical anthropology. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Dobbert, Marion Lundy. McGuire, Dennis P. Pearson, James J. Taylor, Kenneth Clarkson. 1984. An Application of Dimensional Analysis in Cultural Anthropology. American Anthropologist 86 (4): 854-884. (a) The overall concept of this journal article is to formulate an ideal typological system. The article is trying to develop fourteen dimensional space, defined by forty-two scaled variables, plus additional factors to set up the system. They compare data from five societies against their theory. (b) The authors are trying to use this system to prove an affective application of analysis within cultural anthropology standards. With the setup of tables and formation of variables they hope to setup a pattern of dimensional analysis. They utilize different sub-fields in Anthropology to formulate this dimensional analysis. (c) (1) The evidence is that they are going to bring a typological system to analyze the ideas within cultural anthropology barriers. The use of their quantitative methods is what the authors are using to formulate the basis of their answers. They feel that the scale variables and that sort of system will have an impact within cultural anthropology parameters. (2) The authors are trying to use the functioning system to confirm holistically the points brought forward by their argument. The high use on quantitative analysis is to affirm tables or orderings in comparative cultural Anthropology. While the authors try to substantiate their points with quantitative variables their conclusions were not a valid strength. Consequently time has shown a divergence to such ethnological work because of the nature of examining cultural Anthropology. CLARITY RATE: 2 Christian
Speckman Eder, F. James The
Impact of Subsistence Change on Mobility and Settlement Pattern in
a The author’s main objective is to examine the use of the terms "mobility" and "sedentism" in regard to anthropological and archeological research. He begins by addressing the concept that mobility is not symbolic of hunting and gathering, while sedentism is also not a foreshadowing of the idea that a culture was agricultural. As addressed in the article the two terms should be removed from one another and placed on different spectrums. The author makes the point that societies often become more mobile before the mobility decreases and sedentism occurs. The ethnographic
research used was based on the Batak people, a Negrito group living
in the forest of central The author provides two tables to demonstrate how the Batak remained mobile after the arrival of new economic activities. Despite permanent residences provided from these new economic activities, they result in more mobility between the residences. Sedentary settlement systems are those in which at least part of the population remains in the same geographic location year round. This provides a foundation for the misconception that sedentary groups are less if at all mobile while highly mobile groups are nonsedentary. The author suggests that mobility is a result of environmental resources and that while the Batak are considered sedentary. they are also highly mobile. The author expands this point by stating that mobility of residential location and mobility of settlement site can be two completely different things. The author concludes that sedentism is a threshold property, while mobility is a continuous variable. The author did a remarkable job providing visual aids and citing past ethnographies from the local area. The reading was both interesting and easy reading. I found this article to be one of the best written works I have seen in this project. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Eder, James F. The
Impact of Subsistence Change on Mobility and Settlement Pattern in
a Eder concentrates
on the Batak group in the CLARITY RANKING: 2 Gallaher, Art Jr. Edward Holland Spicer (1906-1983). American Anthropologist June, 1984 Vol.86 (2): 380-385. Edward Holland Spicer
was known as an extraordinary person and a distinguished anthropologist. Born
in 1906 in After being diagnosed
with pulmonary tuberculosis and being hospitalized for part of 1928-1929,
he saved up enough money through odd jobs and enrolled at the He was hospitalized
two more times with pulmonary tuberculosis during 1935-1936 in During his career,
he won fifteen awards, his first in 1941 on his research on the Yaqui. He
was also elected president of the American Anthropological Association
and the American Philosophical Society in 1974. He
was awarded for his teaching and/or research at the He died of cancer
at his CLARITY: 4 BRIANNE N. DUFFNER Gallaher, Jr., Art. Edward Holland Spicer (1906-1983). American Anthropologist June, 1984 Vol.86(2):380-385. Edward Holland Spicer,
nicknamed Ned by friends and family, passed away tragically from cancer
on April 5, 1983. Spicer began his formal studies in chemistry at Ned spent the later
1930s studying Highlights of Spicer’s career include two Guggenheim awards, fellowships from the National Science Foundation and National Endowment for the Humanities, president of the American Anthropological Association, American Philosophical Society, and National Academy of Sciences, recipient of the Malinowski Award, Distinguished Service Award, Outstanding Scholarship Award, and Distinguished Teaching Awards. With his involvement
in the War Relocation Authority, Ned was enmeshed in the pioneering
of applied anthropology. In addition, he was an excellent teacher spending
most of his career at the CLARITY RATE: 4 In 1982, the anthropological
world lost the well-known and respected anthropologist Erna Gunther. The
only child of a middle class jeweler, Gunther graduated in 1919 as
part of the elite group of first generation students of Franz Boas. By 1920 she had acquired her Master's degree
in Anthropology from In 1921 Gunther
moved to the Over the next fifteen
years Gunther kept busy. She held a position as chair in the Department
of Anthropology and Geography at the In 1971 she was
awarded the Robert Gray Medal from the Washington State Historical
Society, their highest honor. She
was invited in 1976 to present her research at the Simon Fraser Northwest
Studies Conference. In 1981
a special ceremony was held in her honor at the Gunther's career
took precedence over her research in her life. Early works, such as "An Analysis of
the First Salmon Ceremony" in volume 28 of the American Anthropologist
in 1926, contributed greatly to ethnographies of western Gunther's ability to reach out to the general public and draw them into the world of anthropology will be missed. Though her studies and talent reached far and wide, Gunther's heart remained with the native Americans of the Northwest. Her works and research, along with the continuation of many of the programs and departments she helped to strengthen, stand as a testament to her drive and determination. CLARITY: 5 A. SKYE FLYNN Up until her untimely
death in 1982, Erna Gunther worked tirelessly to boost faculty and
academics in several universities. A first generation Boas student
and thus a contributor to the current thought process in anthropology,
Gunther’s interest in anthropology was first spiked whilst a
student at Columbia. Upon graduation in the early 1920s, she became
a faculty member at the Retirement brought new challenges that Gunther met by continuing work in museum studies, presenting speeches, and cataloging collections. In addition to her extensive work in various universities, she published several articles and dissertations, particularly in the late 1920s. Specializing in northwest natives, Gunther researched salmon runs in the Havasupai, did fieldwork with the Coast Salish, Clallam, and Makah, and promoted using other fields such as botanist to improve ethnographers. Her work with the Shakar in the 1940s proved a turning point to a focus on ethnohistory and art. After launching an extensive search for Northwest Native art, catalogs and historical journals were compiled which were unfortunately never appreciated on a larger level. Along with an impressive list of ethnographical research and academic endeavors, Erna Gunther was a voice for the Natives Americans that she studied. She cofounded the Congress of the American Indians and the Indian Women’s Service League. In a time when civil rights were just blooming, Gunther attempted to enlighten others on the problems faced by Natives Americans. Both humanity and the anthropological community lost a great teacher, talented researcher, and truly gifted woman upon her death. CLARITY RATE: 5 Geertz, Clifford. Distinguished Lecture: Anti Anti-Relativism American Anthropologist June, 1984 Vol.86(2):263-277 The overall concern Geertz deals with is to descend upon anti-relativism. Cultural relativism aids largely as a ghost "to scare us away from certain ways of thinking and toward others"(263). Geertz believes that the "ways of thinking" we are being scared away from are more convincing than those that are pushed towards us. Anthropological data, not theory, has made the field of anthropology appear to be a huge argument against absolutism. The idea that some have contaminated anthropology with relativism and others have tried to eliminate it is one myth that confuses Geertz’s lecture on anti anti-relativism. The broader implications of anthropological research are a debate about how to live with the implications, not about them. Once this fact is understood, and relativism and anti-relativism are seen as accustomed responses to these implications, there is an improvement in focus for the discussion. Relativists desire for us to worry about provincialism, which is that our perceptions, intellects, and sympathies will be limited by the "overlearned and overvalued acceptances of our own society" (265). Anti-relativists want us to worry about a type of "spiritual entropy", a degradation of the mind. In this sense, everything is as significant as it is insignificant. Anti-relativism has largely contrived the anxiety it dwells in. Geertz focuses on two ideas "of central importance" (267). First is the attempt to reinstate the concept, free of context, of "Human Nature" as a defense against relativism. Second is the attempt to reinstate the concept of "The Human Mind". The question then becomes, what should we do with the inarguable facts uncovered by research as we go about analyzing and interpreting other facets of different cultures. These two concepts toward culture free restoration take many unequal forms. One form is on the naturalist side, the other on the rationalist. Different perspectives are also being generated out of many other ideas such as experimental psychology and artificial intelligence. Geertz then goes on to explain the concepts of "Human Nature" and "The Human Mind" with excerpts and writings of anthropologists, such as Midgeley, Spiro and Sperber. The opposition to anti-relativism is not that it discards the relativist’s approach to knowledge or morality, but that it envisions the defeat of these approaches by arranging morality beyond culture, and knowledge beyond both morality and culture. This article was clear in the sense that Geertz’s writing is, for the most part, easy to follow. He does have long sentences, which force the reader to look closely at what is stated. Geertz’s wit and cleverness make for enjoyable reading. An example as he ends his lecture is, "If we wanted home truths, we should have stayed at home" (276). CLARITY: 4
Geertz, Clifford. Distinguished Lecture: Anti Anti-Relativism. American Anthropologist. 1984. Vol. 86; pp 263-278. In the article "Distinguished Lecture: Anti Anti-Relativism" Clifford Geertz attempts to destroy the fear of cultural relativism. To be more specific, Geertz does not want to defend relativism, but to attack anti-relativism. He points out that whatever cultural relativism may be, or originally have been, these days it serves largely as a specter to scare us away from certain ways of thinking towards others. Geertz points out that the early practices of observation practiced by anthropologists are poorly based. He argues, however, that is not anthropological theory that has made this field of study controversial it is anthropological data. According to Geertz, the notion that it was Boas, Benedict and Melville who infected the field of anthropology with the relativist’s virus is but another myth that infused this whole discussion. Instead, it is those that have bent anthropology so often that have introduced much traffic with its materials. Geertz goes on to say that as anthropologists, we came to recognize the unscientific snobbery in calling indigenous people "natives". Even more respectable journals could show them naked without offense because "their pendulous breasts were inhuman to us as the udders of a cow." We eventually began to embrace relativism, and we went on to endorse a nice equality among cultures. Thus, the large sense of superiority that was once one of the white man’s burdens was replaced by an equally heavy sense of guilt. CLARITY: 1 Gewertz, Deborah. The Tchambuli View of Persons: A Critique of Individualism in the Works of Mead and Chodorow. American Anthropologist September, 1984 Vol. 86 (3):615-629. "No people … have been more misinterpreted than the Tchambuli of Papua New Guinea," says Deborah Gewertz (615). In critiquing the work of Margaret Mead, who did fieldwork among the Tchambuli between January 1933 and April 1933, Gewertz hopes to set the record straight regarding gender differences among the Tchambuli. Also taken to task in this article is a work by Nancy Chodorow that is a reconsideration of the work of Mead. Having done her own fieldwork among the Tchambuli of New Guinea beginning in 1974, Gewertz argues "that both Mead and Chodorow fail to consider adequate non-Western views of the self in explaining gender differences" (615). Chodorow used the work of Margaret Mead to come to different conclusions about the Tchambuli than did Mead. However, Gewertz contends that both fell victim to the same cultural trap: "Both … locate their explanations of female personality traits within the same set of Western assumptions" and both used "cross-cultural data, not only in their descriptions but even in their explanations, to validate our own cultural categories" (618). Gewertz shows in the article how Mead did not take historical events into consideration when characterizing Tchambuli men and women. She also "tended to summarize her findings … in the form of typologies," (620) effectively pigeonholing cultures according to the Western cultural framework with which she was familiar. Gewertz says, "Her conclusions, as they appear in her classifications, are sometimes at variance with ethnographic data" (620). Certainly, Gewertz demonstrates that Mead’s conclusions were at variance with her own. Gewertz was able to learn something very important when she lived among the Tchambuli: they viewed persons differently than we do. To be a person among the Tchambuli was to be part of a clan¾to embody many different relationships. Unlike Western society, the individual was nothing in Tchambuli culture. This was key to Gewertz’s understanding of Tchambuli personality development. Mead’s ultimate conclusion has Tchambuli women assuming a masculine persona while Chodorow has them "trapped in infantile dependence" (627). Gewertz offers a warning: "if we wish to investigate [Tchambuli women’s] lives, we must be particularly careful to avoid making them over in our own images" (627) The article is easy reading and very interesting. It is not limited to discussion of the Tchambuli but talks about neighboring tribes as well. Neither is it limited to a discussion of the works of Mead and Chodorow; several other ethnographers are cited. I found myself wondering why Mead and Chodorow were singled out in the title. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Gewertz, Deborah. The Tchambuli View of Persons: A Critique of Individualism in the Works of Mead and Chodorow. American Anthropologist. No month, 1984. Vol. 86; pp. 615-629. As anthropology students we are often told that our goal is to use cross-cultural descriptive data to devise explanatory hypotheses about why people do what they do. It seems, that we do this for our own cultural purposes because we wish to compare the data to our lives. Consequently, anthropologists frequently domesticate the cultural alternatives presented to them. Being fully aware of this, Deborah Gewertz argues that this method of study and observation allows foreign cultures to be vulnerable to much misinterpretation. In the article "The Tchambuli View of Persons: A Critique of Individualism in the Works of Mead and Chodorow" Gewertz analyses both Mead’s and Chodorow’s field notes in order to prove that the Tchambuli of Papua New Guinea are unjustly represented. According to Gewertz,
Mead describes the Tchambuli as a society in which women are unadorned,
brisk and efficient, whether in childbearing, fishing, or marketing,
while men are decorated and vain, interested in art, theater, and petty
gossip. By pointing out that women of Gewertz also points out that Chadorow, like Mead, suggests that the key to personality development in both males and females is to be found in the organization of the women’s group and the relationship of children of both sexes to women. However, where Mead finds the aggressiveness and leadership ability of Tchambuli women, Chadorow discovers a cross-cultural potential for female dependence and for female problems with individualization. On the basis of these disperate conclusions, one might assume that Mead and Chodorow part explanatory company. Both, however, locate their explanations of female personality traits within the same set of Western assumptions, failing to consider adequately non-Western views of the self in explaining gender differences. They are this using cross-cultural data, not only their descriptions but even in their explanations, to validate out own cultural categories. CLARITY: 3 Gregory, James R. The Myth of the Male Ethnographer and The Woman’s World. American Anthropologist June 1984 Vol.86(2):316-327. It was traditionally thought that men ethnographers could not get correct information about women and that any data collected was false. In this article the author argues that this was just an excuse for not collecting information about women. The author says that it is a myth used to explain why men are considered dominant and excuses future behavior. "It is a myth in the sense of being an account of reality that helps explain why thing are the way they are and, by extension, a character for future behavior." (516) He says it is also a myth in the sense of being a false statement. The author did field
work among the Mopan Mayan Indians of southern The author argues that most information was readily available to men, but some information was impossible to get because of the subject matter. He says that personal information about women would be harder to attain by a male ethnographer, but could be attained in ways other than observation, such as questioning informants. The author says that there are two problems with that, if interviewing men they would get the man’s view, and alternatively, if interviewing women the women will tell them what they think the men want to hear because men are required to be present during the interview. The author believes that the myth that implies that there are problems with distortions, omissions, and half-truths in the women’s world and not the men’s is also a false statement. The informants used with men may tell information that is untrue about the men as well as they could the women. The author believes that if he had worked as hard to get information about the women as he did the men he would have a lot more material. He believes that if he had "forgone the collection of information from and about men when the problems were comparable to those involved in getting such information from and about women, my field notebooks would be thin indeed." (322). This article was very interesting. It was easy to read and understand. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Gregory, James, R. The Myth of the Male Ethnographer and the Woman’s World. American Anthropologist 1984 Vol.86:316-327. James R. Gregory
argues that certain aspects of ethnographic experience are accepted
as myth; namely, that male ethnographers experience trouble in gaining
information about the world of women in the communities they study.
The myth has distorted our factual base and is a false statement. The
author criticizes his own fieldwork among the Mopan Mayan Indians of
southern The myth is based on the assumption that the male has priority and dominance in public life; however, it is realized that women exert a substantial amount of influence over male decision making. Women are often the maintainers of tradition, and their participation is noticed most at times of sociocultural change. The myth is a false statement concerning types of information about the woman’s world. The author identifies types of information ranging on a scale from the lower end to the higher end, which have different challenges to the male ethnographer in gaining the information and, conversely, for the female ethnographer in gaining information about the world of men. Other problems related to the sex of the ethnographer are discussed, such as how community members may view the male or female differently (for example, jealousy, trust, suspicion), and may make sexual propositions to them. The male/female team research effort can place the female ethnographer in a second-rate position because the male may feel that she should take on the role of wife to better fit into the culture at hand. The author calls for the need of greater recognition of the woman’s world in ethnographic research because it is no longer irrelevant in understanding the world of men. This will improve the quality of field research. CLARITY: 4 Hamilton, M. E. Revising Evolutionary Narratives: A Consideration of Alternative Assumptions about Sexual Selection and Competition for Mates. American Anthropologist 1984. 86: pgs 651-661 This article looks at the evolution of mating between males and females. It examines what causes the attraction between males and females as well as which gender has the power over the selection of mates. The author examines many evolutionary theories written by previous anthropologists as well as scientists. Some argue that the male species is more dominant in mating than the females while others argue that female’s control which male is selected for mating. The author looks at the theory of pair bond. Pair bond being that each male is matched to a specific female for reproduction but it does not specify if this bond lasts for the life of the species or if its for a particular mating season. The author argues that because of parental investment, the male of the species competes for females instead of vice versa. This is especially related to human culture and economics. To support his arguments he uses examples of other anthropologists like Barash, Campbell, Pfeiffer, and Sheper as well as Charles Darwin. He examines each of their arguments on competition to come to his conclusion that males compete for females. These works are heavily cited and are dependent on the construction of his argument. Each theory is intriguing however they are more focused on mating between animals rather than humans. Even though human mating is an evolution from animals, our mating patterns and behavior the author states defer from animals. This is why the author revised evolutionary narratives. CLARITY 1
(a) The overall concern of the article is female dependency and competition. The author is looking at the difference in male and female selection for mates. The focus is based on looking between the two genders and their primal notions of competition. The basis for the author’s conclusion is in the importance of the favoring traits that have evolved. The articles basic argument is through evolutionary patterns; the males’ dominance of competition is viewed as a hindrance. The favoring traits that are passed on through natural selection are formed early in human patterns. The sexual division of labor is one element in the basis of the argument. The foundation is on “intra-sexual selection” against the notion of aggressive competition. (1) One of the main cornerstones of evidence is drawing from Darwinian evolutionary patterns. The female dependencies compared to competition are dominant patterns. The formation of competition is in the biological makeup of males. (2) The author backs the evolutionary patterns of human selection of competition through natural selection process. The favoring traits that are passed down such as “intrasexual selection” are a part of the author’s conclusion. CLARITY RATE: 4 Kay, Paul and Kempton, Willett. What is the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis? American Anthropologist, 1984. Vol. 86 (1): 65-78. The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis was born from Sapir’s experimentation on Boas’s theory on unwritten languages, that they are "just as complete and intellectually adequate as written language", and on Whorf’s continuation of Sapir’s theories, stating a direct dependence of thoughts on the language used by the speaker. The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis yields three conclusions. The first is that structural differences between language systems exist. The second is that one’s worldview is directly influenced by one’s native language development. And the third theory is that semantic systems of different languages vary, and that they vary without any constraints from one language to another. Two experiments were conducted; the later experiment was derived from the results, or lack of clarification, from the former. The first experiment analyzed color terminology of different languages, English and Tarahumarar. This experiment made explicit a deviation between the linguistic reference of the color and the actual perception of the color between the two cultures. It was found that the name of a color reflected the speaker’s judgment about the color, rather than their visual abilities; perception of color relies on memory, codes and ways of communication. And the name strategy shows that different subjective judgments were made by the different cultures. Further testing was done to show that the name strategy is the psychological mechanism in the Whorfian effect. The second experiment also used a color evaluation technique, however, the findings in this experiment contradict the findings from the previous experiment. As a result of experiment two the Whorfian theory stating the influence of language on a person’s worldview disappears. After deeper investigation it was found that the "name strategy" undermines the Whorfian finding of experiment one in part two. Therefore, the third hypothesis is employed, which states, "semantic systems of different languages vary without constraints". However, after even further studies, it was found that there are in actuality constraints to semantics systems. Therefore, hypothesis three had to be rejected as well. Anthropologists mainly utilize the first and third theories from the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis. The second is often neglected as a result of the difficulty found in directly testing a subject’s worldviews independently of their native language. The two experiments lead to the conclusion that languages differ semantically and without constraint, although this too could be disproved as well. They also proved that differences in language yield differences in non-linguistic areas of life. After these tests we cannot know what Sapir and Whorf really thought about their topic, because their writings are subject to various interpretations. This article, however, does not concern itself with what Sapir and Whorf thought, rather it is concerned with the three theories that their hypothesis set out to prove. Although, linguistic anthropology has made significant progress in the last century, Kay and Kempton make it clear that an unprejudiced view on non-written language has not been accomplished. CLARITY RANKING: 2 JESSICA CUSTER,
LIZA DAVIS, ALISA MINGMONGKOL, CHANDANA PEDAPATI, FERDINAND SORIANO Northern Kay, Paul and Kempton, Willett. What is the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis? American Anthropologist March, 1984 Vol.86(1):65-79. Boas, one of the most influential anthropologists of 20th century, researched unwritten languages and found them to be systematic and antithetical to the previously prevalent evolutionary thought. Sapir, a student of Boas, and Whorf, a student of Sapir’s, expanded on this view and theorized that intellectual systems embodied in language shape the thought of speakers. In the past 40 yrs, anthropologists have attempted to revise and refute what is known as the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis. This article does not deal primarily with the Sapir-Whorf, but contends that Roger Brown was correct when endorsing Eric Lennenberg’s sayings in 1953 concerning Sapir-Whorf. Three fundamental statements are identified: 1) structural differences between language systems will be paralleled by nonlinguistic cognitive differences in the native speakers of the two languages, 2) the structure of anyone’s native languages strongly influences or fully determines the world view he will acquire as he learns the language, 3) the semantic systems of different languages vary without constraint. Two schools of thought are devoted to the first two and the third has since been discredited. An experiment is devised using blue-green color chips and speakers of two languages, English, which designate between the two colors, and Tarahumara who do not. Data suggests that a presence of blue green semantical division suggests an exaggeration of subjective distances between distances of boundary colors. This experiment credits the earlier statement that the first and second fundamentals of Sapir-Whorf are correct while the third is incorrect. CLARITY RATE: 4 Luong, Hy Van. "Brother" and "Uncle": Analysis of Rules, Structural Contradictions, and Meaning in Vietnamese Kinship. American Anthropologist. June 1984 Vol. 86(2): 290-315. The main focus of this article is to examine the use of kinship terms in Vietnamese language. Luong looks at the sociocultural parameters within kinship terms in different cultural situations. In the first part of the article, Luong explains the context-specific usage of kinship terms. How one is addressed or referred to is different in certain situations. When introducing someone, different kinship terms may be used. Luong used the example of a researcher, a young girl, and a friend of the researcher. The researcher is referred to as "anh" (older brother) and the friend is "cau" (maternal junior uncle). The article discusses the difference between addressor, addressee and third party referring terms. Luong states "kinship terms are most usefully considered as forming one unitary set. Their meanings can only be fully encoded and decoded in terms of all their context-specific and functional diverse relations to other socioculturally defined entities." (295). The next part of the article discusses the usage of the term "ho". This term has two contradicting models in Vietnamese kinship, one is male-oriented and the other is non-male oriented. One is based on rigid separation of sexes while the other is on the unity of opposite sex individuals. The male-oriented model for kinship relations of the ho is sex oriented. The ideal ho comprises patrilaterally related males, their female procreators and their patrilateral unmarried females. Ho relations are also structured on generation and age. Even between identical twins there is a different term foe the twin born a few minutes before the other. For example twin A would be twin B’s elder brother. This model is based on male dominance and the older generation having more control. The non-male oriented model is one based on unity. The sex distinction of kinship is de-emphasized. There is a sibling unity in terms of kinship in this model. Sibling’s terms are not distinguished by the ranking of birth unlike the male-oriented model. The last part of the article discusses these two models. Luong compares and contrasts the models in terms of sociocultural systems. For example the ambuities between the two models are discussed. The relations of different kin between "anh…em" (elder brother….younger sibling) is no more important than the relation between "chi….em" (elder sister…younger sibling). Overall, I found this article rather difficult to read. There is a lot of unnecessary information that confuses and complicates the article. I had to read certain passages over and over to make sense of it. CLARITY: 2
Luong, Hy Van. "Brother" and "uncle": An Analysis of Rules, Structural Contradictions, and Meaning in Vietnamese Kinship. American Anthropologist 1984 86: 290-315. The focal point being stressed here is the terms, which are based on particular uses and are contradictory to one another. This is why other models are being sought out to form the use for linguistics, better ideas that suit the needs of a better whole, with the form of a concise goal. One key point set out is the redefinition of classic problems for which states that it is not part of the relationship itself that is a problem, but that of a word that restricts the person who occupies the term, within the kinship. The reference here is made to mother, with its meaning in English, but the demeanor it holds in Vietnamese. It further goes on in length about ways, in which to alter these problems, within context. The next concept raised is the structural contradictions in the Vietnamese kinship. These are mainly based on gender differences, solely male oriented, in where the contradictions lay. Also the varying degrees outside the culture and the references to other cultures, as well. The last topic discussed deals with rules structural contradictions and the meanings of Vietnamese kin terms. This states that the contradictions within the original models profoundly takes away from the meaning of the words and thus the references to the people they are made to. In that the same meanings carry more value that others, therefore increasing the gender differences and class inequalities. CLARITY RATING: 4 Milton, Katherine. Protein
and Carbohydrate Resources of the Maku Indians of The article initially
poses the question of protein limitation. That is, some researchers
suggest that protein resources in Continuing on, she compares the cultural aspects of both the Maku and Tukanoans, and their symbiotic relationship. Maku live in small local groups that shift location every few years. The Maku are seminomadic hunter-gatherers and cultivate manioc on a small scale; Tukanoans are sedentary gardeners, living next to tributaries of rivers, and skillful fishermen. The Maku are usually seen as "subhuman" to the Tukanoans because of their cultural habits and forest habitats. On this basis the Maku do labor for the Tukanoans in return for food and Western trade goods. They do not intermarry, differ in physical appearance and are found to be genetically closed populations. Seven Maku settlements were visited during this time, five traditional and two which have been mission inspired. All food that was seen entering each settlement was weighed during sample intervals. In addition, time in relation to food-related activities was monitored and recorded. The major objective was to see what foods were used as protein, and whether they were in short supply. Fish rather than game appeared to be more dependable. Insects also made a valuable contribution at some settlements. Using all data collected, it was determined that the Maku do not face a problem in meeting everyday protein requirements in traditional lifestyle. However, the more sedentary groups may face this issue. In terms of plant food, the Maku depend predominantly on manioc. Although they are considered hunter-gatherers, they were never really seen gathering. The plant foods they did eat were cultivated. The Maku take little interest in horticulture. They abandon their plots frequently to go out hunting, and sometimes exhaust their own supply of manioc and become dependent on others. The traditional economic relationship between the Maku and Tukanoans is mainly in the form of exchange, carbohydrates for proteins. This cooperative behavior widens the food web for scarce foods, labor and goods. The article was extremely well organized and easily read. Difficult material is described well and clarified. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Milton, Katharine. Protein
and Carbohydrate Resources of the Maku Indians of Milton’s article
discusses the nutritional supply and demand among the Maku from a scientific
perspective. She, among many other researchers, investigates the question:
what limits the population of the Using the Maku as her subjects of research, she investigates several aspects of Maku nutrition: two hypotheses that state that protein and carbohydrates respectively limit population in the region of the equator, the reciprocal economic relationship of the Maku and the Tukanoans, plant and animal ecology of the region, weather, seasonal changes and trophic levels, and food-related activities of the Maku. CLARITY: 3.5 Moore, Alexander From Council to Legislature: Democracy, Parliamentarianism, and the San Blas Cuna American Anthropologist March, 1984 Vol.86(1): 28-39 The author’s objective
is to describe the existing governments in The procedures of the Cuna General Congress were increasingly more western in their process. At least one representative would come from each community, and they would meet to discuss the issues proposed by the 225 delegates. With such a large population of delegates much organizing was required. These meetings sometimes last up to three days, and never reviews unfinished debates from past meetings. The author goes on to explain how the Cuna General Congress is more formal and complex than the local counterpart. However the pressure from the Panamanian National Assembly is influencing the Cuna General Congress to assimilate a |
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