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American
Anthropologist In this article
Edit Fel and Tamas Hofer discuss the tanyakert as practiced before
World War II in the CLARITY RANKING:
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Freeman, Susan T. Introduction to Studies in Rural European Social Organization. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 2:743-749. In this article, which is an introduction to a set of articles, the author analyzes the method of study of rural European social organization. She does a good job of critiquing and finding the shortcomings of social anthropologists’ methods circa 1973. Freeman argues that studying European social phenomena cannot be done without taking into account the importance of literature, mythology, history, economic, and demographic variables as well as the fine arts. She believes that a social anthropologist requires more than just anthropological methodology and theoretical training. Freeman also states that European researchers must be concerned with the following areas: "(1) definition and analysis of the ‘peasantry,’ of its internal characteristics and external relations, including analysis of the folk-urban dialectic; (2) exploration of the value of ‘honor’ and of its implications for social behavior and social status in European communities; (3) analysis of the relationships of neighbors and relations between groups; (4) the analysis in European social life of the role of Barnes’ networks (1954) and Wolf’s interstitial supplementary and parallel structures." In general, Freeman acknowledges the need to look beyond the small villages that are normally studied when examining European culture and to realize that the interaction between groups extends beyond the boundaries of villages and even countries. She says that these political boundaries limit the social anthropologist’s ability to truly understand the culture. Finally, Freeman suggests the need for more intensive studies of European culture. She believes there is not enough general knowledge on the region to get a full understanding of European culture, either rural or urban aspects. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Fujimoto, Hideo and Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney. Mashio Chiri 1909-1961. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):872-878. Chiri was a professor
of anthropological linguistics, but more importantly, one of the foremost
scholars of Ainu japanese culture. He was intrigued by the language
and the culture when his aunt, who authored a collection of Ainu epic
poems, took him under her roof. Chiri excelled in school, often beyond
any expectations. He attended the best schools in CLARITY: 3
Fujimoto, Hideo and Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney. Mashio Chiri 1909-1961. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3):872-876. This is an obituary
for Mashio Chiri, an Ainu linguist. Part of the aim of this obituary
was to spread knowledge of Chiri and his work with the Ainu, a group
largely unknown outside The term Ainu is
the name of a small culture group in the northern area around Described here as "one
of the finest examples of third world anthropologists," he is
hailed as a "genius" among both his people and the field.
As an Ainu, he faced considerable prejudice, but excelled in all subjects,
and was accepted into the top schools, eventually getting a Ph.D. in
linguistics. He claimed that he could not be humiliated or fail because
he was representing the entire Ainu community. He criticized research
methods of the time as interpreting data to fit theories. In sticking
to his high standards of accuracy and depth in academic research, he
would often speak out against known "experts" of the Ainu
in the field, correcting where he saw flaws in theory or method. This
was most especially directed at a Western expert on the Ainu, Batchelor,
who used condescending language in his reports of the Ainu, viewing
them in a cultural evolutionary light and painted as primitives. Batchelor
also used many Christian terms in references to Ainu religion, and
held a distorted view of his findings on Ainu religion that aimed to
help support a monotheism theory. This only encouraged Chiri to complete
an Ainu dictionary that he hoped would replace Batchelor’s, but Batchelor
was still long regarded as a worldwide authority on the Ainu due to
his works being widely published in English. Chiri published several
dictionaries and grammar books, such as "Outline of Ainu Grammar" (1936).
Chiri expressed a desire to capture the full kotodama, or soul of the
language. He studied folklore and morphology, even using historical
linguistics to postulate a northern origin for the Ainu and possible
migratory path from the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Geiser, Peter. The Myth of the Dam. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):184-193. A question that has plagued the science of anthropology, social change, is the topic of discussion pursued by Peter Geiser in this article. The author approaches this problem in the context of an ethnographic example involving people of Nubian ethnicity. His argument seeks to explain how the ideas of legend, myth and ritual, preservers of the past, interact with other forces that serve to transform social structure. By exploring the supposedly opposed ideas of change and stability he attempts to explain the current position of the Nubian people with relation to their past and how both play out in the social and individual aspects of their culture. The beginning of the paper is used by Geiser to introduce certain ideas that he applies to the solution of his problem. Quoting others who have tackled the question of social change, the author asserts that the forces that work for change and those that pull for stability act in a way that allow social structure to transform while affirming group identity. The phenomenon of ritual and myth as agents of stability is brought into the discussion as well. At the same time environment and technology are seen as being proponents of change. With these matters speckled by the proverbial "light", Geiser is ready to embark on an explanation of the current situation of the Nubian people. The author’s argument
is that the Nubian people have used a dam, constructed in 1902 upon
the Geiser produces
previously gathered data that supports the idea that male members of
the Nubians had, at least throughout the extent of the 19th century,
an institutionalized custom to migrate to large cities such as CLARITY RANKING: 1 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Geiser, Peter. The Myth of the Dam. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 184-194. According to the author, "only a handful (of sociological studies) have analyzed the dynamic properties of social and individual life which represent the agents of change" (p.184). Geiser wants to improve the understanding of social change. He wants to understand how a society deals with social transformations, and how an individual’s personality is affected by these transformations. He believes that "both change and stability can be understood not as polar opposites, but as conditions necessary to the viability of organic life, both social and personal" (p.185). Geiser believes that two cultural inventions, ritual and myth, help prepare individuals prior to social and personal transformations. A ritual is a social act used to confirm the traditional practices and beliefs of a group. Geiser says that a myth is used when explaining an event or situation that occurred in the past or present. His article seeks to demonstrate the function of the Aswan Dam myth within Nubian society. The Nubians have
occupied land adjacent to the When the Aswan Dam
was completed in 1902, the Nubians experienced flooding for a chief
part of the year. Most Nubians continued to live in the same area,
just relocating to higher ground. Geiser says this was an attempt made
by the Nubians to resist change. By the 1930s most Nubians had surrendered
and a large number of families began to leave their villages in Urban labor migration
is a traditional form of economic support. If a Nubian male failed
to contribute money to support his village family members, he would
be ostracized from his family. Geiser says that urban labor migrations
of the Nubians have helped to maintain the group’s solidarity and have
enabled them "to cope with the problems of adaptation to urban
life" (p.190). He says that migration eventually lead to a complete
social transformation in which "the myth both justified the Nubian’s
physical and psychological departure from CLARITY RANKING: 4
Golde, Peggy
and Kraemer, Helena C. Analysis of an Aesthetic
Values Test: Detection of Inter-Subgroup Differences Within a Pottery
Producing Community in In this article Golde and Kraemer attempt to detect subgroup differences in aesthetic preference in a small Nahuatl-speaking peasant village in Mexico based on the differences of sex, occupation (potter or decorator), and degree of travel outside of the village. The authors attempt to predict the results of what they call an "Aesthetic Values Test" that is composed of a set of fifty-one pairs of similar photographs and drawings, of which the subjects were asked to choose the item from the pair that was more aesthetically pleasing to them. The pairs were divided into two distinct groups. Group one was composed of formal traits, or design elements, including line elements (curvilinear vs. rectilinear lines), color (traditional vs. non traditional), compositional aspects (symmetry vs. asymmetry, and borders vs. no borders), and decoration (painted vs. unpainted). Group two was focused on subject matter, including mode of depiction (identifiable subject matter vs. abstract design, realistic vs. stylized, and skillful vs. crude), compositional placement (bird vs. flower vs. male, etc), and emotional meaning (aggression or action vs. non-aggression or inaction, unfamiliarity vs. familiar, western style clothing vs. traditional Indian clothing). The subgroups of people were divided according to sex and participation in pottery painting. The groups were as follows: Women who did not paint pottery, women who did paint pottery, men who did not decorate pottery, and men who did decorate pottery. In both of the female categories some of the women were potters and some were not. Golde and Kraemer expected women to prefer curvilinear lines and non-aggressive portraits, while predicting men to like angular designs and active portraits. They also expected that men and women who traveled outside of their village, typically for the purpose of trading, would prefer non-traditional clothing and designs. The authors also expected a difference in the preferences of those who did paint pottery to those who did not. Although in some
areas the authors’ predictions proved correct, they came to the conclusion
that "aesthetic preferences…are not homogenous among individuals
in a small, Indian, peasant community of farmer-craft specialists in CLARITY RANKING: 3 BETHANY J. MYERS Southern
Golde, Peggy
and Helen C. Kraemer. Analysis of an Aesthetic
Values Test: Detection of Inter-Subgroup Differences Within a Pottery
Producing Community in Golde and Kraemer’s
article reads like a standard psychology report of statistical data.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate aesthetic preferences of
peoples in In the Guerreo community, females are the primary potters and painters. Males also paint pottery but rarely, if ever, manufacture pots. Males are also the primary traders of the pottery and are more extensively traveled than the females. Sub-groups were defined according to sex and the degree of participation in the pottery process. The final test consisted of forty-five minimal pairs based on current village painting styles and photographs of pottery from outside of the village. Data used to determine the heterogeneity of the sub-groups were analyzed using a chi square test. Three scales were used to delineate contrasts in design (1) action-inaction of figure, (2) aggression-non-aggression of scene and (3) curve-angle of lines. Golde and Kramer expected males to choose action, aggression and angles categories over the others while females would prefer inaction, non-aggression and curve lines. These assumptions were based on cultural stereotypes of male sex roles and recent claims by psychologists that females would prefer curves and passive scenes. Golde and Kraemer claim their data supports all three hypotheses, with the greatest support for male’s preference for aggressive scenes. Preferences of curve to angle lines were least significant. Researchers attributed that to differences between participants who paint versus those who do not. There were also outside cultural influences unaccounted for in the variables. While no statistical data are given in this report, they claim that exposure to diverse cultural influences alters the aesthetic view. They also claim that preference is dependent upon placement of the design, border versus scene. Golde and Kraemer’s final assertion is that "aesthetic preferences reflect style as a manifestation of culture." They go on to state that these preferences may not only express cultural values but also changing values (1272). The researchers suggest further analysis of preferences is needed in other cultural groups to validate this test and to better substantiate their hypothesis. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Halper, Katherine Spencer. Obituary, Ann Fischer. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):292-294. Halper writes about
the life of Ann Kindrick Fischer and her dedications to accomplish
her goals throughout her life. Fischer was born in Ann Fischer became
the first anthropologist to hold a training fellowship in biostatistics
and epidemiology. She was influential through subjects of medicine
where she published a book length manuscript. When Fischer got married
and had children she and her family traveled to other countries to
study childhood experiences and the structure of the family. She became
Co-Director of a CLARITY RANKING: 5 MEGAN WILSON Southern
Halpern, Katherine Spencer. Ann Fischer 1919-1971. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1): 292-294. This obituary is an account of the contributions that Ann Fischer made to anthropology, as well as her notable humanitarian affairs. Ann Fischer made
many important contributions to anthropology and humanity in her lifetime.
Up until her death on April 22, 1971 she was an influential professor
of anthropology at Tragically Ann Fischer died of cancer in 1971, but her immense contributions and influence to anthropology will never be forgotten. She was a renowned and prominent figure in anthropology and a true and dedicated humanitarian. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hammel, E.A.
and Djordje Soc. The Lineage Cycle in Southern
and Eastern The authors of this article set out to define the reasons for variation in lineage organization in the Balkans. Using thirteen demographic studies, lineage organization is compared through the number of houses in the different lineages that were recorded by ethnographers. This number of constituent houses is called lineage density, which is the basis of the article. Many factors are
taken into account when analyzing lineage density. These include fieldwork
region, source region, migrational current, settlement type, economic
type, religion, fertility, and time depth. The regions of field work
were of the same size of an average county here in the The authors stress that their approach to studying lineages does not tell us what a lineage is like but shows how the variables should affect lineage density. Different religions, for example, should indicate the strength of lineage between groups. For instance, lineage density should be higher for Serbian Orthodox than that of Moslem or Roman Catholic populations. On the other hand, from an economic standpoint, commercialization and craftsmanship should weaken the strength of lineages. The authors make it clear that the factors of lineage run into conflict and do not always dictate lineage density as when economic factors or constant warfare influence migration. We can see the correlation of all factors when determining lineage density in this article, and it allows us to be more skeptical when considering ethnography. CLARITY RATING: 3
Hammel E. A.
and Djordje Soc. The Lineage Cycle in Southern
and Eastern This article examines
lineage organization among the Slavic peoples of Most of the data gathered from the 13 ethnographies dealt with patterns in settlements, economics, fertility, time, religious and ethnic affiliations, and migrations. Hammel and Soc believe that in order to gain the most profitable information from lineage patterns, the information gathered should include how long the people being studied have lived in their region and how fast the population grows. The most important variable found among the studies was time. Through time the most variance in data was found among the lineage patterns, accounting for 57 percent of the total variance in the populations studied. Naturally, through time, a population will increase and lineage patterns will develop in order to classify kinship relations. Understanding the changes in kinship relations through time will allow for further understanding of other cultural features in the Balkan region. Hammel and Soc emphasize the importance of focusing on demographic information as well as looking at other factors such as economics and culture, in order to gain the most complete picture of a society. This article would be of interest to those who also regard lineage organizations and patterns as an important part of cultural study. Hammel and Soc allow the reader to get a clearer picture of the Southern and Eastern Yugoslavian people. Their work demonstrates how incorporating lineage information into ethnography can help to shed light on the culture as a whole. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hay, Thomas H. A Technique of Formalizing and Testing Models of Behavior. American Anthropologist June,1973 Vol.75(3):708-729. Hay discusses two models, the ‘deterrence model’ and the Freudian model, comparing and contrasting both to each other and also to Spiro’s "general elements of explanatory models" (708). That Hay uses data based on Ojibwa restraint is negligible due to multiple assumptions made on his part as well as small sample sizes, contrived data (mostly percentages of choice), interpreter bias and post hoc analysis. Both the ‘deterrence model’ and the "Freudian model" are formal, mathematical models. The ‘deterrence model’ is explained as "an interpersonal variation of the ‘deterrence theory’ which is popular with military strategists". Hallowell develops this model in his 1955 book Culture and Experience. Freud developed the "Freudian model" during patient analysis. Both models consider fear to be the primary motivating factor. In the ‘deterrence model’ the individual restrains himself fearing retaliation (in this case by magic). In the "Freudian model" the individual restrains himself fearing he may (magically) injure the other. In contrasting these two formal, mathematical models to more simple, informal models using Spiro’s elements – goal attainment, potential acts, perceived efficiency of choices – formal, mathematical models are indeed more complex. To begin with, mathematical models require greater specification at all points. Greater specification makes for greater complexity. Formal, mathematical models in addition to potential acts also require all potential outcomes (as opposed to goals), relative value of the outcome and the probability each act will produce each outcome. After depicting each model Hay then applies both the "Freudian" and the ‘deterrence’ model to Ojibwa behavior, dissecting the psychological assumptions underlying them. This is where the strength of this article lies. Through discussing the application of these formal, mathematical models, Hay demonstrates the inherent complexity of behavior analysis. Scientifically the studies have little worth, but as examples of the application of these two models they serve well. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JEFFERY BROWN:
Southern
Hay, Thomas H. A Technique of Formalizing and Testing Models of Behavior: Two Models of Ojibwa Restraint. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 708-730. The main goal of this article is to show the utility of using formal models when observing behavior within a group, rather than informal models. Hay uses the previous work of Spiro to help explain the advantages of a formal, mathematical model. He says: "First, formal models require greater care and precision in the specification of the ‘set of potential acts.’ Second, formal models also require specification, not of "a goal," but of a set of potential outcomes, which may result from the specified actions. Third, formal models require the numerical specification of the relative values (to the individual) of these outcomes. Fourth, formal models also require numerical specification of the subjective probability (for the individual) that each action will produce each of the outcomes (p. 708). Hay uses the informal behavioral models of Hallowell and Freud to show the benefits of using formal models when studying behavior. Hallowell’s model concerned the "extreme inhibition of aggressive behavior which is characteristic of the Ojibwa," which he tried to explain using deterrence theory (p. 709). Freud used his model in the analysis of a patient in the article "Notes on a Case of Obsessional Neurosis." Each of these models can be applied to a situation where an individual, IA, is being annoyed by another individual, IB. The two models provide different explanations for IA’s high probability of choosing a passive response to IB’s annoying behavior. To avoid the problems presented by Hallowell’s and Freud’s informal models, Hay goes through the necessary steps involved when creating formal models. Hay says,"The first step in making these models explicitly quantitative is to identify the classes of actions with which these models are concerned" (p. 709). For example, Hay uses Hallowell’s model and divides the typical behavior of IA into two basic classes of actions, "attacking" and "directing." To denote a certain type of action, Hay uses the variables A1, A2, A3, A4 and assigns a probability for each of these actions (Table I, p. 710). He says "In a formal decision model, it is assumed that the individual’s choice of an action depends, in part, on what he believes are the probabilities that each of the actions will produce each of the outcomes. These are called the individual’s subjective probabilities" (p. 711). Hay uses the variable "O" to denote the subjective probabilities. Hay says the next step "is to determine the values which IA must attach to the various outcomes according to the deterrence model" (p. 711). He assigns a value to each of the possible outcomes or "possible future States of Nature" (p. 712). The last requirement in creating a formal model "is to calculate the subjective probabilities, for IA, of producing each of the States of Nature with each of the Actions" (p. 713). Hay then demonstrates how to formalize the informal models of Hallowell and Freud. Hay says that models must be formalized in order to have any real scientific value. He understands that the formal method is meticulous, but he believes this method may provide a clearer picture when trying to understand behavior and personality. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hippler, Arthur
E. The Athabascans of Interior Perhaps one of the
most inhospitable environments for human subsistence is that of interior Arthur E. Hippler continues his article on the Athabascan culture by stressing the importance of "interdependence, and interpretation of culture, personality, and social structure." He first describes basic social organization of this matrilocal culture. Due to the limited hunting season, the clans hunt, fish, and gather in small groups of around 10, relying on cached resources during the extremely cold winter. Such a harsh environment results in the absolute necessity for interclan and inter-moiety relationships which form their cooperative subsistence patterns. Furthermore, these various environmental challenges made warfare a great deal harder on the clans. Although highly suspicious of one another, clans did not hesitate to embrace one another as friends through a potlatch system of gift exchange. Similar to other potlatch systems, a man established prestige and heightened political status through gift exchange at these funerary events. However, though preventing war, these gift exchanges also had a competitive dimension to them as well. Another means of maintaining social order was through a patrilineally inherited chieftainship. This legal system implemented law that was absolute and without question. The above mechanisms
of preserving the Athabascan culture were developed largely out of
necessity, and therefore were needed to sustain their life way. Much
to their disadvantage, the Athabascans were CLARITY RANKING: 3 KEVIN CONNORS Southern
Hippler, Arthur
E. The Athabascans of Interior Hippler gives us a view of the Athabascans through a psychoanalytic eye. He explains not only cultural traits but also their effect on the psyche and how they came to be. He begins by explaining relationships in the "close" family (mother to offspring, father to mother, offspring to father, etc.). One example given is that of the mother to her offspring. The environment of the Athabascans is a harsh and challenging one. The infant mortality rate is close to 80 percent. Because of this, Hippler states, the mother will not show affection or nurture the child for fear of death. This creates a plethora of emotions and feelings that shape and form the Athabascan psyche. Hippler suggests the roots of these relationships percolate deeply and permanently into Athabascan personality. The Potlatch, as Hippler explains, is a huge social institution in Athabascan society. It is a taboo to touch the dead body of a relative, so members of a neighboring moiety must perform the task. Hippler describes briefly how this practice evolved into what is now known as the potlatch, in which "…social needs and pragmatic realities could be combined with an expression of basic psychodynamic concerns…" The psychoanalyzing of Athatbascan culture is very interesting and gives one a different angle to view the culture. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hoffman, Michael A. The History of Anthropology Revisited – A Byzantine Viewpoint. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1347-1357. This article on
the history of anthropology suggests that previous studies have overlooked
the contributions of Byzantine documents to the beginnings of anthropology.
Previous studies propose that there was a break, or period of time,
between the end Classical and beginning of Western intellectual thought.
Hoffman disagrees with this viewpoint and presents evidence from Byzantine
documents to support his hypothesis that the so-called break does not
exist. Hoffman cites works by historians, travelers, poets and elite
rulers. These people contributed a great deal of information including:
documentation of the customs of barbaric peoples; geographical and
ethnographical data on those living outside the Roman Empire; information
about people from Hoffman concludes that scholars must not keep the division that many believe to be a strong break from the Classical Period to the Renaissance. On the contrary, he believes that intellectual learning and anthropological thought continued throughout the traditionally accepted time break and that we must look to that period for the beginnings of anthropology. CLARITY RANKING: 4 TINA HASTINGS Southern
Hoffman, Michael A. The History of Anthropology Revisited—A Byzantine Viewpoint. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Volume 75 (5): 1347-1357. This article discusses
the evolution of anthropological thought beginning with the classical
history of the Renaissance Western
Europe borrowed much of the cultural thought of Hoffman’s article
would be of interest to those who are intrigued by the origins of so-called
Western thought. He provides an evolutionary perspective on many of
the theories we find in the Western world today. Hoffman gives an excellent
account of the often ignored role of the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hopkins, As the title suggests,
Elizabeth Hopkins explores the various dimensions of political action
in retaliation to crime or social upheaval in this article. In order
to provide evidence for her argument that political and judicial actions
were often used by colonial governments as a tool to suppress social
unrest, During this period
of British control in Witchcraft was not
seen as a crime in colonial As happened to the attempt to suppress political unrest through the means of criminalizing subversive witchcraft, the efforts against arson also did not have as big an impact as was hoped. Very often, according to the article, the natives would use arson, normally a means for personal vengeance, against the colonialists. The British tried to monopolize this crime by taking the case in only colonial courts. However, they were unable to penetrate the cultural meaning of arson, and it was still used as a means of protest until the British assimilated the natives into the role of governing, thus providing a more direct political outlet for the people. CLARITY RANKING: 3 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Hopkins, This article addresses
the problem of using colonial legislation to regulate colonial rule.
Colonial governments often use the judicial system to try and demonstrate
their presence and authority, but the misuse of legislation and misunderstanding
of the rules by native groups often weakens control. In this article, The ordinance against witchcraft faced several problems. First, the British failed to define witchcraft. Therefore, "witchcraft" could be inclusive of many things. When a local cult, the Nyabingi, became a threat to colonial rule, they were punishable under the witchcraft ordinance because of the ambiguity of the term. The Nyabingi did not pose a physical threat to anyone, but the British saw it as a threat, and were able to prosecute. The prosecution of the Nyabingi uncovered more weaknesses in judicial control. The British were unable to get a conviction because they were dealing with indigenous belief. The natives were frightened and refused to identify members being accused. If someone were convicted, sentencing also posed a dilemma. The initial sentences failed as deterrents, so the British increased the sentences. They also changed procedure so that a person could be convicted by indirect evidence. These attempts to change judicial law to facilitate colonial rule failed. In the case of arson, these offenses became tools for political aggression on the part of the natives. Arson was an established offense, and therefore had a definition, but the burden of proof still remained a problem. Although, the witnesses willing to testify were abundant, eyewitness testimony was scarce. Colonial administrative buildings became the targets, and with a low conviction rate, arson became a very common act. When a conviction could be made authorities gave the maximum punishment available, but getting a conviction was still the main problem. In an attempt to curtail such activity, colonial authorities once again changed legislation. They included arson under the Collective Punishment Ordinance of 1909, which allowed the entire community to be fined if they did not cooperate with local authorities in the event of arson, but this was only in the case of damage caused to colonial administration. Also, they increased the minimum sentence for arson to seven years. These changes once again failed to be effective. The provision that the crime must be against British authorities weakened faith in the alien government, and the minimum sentence was avoided by district administrators because they believed it to be too harsh. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hsu, Francis L.K. Prejudice and Its Intellectual Effect in American Anthropology…American Anthropologist Febuary, 1973 Vol.75(1):1-19. In this article Hsu states that the majority of people think of prejudice in terms of employment and educational inequalities directed towards some ethnic or religious group. Hsu goes on to explain that his paper is not aimed at the general idea and instances of prejudice. Hsu attempts to show us a subtler and often unrecognized type of prejudice and how it effects the intellectual development of the profession of Anthropology. He has come to these conclusions through research and personal experience. The central problem, according to Hsu, is that after a minority person has been appointed to a faculty position at a university, his chances of real intellectual contribution are next to nothing. This is not because he has nothing of value to say, but rather because his or her theories are not accepted or recognized. Therefore he has little hope of helping to shape the intellectual direction of his chosen profession. Throughout the article Hsu states that his intentions are not intended as negative criticism. He also says that he realizes that there are White American Anthropologist’s who do not feel the way that he claims the majority do. However he feels that it is part of the American collective consciousness. He also admits that prejudice is a complex problem that requires more study. After sharing these things Hsu asks three questions: "What and how far non-White intellectual contributions have been given a chance? How do my own experiences illuminate the picture? What are the intellectual implications to American Anthropology, if any, of the answers to questions 1 and 2?" Hsu starts giving
evidence of this prejudice by exploring the Peking man incident. No
one ever heard about the researcher Hsu also finds evidence in the amount of references to non-white works most publications contain. Only eight references to non-White works are found in the 940 page Anthropology Today, and in The Rise of Anthropological Theory only four out of 1000 items are non-White. As far as his own personal experiences go, Hsu feels that they are not out of sync with the norm. He concludes with these hypotheses: White anthropologists do not consider their non-White colleagues as intellectual equals. Since theoreticians enjoy higher professional esteem than mere fact gatherers, they can tolerate non-Whites in the role of the latter far more than that of the former. Even in the role of fact gatherers, White anthropologist would like non-Whites to confine themselves to their own native, non-White cultures. White anthropologists find it most intolerable to accept theories about their own culture from non-White sources. Hsu goes on to give some examples of areas in which this prejudice of White, American anthropologists has hurt their theories. He mentions the American idea of witchcraft being only the outlet for psychological repressions. He also talks about Americans not yet breaking out of their ideas concerning caste. But the major problem as far as Hsu is concerned is American anthropologists general theories on the determinants of human social and cultural behavior. Hsu concludes his
paper by once again stating that he does not mean to infer that white CLARITY RANK: 5 BRANDON HALE Southern
Hsu, Francis L.K. Prejudice and Its Intellectual Effect in American Anthropology: An Ethnographic Report. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75 (1): 1-19. In this article, Hsu harshly criticizes American anthropology for its failure to utilize and appreciate the offerings of "non-White intellectuals." He argues that the field does not value the opinions and observations offered by this group of scholars and also asserts that they are even considered inferior intellectually. Hsu cites personal examples where Western anthropologists have been referenced repeatedly and "non-White" authors have been greatly overlooked, illustrating how much this problem permeates the field. The goal of Hsu’s article is to "reveal the intellectual conscience collectif of the White American anthropologist." He claims that the ethnocentric Western perspective greatly alters our interpretation of important theories about witchcraft studies and caste systems and even creates an "obsession with Economic Determinism." According to Hsu the American ideal of individualism so greatly colors the anthropologist’s view that the researcher is unable to practice cultural relativism. He also claims that the Western cultural belief of Western intellectual superiority restricts the contributions and criticisms that "non-Whites" can offer the field of anthropology. Hsu insists that this article is not an attack on American anthropology. It should be used to see that prejudice exists even in a field with a reputation of cross-cultural egalitarianism. By recognizing these errors the field has the opportunity not only to correct them but also to ensure that future research respects the intellectual contributions of "non-White," non-Western trained anthropologists. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Keesing, Roger M. Kwaraae. Ethnoglottochronology: Procedures Used by Malaita Cannibals for Determining Percentages of Shared Cognates American Anthropologist October, 1973 75(5):1282-1289. In this article,
Roger Keesing studies the many kinship rules that govern how the people
of Malaita, in the In the article, Keesing mentions that Christianity has changed things slightly among these people in recent years. The notion that all men are brothers has caused much controversy and now in some areas, the kin of the dead eat their pigs rather than the deceased. Keesing draws up certain models and graphs in order to try to give the reader a better understanding of the subject, although some of the charts only confuse the reader and add to the questions. The chart of the bodily divisions is very helpful, but the other charts and certain "formulas" for the division of the body and how this relates back to kinship are very confusing. Drawing these conclusions from research that was conducted in an interview rather than from firsthand experience and observation seems very questionable. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ALAN THIES Southern
Keesing, Roger M. Kwaraae Ethnoglottochronology: Procedures Used by Malaita Cannibals for Determining Percentages of Shared Cognates. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (4): 1282-1289. In this article,
Roger M. Keesing writes a razing satire of "the new ethnography," also
known as "ethnoscience." To accomplish his back-handed critique
of this theoretical paradigm, Keesing utilized the facade of analyzing
native Kwaraae kin and body terms to explain the way the Kwaraae of
Malaita, Because ethnoscientists and cognitive anthropologists frequently utilize linguistic analysis to obtain their understanding of culture and thought, it is fitting that Keesing, a linguist, wrote such a critique of ethnoscience. His sarcasm is evident throughout the article from the initial description of his use of "the highest ethnoscience standards of ethnographic rigor, psychological reality, methodological precision, explicitness . . .incomprehensibility, and irrelevance" to his endnotes, the second of which states: This cultural grammar is unfortunately not readily available because of its large size (38,411 pages), excessive cost, and limited utility (since it is written in Kwaraae). The author recommends in the interests of economy and space that interested parties import a knowledgeable middle-aged Kwaraae pagan instead. For those with a limited knowledge of anthropological theory, the above quote makes reference to many of the common criticisms of ethnoscience, emphasizing the impracticality of the ethnoscientific belief that one should only use native terms to describe a culture. Employing the then-typical ethnoscientific approach of creating diagrams to outline word-meaning contrasts and distinguish native conceptual categories, the bulk of this article consists of diagrams, charts, and equations sprinkled liberally with Keesing’s macabre sense of humor (he refers to ego’s bodily remains as "Kwaraae burger," ego’s kin as "still-hungry," and ego’s dismemberment as "carving"). His figure representing the typical "segmentation" of a late Kawaraae kinsperson is of particular note to persons whose interests lie in the rituals associated with death. For those who have a weak stomach, a literal mind, a lacking sense of humor, and/or a close connection to the ethnoscientific paradigm—beware! Otherwise, this article is rather enjoyable light reading that requires some knowledge of the ethnoscience and cognitive anthropology paradigms, as well as their critiques. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Kemnitzer, Luis S. Adjustment and Value Conflict in Urbanizing Dakota Indians Measured by Q-Sort Technique. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):687-707. In this article
Luis Kemnitzer explains the results of a quantitative analysis test
known as a Q-Sort that was conducted upon Native Americans that had
migrated from their reservations to The test was conducted by handing each participant a deck of 36 cards, each with a different statement upon it. The fieldworker then asked the participant to pick out the statements that were most important in life, creating separate lists for the "ideal" and "actual" sorts. The object was to discern if greater discrepancies between the two abstract value systems caused the subject to experience a lack of adjustment to urban life. The author however concedes that in order to make this judgment the aspect of actual observed behavior must be brought into the analysis. This is done by describing the observed behavior of two subjects whose cases are known in detail. The first case study, A, revealed that the subject’s "ideal" sort was closer to the observed behavior than the observed behavior was to the "actual" sort. This suggests that while the subject had not done extremely well in adjusting to urban life this was not as important to him as living as he thought he should. A was seeing as being relatively unstressed in his urban life, though he had failed to adjust to his perceptions of what was required of him. B’s sort, on the other hand, revealed that he had done more to adjust to urban life than A. However, it was thought that since there was such a large discrepancy between his "ideal" and "actual" sorts while he appeared to adhere to his "actual" values that B must suffer more tension than A. In conclusion the author summarizes that conflict is always present no matter if the urbanizing Native American adhered to his "ideal" or "actual" value system. Though in one case the conflict is between the behavioral and "ideal" systems, and in the other conflict lied between the two abstract value systems. CLARITY RANKING: 3 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Kemnitzer, Luis S. Adjustment and Value Conflict in Urbanizing Dakota Indians Measured by Q-Sort Technique. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75 (3): 687-707. In this article, Kemnitzer explores data that was recorded and interpreted using a newly devised technique called the "Q-Sort." This technique was used to measure value conflicts in Dakota Indians who had been living in an urban setting. Value conflicts occur when a Native American individual or family would move from the reservation into a larger city in search of work. They are mainly differences in the way a Native American family perceives the world around them from a native perspective and how that conflicts with their new urban perspective. The Q- Sort Technique was devised to examine the compatibility between the two cultural situations and to test a hypothesis that states that in most situations the more similarities between the native culture and the urban culture, the easier the adjustment of an individual into the new environment. The researchers tried many different ways to test the above idea. In the beginning, subjects were given thirty-six cards, each with what the author called "a value statement." The subject was asked to put the statements in order according to what the subject would think is an ideal order of values and then the order of values the subject believed was essential to survive in the city. This test had many flaws, including the misunderstanding of instructions by the test subjects and their unwillingness to admit this and the misunderstanding of the actual statement on the card. The cultural differences between the Dakota test subjects and the test givers caused problems that many times went unnoticed, including problems with interpreting value statements accurately. Another test had the subject rate values according to their own view of what values they possessed. It was realized that this could only prove an accurate description of the subject if the researcher compared the stated values with actual behavior and life experiences. Two test subjects were chosen and their lives were studied to solve this problem. When the two subjects
and their families were evaluated, the researchers looked at the public
records of both individuals. For the most part, the records were unflattering
and contained evidence of rash behavior and loose work ethics. Examination
into the personal lives and history of the After the work with
the Dakota Indians and the Q-Sort technique, researchers came up with
one basic hypothesis. This hypothesis states that if the desired value
system of the individual based on cultural beliefs is in conflict with
those beliefs the individual feels are essential for survival in the
urban world, then the individual will try to maintain the values that
are believed to be ideal even at the cost of his CLARITY RANKING: 3
Khera, Sigrid. Social Stratification and Land Inheritance Among Austrian Peasants. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):814-822. The Human Relations
Area Files (HRAF) was a project that intended to collect ethnographic
information from around the world and to organize that information
into categories such as marriage, kinship, or food. For example, one
could go to the HRAF files, look up marriage, and pull up information
on marriage customs from around the world. Khera’s article is a part
of the HRAF file project. Khera looks at land inheritance in two areas
of As a part of the
HRAF project, Khera’s article is primarily a description of average
Austrian peasant life up until rural industrialization in the 1950’s,
and little after the industrialization. Prior to the 1950’s, Austrian
farmers passed their land from parent to child. Anyone who did not
own land, worked for those who did own land. When a couple decided
to "retire" from their farm, a contract would be drawn up
that outlined which child (usually the eldest or the youngest) would
be the heir, and how much money the remaining children would receive
as compensation. Also prior to the 1950’s, the local political leadership
in rural After the 1950s, much of the agricultural labor was performed by machines and those individuals who had previously worked the farms were now finding jobs in industrial plants or urban industries. Prior to the 1950s, there was a two-level stratification of society: those who owned land, and those who worked for the land owners. After the 1950s, the people who had previously worked for the land-owning farmers were now economically independent of the land owners. The two-level stratification expanded into several more levels as former farm laborers were now able to achieve status equivalent to that of the land owner. Politically, there were changes as well. Industrial workers now occupied political positions. In CLARITY RANKING: 4 LISA PORTER Southern
Khera, Sigrid. Social Stratification and Land Inheritance Among Austrian Peasants. American Anthropologist April, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 814-822. Khera describes
the social stratification of Austrian peasants in two different regions.
The first is In northern Burgenland
the land is divided according to family size. If it is a large family
the youngest is usually the main heir. If the family is small the heir
is the oldest son. Either way, the son has to be married before the
transfer is performed. The couple then moves in with the groom’s parents
and takes care of about three acres of land. They gain the profit from
that land and anything, such as cattle, that the wife may have brought
as her dowry. Siblings who do not marry into a farm live for about
three years in the parental household. They have the choice of living
with the husband’s or the wife’s family. They gain land to work on
and the wife and husband both work in the field. They can also use
any of the farm equipment on the farm for their own use. Only after
all of the children can buy their own land and move out does the heir
receive rights to the land. If the main heir dies a brother or a cousin
will step in so that the land stays in the family. Unlike Khera also explains the impact of WWII when most of the larger families had children emigrate overseas. Even with all the contractual agreements it is not impossible for a well-to-do member of a family to descend to a lower class. Yet, it mostly took several generations for this descent to happen. Overall, the Austrians found ways to keep individuals in their original social classes. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Kronenfeld, David B. Fanti Kinship: The Structure of Terminology and Behavior. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1577-1595. In this article
Kronenfeld examines kinship through both linguistic terminology and
studying the behavior between kinsmen in a small Fanti fishing village
in the Central Region of Ghana, Linguistically, kinship categories are defined by a certain set of defining attributes, although others are sometimes placed in a category because they are similar to the primary members of that category. These attributes are based on age, generation, and maternal or paternal lineage. It should be noted, however, that relatives can move up or down in generation according to their maternal or paternal lineage. For example, one’s mother’s brother’s child is equal to one’s own child, thus moving him down a generation. On the other hand, One’s father’s sister’s child is equal to one’s mother or father, moving them up a generation. Linguistic categories appear to be strict and are strongly respected. Kronenfeld does a poor job explaining the details of the linguistic categories and their relatedness to their defining attributes in an understandable way in this article. Behaviors that Kronenfeld found to complement the linguistic hierarchy are those concerning the line of inheritance and "acting like" a parent (p.1583). Kronenfeld conducted an experiment where he asked the members of the community which behaviors they took part in with their relatives. Behavioral categories included, "‘inherit from,’ ‘spank,’ ‘sweep for,’ and ‘like to live with’" (p.1584). He found the most important attribute that defined behavior was seniority, followed by closeness. Overall, the author found lineage membership to be more significant to the terminology than it is to behavior. Linguistic categories are well defined, but difficult to understand. These categories, however, seem to have no independent effect on behavior, however it appears that certain behaviors (inheritance and acting like a parent) define a person’s categorization. Although, based on this conclusion, the author initially had a materialist view, he concludes that it "differs from the materialist view by claiming that it is not these behaviors themselves which most directly structure the terminological system, but rather that it is the non-terminological, but still mental, construct, the class of people to whom the behaviors potentially can occur, which structures the terminology" (p.1589). CLARITY RANKING: 2 BETHANY J. MYERS Southern
Leone, Shirley. Associational-Metaphorical Activity: Another View of Language and Mind. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1276-1281. The field of linguistic anthropology deals with the interrelatedness of language, thought, culture and meaning. To this end, linguistic anthropologists pay close attention to not only what people say but also how they say it. In this article by Shirley Leone, she looks at how metaphor, double entendre, and puns (referred to as secondary associational patternings) are themselves an important part of language and that they are examples of Edward Sapir’s "patterns of expression" in a highly visible form. Despite this, she state |
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