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American
Anthropologist In this article
Edit Fel and Tamas Hofer discuss the tanyakert as practiced before
World War II in the CLARITY RANKING:
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Freeman, Susan T. Introduction to Studies in Rural European Social Organization. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 2:743-749. In this article, which is an introduction to a set of articles, the author analyzes the method of study of rural European social organization. She does a good job of critiquing and finding the shortcomings of social anthropologists’ methods circa 1973. Freeman argues that studying European social phenomena cannot be done without taking into account the importance of literature, mythology, history, economic, and demographic variables as well as the fine arts. She believes that a social anthropologist requires more than just anthropological methodology and theoretical training. Freeman also states that European researchers must be concerned with the following areas: "(1) definition and analysis of the ‘peasantry,’ of its internal characteristics and external relations, including analysis of the folk-urban dialectic; (2) exploration of the value of ‘honor’ and of its implications for social behavior and social status in European communities; (3) analysis of the relationships of neighbors and relations between groups; (4) the analysis in European social life of the role of Barnes’ networks (1954) and Wolf’s interstitial supplementary and parallel structures." In general, Freeman acknowledges the need to look beyond the small villages that are normally studied when examining European culture and to realize that the interaction between groups extends beyond the boundaries of villages and even countries. She says that these political boundaries limit the social anthropologist’s ability to truly understand the culture. Finally, Freeman suggests the need for more intensive studies of European culture. She believes there is not enough general knowledge on the region to get a full understanding of European culture, either rural or urban aspects. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Fujimoto, Hideo and Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney. Mashio Chiri 1909-1961. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):872-878. Chiri was a professor
of anthropological linguistics, but more importantly, one of the foremost
scholars of Ainu japanese culture. He was intrigued by the language
and the culture when his aunt, who authored a collection of Ainu epic
poems, took him under her roof. Chiri excelled in school, often beyond
any expectations. He attended the best schools in CLARITY: 3
Fujimoto, Hideo and Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney. Mashio Chiri 1909-1961. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3):872-876. This is an obituary
for Mashio Chiri, an Ainu linguist. Part of the aim of this obituary
was to spread knowledge of Chiri and his work with the Ainu, a group
largely unknown outside The term Ainu is
the name of a small culture group in the northern area around Described here as "one
of the finest examples of third world anthropologists," he is
hailed as a "genius" among both his people and the field.
As an Ainu, he faced considerable prejudice, but excelled in all subjects,
and was accepted into the top schools, eventually getting a Ph.D. in
linguistics. He claimed that he could not be humiliated or fail because
he was representing the entire Ainu community. He criticized research
methods of the time as interpreting data to fit theories. In sticking
to his high standards of accuracy and depth in academic research, he
would often speak out against known "experts" of the Ainu
in the field, correcting where he saw flaws in theory or method. This
was most especially directed at a Western expert on the Ainu, Batchelor,
who used condescending language in his reports of the Ainu, viewing
them in a cultural evolutionary light and painted as primitives. Batchelor
also used many Christian terms in references to Ainu religion, and
held a distorted view of his findings on Ainu religion that aimed to
help support a monotheism theory. This only encouraged Chiri to complete
an Ainu dictionary that he hoped would replace Batchelor’s, but Batchelor
was still long regarded as a worldwide authority on the Ainu due to
his works being widely published in English. Chiri published several
dictionaries and grammar books, such as "Outline of Ainu Grammar" (1936).
Chiri expressed a desire to capture the full kotodama, or soul of the
language. He studied folklore and morphology, even using historical
linguistics to postulate a northern origin for the Ainu and possible
migratory path from the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Geiser, Peter. The Myth of the Dam. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):184-193. A question that has plagued the science of anthropology, social change, is the topic of discussion pursued by Peter Geiser in this article. The author approaches this problem in the context of an ethnographic example involving people of Nubian ethnicity. His argument seeks to explain how the ideas of legend, myth and ritual, preservers of the past, interact with other forces that serve to transform social structure. By exploring the supposedly opposed ideas of change and stability he attempts to explain the current position of the Nubian people with relation to their past and how both play out in the social and individual aspects of their culture. The beginning of the paper is used by Geiser to introduce certain ideas that he applies to the solution of his problem. Quoting others who have tackled the question of social change, the author asserts that the forces that work for change and those that pull for stability act in a way that allow social structure to transform while affirming group identity. The phenomenon of ritual and myth as agents of stability is brought into the discussion as well. At the same time environment and technology are seen as being proponents of change. With these matters speckled by the proverbial "light", Geiser is ready to embark on an explanation of the current situation of the Nubian people. The author’s argument
is that the Nubian people have used a dam, constructed in 1902 upon
the Geiser produces
previously gathered data that supports the idea that male members of
the Nubians had, at least throughout the extent of the 19th century,
an institutionalized custom to migrate to large cities such as CLARITY RANKING: 1 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Geiser, Peter. The Myth of the Dam. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 184-194. According to the author, "only a handful (of sociological studies) have analyzed the dynamic properties of social and individual life which represent the agents of change" (p.184). Geiser wants to improve the understanding of social change. He wants to understand how a society deals with social transformations, and how an individual’s personality is affected by these transformations. He believes that "both change and stability can be understood not as polar opposites, but as conditions necessary to the viability of organic life, both social and personal" (p.185). Geiser believes that two cultural inventions, ritual and myth, help prepare individuals prior to social and personal transformations. A ritual is a social act used to confirm the traditional practices and beliefs of a group. Geiser says that a myth is used when explaining an event or situation that occurred in the past or present. His article seeks to demonstrate the function of the Aswan Dam myth within Nubian society. The Nubians have
occupied land adjacent to the When the Aswan Dam
was completed in 1902, the Nubians experienced flooding for a chief
part of the year. Most Nubians continued to live in the same area,
just relocating to higher ground. Geiser says this was an attempt made
by the Nubians to resist change. By the 1930s most Nubians had surrendered
and a large number of families began to leave their villages in Urban labor migration
is a traditional form of economic support. If a Nubian male failed
to contribute money to support his village family members, he would
be ostracized from his family. Geiser says that urban labor migrations
of the Nubians have helped to maintain the group’s solidarity and have
enabled them "to cope with the problems of adaptation to urban
life" (p.190). He says that migration eventually lead to a complete
social transformation in which "the myth both justified the Nubian’s
physical and psychological departure from CLARITY RANKING: 4
Golde, Peggy
and Kraemer, Helena C. Analysis of an Aesthetic
Values Test: Detection of Inter-Subgroup Differences Within a Pottery
Producing Community in In this article Golde and Kraemer attempt to detect subgroup differences in aesthetic preference in a small Nahuatl-speaking peasant village in Mexico based on the differences of sex, occupation (potter or decorator), and degree of travel outside of the village. The authors attempt to predict the results of what they call an "Aesthetic Values Test" that is composed of a set of fifty-one pairs of similar photographs and drawings, of which the subjects were asked to choose the item from the pair that was more aesthetically pleasing to them. The pairs were divided into two distinct groups. Group one was composed of formal traits, or design elements, including line elements (curvilinear vs. rectilinear lines), color (traditional vs. non traditional), compositional aspects (symmetry vs. asymmetry, and borders vs. no borders), and decoration (painted vs. unpainted). Group two was focused on subject matter, including mode of depiction (identifiable subject matter vs. abstract design, realistic vs. stylized, and skillful vs. crude), compositional placement (bird vs. flower vs. male, etc), and emotional meaning (aggression or action vs. non-aggression or inaction, unfamiliarity vs. familiar, western style clothing vs. traditional Indian clothing). The subgroups of people were divided according to sex and participation in pottery painting. The groups were as follows: Women who did not paint pottery, women who did paint pottery, men who did not decorate pottery, and men who did decorate pottery. In both of the female categories some of the women were potters and some were not. Golde and Kraemer expected women to prefer curvilinear lines and non-aggressive portraits, while predicting men to like angular designs and active portraits. They also expected that men and women who traveled outside of their village, typically for the purpose of trading, would prefer non-traditional clothing and designs. The authors also expected a difference in the preferences of those who did paint pottery to those who did not. Although in some
areas the authors’ predictions proved correct, they came to the conclusion
that "aesthetic preferences…are not homogenous among individuals
in a small, Indian, peasant community of farmer-craft specialists in CLARITY RANKING: 3 BETHANY J. MYERS Southern
Golde, Peggy
and Helen C. Kraemer. Analysis of an Aesthetic
Values Test: Detection of Inter-Subgroup Differences Within a Pottery
Producing Community in Golde and Kraemer’s
article reads like a standard psychology report of statistical data.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate aesthetic preferences of
peoples in In the Guerreo community, females are the primary potters and painters. Males also paint pottery but rarely, if ever, manufacture pots. Males are also the primary traders of the pottery and are more extensively traveled than the females. Sub-groups were defined according to sex and the degree of participation in the pottery process. The final test consisted of forty-five minimal pairs based on current village painting styles and photographs of pottery from outside of the village. Data used to determine the heterogeneity of the sub-groups were analyzed using a chi square test. Three scales were used to delineate contrasts in design (1) action-inaction of figure, (2) aggression-non-aggression of scene and (3) curve-angle of lines. Golde and Kramer expected males to choose action, aggression and angles categories over the others while females would prefer inaction, non-aggression and curve lines. These assumptions were based on cultural stereotypes of male sex roles and recent claims by psychologists that females would prefer curves and passive scenes. Golde and Kraemer claim their data supports all three hypotheses, with the greatest support for male’s preference for aggressive scenes. Preferences of curve to angle lines were least significant. Researchers attributed that to differences between participants who paint versus those who do not. There were also outside cultural influences unaccounted for in the variables. While no statistical data are given in this report, they claim that exposure to diverse cultural influences alters the aesthetic view. They also claim that preference is dependent upon placement of the design, border versus scene. Golde and Kraemer’s final assertion is that "aesthetic preferences reflect style as a manifestation of culture." They go on to state that these preferences may not only express cultural values but also changing values (1272). The researchers suggest further analysis of preferences is needed in other cultural groups to validate this test and to better substantiate their hypothesis. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Halper, Katherine Spencer. Obituary, Ann Fischer. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):292-294. Halper writes about
the life of Ann Kindrick Fischer and her dedications to accomplish
her goals throughout her life. Fischer was born in Ann Fischer became
the first anthropologist to hold a training fellowship in biostatistics
and epidemiology. She was influential through subjects of medicine
where she published a book length manuscript. When Fischer got married
and had children she and her family traveled to other countries to
study childhood experiences and the structure of the family. She became
Co-Director of a CLARITY RANKING: 5 MEGAN WILSON Southern
Halpern, Katherine Spencer. Ann Fischer 1919-1971. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1): 292-294. This obituary is an account of the contributions that Ann Fischer made to anthropology, as well as her notable humanitarian affairs. Ann Fischer made
many important contributions to anthropology and humanity in her lifetime.
Up until her death on April 22, 1971 she was an influential professor
of anthropology at Tragically Ann Fischer died of cancer in 1971, but her immense contributions and influence to anthropology will never be forgotten. She was a renowned and prominent figure in anthropology and a true and dedicated humanitarian. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hammel, E.A.
and Djordje Soc. The Lineage Cycle in Southern
and Eastern The authors of this article set out to define the reasons for variation in lineage organization in the Balkans. Using thirteen demographic studies, lineage organization is compared through the number of houses in the different lineages that were recorded by ethnographers. This number of constituent houses is called lineage density, which is the basis of the article. Many factors are
taken into account when analyzing lineage density. These include fieldwork
region, source region, migrational current, settlement type, economic
type, religion, fertility, and time depth. The regions of field work
were of the same size of an average county here in the The authors stress that their approach to studying lineages does not tell us what a lineage is like but shows how the variables should affect lineage density. Different religions, for example, should indicate the strength of lineage between groups. For instance, lineage density should be higher for Serbian Orthodox than that of Moslem or Roman Catholic populations. On the other hand, from an economic standpoint, commercialization and craftsmanship should weaken the strength of lineages. The authors make it clear that the factors of lineage run into conflict and do not always dictate lineage density as when economic factors or constant warfare influence migration. We can see the correlation of all factors when determining lineage density in this article, and it allows us to be more skeptical when considering ethnography. CLARITY RATING: 3
Hammel E. A.
and Djordje Soc. The Lineage Cycle in Southern
and Eastern This article examines
lineage organization among the Slavic peoples of Most of the data gathered from the 13 ethnographies dealt with patterns in settlements, economics, fertility, time, religious and ethnic affiliations, and migrations. Hammel and Soc believe that in order to gain the most profitable information from lineage patterns, the information gathered should include how long the people being studied have lived in their region and how fast the population grows. The most important variable found among the studies was time. Through time the most variance in data was found among the lineage patterns, accounting for 57 percent of the total variance in the populations studied. Naturally, through time, a population will increase and lineage patterns will develop in order to classify kinship relations. Understanding the changes in kinship relations through time will allow for further understanding of other cultural features in the Balkan region. Hammel and Soc emphasize the importance of focusing on demographic information as well as looking at other factors such as economics and culture, in order to gain the most complete picture of a society. This article would be of interest to those who also regard lineage organizations and patterns as an important part of cultural study. Hammel and Soc allow the reader to get a clearer picture of the Southern and Eastern Yugoslavian people. Their work demonstrates how incorporating lineage information into ethnography can help to shed light on the culture as a whole. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hay, Thomas H. A Technique of Formalizing and Testing Models of Behavior. American Anthropologist June,1973 Vol.75(3):708-729. Hay discusses two models, the ‘deterrence model’ and the Freudian model, comparing and contrasting both to each other and also to Spiro’s "general elements of explanatory models" (708). That Hay uses data based on Ojibwa restraint is negligible due to multiple assumptions made on his part as well as small sample sizes, contrived data (mostly percentages of choice), interpreter bias and post hoc analysis. Both the ‘deterrence model’ and the "Freudian model" are formal, mathematical models. The ‘deterrence model’ is explained as "an interpersonal variation of the ‘deterrence theory’ which is popular with military strategists". Hallowell develops this model in his 1955 book Culture and Experience. Freud developed the "Freudian model" during patient analysis. Both models consider fear to be the primary motivating factor. In the ‘deterrence model’ the individual restrains himself fearing retaliation (in this case by magic). In the "Freudian model" the individual restrains himself fearing he may (magically) injure the other. In contrasting these two formal, mathematical models to more simple, informal models using Spiro’s elements – goal attainment, potential acts, perceived efficiency of choices – formal, mathematical models are indeed more complex. To begin with, mathematical models require greater specification at all points. Greater specification makes for greater complexity. Formal, mathematical models in addition to potential acts also require all potential outcomes (as opposed to goals), relative value of the outcome and the probability each act will produce each outcome. After depicting each model Hay then applies both the "Freudian" and the ‘deterrence’ model to Ojibwa behavior, dissecting the psychological assumptions underlying them. This is where the strength of this article lies. Through discussing the application of these formal, mathematical models, Hay demonstrates the inherent complexity of behavior analysis. Scientifically the studies have little worth, but as examples of the application of these two models they serve well. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JEFFERY BROWN:
Southern
Hay, Thomas H. A Technique of Formalizing and Testing Models of Behavior: Two Models of Ojibwa Restraint. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 708-730. The main goal of this article is to show the utility of using formal models when observing behavior within a group, rather than informal models. Hay uses the previous work of Spiro to help explain the advantages of a formal, mathematical model. He says: "First, formal models require greater care and precision in the specification of the ‘set of potential acts.’ Second, formal models also require specification, not of "a goal," but of a set of potential outcomes, which may result from the specified actions. Third, formal models require the numerical specification of the relative values (to the individual) of these outcomes. Fourth, formal models also require numerical specification of the subjective probability (for the individual) that each action will produce each of the outcomes (p. 708). Hay uses the informal behavioral models of Hallowell and Freud to show the benefits of using formal models when studying behavior. Hallowell’s model concerned the "extreme inhibition of aggressive behavior which is characteristic of the Ojibwa," which he tried to explain using deterrence theory (p. 709). Freud used his model in the analysis of a patient in the article "Notes on a Case of Obsessional Neurosis." Each of these models can be applied to a situation where an individual, IA, is being annoyed by another individual, IB. The two models provide different explanations for IA’s high probability of choosing a passive response to IB’s annoying behavior. To avoid the problems presented by Hallowell’s and Freud’s informal models, Hay goes through the necessary steps involved when creating formal models. Hay says,"The first step in making these models explicitly quantitative is to identify the classes of actions with which these models are concerned" (p. 709). For example, Hay uses Hallowell’s model and divides the typical behavior of IA into two basic classes of actions, "attacking" and "directing." To denote a certain type of action, Hay uses the variables A1, A2, A3, A4 and assigns a probability for each of these actions (Table I, p. 710). He says "In a formal decision model, it is assumed that the individual’s choice of an action depends, in part, on what he believes are the probabilities that each of the actions will produce each of the outcomes. These are called the individual’s subjective probabilities" (p. 711). Hay uses the variable "O" to denote the subjective probabilities. Hay says the next step "is to determine the values which IA must attach to the various outcomes according to the deterrence model" (p. 711). He assigns a value to each of the possible outcomes or "possible future States of Nature" (p. 712). The last requirement in creating a formal model "is to calculate the subjective probabilities, for IA, of producing each of the States of Nature with each of the Actions" (p. 713). Hay then demonstrates how to formalize the informal models of Hallowell and Freud. Hay says that models must be formalized in order to have any real scientific value. He understands that the formal method is meticulous, but he believes this method may provide a clearer picture when trying to understand behavior and personality. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hippler, Arthur
E. The Athabascans of Interior Perhaps one of the
most inhospitable environments for human subsistence is that of interior Arthur E. Hippler continues his article on the Athabascan culture by stressing the importance of "interdependence, and interpretation of culture, personality, and social structure." He first describes basic social organization of this matrilocal culture. Due to the limited hunting season, the clans hunt, fish, and gather in small groups of around 10, relying on cached resources during the extremely cold winter. Such a harsh environment results in the absolute necessity for interclan and inter-moiety relationships which form their cooperative subsistence patterns. Furthermore, these various environmental challenges made warfare a great deal harder on the clans. Although highly suspicious of one another, clans did not hesitate to embrace one another as friends through a potlatch system of gift exchange. Similar to other potlatch systems, a man established prestige and heightened political status through gift exchange at these funerary events. However, though preventing war, these gift exchanges also had a competitive dimension to them as well. Another means of maintaining social order was through a patrilineally inherited chieftainship. This legal system implemented law that was absolute and without question. The above mechanisms
of preserving the Athabascan culture were developed largely out of
necessity, and therefore were needed to sustain their life way. Much
to their disadvantage, the Athabascans were CLARITY RANKING: 3 KEVIN CONNORS Southern
Hippler, Arthur
E. The Athabascans of Interior Hippler gives us a view of the Athabascans through a psychoanalytic eye. He explains not only cultural traits but also their effect on the psyche and how they came to be. He begins by explaining relationships in the "close" family (mother to offspring, father to mother, offspring to father, etc.). One example given is that of the mother to her offspring. The environment of the Athabascans is a harsh and challenging one. The infant mortality rate is close to 80 percent. Because of this, Hippler states, the mother will not show affection or nurture the child for fear of death. This creates a plethora of emotions and feelings that shape and form the Athabascan psyche. Hippler suggests the roots of these relationships percolate deeply and permanently into Athabascan personality. The Potlatch, as Hippler explains, is a huge social institution in Athabascan society. It is a taboo to touch the dead body of a relative, so members of a neighboring moiety must perform the task. Hippler describes briefly how this practice evolved into what is now known as the potlatch, in which "…social needs and pragmatic realities could be combined with an expression of basic psychodynamic concerns…" The psychoanalyzing of Athatbascan culture is very interesting and gives one a different angle to view the culture. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hoffman, Michael A. The History of Anthropology Revisited – A Byzantine Viewpoint. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1347-1357. This article on
the history of anthropology suggests that previous studies have overlooked
the contributions of Byzantine documents to the beginnings of anthropology.
Previous studies propose that there was a break, or period of time,
between the end Classical and beginning of Western intellectual thought.
Hoffman disagrees with this viewpoint and presents evidence from Byzantine
documents to support his hypothesis that the so-called break does not
exist. Hoffman cites works by historians, travelers, poets and elite
rulers. These people contributed a great deal of information including:
documentation of the customs of barbaric peoples; geographical and
ethnographical data on those living outside the Roman Empire; information
about people from Hoffman concludes that scholars must not keep the division that many believe to be a strong break from the Classical Period to the Renaissance. On the contrary, he believes that intellectual learning and anthropological thought continued throughout the traditionally accepted time break and that we must look to that period for the beginnings of anthropology. CLARITY RANKING: 4 TINA HASTINGS Southern
Hoffman, Michael A. The History of Anthropology Revisited—A Byzantine Viewpoint. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Volume 75 (5): 1347-1357. This article discusses
the evolution of anthropological thought beginning with the classical
history of the Renaissance Western
Europe borrowed much of the cultural thought of Hoffman’s article
would be of interest to those who are intrigued by the origins of so-called
Western thought. He provides an evolutionary perspective on many of
the theories we find in the Western world today. Hoffman gives an excellent
account of the often ignored role of the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hopkins, As the title suggests,
Elizabeth Hopkins explores the various dimensions of political action
in retaliation to crime or social upheaval in this article. In order
to provide evidence for her argument that political and judicial actions
were often used by colonial governments as a tool to suppress social
unrest, During this period
of British control in Witchcraft was not
seen as a crime in colonial As happened to the attempt to suppress political unrest through the means of criminalizing subversive witchcraft, the efforts against arson also did not have as big an impact as was hoped. Very often, according to the article, the natives would use arson, normally a means for personal vengeance, against the colonialists. The British tried to monopolize this crime by taking the case in only colonial courts. However, they were unable to penetrate the cultural meaning of arson, and it was still used as a means of protest until the British assimilated the natives into the role of governing, thus providing a more direct political outlet for the people. CLARITY RANKING: 3 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Hopkins, This article addresses
the problem of using colonial legislation to regulate colonial rule.
Colonial governments often use the judicial system to try and demonstrate
their presence and authority, but the misuse of legislation and misunderstanding
of the rules by native groups often weakens control. In this article, The ordinance against witchcraft faced several problems. First, the British failed to define witchcraft. Therefore, "witchcraft" could be inclusive of many things. When a local cult, the Nyabingi, became a threat to colonial rule, they were punishable under the witchcraft ordinance because of the ambiguity of the term. The Nyabingi did not pose a physical threat to anyone, but the British saw it as a threat, and were able to prosecute. The prosecution of the Nyabingi uncovered more weaknesses in judicial control. The British were unable to get a conviction because they were dealing with indigenous belief. The natives were frightened and refused to identify members being accused. If someone were convicted, sentencing also posed a dilemma. The initial sentences failed as deterrents, so the British increased the sentences. They also changed procedure so that a person could be convicted by indirect evidence. These attempts to change judicial law to facilitate colonial rule failed. In the case of arson, these offenses became tools for political aggression on the part of the natives. Arson was an established offense, and therefore had a definition, but the burden of proof still remained a problem. Although, the witnesses willing to testify were abundant, eyewitness testimony was scarce. Colonial administrative buildings became the targets, and with a low conviction rate, arson became a very common act. When a conviction could be made authorities gave the maximum punishment available, but getting a conviction was still the main problem. In an attempt to curtail such activity, colonial authorities once again changed legislation. They included arson under the Collective Punishment Ordinance of 1909, which allowed the entire community to be fined if they did not cooperate with local authorities in the event of arson, but this was only in the case of damage caused to colonial administration. Also, they increased the minimum sentence for arson to seven years. These changes once again failed to be effective. The provision that the crime must be against British authorities weakened faith in the alien government, and the minimum sentence was avoided by district administrators because they believed it to be too harsh. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hsu, Francis L.K. Prejudice and Its Intellectual Effect in American Anthropology…American Anthropologist Febuary, 1973 Vol.75(1):1-19. In this article Hsu states that the majority of people think of prejudice in terms of employment and educational inequalities directed towards some ethnic or religious group. Hsu goes on to explain that his paper is not aimed at the general idea and instances of prejudice. Hsu attempts to show us a subtler and often unrecognized type of prejudice and how it effects the intellectual development of the profession of Anthropology. He has come to these conclusions through research and personal experience. The central problem, according to Hsu, is that after a minority person has been appointed to a faculty position at a university, his chances of real intellectual contribution are next to nothing. This is not because he has nothing of value to say, but rather because his or her theories are not accepted or recognized. Therefore he has little hope of helping to shape the intellectual direction of his chosen profession. Throughout the article Hsu states that his intentions are not intended as negative criticism. He also says that he realizes that there are White American Anthropologist’s who do not feel the way that he claims the majority do. However he feels that it is part of the American collective consciousness. He also admits that prejudice is a complex problem that requires more study. After sharing these things Hsu asks three questions: "What and how far non-White intellectual contributions have been given a chance? How do my own experiences illuminate the picture? What are the intellectual implications to American Anthropology, if any, of the answers to questions 1 and 2?" Hsu starts giving
evidence of this prejudice by exploring the Peking man incident. No
one ever heard about the researcher Hsu also finds evidence in the amount of references to non-white works most publications contain. Only eight references to non-White works are found in the 940 page Anthropology Today, and in The Rise of Anthropological Theory only four out of 1000 items are non-White. As far as his own personal experiences go, Hsu feels that they are not out of sync with the norm. He concludes with these hypotheses: White anthropologists do not consider their non-White colleagues as intellectual equals. Since theoreticians enjoy higher professional esteem than mere fact gatherers, they can tolerate non-Whites in the role of the latter far more than that of the former. Even in the role of fact gatherers, White anthropologist would like non-Whites to confine themselves to their own native, non-White cultures. White anthropologists find it most intolerable to accept theories about their own culture from non-White sources. Hsu goes on to give some examples of areas in which this prejudice of White, American anthropologists has hurt their theories. He mentions the American idea of witchcraft being only the outlet for psychological repressions. He also talks about Americans not yet breaking out of their ideas concerning caste. But the major problem as far as Hsu is concerned is American anthropologists general theories on the determinants of human social and cultural behavior. Hsu concludes his
paper by once again stating that he does not mean to infer that white CLARITY RANK: 5 BRANDON HALE Southern
Hsu, Francis L.K. Prejudice and Its Intellectual Effect in American Anthropology: An Ethnographic Report. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75 (1): 1-19. In this article, Hsu harshly criticizes American anthropology for its failure to utilize and appreciate the offerings of "non-White intellectuals." He argues that the field does not value the opinions and observations offered by this group of scholars and also asserts that they are even considered inferior intellectually. Hsu cites personal examples where Western anthropologists have been referenced repeatedly and "non-White" authors have been greatly overlooked, illustrating how much this problem permeates the field. The goal of Hsu’s article is to "reveal the intellectual conscience collectif of the White American anthropologist." He claims that the ethnocentric Western perspective greatly alters our interpretation of important theories about witchcraft studies and caste systems and even creates an "obsession with Economic Determinism." According to Hsu the American ideal of individualism so greatly colors the anthropologist’s view that the researcher is unable to practice cultural relativism. He also claims that the Western cultural belief of Western intellectual superiority restricts the contributions and criticisms that "non-Whites" can offer the field of anthropology. Hsu insists that this article is not an attack on American anthropology. It should be used to see that prejudice exists even in a field with a reputation of cross-cultural egalitarianism. By recognizing these errors the field has the opportunity not only to correct them but also to ensure that future research respects the intellectual contributions of "non-White," non-Western trained anthropologists. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Keesing, Roger M. Kwaraae. Ethnoglottochronology: Procedures Used by Malaita Cannibals for Determining Percentages of Shared Cognates American Anthropologist October, 1973 75(5):1282-1289. In this article,
Roger Keesing studies the many kinship rules that govern how the people
of Malaita, in the In the article, Keesing mentions that Christianity has changed things slightly among these people in recent years. The notion that all men are brothers has caused much controversy and now in some areas, the kin of the dead eat their pigs rather than the deceased. Keesing draws up certain models and graphs in order to try to give the reader a better understanding of the subject, although some of the charts only confuse the reader and add to the questions. The chart of the bodily divisions is very helpful, but the other charts and certain "formulas" for the division of the body and how this relates back to kinship are very confusing. Drawing these conclusions from research that was conducted in an interview rather than from firsthand experience and observation seems very questionable. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ALAN THIES Southern
Keesing, Roger M. Kwaraae Ethnoglottochronology: Procedures Used by Malaita Cannibals for Determining Percentages of Shared Cognates. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (4): 1282-1289. In this article,
Roger M. Keesing writes a razing satire of "the new ethnography," also
known as "ethnoscience." To accomplish his back-handed critique
of this theoretical paradigm, Keesing utilized the facade of analyzing
native Kwaraae kin and body terms to explain the way the Kwaraae of
Malaita, Because ethnoscientists and cognitive anthropologists frequently utilize linguistic analysis to obtain their understanding of culture and thought, it is fitting that Keesing, a linguist, wrote such a critique of ethnoscience. His sarcasm is evident throughout the article from the initial description of his use of "the highest ethnoscience standards of ethnographic rigor, psychological reality, methodological precision, explicitness . . .incomprehensibility, and irrelevance" to his endnotes, the second of which states: This cultural grammar is unfortunately not readily available because of its large size (38,411 pages), excessive cost, and limited utility (since it is written in Kwaraae). The author recommends in the interests of economy and space that interested parties import a knowledgeable middle-aged Kwaraae pagan instead. For those with a limited knowledge of anthropological theory, the above quote makes reference to many of the common criticisms of ethnoscience, emphasizing the impracticality of the ethnoscientific belief that one should only use native terms to describe a culture. Employing the then-typical ethnoscientific approach of creating diagrams to outline word-meaning contrasts and distinguish native conceptual categories, the bulk of this article consists of diagrams, charts, and equations sprinkled liberally with Keesing’s macabre sense of humor (he refers to ego’s bodily remains as "Kwaraae burger," ego’s kin as "still-hungry," and ego’s dismemberment as "carving"). His figure representing the typical "segmentation" of a late Kawaraae kinsperson is of particular note to persons whose interests lie in the rituals associated with death. For those who have a weak stomach, a literal mind, a lacking sense of humor, and/or a close connection to the ethnoscientific paradigm—beware! Otherwise, this article is rather enjoyable light reading that requires some knowledge of the ethnoscience and cognitive anthropology paradigms, as well as their critiques. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Kemnitzer, Luis S. Adjustment and Value Conflict in Urbanizing Dakota Indians Measured by Q-Sort Technique. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):687-707. In this article
Luis Kemnitzer explains the results of a quantitative analysis test
known as a Q-Sort that was conducted upon Native Americans that had
migrated from their reservations to The test was conducted by handing each participant a deck of 36 cards, each with a different statement upon it. The fieldworker then asked the participant to pick out the statements that were most important in life, creating separate lists for the "ideal" and "actual" sorts. The object was to discern if greater discrepancies between the two abstract value systems caused the subject to experience a lack of adjustment to urban life. The author however concedes that in order to make this judgment the aspect of actual observed behavior must be brought into the analysis. This is done by describing the observed behavior of two subjects whose cases are known in detail. The first case study, A, revealed that the subject’s "ideal" sort was closer to the observed behavior than the observed behavior was to the "actual" sort. This suggests that while the subject had not done extremely well in adjusting to urban life this was not as important to him as living as he thought he should. A was seeing as being relatively unstressed in his urban life, though he had failed to adjust to his perceptions of what was required of him. B’s sort, on the other hand, revealed that he had done more to adjust to urban life than A. However, it was thought that since there was such a large discrepancy between his "ideal" and "actual" sorts while he appeared to adhere to his "actual" values that B must suffer more tension than A. In conclusion the author summarizes that conflict is always present no matter if the urbanizing Native American adhered to his "ideal" or "actual" value system. Though in one case the conflict is between the behavioral and "ideal" systems, and in the other conflict lied between the two abstract value systems. CLARITY RANKING: 3 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Kemnitzer, Luis S. Adjustment and Value Conflict in Urbanizing Dakota Indians Measured by Q-Sort Technique. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75 (3): 687-707. In this article, Kemnitzer explores data that was recorded and interpreted using a newly devised technique called the "Q-Sort." This technique was used to measure value conflicts in Dakota Indians who had been living in an urban setting. Value conflicts occur when a Native American individual or family would move from the reservation into a larger city in search of work. They are mainly differences in the way a Native American family perceives the world around them from a native perspective and how that conflicts with their new urban perspective. The Q- Sort Technique was devised to examine the compatibility between the two cultural situations and to test a hypothesis that states that in most situations the more similarities between the native culture and the urban culture, the easier the adjustment of an individual into the new environment. The researchers tried many different ways to test the above idea. In the beginning, subjects were given thirty-six cards, each with what the author called "a value statement." The subject was asked to put the statements in order according to what the subject would think is an ideal order of values and then the order of values the subject believed was essential to survive in the city. This test had many flaws, including the misunderstanding of instructions by the test subjects and their unwillingness to admit this and the misunderstanding of the actual statement on the card. The cultural differences between the Dakota test subjects and the test givers caused problems that many times went unnoticed, including problems with interpreting value statements accurately. Another test had the subject rate values according to their own view of what values they possessed. It was realized that this could only prove an accurate description of the subject if the researcher compared the stated values with actual behavior and life experiences. Two test subjects were chosen and their lives were studied to solve this problem. When the two subjects
and their families were evaluated, the researchers looked at the public
records of both individuals. For the most part, the records were unflattering
and contained evidence of rash behavior and loose work ethics. Examination
into the personal lives and history of the After the work with
the Dakota Indians and the Q-Sort technique, researchers came up with
one basic hypothesis. This hypothesis states that if the desired value
system of the individual based on cultural beliefs is in conflict with
those beliefs the individual feels are essential for survival in the
urban world, then the individual will try to maintain the values that
are believed to be ideal even at the cost of his CLARITY RANKING: 3
Khera, Sigrid. Social Stratification and Land Inheritance Among Austrian Peasants. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):814-822. The Human Relations
Area Files (HRAF) was a project that intended to collect ethnographic
information from around the world and to organize that information
into categories such as marriage, kinship, or food. For example, one
could go to the HRAF files, look up marriage, and pull up information
on marriage customs from around the world. Khera’s article is a part
of the HRAF file project. Khera looks at land inheritance in two areas
of As a part of the
HRAF project, Khera’s article is primarily a description of average
Austrian peasant life up until rural industrialization in the 1950’s,
and little after the industrialization. Prior to the 1950’s, Austrian
farmers passed their land from parent to child. Anyone who did not
own land, worked for those who did own land. When a couple decided
to "retire" from their farm, a contract would be drawn up
that outlined which child (usually the eldest or the youngest) would
be the heir, and how much money the remaining children would receive
as compensation. Also prior to the 1950’s, the local political leadership
in rural After the 1950s, much of the agricultural labor was performed by machines and those individuals who had previously worked the farms were now finding jobs in industrial plants or urban industries. Prior to the 1950s, there was a two-level stratification of society: those who owned land, and those who worked for the land owners. After the 1950s, the people who had previously worked for the land-owning farmers were now economically independent of the land owners. The two-level stratification expanded into several more levels as former farm laborers were now able to achieve status equivalent to that of the land owner. Politically, there were changes as well. Industrial workers now occupied political positions. In CLARITY RANKING: 4 LISA PORTER Southern
Khera, Sigrid. Social Stratification and Land Inheritance Among Austrian Peasants. American Anthropologist April, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 814-822. Khera describes
the social stratification of Austrian peasants in two different regions.
The first is In northern Burgenland
the land is divided according to family size. If it is a large family
the youngest is usually the main heir. If the family is small the heir
is the oldest son. Either way, the son has to be married before the
transfer is performed. The couple then moves in with the groom’s parents
and takes care of about three acres of land. They gain the profit from
that land and anything, such as cattle, that the wife may have brought
as her dowry. Siblings who do not marry into a farm live for about
three years in the parental household. They have the choice of living
with the husband’s or the wife’s family. They gain land to work on
and the wife and husband both work in the field. They can also use
any of the farm equipment on the farm for their own use. Only after
all of the children can buy their own land and move out does the heir
receive rights to the land. If the main heir dies a brother or a cousin
will step in so that the land stays in the family. Unlike Khera also explains the impact of WWII when most of the larger families had children emigrate overseas. Even with all the contractual agreements it is not impossible for a well-to-do member of a family to descend to a lower class. Yet, it mostly took several generations for this descent to happen. Overall, the Austrians found ways to keep individuals in their original social classes. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Kronenfeld, David B. Fanti Kinship: The Structure of Terminology and Behavior. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1577-1595. In this article
Kronenfeld examines kinship through both linguistic terminology and
studying the behavior between kinsmen in a small Fanti fishing village
in the Central Region of Ghana, Linguistically, kinship categories are defined by a certain set of defining attributes, although others are sometimes placed in a category because they are similar to the primary members of that category. These attributes are based on age, generation, and maternal or paternal lineage. It should be noted, however, that relatives can move up or down in generation according to their maternal or paternal lineage. For example, one’s mother’s brother’s child is equal to one’s own child, thus moving him down a generation. On the other hand, One’s father’s sister’s child is equal to one’s mother or father, moving them up a generation. Linguistic categories appear to be strict and are strongly respected. Kronenfeld does a poor job explaining the details of the linguistic categories and their relatedness to their defining attributes in an understandable way in this article. Behaviors that Kronenfeld found to complement the linguistic hierarchy are those concerning the line of inheritance and "acting like" a parent (p.1583). Kronenfeld conducted an experiment where he asked the members of the community which behaviors they took part in with their relatives. Behavioral categories included, "‘inherit from,’ ‘spank,’ ‘sweep for,’ and ‘like to live with’" (p.1584). He found the most important attribute that defined behavior was seniority, followed by closeness. Overall, the author found lineage membership to be more significant to the terminology than it is to behavior. Linguistic categories are well defined, but difficult to understand. These categories, however, seem to have no independent effect on behavior, however it appears that certain behaviors (inheritance and acting like a parent) define a person’s categorization. Although, based on this conclusion, the author initially had a materialist view, he concludes that it "differs from the materialist view by claiming that it is not these behaviors themselves which most directly structure the terminological system, but rather that it is the non-terminological, but still mental, construct, the class of people to whom the behaviors potentially can occur, which structures the terminology" (p.1589). CLARITY RANKING: 2 BETHANY J. MYERS Southern
Leone, Shirley. Associational-Metaphorical Activity: Another View of Language and Mind. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1276-1281. The field of linguistic anthropology deals with the interrelatedness of language, thought, culture and meaning. To this end, linguistic anthropologists pay close attention to not only what people say but also how they say it. In this article by Shirley Leone, she looks at how metaphor, double entendre, and puns (referred to as secondary associational patternings) are themselves an important part of language and that they are examples of Edward Sapir’s "patterns of expression" in a highly visible form. Despite this, she states that secondary associational patterns are sometimes made invisible by a more surface-rich objective form of language in which the meaning is referential and clear. However, when one starts to look for such secondary associational patterns, it is realized that they are everywhere and as much a part of language as syntax and grammar. To this effect she gives various examples of speakers who unintentionally layer the meaning and significance of their utterances through the use of pun, metaphor and the like. What makes this possible, she says, is the use of the principles of inclusion and multiplicity. That is, taking all possibilities of meaning simultaneously and allowing for, "an associational cluster of related elements"—a characteristic that is highlighted in the behavior of schizophrenics (p.1280). Leone ends her article by suggesting that there is a tension at work in language. It is played out through the symbolic formation of logical limitation and reduction and the "paralogic" of disorder through multiplicity and inclusion. This ties back to referential communication as a product of limitation and reduction and metaphoric expression as a product of inclusion and multiplicity. CLARITY: 3 T.M. KEY Southern
Leone, Shirley. Associational-Metaphorical
Activity: Another View of Language In this paper Shirley
Leone makes the argument that metaphor is not merely a tool used by
poets, a symptom of psychological disorder, or limited in linguistic
use to the description of emotion. Instead, she sees metaphor
as a functional part of language that is used to convey deep meanings
with regard to ideas promoted in everyday sentence structure. Leone also addresses the issue of extreme metaphorical use as a symptom of Schizophrenia. Schizophrenia patients appear to attempt to take all possible metaphorical relationships of words into simultaneous consideration when speaking. For this reason it is common for a Schizophrenic to start a statement only to have it end in a long string of metaphorical association. Leone argues that it is not the metaphor that is the symptom of Schizophrenia, but an inability of the Schizophrenic to ignore associations between words in favor of other more functional organizations relative to the statement being made. In conclusion, Leone restates her original idea that metaphor is a functional part of common language. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Leon-Portilla, Miguel. Alfonso Caso 1896-1970. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):879 -896. Born in Caso had many long
and important research and development projects including: discovery
of treasure at He was involved in many scholarly organizations and was highly published in the field as the bibliography following the article details. Caso had a great deal of energy and held many positions throughout his career that helped him to further applied anthropology and Central American archaeology. Alfonso Caso died November 30, 1970. CLARITY RANKING: 3 TINA HASTINGS Southern
Leon-Portilla, Miguel. Alfonso Caso 1896-1970. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 877-886. This article acknowledges the merit and achievements of the late Alfonso Caso, a distinguished anthropologist and archaeologist. Caso was renowned for his work and contribution to exploring and understanding his own native Mexican culture and history. His obituary includes a brief history of his career including interests, education, research, career positions, contributions, and other achievements. The remainder of the article is a bibliographic account, written in Spanish, of Caso’s life from 1919 to 1970. Caso’s original
interests were in law and philosophy. In 1919, he graduated with a
degree in law from the National University of Mexico and one year later
he obtained a Masters in philosophy. He taught at his respective university
for several years until his interest was sparked in the subject of
archaeology while visiting an archaeological site at Xochicalco. For
Caso, this was the "turning point" (p. 877) and in 1931,
he began his archaeological research in Among his contributions, Caso helped organize many centers of archaeological and anthropological research throughout his lifetime. Such centers include: the Mexican Society of Anthropology, the National Institute of Anthropology and History, the National Museum of Anthropology and its Department of Archaeology, and finally the National Indianist Institute. Prestigious positions for Caso include Director of the Museum of the Institute of Anthropology and President of the National University of Mexico where his research interests focused on the calendrical systems of Central Mexico, Zapotec stelae, and religion of the Aztecs just to name a few. Later on in his
career, Caso gained more of an interest in social anthropology. His
creation of the National Indianist Institute in 1949 led to the establishment
of nearly a dozen related centers all throughout CLARITY RANKING: 5
Lison-Tolosana, Carmelo. Some Aspects of Moral Structure in Galician Hamlets. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):823-834. This article is
based upon an ethnographic study conducted in the northwest corner
of These hamlets, according to the writer, and the people who live in them are organized into three major realms of relationships that in turn constitute the moral structure found in the region. At the center of the residents’ allegiances is the specific house to which one is a member. As Lison-Tolosana describes, these houses consist of three generations with the eldest male being the head of the household. This generational hierarchy is the basis for all economic and social ties within the hamlets. The second realm of relationships stems from those who are actual, geographic neighbors and the third from those who are neighbors in the sense that they live in the same town. The author uses
this description of the social structure to embark on his purpose of
exploring the moral structure of the Galician hamlets. The House, being
at the center of their moral universe, "provides the basis for
a moral dichotomy of all that lies inside it as opposed to all that
lies outside (824)". Everything that lies within the house including,
all buildings, livestock, crops, furniture, and human members are possibly
subject to a sort of curse that is imposed by those outside of the
house, or, specifically, neighbors. These outsiders have at their disposal
a weapon, known as envy in the region, that can be used to hinder the
growth or prosperity of their neighbors. It seems that the nature of
neighbors in Lison-Tolosana ends the article with a look at how the moral structure of these people can serve not only to divide the hamlet and reinforce the household, but can also strengthen ties within the community. Such things as the naming of god-parents, and yearly ceremonies that symbolize the people of the hamlet as one opposed to the rest of the outside world serve to create the necessary social structure that reinforces the importance of the community as a whole. CLARITY RANKING: 4 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Illinois of University
Lison-Tolosana, Carmelo. Some Aspects of Moral Structure in Galician Hamlets. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 (3):823-834. The concept of the
house is very important in Galician Hamlets. According to the author,
the ideology and reality of the house offers an outline for understanding
the social composition and residential structure of the hamlet. In A household is made up of the head male, his eldest son (the heir) and their wives and unmarried children. Men of Galician Hamlets marry women from neighboring hamlets 84% of the time. Sons who are not first born and therefore do not inherit the house must move out on their own. Daughters are most often married to men outside the hamlet and move away with them. This leads to a lack of kinship ties between families within the Hamlet. The head of the house has certain responsibilities that he must fulfill. They include: producing an heir, bettering the house, not allowing the house to deteriorate, and striving against neighbors. This makes it hard for neighbors to help each other. The head of the house must decide if helping a neighbor or the community will hurt his house. In the community the household operates as a single unit. Only one member of the household is required to fulfill community requirements such as attending church and town meetings. The household also holds one vote in community elections. According to the
author, the people of In Galician Hamlets a "bad neighbor" is the worst thing one can have. This is emphasized in prayers, folk tales, and songs. To Galician villagers envy, witchcraft and evil and caused by bad neighbors. Evil that comes from outside of the Hamlet (from new comers) is attributed to witchcraft. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Lynch, Thomas F. Harvest Timing, Transhumance, and the Process of Domestication. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1254-1259. This article deals with the role transhumance played in the domestication and improvements of plants. The main purpose of the article, as stated by the author, is to "call attention to the important role that ‘non-optimal’ or poorly timed harvests might have played in promoting plant transfers, domestication, and improvement of crops in mountainous zones." Lynch begins the
article by noting that it is not often accepted that single species
of plants undergo multiple domestications. The reason for this belief
is that domestication is a slow process and relies on genetic mutations
that result in the loss of dispersal mechanisms and adaptability to
different environments. However, he gives a few examples of plants
that do not seem to fit this idea, proposing that multiple independent
developments of agriculture may be more probable than previously understood.
First is the suggestion that barley has been domesticated twice in
Western and Lynch then goes on to explain the importance of harvesting qualities as they apply to domestication. He explains how a mechanism "preventing effective dispersal of seeds at maturity" (reducing natural reproduction), combined with late harvesting by man, came to be favored. Furthermore, the selection of plants with non-dispersing characteristics occurred over consecutive generations, contributing to the distribution of seeds (whether deliberate or accidental). Three more important factors are proposed by the author (originally by Flannery) for the beginnings of domestication. The factors describe a "pattern of interchange of resources between groups exploiting contrasting environmental situations – a kind of primitive redistribution system…" (1255). They show that it is important not that man planted maize, but that he "(1) moved it to niches to which it was not adapted, (2) removed certain pressures of natural selection, which allowed more deviants from the normal phenotype to survive, and (3) eventually selected for characters not beneficial under conditions of natural selection." Lynch adds that the "ideal" conditions for this to occur would be where hunter-gatherers practiced seasonal transhumance (moving between lowlands to adjacent mountains). The reason for this is that the abrupt difference in environmental zones makes it possible for disadvantageous characteristics to be advantageous in the neighboring area. Another point proposed by the author is that where transhumance takes place, "harvests will take place too early or too late for the best yield." He explains that when harvesting plants late, one will very effectively pick the plants that do not disperse their seeds effectively – which would be beneficial for migratory people. Furthermore, with premature harvests, seeds from plants may very well be taken to areas, such as to a higher elevation, with a shorter growing season. Lynch comes to the
conclusion that areas with "high relief and environmental diversity" create
favorable conditions for domestication and transhumance. He also applies
this to the CLARITY RANKING: 3
Macaulay, Ronald. Double Standards. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1324-1337. Macaulay, in his
article, argued the definition of the terms "standard" and "nonstandard" in
reference to anthropological linguistics. The terms have been misused
to associate what is called a "nonstandard" variety of a
language with an inferior connotation. Macaulay proposed that there
may not be a solid definition of what a standard form of a language
is. Should Black English (ebonics), Scottish English, or even Southern
American English be considered nonstandard, or varietal dialects of
the same standardized language? Macaulay used three examples to explore
his query; the use of Schwyzertutsch in CLARITY RANKING: 3
Macaulay, Ronald. Double Standards. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (5) 1324-1337. Ronald Macaulay
analyzes the use of the labels "Standard" and "Nonstandard" in
socio-linguistics in order to identify variations of languages. In
this article he examines the variation of so-called Standard German
called Schwyzertilsch, the language of approximately seventy-five percent
of the people in Macaulay begins by looking at the four distinct functions suggested for a standard language. The first is the unifying function; second, the separatist function; third, the prestige functions; and the fourth is the frame-of-reference function. The author then points out that these functions present the idea that standard is good and nonstandard is bad and that this point of view, which is consistent with most standard language speakers, gives rise to the notion that nonstandard speakers are uneducated, which is clearly not the case. Macaulay begins to unravel these arguments by first looking at Schwyzertilsch. He drives home the point that most of Switzerland’s population speaks this variation, and that the more prestigious French and German speakers are in the minority, which, he argues, makes Schwyzertilsch more of a standard than the accepted standards. Macaulay also asks
the question, as he does in the examinations of both Glasgow English
and Black English, "Why should an apparently intelligent and well-educated
population insist on speaking a nonstandard language?" He then
states that either linguists have exaggerated the benefits of a standard
language or they have mistaken the nature of a standard language. In
the situation of Glasgow English he illustrates that the people realize
that it is not "correct" but they would not choose to speak "standard" English.
The people of Black English is commonly attributed to two factors: lack of education and upbringing. Macaulay smashes both of these notions, saying "characteristics of nonstandard Black English do not appear in nearly such a pronounced form before adolescence." From this he deduces that Black English is a result of a stratified social order. He states that Black English was formed to maintain social distance, which is the equivalent of geographical separation for dialects. He then reasons that if Black English is truly occurring due to social differences, then it is primarily a result of choice. Macaulay lists the characteristics of Black English as "(1) omission of the third person singular suffixal-Z; (2) deletion of the copula; (3) use of invariant be; (4) negative concord; (5) inversion in embedded questions." He reasons that it is fair to label these features as nonstandard since there is a norm that these usages violate. He also says that focusing solely on grammar will cut down on the number of nonstandard speakers considerably. From these observations the author determines that because most so-called nonstandard languages have their own standard to which speakers are expected to conform, there is more than one standard within languages. Macaulay reasons that trying to fit all varieties of a language under one standard is virtually impossible, and that drawing norms of speech for certain communities and locales is a better way to study the language of that social group. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Magnarella, Paul
J. and Turkdogan, Orhan. Descent, Affinity,
and Ritual Relations in Ritual co-parenthood
as it occurs among many Christians is commonly known and understood,
however a widespread Middle Eastern form has received little attention.
For this reason the authors have chosen to study kivrelik, practiced
among various Sunni Muslim and Alevi-Shiite sects. The authors explain
that there is no religious law prescribing kivrelik, and the practice
is scattered among different ethnicities in the One form of kivrelik parallels marriage. The sponsor will be related or a close neighbor, and kivrelik serves to reinforce connections made by marriage. In this case, there is no taboo applying to marriage between the sponsor’s daughter and the sponsored male. Elsewhere the sponsor and boy cannot be related. Here the function of kivrelik is to strengthen bonds within an established group, regardless of class, ethnicity, or religion. The authors also discuss problems that may arise due to the potential benefit when choosing a wealthy or powerful sponsor. Kivrelik is not based on these traits, but has nevertheless been misused in the past. CLARITY RANKING: 4 RACHAEL WILLIS Southern
Magnarella, J.
Paul and Orhan Turkdogan. Descent, Affinity,
and Ritual Relations in This article discusses
the practice of co-parenthood or kivrelik among tribes of the Türkdo—an, a colleague
of Magnarella who has done research on the son-sponsor relationship,
notes that in several instances kivrelik is a distinctly inter-class
phenomenon. In the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Magubane, B. The "Xhosa" In Town, Revisited, Urban Social Anthropology: A Failure of Method and Theory. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(4):1701-1715. In this article,
Magubane reviews the three-volume text called "The 'Xhosa' In
Town". The first volume of this work is called "The Blackman's
Portion", the second is "The Townsmen or Tribesmen",
and the third, "The Second Generation". These volumes were
written under the direction of Philip Mayer between 1961 and 1963.
The subject is the city of The Xhosa of South Africa are a people that have been "urbanized" by white European moneymakers. They are considered second class citizens in every way to the whites. Opposition to white employers and authority is forbidden here, and social opposition appears between African's living in town and those living in the country. The "town-rooted" (1704) or "School" (1705) people are in direct conflict with the "double-rooted" (1704) or "Red" (1705) people. The "double-rooted" people are those that are from the country but are currently in town. The two groups are greatly influenced by opposing ideologies. The "School" people approve of Christianity, formal education, and Westernization, and the "Red" people prefer the old ways of the Xhosa, including the pagan religion. Magubane's review
of these volumes is very critical. He cites that one learns about the
mental processes of the Xhosa people in their subjugation to the "twin
processes of industrialization and urbanization", the fears and
suspicions about people from different ethnic groups, regions and backgrounds,
but one does not learn the historical background for these reactions.
Magubane's greatest criticism is about the Cartesian dualism between
the "Red" and "School" peoples. This contrast was
not present before the urbanization of CLARITY RANKING: 5 KELLY EILEEN
JONES Southern
Magubane, B. The "Xhosa" In Town, Revisited Urban Social Anthropology: A Failure of Method and Theory. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1701-1715. This article is
a criticism of a series of three works by Mayer, Reader, and Pauw called
The Xhosa in Town. The Xhosa in Town is an analysis of the social situation
and processes occurring in apartheid His second argument criticizes Mayer’s use of certain terms referring to various groups in his study. Magubane asserts that these terms only maintain the status quo and undermine the objectivity of Mayer’s study. His third critique of Mayer’s study is the political influences that affected it with or without Mayer’s knowledge. He consistently took the whites’ perspective because that information was the most readily available, but such information, though seemingly objective, is biased and maintains the powers and misconceptions that are already in place. Magubane concludes with his concern that monographs like Mayer’s have been occurring more than is acceptable. He summarizes Mayer’s weaknesses by stating that a good anthropologist takes into account the larger whole in which his facts exist because facts without context are easily misinterpreted and misleading. Magubane expresses his concern that if articles like Mayer’s continue to be written, it will only perpetuate racial bigotry and ideological biases. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LARISSA L. EVEN
Makarius, Laura The Crime of Manabozo. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):663-675. This article centers on the symbolism of myths and focuses on a particular Alongkin myth and its many versions, with the main character of Manabozo. Myths contain fantastic and sometimes improbable situations and often are full of contradictions and incoherence. Myths are revered for what they say and often for what is implied. In the common version of the myth of Manabozo he has a companion that is a small wolf and this creature turns into a human and becomes his younger brother. Manabozo’a brother is later killed by sacred powers and when Manabozo goes to avenge the death he is instead initiated into a secret ceremony giving him magical powers. The myth seems to portray a story of brotherly love; but in actuality it represents the sacrificial death of a sibling for the betterment of the group to give a member magical/medicianl powers. In the longer versions of the myth, Manabozo violates many taboos like his abnormal birth, the sacrificing of his brother, and his later marriage to a women who is in menstruation. He is also accredited with bringing menstruation and miscarriage to women by killing a bear with the luck of breaking a taboo and throwing a blood clot at his grandmother, hitting her in the abdomen, thus causing women to menstruate. This article focuses on the symbolism in the mythological language presented in the many versions of the Manabozo myth and points out the often silent implied themes in this story. The article also touches on the consequences of violating taboos and on the origin of many aspects of present day society as they are explained in mythical language. CLARITY RANKING: 3 NIKKI JOHNSON Southern
Makarius, Laura. The Crime of Manabozo. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 663-675. In this article, the author addresses the issue of the elusive inconsistency in myth, specifically the trickster myth. The trickster myth is one "where the contradictions involved are those that arise from the violation of taboos for the purpose of acquiring magical power for the group." Makarius hypothesizes that incongruity in myth indicates a violation of taboo that is compelled to be expressed but at the same time suppressed to maintain the taboo and, therefore, social order. He asserts that by examining inconsistencies in myth closely, we can discover what societal taboos are being violated in the myth. In an attempt to support his hypothesis, Makarius analyzes the myth of Manabozo. In the Menomini version of this myth, Manabozo adopts a small wolf for his companion. This wolf turns into a man who is Manabozo’s younger brother. One day Manabozo utters a blasphemy against the gods to his brother, declaring that they two are the most powerful on earth. Angered by this, gods from the underworld come and kill Manabozo’s younger brother. Manabozo is very upset and vows revenge on these gods; but when his brother returns to him as a shadow, Manabozo drives his brother away to the land of the dead, causing all men to be mortal. In compensation for the murder, the gods set up a medicine-lodge and invite Manabozo. The supernatural beings give him medicine bags, and he is initiated in a ceremony. Besides the Menomini version, Makarius gives the Sauk, Fox, Potawatomi, and Ojibwa versions. He explains that it was Manabozo who killed his brother for the purpose of obtaining the magic of medicine from the gods. In these societies, murder of a human, especially a blood relative, is taboo, but it is also believed to be a means of acquiring magical powers. The myth of Manabozo attempts to express the reality of what happened, but does not want to taint its hero, Manabozo, with a taboo act or have the act of murder justified by the procuring of magic. The myth seeks to disguise Manabozo’s sin by making the gods responsible for his brother’s death, but there are clues within the myth that reveal Manabozo’s responsibility, such as the statement of Manabozo driving his brother away to the land of the dead. The author concludes the article with an examination of mythical heroes as the mediators of society. These heroes are between gods and men, and they perform taboo actions not by their will but in order to obtain good things for men. As a result of this, they become ostracized heroes who sacrifice themselves into all that is evil, but are admired for this. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LARISSA L. EVEN
Robert A. Manners. Julian Haynes Steward 1902-1972. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75 2:897-903. This article is an obituary for anthropologist Julian Haynes Steward, who died on February 6, 1972. Robert A. Manners recounts the life of Steward and his work in anthropology. Manners begins by illustrating Steward’s belief in cultural change and how Steward wanted to distance himself from being labeled as an evolutionist. Steward did believe that cultures evolved from one kind and transformed into another, but he did not believe that diffusionism represented how this evolution occurred. He wanted to find the various causes of culture change whether borrowed through diffusion or locally invented. Manners points out that Steward was not so much an evolutionist as he was trying to find the cause and effect relationships in cultural change. The author also
notes Steward’s career, moving from university teaching to become an
anthropologist for the Bureau of American Ethnology from 1935-1946.
During his tenure at the Bureau of American Ethnology he did work for
the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Manners sums up Steward’s work with the
Bureau of Indian Affairs by stating that he "affirmed his humanitarian
concerns… and raised important questions about reform programs that
are undertaken without adequate knowledge of the complex historical,
cultural, and political factors involved." Also, while working
with the Bureau of American Ethnology, Steward organized and contributed
to the seven volume Handbook of South American Indians, which has become
one of the more important books in ethnographic literature, according
to the author. Manners also recounts Steward’s professorships at Manners concludes by praising Steward as a pioneer in his day whose ideas have stood the test of time. The author also suggests that Steward was one of the most innovative anthropologists of the twentieth century. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Martin, John F. On the Estimation of the Sizes of Local Groups in a Hunting-Gathering Environment. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1448-1468. Martin discusses
the local group size of the Pai Indians of southwestern The lower the population density, the greater the ratio of resources to consumers was, which resulted in better returns of labor. Individuals in areas of more than ideal density would tend to move to areas with lower ratios of people to resources. Martin discusses how people in the same area will often form bonds with others in the same area. The optimal group includes just enough people to manage the most efficient technique for the groups' tasks. Martin discusses the role of women among the local groups. Seasonal plants were easy to find and resulted in there not being a need or economic advantage of grouping the women-gatherers together. A group of two or three mature women would have been the functional and ideal unit. Martin discusses how there were many advantages to have the men cooperate with each other in their hunting efforts. The men mainly hunted deer, which stayed in a rather small area and developed stable patterns. The men relied on different hunting techniques, some being more advantageous with small numbers of men, other requiring more men to successfully hunt. The meat was then distributed among the village members, who were able to consume the meat before it had a chance to spoil. Larger cooperating groups of hunters could better ensure a constant supply of fresh meat. A larger concentration of hunters would mean heavier pressure on the local supply of game and would require greater efforts in searching for animals. The wild plant life could be utilized effectively by smaller groups, while hunting groups rewarded larger groups. Martin looks at the sex ratio among the groups, and discusses how many females suffered from infanticide. This ratio resulted in a large number of single men and the difficulty to reproduce. Martin shows that there was much consideration made in expanding the group size in an effort to maximize the labor force. Martin states the Pai local groups were built around the men in optimal four-man hunting parties. Groups tended to consist of four mature men, their wives and immature children, the successor males with their spouses and children, and other personnel. The personnel may have consisted of elders, orphans, widows, and immature children. The successors were sons, but due to the reproductive patterns of the Pai, they were often sons-in-law. Martin successfully evaluates the reason for the optimal number of group members among the Pai. CLARITY RANKING: 4 AMY CREASY Southern Illinois University-Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)
Martin, John F. On the Estimation of Sizes of Local Groups in a Hunting-Gathering Environment. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1448-1468. In this article
Martin presents a theory for calculating how many people existed within
a group of Pai Indians. The Pai consisted of several hunting-gathering
groups in northwestern According to Martin the number of people who lived within a group was dependent on the number of mature males in the group. Martin defines a mature male as a male between 20 and 55 years of age. The reasoning behind this age was that when a male was 20 he began to hunt and would retire on average when he became 55. The ideal number of mature males in a group was four. Martin bases this number on the number of men that was best suited for drive hunting. Drive hunting is when people scare pray into an ambush of waiting hunters. More than four hunters would create too much noise, causing their pray to go in undesired locations. Martin also discusses the fact that men greatly outnumbered women among the Pai, which Martin believes is due to female infanticide. This low number of women made it difficult for men to become married until they were older. Most Pai men did not get married until their mid-twenties or early-thirties despite being able to marry once they turned 20. Marrying later caused them to have children later, especially since they did not produce any offspring until they completed their bride-service to their bride’s family, which could take from one to three years. Once the couple had a son, it took another 20 years until he was ready to begin hunting and by that time his father was about ready to retire from hunting and his son would succeed him. By looking at the four mature hunters who were the central figures of the group size of the Pai and then taking into consideration their families, as well as the elders and widows, Martin calculated that the average number of people in a group was around 27. He then compared his average to the average that can be found from documents from the late 1800’s, and the average number of people in a group was 28. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Miller, Stephen. Ends, Means, and Galumphing: Some Leitmotifs of Play. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):87-97. This article examines the phenomenon widely referred to as play. Play includes things like games, wrestling, acting silly, or picking on a sibling. Typically, one would expect the researcher to outline exactly what sort of behavior they are observing. However, Miller does not burden himself with devising a solid rubric to judge an action as play or not. Instead he concentrates on three main topics. The first issue he addresses is the widespread recognition of play and the multitude of forms play is expressed in. People at the zoo can all recognize play in animals, despite having no articulated criteria to evaluate the animal’s behavior by. All these observers are untrained laymen and still there is remarkable consistency in their evaluations. On the other hand trained researchers are often hard pressed to mark an action as play, because the actions don’t fit the criteria they’ve laid out. Part of the problem with assigning play any specific characteristic, is the multitude of forms that play takes. It can be silly games of hopscotch, a baby sticking his tongue in and out, a gambler betting his life savings, a passionate game of baseball, or just a hobby. The second topic he addresses is the commonalities between the different forms of play. He notes that one of the common traits of play in its forms is an aspect of inefficiency. In play, the means are more important in relation to the ends. For example, a child walking down the sidewalk without stepping on any cracks still wants to get to the end of the sidewalk. The most efficient way of doing that would be to just walk there, but the child is concerned with getting there in a certain manner also, so he spends extra time and energy not to step on any of the cracks. Miller provides another example of the mountain climber for whom the summit is worthless, without the challenges to get to it. Lastly, Miller ponders the benefit of play, asking the question, "Why would anyone expend extra energy by making things more difficult than they have to be?" The author theorizes that play allows the individual to become more familiar with the less common ways of acting so that if the need to act in those ways should arise, the individual would be semi-prepared. Miller wrote an enlightening and entertaining observation of play. He does a good job of backing up his observations with his research and his conclusions seem to be solid. CLARITY RANKING: 3 GLENN MYERS Southern
Miller, Stephen. Ends, Means, and Galumphing: Some Leitmotifs of Play. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1):87-98. The main issue in this article is to define "play" and to discover its functions. Miller notes that people understand play and notice it very quickly when seen. He uses an example of a crowd’s response to "primates and carnivores" in a zoo. He noticed that the people could easily decipher whether or not the animals were playing, but when some of the people were asked to define play it was often hard for them to do so. They were unable to give any standard reasoning behind what play is and the "criteria" for play. The peoples’ definitions were very broad and could easily go in many directions. In other words, there were no solid definitions, other than the fact that they all recognized and unanimously agreed about play and non-play. Therefore, Miller believes that in order to understand play one must look at what is "being recognized," rather than looking at the definitions of play. He explains that the key to understanding play among human beings is to look at the "metacommunications: social messages that serve to affect the way in which other social messages are interpreted." To further explain his speculations he provides vivid detail about his observation of baboons in accordance to play and non-play. These observations can be relevant to understanding human play vs. non-human play. Some examples of characteristics that Miller found when observing the baboons in play were: patterns of repetition, exploration, and the "absence of conflicting motivation" while in play. He also explains the differences between "play fighting and real fighting." He clarifies that the difference between both is quite evident. Within real fighting, "the movements are quick, efficient, and clearly purposive." However, the characteristics of play include "flailing, bobbing, exaggeration, and indirect, ineffective action," which he calls "galumphing." Play is defined later in the article as "patterned, voluntary elaboration or complication of process, where pattern is not under the dominant control of goals." Miller goes on to explain and illustrate many other observations of baboons in play and how it can easily correlate to human play. In the next section of this article he explains the different categories of play by using Piaget’s "structural categories." The categories are: practical play, symbolic play, and games with rules, which he defines and demonstrates by using examples of human behavior. He uses Buhler’s (1930) theory of Funktionslust to explain the reasoning behind play, which he explains "is a pleasure of doing, of the act of producing an effect, not of attaining the effect or result itself." He also uses examples of human play to differentiate the diverse categories of play. Miller tries to portray that play is rather subconsciously concerned with "process rather than goal." He then discusses the functions of play, by explaining how play helps us to learn. In conclusion, Miller does not believe that he has truly answered his questions concerning the aspects of play. However, it is clear that he has opened the door to our perception of "play" and the importance of it within a social spectrum. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Muller, Jean-Claude. On
Preferential / Prescriptive Marriage and the Function of Kinship
Systems: The Rukuba Case (Benue – Muller examines
the kinship and marriage systems of the Rukuba people of The women of Rukuba experience a preferential marriage where the eldest girl is set apart from the rest of the uterine sisters, however is not a kinship marriage. Preferential marriage is between a young women and the son of the mother’s last lover. This is decided from the wife-taking unit which the women receive local names after they have married. All women must be preferentially married and there is no divorce among the Rukuba. Women may stay with the man she is to marry only for a short while and decide if she would like to marry. The idea of prescriptive marriage is in fact limited to the eldest daughter. If there are too many uterine sisters only the first few matter and the rest will be sent to marry elsewhere in the wife-taking unit. This model represents the three concepts of preferential marriage, being one for the eldest daughter, one for the following two or three, and one for the lasting children of the family. CLARITY RANKING: 4 MEGAN WILSON Southern
Muller, Jean-Claude. Preferential/Prescriptive
Marriage and the Function of Kinship Systems: The Rukuba Case ( The author had two
objectives in writing this article. First he wanted to examine whether
the distinction between preferential and prescriptive marriage practices
among the Rukuba was necessary. Second, he wanted to test the validity
of Levi-Strauss’ statements about the function of kinship systems and
the relationship between kinship and marriage practices. He uses the
specific case of the Rukuba people of Muller begins his analysis of the Rukuba marriage practices by outlining their social construction. He describes how the society is divided into exogamous moieties. Within each of these moieties are smaller subdivisions called "wife-taking units." These units are divided still further into sub-clans. He then describes the rules of these societal divisions and how they determine primary marriage patterns, secondary marriage patterns, and premarital relations. By examining the manner in which elder and junior sisters are betrothed, he discovers that the Rukuba recognize three distinct models of preferential marriage: "one for the eldest daughter, one for the two or three following junior ones, and one for the rest of the sisters, if any" (p. 1569). However, their marriage "model" does not coincide with Muller’s statistical data of the actual marriages within the society. After describing the marriage models in detail, he goes on to question some of Levi-Strauss’ propositions about the function of kinship systems. Muller finds that the Rukuba marriage practices are not governed by kinship rules; but rather, they are governed by the societal divisions of "wife-taking units" and secondary marriage. He did find however, that kinship rules do prevent sexual intercourse in certain situations. So he discovered that kinship prohibitions do affect marriage practices in that they can determine whom one should not marry, but they cannot determine whom one should marry. He concludes by stressing the importance of studying all the elements of social constructs. Since many of these institutions evolve independently of the kinship system, studying kinship rules does not provide enough information to create an accurate theory of marriage practices. One must examine, in detail, the rules of all the interconnected social constructs in order to attain an accurate interpretation of the society. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Ortner, Sherry B. On Key Symbols American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1338-1345. In this article Ortner explains what is meant by the term, "Key Symbol", and how anthropologists go about discovering these symbols and the important meaning behind them. Key symbols have been alluded to by many anthropologists, under different names. "Themes", "focal values", and "integrative concepts" are just a few of them. Ortner states that this idea of key symbols can be found in British anthropology. The author asserts that the primary question then is what do we mean by a "key". There are two methods to go about solving this question according to Ortner. The first method involves analyzing the cultural system for its underlying elements. The second method the anthropologist finds something that seems to be of cultural importance and then analyzes the object for its meanings. This second method is the method most commonly ascribed to. Ortener offers five reasonably reliable indicators of an item's cultural importance. The natives tell us that X is culturally important. The natives are positively or negatively affected by X. X comes up in many different cultural contexts. There is greater cultural elaboration surrounding X. There are greater cultural restrictions about X. Among these symbols there are two distinct types, "summarizing" vs. "elaborating". Summarizing symbols are those types which are seen as representing and simplifying strong feelings or ideas. Flags, sacred symbols, and many others fall into this category. Elaborating symbols, on the other hand, provide a way of sorting out complicated issues and feelings. These symbols are rarely sacred. After Ortner has sorted out symbols she starts to define "key". She asks, " Why are we justified in calling a particular symbol "key"?" The author then goes on to describe in length the "two modes of keyness" and the different ways in which they can be contrasted. The author summarizes her article by stating that key symbols may be discovered by virtue of a number of reliable indicators which point to cultural importance. Ortner also tells us that the article is intended to be programmatic. She asserts that although up until now the idea of "key symbols" has been for the most part unarticulated, it is worth while to try and systematize this method. CLARITY RANK: 4 BRANDON A. HALE Southern
Ortner, Sherry B. On Key Symbols. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5): 1338-1346. Ortner’s goal in this article is to discuss a diagnostic tool of anthropology, so that it may be standardized because she believes it to be "our most powerful entree to the distinctiveness and variability of human cultures." The diagnostic tool that Ortner discusses is the concept of key symbols, an idea derived from Ruth Benedict’s ethos concept introduced in her book Patterns of Culture. Key symbols are the symbolic units that formulate meaning in a culture. Ortner mentions two methods for determining these symbols. The first method involves analyzing the underlying elements of a culture, and then seeking out some image within that culture that represents these elements in the purest form. The second, and more common, method seeks out an object of cultural attention and analyzes the object for its underlying elements. Ortner offers five clear indicators of such an object: the natives identify it as important; the natives are stimulated by it; it comes up in many different contexts; there is much elaboration concerning it; or there are many restrictions concerning it. Ortner then categorizes key symbols into two broad types, summarizing symbols and elaborating symbols. Summarizing symbols are objects of cultural respect that collapse many cultural elements into one symbol that arouses feeling and not thought or action. Elaborating symbols work in the opposite fashion, turning feelings into thoughts about ordering the world. Summarizing symbols are often sacred while elaborating symbols are rarely sacred. There are two subtypes of elaborating symbols. The first is what Ortner calls root metaphors. Root metaphors function primarily to conceptualize one’s cultural ideas. The second is called key scenarios, which influence one’s actions by demonstrating the culturally accepted ways of achieving goals. Lastly, Ortner characterizes the differences between summarizing symbols and elaborating symbols by describing three different continuums of cultural thought on which they can be placed: content versus form, quality versus quantity, and vertical versus lateral, with summarizing versus elaborating, respectively. She stresses that these symbols are on a continuum and not absolute, so there is much room for variation and overlapping within both of them. CLARITY RANKING: 2 LARISSA L. EVEN
Ortner, Sherry B. Sherpa Purity. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):49-63. In this article,
Ortner examines the underlying factors affecting the determination
of purity among the Sherpa of Nepal. Purity is the state of being clean,
not only in the physical sense but also in the spiritual and social
sense. For example, in The Sherpa have many rules governing purity. Sexual activity, birth, illness, death, any bodily excretions, bad smells, dirty food, crowds of people, and water mills are all polluting. The ground in general is polluting, as is contact with lower castes. This pollution is cited as the cause of cretinism, laziness and possibly insanity in individuals. On a larger scale this pollution may defile an entire kin group or cause the gods to withdraw their protection from the community. Ortner’s main point is that the perception of purity is representative "of three fundamental principles in the Sherpa worldview." These principals are the demonic, the physical and the spiritual. Humans are pulled in three different directions by these forces. The physical pulls humanity towards a purely material existence. The demonic pulls humanity towards acts of evil. The spiritual pulls humanity towards enlightenment and society towards order. The spiritual is the most highly regarded and the one to be attained if possible. After some careful analysis, the author notes how the rules governing purity are used to separate the race of humans from the demonic and physical influences, so that they may pursue the spiritual unencumbered. The rules governing food, sexual activity, contact with the ground and contact with bodily secretions are designed to keep one separate from the physical influence of life. Further symbolic sacrifices are made to spirits to gain protection from demons. The three primary types of institutions designed to purify are monasticism, the tu ritual and the sang ritual. Monasticism brings one closer to the spiritual. The tu ritual separates one from the physical. Lastly, the sang rituals help guarantee that a community and individual will be protected from demons. Ortner has done an excellent job of studying and analyzing the underlying structure of Sherpa purity. She supports her arguments with solid reasoning. CLARITY RATING: 4 GLENN MYERS Southern
Ortner, Sherry B. Sherpa Purity. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1): 49-63. In this article,
Ortner presents a symbolic analysis of the purity/pollution belief
system of the Sherpa culture in northeastern In the first section of the article, Ortner defines "pollution" by listing a series of polluting elements as defined by Sherpa culture. Such polluting elements include but are not limited to sexual intercourse, birth, illness death, "bad smells," "dirty food," water mills, and lower castes. She also discusses the effects of pollution on the individual as well as on a society. In the second section, Ortner addresses the underlying principles on which this belief system is based. She asserts that the purity/pollution belief system is a "triangulation of three fundamental principles in the Sherpa world view - the spiritual, the physical, and the demonic" (p.53). The spiritual aspect entails the human ability to strive for ultimate perfection and purity, the physical entails the biological aspect of the human body - the animal instinct and sensuous urges, and the demonic aspect includes the aggressive, violent aspect of human behavior. She asserts that the fundamental problem that forms the basis for the purity/pollution system is the human struggle between these three elements. Finally, Ortner reveals the symbolic nature of this system and the overall importance of ritual in maintaining it. She asserts that the spiritual aspect is symbolized in the purity and spirit of gods, the physical aspect is best represented by domestic animals, and the demonic aspect is best represented by demons, which are considered to be the embodiment of aggression. The author goes into further analysis of these categories, defining each more specifically. She discusses the relationship of humans to these three categories and offers three different strategies used by humans to maintain balance in this belief system. She discusses the ritual of tu, which involves "the cleansing of physicality," and sang, which involves "the manipulation of demons" (p.58). She also includes monasticism as the ultimate quest for salvation and spiritual pureness. With these strategies, man does not necessarily achieve "purity" or "a god-like state" but instead maintains a certain "balance between the forces of purity and pollution" (p.60). In the fourth and final section of the essay, Ortner discusses some of the issues brought up in the introduction of the article. She concludes the article by highlighting some of the benefits and problems associated with symbolic analysis. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Otterbein, Keith
F. and Charlotte S. Believers and Beaters:
A case study of Supernatural Beliefs and Child Rearing in the In this article Keith and Charlotte Otterbein attempt to show that a culture’s belief in and reaction to supernatural powers has a direct impact on their child rearing techniques. They start by stating their hypothesis, which is stated thusly, that persons who have a real fear of the supernatural will in turn raise their children with more emphasis on punishment as a way of behavior modification. The authors appeal to the model of circular influence. This model, in its most basic form, has the assumption that mothers who raise their children in a certain manner will pass those child rearing methods onto their children. The authors started
by selecting a group of people with which to conduct the study. They
chose the After all of the data was collected and studied the results were in. As the authors had hypothesized, the women who had a greater fear of the supernatural were more apt to punish their children more severely. CLARITY RANK: 4 BRANDON HALE Southern
Otterbein, Charlotte
Swanson and Keith F. Otterbein. Believers
and Beaters: A Case Study of Supernatural Beliefs and Child Rearing
in the The Otterbeins focus on the personality of adult child caretakers and how the caretakers’ belief in the supernatural affects the rearing of children in their care. They believe they will find that caretakers who believe in the supernatural will inflict more pain on the child than those who do not fear the supernatural. They also believe that those adults who had a painful childhood will be likely to inflict that same belief on the next generation in their care. They identified
the belief system by taking twenty women, who are caretakers, in Next, they discussed the punishment system used by the caretakers. There are two types of punishment, switching or beating. The caretakers use a switch from a Tamarind tree, because they are very narrow and the end may be sometimes braided, to make the switching sting. Each of the caretakers agreed that they switch, but they all had different times and circumstances for applying punishment. The second form of punishment is beating and it was only reported by seven of the caretakers. There is a lot of discrepancy as to when these punishments are used and how they are administered. The Otterbeins then looked at the relationship between the belief system and the punishment system. They show that the greater the caretaker’s fear of the supernatural the more likely she is to punish the children. The Otterbeins looked at six situations that lead the caretakers to beat their children. When the fear of superstition is the greatest, there seems to be more beatings. In conclusion, the Otterbeins believe they have proven their hypothesis that belief and fear in the supernatural affect the levels of discipline used by the caretakers. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Reeves, Brian. The Concept of an Altithermal Cultural Hiatus in Northern Plains Prehistory. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 73 (5): 1221-1253. In this article
Reeves asks whether or not a bison hunting culture lived in the Northern
Plains in the period of 5500 – 3000 BC. The Northern Plains are defined
as the grassland areas of According to Reeves, there was a belief among archaeologists that there was a cultural hiatus in the Northern Plains in Prehistoric time that was linked with climatic fluctuations. This idea was based on a lack of radiometric or typologically dated sites from this time period between 5500 and 3000 BC. The hiatus is said to have occurred in the Atlantic time period (ca. 6300-2700). During the Atlantic time period there were several stable climatic episodes with quick distinctive climatic change between them. Dry periods in the Atlantic period would have been like normal seasons today. In dry years the short-grass lands grew larger and the prairies smaller. There was also a decreased forage yield, but the larger area of grassland made up for this. According to Reeves, the short-grasslands were not reduced to deserts but were a more arid environment. He states that a minimum human population of 10,000 – 20,000 could have been supported. Reeves blames a skewed site sampling for the previous misinterpretation of the area. He notes that there were only 12 dated sites in the short-grass plains from the whole Atlantic period, and none between 5500 and 3000 BC. He attributes the lack of radiometrically dated sites to the lack of sites and to associated land forms and sediments that have yielded no components older than 3000 BC. He also notes that the paleohydrological sequence had destroyed or deeply buried emergent flood plain surfaces from 5500 – 3000 BC. Though there would be fewer bison in the area than there could be today, the extent of change in climate would have been minor and the author doubts that they would have changed to a forager adaptive strategy or left the area entirely. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Riegelhaupt,
Joyce F. Feasts and Padres: The Organization
of Religious Action in Riegelhaupt is interested
in demonstrating the relationship between territorial ties of A study of church records shows that festas in 1779 and 1899 were largely church oriented. The author does not believe that national secular holidays received much communal attention in the past, however this slowly changed and cannot be claimed to be the case today. Parish organized activities have become fragmented as locally organized festas have increased, showing territorial relationship. The author demonstrates a rise in the number of celebrations disapproved by the Church, with only one festa organized within the parish in 1961. This is itself at odds with what the villagers call their religion, which is different from that of the priest. The priest, the quintessential representative of the Church, operates his religion like a business, and as a result many people have no motivation to prepare for the festas. It is said that the priest controls the unspent money of each year’s celebration, and does not allow it to go towards the next year’s celebration. From the Church’s viewpoint, there is a large-scale loss of religion; according to the general population, religion continues, but is increasingly separate from the Church through the festas. CLARITY RANKING: 3 RACHAEL WILLIS Southern
Riegelhaupt, Joyce F. Festas and Padres: The Organization of Religious Action in a Portuguese Parish. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 835-851. This article focuses on the fragmentation that has developed between the Parishes of the Portuguese Catholic Church and the individual communities over which each presides. The author particularly examines the Parish of Sno Miguel and the surrounding villages. She shows the progression of this fragmentation by examining "the interlocking network of festas, festivals, and holidays in which the people participate" (p. 836). To the members of the communities, festas are synonymous with religious practices. However, they are also deeply committed to their community. The conflict with the parish begins when the members of the community attempt to join together the celebration of their territorial units and their religious practices. The steady population
growth of The author concludes that the main reason for the stronger commitment to village rather than parish lies in the communal way of life. The hardship, struggles and disasters of a rural agricultural life are felt the same by all the members of a community. While the church lobbies for individual prayer and salvation, the members of the community know that only by coming together during individual festas can they exhibit the strength and oneness needed for survival. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Robbins, Richard Howard. Alcohol and the Identity Struggle: Some Effects of Economic Change on Interpersonal Relations. American Anthropologist February 1973 75(1): 99-121. In this paper, Richard
Howard Robbins attempts to examine how economic change may cause or
go along with interpersonal conflict. To do this, he focuses on the
Naskapi Indians of Schefferville, Robbins outlines how important it is for a Naskapi to be a "good man", and many of the things that are commonly accepted to become one. In short, before money was involved, these goals for being a "good man" were much different. Now they must exploit all of the assets available to them in the physical environment. Certain material things are prestige markers in their community. In general, three main changes in their economy produced changes in their interpersonal relations. They consisted of the transition from a hunting people to people focused on wage labor, the easier accumulation of status symbols after the move to Schefferville, and hiring practices of the Iron Ore Company resulting in those who were lucky enough to be full time workers having the most prestige. Robbins believes that the Naskapi people do not fit into the many categories of why anthropologists think certain groups of people drink. Their drinking is a total social act, and not the outcome of anxiety or dissatisfaction with their lives, as is the case with many other Indians. He outlines different types of behavior Naskapi exhibit while drinking, the social positions of those who drink, and the overall nature and meaning of the Naskapi social drinking. The Naskapi seem to have very curious reactions to alcohol. It is quite odd how Robbins claims one would be able to "sober up" after ten beers when someone new joins the equation. Some of Robbins findings are questionable, but he believes that the drinking interactions serve as "identity-resolving forums", in which members of the community claim and defend identities. Those who have been less successful in their job exhibit more of an aggressive attitude when drinking than those who are more satisfied with their earnings and job status. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ALAN THIES Southern
Robbins, Richard Howard. Alcohol and the Identity Struggle: Some Effects of Economic Change on Interpersonal Relations. American Anthropologist. February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 99-122. The author examines
how the introduction of western goods, services, and subsistence causes
a number of indigenous peoples of Robbins makes a distinction between western notions and Naskapi notions about the purpose and function of alcohol. In this, the author identifies a much different premise for drinking amongst the Naskapi peoples than exists in western culture. This reality caused Robbins to reevaluate his own negative notion about alcohol, that it is based on a "self-destructive" tendency, and to question prevailing theories of alcoholism in other cultures Instead, the function of alcohol to the Naskapi is a status enabler, built around alcoholic exchange and relationship maintenance. The author presents a cross-cultural study of a number of peoples, including the Naskapi, Kwakiutl and Siane Indians of North America and the Lugbara of Uganda. These distinct cultures are linked by similarities in how they use attributes such as generosity, reticence and kinship obligations to maintain a desired identity. By comparing the responses of these groups to a changing economic life, Robbins concludes that "the power of traditional authority [became] threatened by the newly acquired status of those having access to new status conferring goods," which were introduced by outside peoples (118). For example, Robbins examines the Kwakiutl potlatch, and illustrates how its function is similar to alcohol exchange amongst the Naskapi. This study by Robbins focuses not merely on the individual, but is also concerned with society on a large scale. Many of the conflicts and identity struggles have resulted from unsettled issues imposed "by economic change" (113). Because economic change may, and often does, "occur on a large scale," as Robbins illustrated with the Naskapi, "it becomes necessary for virtually all relationships to be reordered" (120). This reordering is facilitated by alcohol. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Rohlen, Thomas P. "Spiritual Education" in a Japanese Bank. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1542-1562. Rohlen participated
in the three-month company training program for new employees at a
Japanese bank. The "spiritual education" is more or less
comprised of several tests of endurance, strength, and character rather
than the religious teaching that the word "spiritual" implies.
The training that the newly hired bank employees underwent consisted
of activities such as a twenty-five mile endurance walk, weekends of
zen meditation, and an exercise where the trainees were asked to visit
a small town and ask strangers for work. This type of training, though
it may seem entirely foreign at first, is not unlike the "bonding" type
retreats that business men, student senators, or even Boy Scouts undergo
in present day Rohlen does well to describe in detail five main activities of the training session. Though Rohlen sometimes summarizes the collective feelings of the trainees during each exercise (for example, everyone agreed that the food at the Zen temple was pretty bad) he does not give the reader much in the way of the "native’s" point of view. For instance, in the Zen mediation exercises, did the trainees in their own opinion really gain anything from that experience, or did they simply grin and bear it in order to retain their job? We get some sense of what the other men were feeling through Rohlen’s descriptive observations such as the following made during a Zen meditation in which the men were required to sit still for a period of time: "A few stealthily glanced at their watches to find out how much time remained before the next opportunity to stand and walk around" (Rohlen 1546), however, there is little that can replace the actual testimonies of those persons present and involved in the situation. Rohlen points out at the end of his article that little research has been done on Japanese training programs such as this one for bank employees, and as a pioneer work Rohlen’s article is a good piece of descriptive observation. The article’s only fault is that while it gives an adequate description of the author’s experience, it does little to reveal what the other trainees experienced or did or did not "learn." CLARITY RANKING: 4 LISA PORTER Southern
Rohlen, Thomas P. "Spiritual Education" in a Japanese Bank. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5):1542-1562. Rohlen approaches this article with the intention of promoting an anthropology of education for "1) studying educational processes outside formal school systems; 2) considering native concepts of psychology in analyzing educational processes; 3) finding relationships between educational techniques and techniques found in religious conversion, psychological therapy, and social initiation; and 4) discovering avenues of education that proceed by non-verbal means." In this context, he examines how Japanese attitudes towards socialization and education involve not simply an academic view of education, but are translated into non-verbal tests and lessons aimed at cultivating self-actualization, as in the "spiritual training" programs of many Japanese companies. Here Rohlen examines his fieldwork participating in a three month long "spiritual training" program for a Japanese bank’s new employees. This three-month-long training was required for all new male employees; Rohlen’s group consisted of approximately 120 men. About a third of the period was spent on solely spiritual training, the rest on technical training. Five activities are highlighted here, in two-day snippets. The first activity was a visit to a Zen Buddhist temple, where the workers were made to practice Zen meditation and reflection. The meditation lessons contained many undertones, such as rules exist for the good of all, cooperation requires that those involved be unselfish, and that by learning to avoid selfish thinking one can achieve great self-improvement. Then they are taken to military bases, given uniforms, and go through military drills to learn group order. Also, they visit a museum for kamikaze pilots, who are presented as figures of great character, strength, and camaraderie. This is associated with the basic attitude of the business towards the employees, that hard work and sacrifice provide a great service to people and even the country at large. Next is kotoo, where the men go out in unlabeled uniforms and find work with people in a village. The theory is that it forces the workers to break away from familiar status and identity, looking for acceptance. Last, the workers live together at a hostel, forming social interdependence in units through group activities and games. The final task is a 25 mile endurance walk: nine miles done all together, nine in units, and seven individually. Rohlen relates how attitude changes throughout the walk, from pleasant to competitive to reflective. Rohlen presents the messages in these activities as crucial to the ideas that underlie a lot of Japanese society. The exercises in spiritual education are aimed at getting workers to examine themselves as individuals and as part of the group. The tests are meant to be analogous to life, with the competition completely within the self, where to excel proves the strength of one’s character. Rohlen focuses on this cultural emphasis on one’s psychology, and how it creates a unique need for moral education. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Rossi, Ino. The Unconscious in the Anthropology of Claude Levi-Strauss. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):20-48. This heady piece by Rossi examines the unconscious, comparing and contrasting Levi-Strauss’ views with those of phenomenologists, existentialists, empirical anthropologists, empirical social scientists and the like. In doing so Rossi clarifies anthropological structuralism both historically and theoretically to some degree. Rossi very fluidly divides his discussion into a number of sections, each dealing with a slightly different nuance of Claude Levi-Strauss’ Structuralism. To start Rossi identifies key components of Levi-Strauss’ Structuralism including symbols, mental structures and the dialectic relationship between the structures of society and those of the brain. Throughout the remainder of the paper Rossi brings to light many points of interest. Linguistics is an important foundation of Structuralist theory, and much discussion is based around the linguistic facts and the proof that the study of language (at the time) adds to Levi-Strauss’ position. Section IV, in part, examines the postulates of Levi-Strauss and attempts to differentiate them from the linguistic facts. Section IV is an important section for within it Rossi deals with linguistics, but also a number of issues relating to the heart of Levi-Strauss’ Structuralism. Freud’s contributions to and influence on Levi-Strauss take up the bulk of this section. It seems Levi-Strauss has been greatly influenced by Freud’s analytical discussion on the workings of the unconscious mind. Also of great influence was Kant. From Kant Levi-Strauss has taken on a most philosophical perspective though "Levi-Strauss has refused to consider structuralism as a philosophy" (23). In this section Rossi also discusses the hard wiring of the brain (Cybernetics) and Levi-Strauss’ use of this discipline’s principals to further the discussion of "conceptual structures as an epiphenomenon of brain structures and mental processes subjected to social and biological constraints" (32). This article is worth reading though it may challenge the novice of this field. CLARITY RANKING: 4.75 JEFFERY BROWN: Southern
Rossi, Ino The Unconscious in the Anthropology of Claude Levi-Strauss. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1):20-48. In his article, Ino Rossi attempts to clarify terminology, theory and purpose of the unconscious as used by Claude Levi-Strauss in his theory of structuralism. In his introduction, Rossi recounts the current debate and presents the arguments of empirical anthropologists, linguists, phenomenologists, psychologists, existentialists and many other fields of theory and philosophy. He goes on to claim that Levi-Strauss thought even many of his own supporters did not truly understand his concept of structuralism. Rossi asserts that Levi-Strauss faulted most philosophies with studying man exclusively: "the unbearable spoiled child who has until now impeded any serious work." (p. 21). Rossi often refers to Levi-Strauss as "quasi-Kantian" in his ideology and points out that this is a major contention between structuralism and empirical anthropology. Levi-Strauss’ main focus of study was to uncover the unconscious, which seemingly eludes empirical verification (p. 21) Rossi cites many of Levi-Strauss’ influences such as Mauss, Freud, Marx, and Saussaure. Levi-Strauss himself claims that Kantian philosophy better fit his own ideas and interpretations of the unconscious. Rossi explains that Levi-Strauss saw anthropology as a "philosophy of knowledge and a philosophy of concept" and his eclectic style of fusing concepts from major philosophies to develop his ideas of symbolism and binary opposition is organized and systematic but somewhat confusing to most social scientists. Rossi states that structuralism’s purpose is to reveal the conscious as the "object other" and to see the "unconscious infrastructure."(24). He goes on to explain how man sees the natural world and defines its meaning by placing it into a logical order. Levi-Strauss points out the "logical order" and "natural order" do not occur together. Levi-Strauss believed that "men communicate by means of symbols and signs," and all culture is filled with these hidden meanings. It should be the goal of anthropology and ethnography to uncover these meanings, which will give insight into the unconscious structures (p. 25) Rossi briefly outlines three major influences of Levi-Strauss’ structuralism: Freud, Kant, and cybernetics. In a very detailed and methodical explanation he describes the theory and ideas of each and then explains how Levi-Strauss agrees and differs from them. The main contribution from Freud was that the unconscious is more important that the conscious mind. From Kant, came the idea that categories constrain the mind, but while Kant focused on introspective analysis Levi-Strauss believed the unconscious could be revealed in social phenomena. And finally, from cybernetics, Levi-Strauus gained the idea that society is a "machine for the exchange of communication; social phenomena are messages"(p. 32). In his conclusion, Rossi accuses empirical social scientists of not truly understanding the ideas of Levi-Strauss and says they "might be unprepared for this type of analysis." They should not dismiss "intuitive analysis" due to lack of understanding because Rossi thinks it will play an important role in the social sciences. By understanding and correctly applying Levi-Straussian concepts we have a greater chance of revealing the universality of the human unconscious. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ANNA SAPPINGTON-SANDIDGE:
Sanday, Peggy R. Towards a Theory of the Status of Women. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(5):1682-1700. This article takes a very scientific approach to explain the status of women everywhere. Sanday defines status as the "number of economic and political rights which accrue to women." Her theory focuses on the economic and ecological aspects that women have been dealt, and explains how these primary factors have undoubtedly contributed to the collective status of women around the world. For her study, Sanday used Denham’s (1971) three key factors of energy exchange, social organization, and social survival of primate populations. These factors are "energy acquisition, defensive, and reproductive strategies." One of the main ideas of this article is that when dealing with two opposing sexes (males and females), the sex that dominates over the three subsistence measures above will dominate the other sex. Since women are the bearers of children (reproductive strategies), this clearly imposes limitations on the other two areas (defensive, energy acquisition). Therefore, men generally control the status of women. Sanday did an excellent job of combining a variety of studies and theories to demonstrate and establish her own theory about the status of women. This includes the work of De Beauvoir, Karl Marx, Engels, Ember and Ember, Boserup, Brown, Levine, D’Andrade, and Evans-Pritchard. She also used an assortment of cross-cultural statistical information from Murdock regarding subsistence measures of women, displayed on tables and charts. She explained where the information came from and how to understand and read the charts correctly. This part of the article goes into great depth and clearly helps to prove her line of reasoning. Other charts and tables, presented in her article, were formed by using a method called AID (Automatic Interaction Detector), which she also explained thoroughly and adequately. She also compiled information from HRAF into scales and charts. This article is overflowing with information regarding her topic/argument about the status of women. If I were to choose a paradigm to classify this area of study I would describe it as a fusion between Cross-cultural studies, Functionalism, and Cultural Ecology, with an emphasis on Ecofeminism and a touch of Materialism. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Sipes, Richard G. War, Sports and Aggression: An Empirical Test of Two Rival Theories. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1):64-86. Richard G. Sipes’s
article investigates the relationships among war, sports, and aggression.
He tests two rival models of behavior: the Drive Discharge Model and
the Culture Pattern Model. He does this by using a cross-cultural correlation
study and a diachronic case study of the The Drive Discharge Model predicts that there is an inverse relationship between the presence of war and warlike sports in those societies. This model says that the probability of war can be reduced by increasing the use of an alternative behavior similar to warfare, such as combative sports. The Culture Pattern model predicts that there are differences in the levels of aggressive behavior in different societies. This model says that the probability of war can be reduced by decreasing the use of combative sports and similar behaviors. Sipes then goes on to discuss what societies he used and how he chose them. He defines what a combative sport is and what sports it can include. He then discusses the information he found and what it means. He showed that sports and war have no functional relationship across time. Cross-culturally, however, war and combative sports show a direct relationship. This shows that combative sports are not an alternative for discharging aggressive tensions. He showed that instead of being functional alternatives, war and combative sports are components of a broader culture pattern. Sipes filled this article with statistics and charts to show the information that he found and used. He did a very good job explaining what societies he used and why. He also discussed what factors of societies he used and how they would influence the results. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Stirling, Matthew. E. Wyllys Andrew IV 1916-1971. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1): 295-296. This is an obituary written about the honorable life of E. Wyllys Andrew IV and his important contributions to the field of anthropology. Andrew was a significant
figure in archaeology. He received his undergraduate degree and doctorate
from In addition to being an expert archaeologist, he was also skilled in the areas of epigraphy and conchology, where he made noteworthy contributions to Mayan life and history. Due to his premature and unfortunate death in 1971, Andrew was unable to finish his two most important documents on his study of the Dzbilchaltun ruins and the Becan ruins (this excavation was never completed due to his death). However, his colleagues and his son have decided to complete these manuscripts. Though some of his important manuscripts were never finished, he has undoubtedly left the anthropological realm a tremendous knowledge of the Mayan world. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Struever, Stuart
and Vickery, Kent D. The Beginnings of Cultivation
in the Midwest-Riverine Area of the The author’s purpose
is to investigate the botanical evidence of several possible cultigens
in the Midwestern United States. Corn, squash, and beans are all considered "tropical" cultigens
because the author believes all were first domesticated in CLARITY RANKING: 4 RACHAEL WILLIS Southern
Struever, Stuart
and Kent D Vickery. The Beginnings of Cultivation
in the Midwest-Riverine Area of the This article is
an assembly of all published and unpublished archaeological information
dealing with the remains of cultivated plants. The article deals with
the information from the The authors begin the article by reiterating the importance of studying faunal remains and the part they play in the understanding of prehistoric cultural-ecological adaptations. Their study area, the Midwest-Riverine area, is defined as the complex of major rivers south of the Great Lakes – mainly the drainages of the Mississippi, Ohio, Missouri, Illinois, Wabash, and the many lesser streams. The cultigens studied have been divided into two classes: tropical and native. The tropical plants include corn (Zea mays), squash or pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo), bottle gourds (Lagenaria siceraria), and beans (Phaseolus sp.). The native plants include pigweed (Amarenthus sp.), lamb’s-quarter or goosefoot (Chenopodium sp.), knotweed or smartweed (Polygonum sp.), marshelder (Iva sp.), giant ragweed (Ambrosia trifida L.), maygrass or canary grass (Phalaris caroliniana Walt.), and sunflower (Helianthus annua.). The authors continue
by giving the archaeological evidence for all of the cultigens – giving
several examples where applicable, as well as radiocarbon dates when
available. There are also charts included summarizing the occurrence
of the cultigens, showing the time period as well as the site in which
they were found. Following the examples from the numerous archaeological
sites, a "summary of evidence" is presented. This section
discusses the data, previously analyzed, from the The authors then
spend some time discussing the possibility of an "Eastern Agricultural
Complex." This theory suggests the possibility that agriculture
(of local prairie plants) had a separate origin from that of The remainder of
the article deals with the initial locus of cultivation in the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Swetnam, John. Oligopolistic
Prices in a Free Market -- Swetnam examines
the behavior of marketers in CLARITY RANKING: 4 MEGAN WILSON Southern
Thompson, Richard
W. and Michael C. Robbins. Seasonal Variation
in Conception in Rural Robbins and Thompson
examine the seasonal variations in conception and birth by focusing
on two separate rural populations, and compare their hypotheses with
a previous article by Ethel Nurge in 1970. Robbins and Thompson do
not support the Nurge's hypotheses that conceptions occur during times
of heavy workload and that more births occur during periods of lighter
work. The data for the study was collected in rural peasant populations
in The populations
have similar technological sophistication, seasonal variability of
climate, and no absence of sexual abstinence or birth control. The
individuals in these two areas are mainly sedentary agriculturists
who lack access to modern items like birth control, computers, and
air conditioners. The authors identified the heavy and light workload
months in Robbins and Thompson seem very open and honest in this article, pointing out places for errors throughout their study. They recognize the biases and errors that can account for discrepancies between actual and recorded births. Robbins and Thompson also rely on the estimation of conception as being nine months previous to birth, a figure that can vary according to seasonal gestation periods. By looking at the
temperature, rainfall, workload, and urban migration, Robbins and Thompson
are able to determine the seasonal variations in conception and birth
in CLARITY RANKING: 3 AMY CREASY Southern
Thompson, Richard
W. and Michael C. Robbins. Seasonal Variation
in Conception in Rural This article uses eclectic and multivariate models to explore the multiple effects of socio-cultural and climatic variables on seasonal variations in the frequency of birth and conception. They also used multivariate models to check the relationship between workload and seasonal variations in conception and birth. Their other purpose was to check the findings of Ethel Nurge, who found that there were more conceptions during periods of heavy workload and that more births occur during periods of light workload. Thompson and Robbins
did this by picking two different cultures in two different geographical
areas. Robbins chose a rural peasant population in the Thompson and Robbins used many tables in their article that were very easy to follow and understand. Their research showed that there were seasonal fluctuations in conception. However, they showed that increased physical activity was not related to the number of conceptions by itself. Urban migration, temperature, workload, and rainfall were very influential. They also contradicted Nurge’s hypothesis that workload is the major influence on seasonal variation in conception and birth rates. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Verrips, Jojada. The Preacher and the Farmers: The Church as a Political Arena in a Dutch Community. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):852-867. Verrips' stated
objective in writing this article is to examine a conflict between
two opposing factions within the local church of a dairy-farming community
located in rural central Verrips states that in order to understand the events revolving around this situation, one must consider the impact of the economic realities of each of the factions, which in turn will help clarify the political and theological aspects of the conflict. The financial situation of the conservative dairy farmers is given the most attention; it is their difficult economic position during the time of Verrips' fieldwork period that seems to be recognized in the article as being the major factor responsible for the conflict between the two groups. Verrips' work provides a very detailed snapshot of the activities of the key players in this particular conflict. To more fully understand the broader context in which this situation was transpiring, however, it would also be informative to consider within the article a variety of viewpoints, such as those of other non-administrative members of the congregation or community members outside the church organization. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LINDA SMITH Southern
Verrips, Jojada. The Preacher and the Farmers: The Church as a Political Arena in a Dutch Community. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol. 75(3): 852-867. The main focus of
Verrips’ article is the state level of religious "trends" and
how these developments are imitated and vocalized at the local level.
The specific conflict discussed is between two factions within a Dutch
village, each of them declaring they have "the truth" (p.
852). There were two crisis areas discussed by the author. The first
is the way in which each of the parties attempted to attain their individual
goals. The other area of crisis is that the conflict can be narrowed
to two inclinations; 1.) a departure from accepted belief inside the
Reformed Churches in the To fully understand
the case at hand, one must first know the background of the Dutch community.
Verrips starts by introducing the main religious organizations in the The religious category
that is important to this particular Dutch community is the Reformed
Churches of the The author discusses six characters, but only three are important for this summary. First there is the new parson, Reverend Lankman, who came to Muusland in 1967. He is in his thirties and lives in a neighboring village called Blokveld, where he is also the minister. Lankman says the day is wasted when a minister goes sauntering through the village conversing with everyone. ‘That is not what I’m hired for,’ he says (p. 857). The opponent of the minister is a 52 year-old dairy farmer named Wouda, a prestigious dairy farmer. For generations his family has held positions on the governing bodies. One of the faithful followers of the minister is Timmer. He is also a native dairy farmer, but had to sell his land and cattle because he owed taxes on his farm. At first the church
council criticized everything Lankman did, but he paid no attention.
However, over the years the members of the church council have changed,
and now support Lankman. The major conflict came when Lankman decided
to initiate a program to aid a project in Verrips notes that
the church "was converted into a political arena" (p. 806).
Lankman didn’t care about being a minister; he was only interested
in the politics of his position. He even wanted the farmers to sell
their cows to help this program in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Wagner, Erica. The
Mucuchies Phase: An Extension of the Andean Cultural Pattern into This article deals
with the cultural patterns of the Mucuchies, a protohistoric group
from an often-neglected region of the high Andes of Western Venezuela.
Erica Wagner provides evidence based on archaeological, ethnohistorical,
ecological, and botanical information to support her hypothesis that
the protohistoric inhabitants of this region of the high Andes, the
Mucuchies, are a distinct and separate group from other sub-Andean
populations of CLARITY RANKING: 4 KEVIN CONNORS Southern
Wagner, Erika. The
Mucuchíes Phase: An Extension of the Andean Cultural Pattern into In this article,
Wagner seeks to define a new cultural history for the Venezuelan Andes.
She attempts to counter the preconceived notion that the prehistory
of She begins the article
by describing the geography of the area, which is located around the
city of In her excavations of the area, Wagner found that ninety percent of the pottery she found was of the Chipepe Plain type. Artifacts found, other than pottery, include: "round clay discs, serpentine plaques, polishing and grinding stones, metates, manos, celts, hammerstones, a shell pendant, and a gold pendant" (p. 201). The article contains many illustrations of the different types of pottery, as well as stone and metal artifacts, found. In another figure,
the author shows the regional chronology of In conclusion, Wagner states that the Mucuchíes phase "represents a manifestation of the Andean pattern" (p. 211). From her reconstruction, she states that the Mucuchíes people shared a simplified version of the culture of their Columbian neighbors. She concludes by saying that "the Mucuchíes phase is an extension of the Andean cultural pattern into Western Venezuela from Columbia, and that the tierra fría zone of the Venezuelan Andes was probably marginal in the cultural development of the Andes as a whole" (p. 211). CLARITY RANKING: 4
Warren, Richard L. The Classroom as a Sanctuary for Teachers: Discontinuities on Social Control. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):280-292. In this article,
Richard Warren is looking at degrees of internal and external social
constraints exercised on teachers at two schools, one in the The system in the American school is based on a school board that acts as the administrative mechanism through which community control is to be represented; this entails encouragement for parents and teachers to be actively involved in the progress of policy and practice. However, this amounts to teachers being solely responsible for setting up various meeting with parents, few of which are taken seriously. CLARITY: 4 T.M. KEY Southern
Warren, Richard L. The Classroom as a Sanctuary for Teachers: Discontinuities in Social Control. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75 (1): 280-291. The author examines how and why culture molds the role that teachers have in a society, how it shapes the socialization power of teachers, and the varying social constraints imposed on teachers, both in public and private life. Moreover, this article allows one to realize the important socialization role and influence teachers possess on children and youth. Warren compares two school districts cross-culturally (using independent studies conducted in the mid to late 1960’s) to illustrate how geographic location, a culture’s history, and changes in culture combine to help determine how much socialization power teachers have. This in turn determines a teacher’s power and standing in society, correlates with societal expectations and overwhelmingly determines a teacher’s job satisfaction and performance. Warren’s choice
of school districts for the study may seem suspect at first glance,
especially since the communities seem to be polar opposites, but the
cultural differences instead greatly enhance his analysis. One of the
studies used comes from Rebhausen, a small rural area in The ways in which
teachers are held accountable for their actions, both in the classroom
and away from it, are also culturally determined. Two important control
processes discussed by CLARITY RANKING: 4
Watson, Karen Ann. A Rhetorical and Sociolinguistic Model for the Analysis of Narrative. American Anthropologist, 1973. Vol.75: 243-263. The purpose of Watson’s five part article is to provide a more complete method for the analysis of narrative in oral storytelling. Watson defines narrative as "the account of an event or series of events." The first part of the article briefly examines the importance of narrative to a thorough understanding of a culture and how this issue has been addressed by other anthropologists. Watson then proceeds to outline Alexander Propp’s ideas about developing a "morphology" for folktales and three theories that are based on these ideas: Claude Levi-Strauss’ theories regarding the study of myth; Alan Dundes’ method of analyzing myth; and B. N. Colby and Michael Cole’s ideas about the existence of a "narrative grammar." Watson compares these three theories and notes that all three hold that meaning is implicit rather than explicit. There are then brief summaries of Fischer’s ideas regarding the sociopsychological analysis of folktales and Heda Jason’s approach to analyzing myth as an art form. In the second part of her article, Watson summarizes the key points of Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical theory, which has been referred to by a number of titles including symbolic action, dramatism, and rhetoricalism. According to Burke, people initially create symbols in response to their environment; however, in a narrative, these symbols are creatively applied to different situations and convey modes of action rather than simply information. The third section outlines William Labov’s sociolinguistic method. Labov focuses on the narration of personal experience rather than myths and folktales. He supports six parts for the narrative structure including the abstract, orientation, complicating action, evaluation, result of the complicating action, and coda. In the fourth part of her article, after reviewing both Burke’s and Labov’s theories, Watson synthesizes the two into a working model for the analysis of narrative using symbolic equations and reaches the ultimate conclusion that complicating action can be jointly mapped with social context. Complicating action is defined as an analyzed list of minimal narrative and extended narratives. Social context, as proposed by Burke, has five aspects, which in turn have their own variables: act, scene, agent, agency, and purpose. Watson then details the synthesized method that she will use to analyze narratives gathered from 55 part-Hawaiian children who range in age from five to seven. The analysis culminates with the establishment of a relationship between complicating action and social context. In the fifth section of her article, Watson summarizes the goal of her research and details the type of analysis she will conduct on the narratives gathered from her test group. Through this analysis, she hopes to determine the influence of the narrator on the audience, and the audience on the narrator, in a given social setting. She anticipates being able to clarify the methods used by narrators towards their audiences, as well as the degree of propensity for narrative structure to be revised in response to certain social situations. Watson primarily summarizes other theorists’ ideas. It would have been nice had she discussed in greater length her own research and included some of her findings. CLARITY RANKING: 3 RYAN CARTER,
JENN WEIDMAN, AND MICHAEL JOHNSON Northern
Watson, Karen Ann. A Rhetorical and Sociolinguistic Model for the Analysis of Narrative. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75(1): 243-264. In this article, Watson attempts to synthesize the rhetorical theory of Kenneth Burke with the sociolinguistic theory of William Labov to create a formal and functional analytical framework for the study of narrative. As data in narrative form is the basis of most ethnography, an understanding of the structure and uses of narrative in a culture is essential to an understanding of cultural data. She cites the current structural methods as lacking scope in how they rely on the latent meanings of words, as well as the call for certain brain structures, making language into a system of variable content and fixed form. Therefore, Watson sets out to create an updated methodology to study data in narrative form. The majority of the article is spent in reviewing two approaches that she proposes to merge, that of Burke and Labov. Burke’s rhetorical theory puts emphasis on dimensions of narrative, outlined as symbolic action, drama, and rhetoricalism. To identify the substance of a literary act, you need a literary action, and so Burke defines all verbal acts as symbolic acts; i.e., symbols in action. Similarly, drama transforms experience, and rhetoric becomes a tool of socialization used by the individual to identify him or herself with others. Structure then comes out of motivation – the interaction between five dimensional ratios: act, scene, agent, agency, and purpose. Labov’s theory of sociolinguistics focuses on two basic functions of narrative: referential and evaluative. In Labov’s view, sociolinguistics consists of “the details of language in actual use.” Therefore, the fundamental structures are best isolated in oral versions of personal experience. The narrative goes in stages from abstract, orientation, complication, evaluation, and coda, omitting stages according to the verbal skills and patterns of the individual. Throughout the narrative, the speaker is giving a performance, constantly attempting to prove the valid reportability of the narrative. As all of this data was derived from dialogues/conversations with an interviewer, it can be welded with Burke’s theory as performance that transforms experience to persuade the audience with formative images. In bringing together the two theories, Watson draws on a synthesis between definitions and theoretical syllogism. Complication, a key to Labov’s theory, equals the essence of narrative structure, related to the social context via the narrator’s pattern of experience. The narrator then patterns experience within and in response to social context, and the complicating actions used imply certain social concerns. The new methodology proposed by Watson would provide a framework for identification of narrative style and performance in oral storytelling situations through a quantitative analysis of data to determine relationship between narrative structure and social context in a narration. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ATHENA LOTT
Weiss, Gerald. A Scientific Concept of Culture. American Anthropologist June, 1973 Vol.75(3):1376-1413. In this article Weiss discusses the concept of culture. He is dissatisfied with current views on the subject and hopes to adjust the concept so that it fits with reality. He begins by discussing the history of the term culture. Weiss uses lots of quotations to compare the many ideas of culture present in the discipline of anthropology. According to Weiss, culture is the total embodiment of humanness. The acts of being human whether they are mental, social, or physical are all a part of culture. Culture does not exclude products of culture such as artifacts. Weiss says that there are "certain total systems which deserve to be called cultural systems" (1378). The problem with the term culture is that there is no definition that is widely accepted and used by anthropologists. Tylor's 1871 definition is generally accepted 'in principle', but 'in practice' most anthropologists feel that something is lacking. Weiss is also concerned with the renaming of cultural anthropology to social anthropology. Weiss and numerous others cited in this paper feel that sociologists view culture as a derivative of social activity. Weiss states that "a comparative sociology would not be adequate to handle the full range of problems traditionally treated by the cultural anthropologist" (1381). He also believes that the concept of culture can be made precise and realistic. He proposes a set of terms with precise definitions that incorporate the term culture. There are 35 terms with definitions listed in this article. They include: anthropology, cultural anthropology, culture trait, a system, cultural system, society, human society, artifact, material culture, and culture area among many others. CLARITY RANKING: 3 KELLY EILEEN
JONES Southern
Weiss, Gerald. A Scientific Concept of Culture. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75 (5): 1376-1413. The concept of culture has been put through the ringer. Since Edward Tylor’s definition, the word "culture" has been redefined and misused countless times. In this article, Gerald Weiss attempts to establish a meaningful and clear definition of the concept of culture, and in so doing, limits and strengthens the definitions of many other terms in the anthropological lexicon In the first half of this article, Weiss concentrates on the use of the term culture. His initial dilemma stems from the plethora of meanings that culture has acquired; some specific, some more general. To some, culture is ideas, to others it is more material. As references for these definitions, he quotes the likes of Malinowski, Kroeber, and Marx. He decides that culture is both ideological and material. He also differentiates the term "culture" from the term "society." Then he presents the main points to be contended in his paper: "(1) A comparative sociology would not be adequate to handle the full range of problems traditionally treated by the anthropologist. (2) The concept of culture can be made very clear and precise, and demonstrably conforming to a definite empirical reality. (3) A set of terms incorporating the word "culture" can be given such exact definition as to dispel vagueness in a thoroughgoing fashion, these including the terms ‘culture,’ ‘a cultural phenomenon,’ ‘a cultural trait,’ ‘a cultural feature,’ and ‘a cultural system’." The list of definitions, which comprises a total of ten pages, is presented in logical sequence, so each term helps to define the next. You can understand the difficulty inherent in summarizing all 36 definitions, so for the sake of brevity I will list the first six, here culminating with his definition of culture, which should illustrate most of what I have summarized above. Anthropology: the study of the sum total of all human phenomena. Phenomenon: any particular observable thing, occurrence or property. Human phenomenon: any phenomenon that owes its existence to the mere existence of man (the genus Homo). Cultural anthropology: the study of the total of all human nongenetic phenomena. Human nongenetic phenomenon: a human phenomenon that is not a direct expression of genetic inheritance. Culture: the generic term for any and all human nongenetic or metabiological phenomena. Weiss hopes to bring these newly defined terms back to a state where they can be used as tools for science. The idea that once we have a clear meaning of terms, we can then better utilize them to explain the observable world around us, just makes sense. I believe his article was successful in this. It is clearly written, and very well researched. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Werbner, Richard P. The Superabundance of Understanding: Kalanga Rhetoric and Domestic Divination. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1414-1439. This article analyzes
the patterns of communication that are brought upon by discrete types
of seance. The author analyses two domestic seances which he observed
and taped in Kalangan clients' homes in The author describes the diviners, those who perform the seances, as well as who should and should not attend these seances. The diviners are always men who are usually above forty years of age. These men are chosen according to their public credibility as well as their ancestry to diviners of the past. Prior to the seances, the diviner is given extensive and recent information about the client, their family, and their family history. Attendance at seances is by invitation, although close relatives and visitors are often allowed to attend as well. But, as these seances are performed in response to a complaint, those who attend may vary, depending on the type of complaint. Those attending the seance of the pregnant woman included many neighbors and relatives, while the seance for the diviner's wife was attended by very few. The author determined that information and opinions generated by family, friends, and neighbors of clients creates the conclusions that a diviner draws and presents to his clients during and following a seance. Through the broad messages taken from activities during a seance and the vague messages presented, the clients can formulate their own opinions presented to them by the professional. CLARITY RATING: 2 Werbner, Richard P. The Superabundance of Understanding: Kalanga Rhetoric and Domestic Divination. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1414-1440. In this article Werbner analyzes "the language of divination" and addresses its logic. He writes in an introductory paragraph that other studies of séances neglect the styles of communication that are used in distinct kinds of séances. He argues that the language of the diviner legitimizes the conclusions he reaches in regard to the problem he addresses. Werbner analyzes the distinctive speech used in domestic séances by local diviners. He begins by giving an overview of the code used by diviners to interpret the elements of the apparatus they use to explain the cause of whatever problem they are addressing. In this case the "divining apparatus" is made up of four pieces of ivory or wood that are represent "visible signs." These "signs" have meanings that are commonly known. It is the job of the diviner to interpret the signs in relation to each other. Although the combination of certain "signs" has a formal meaning, the diviner is able to shift meaning. This is essential so that his clients can "derive personal bearings" from the séance. Werbner uses two detailed séances as examples of the stylized speech used in domestic séances, and from these he arrives at the following conclusions. First, divination is not shaped by randomness, but rather by a logical scheme that makes the "signs" relevant to the situation. Second, diviners must use devices, such as metaphors, to enhance the meanings of certain signs as opposed to others in order to lead the conclusion in a certain direction. In essence the diviner need not accuse anyone by name, only imply an accusation that will play on the suspicion of his clients. The séance is therefore an interaction between the diviner and his clients in which the information exchanged is vital to the outcome. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Westermeyer,
Joseph. Assassination and Conflict Resolution
in Joseph Westermeyer
examines ten cases of political homicides in Seven of the cases
examined involved only one assassin, and the assassins were male in
every instance. Every assassin belonged to the lower class in Westermeyer discussed how problems that may possibly lead to assassination threaten the existence of the community. Other ways to solve these social problems have either been exhausted with no change or are simply not available. It is under these circumstances that political homicides serve as a last resort for social conflict solutions. CLARITY RANKING: 4 AMY CREASY Southern
Westermeyer,
Joseph. Assassination and Conflict Resolution
in This article is
about how the people of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Wirsing, Rolf. Political Power and Information: A Cross-Cultural Study. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol.75(1):153-170. The author of this article examines political systems, their power and authority, as well as information provided by these systems across cultures. Wirsing focused on two key points; the power that underlies politics, and foundations of the collected information as well as the processes it undergoes. To direct this observation a newly developed computer program was used to store data and understand the systems better by the information it provided. A study was performed to examine views of authority cross-culturally. Wirsing pointed out that power and authority can lead to relationships where there is no reciprocity. In societies where power or hierarchy is represented in kinship tribute or tax is paid to the highest status and this can be gained through super ordinate power over lower territorial offices or levels. The highest rank or power attainable is dependent on the number of structural levels and the strength of those levels in a political system. As well, a leader or authoritative figure can communicate with the community as a society grows and becomes more complex. "Communication is the cement which binds the fabric of society together." CLARITY RANKING: 3 MEGAN WILSON
Wirsing, Rolf. Political Power and Information: A Cross-Cultural Study. American Anthropologist February, 1973 Vol. 75: 153-170. Wirsing’s study investigates two aspects of political systems: "(1) the dimensions of power of internal political relations, and (2) the number of structural levels at which politically relevant information is collected, stored, and transmitted." His thesis is that "the degree of power exercised by top political officials is directly related to the number of structural levels at which politically relevant information is collected, stored, and transmitted." The article fully explains the thesis, including definitions of the variables and terms, and tests the thesis cross-culturally. Wirsing defines "political power" as a measure of "the degree of control intensity over warfare, adjudication, appointment, wealth, and human labor." Hierarchically structured "political teams" of a society are "viewed as the units that store and vertically transmit information." These two main variables are measured with an ordinal seven-point scale, and their interdependence tested using a newly developed (as of 1973) computer program. The data and results are tabulated and explained. Wirsing’s conclusion is that the evidence strongly supports his hypothesis. To establish the link between power and information, Wirsing first explores the ways in which certain individuals gain maximal political power. These sources include: control over warfare, control over adjudication, control over appointment to lower offices, control over wealth, and control over human labor. The question he attempts to answer in his article is how do these recognized rights to power vary cross-culturally? By using data from HRAF and other sources, he compares the level of power in each culture to the amount of information controlled by each group. His evidence supports his claim: there is a positive correlation between the degree of political power in a group and the number of hierarchically structured teams it employs. The societies sampled in this study are: Mbuti Pygmies, Wolof, Chleuh, Kurds, Garo, Iban, Lau Fijans, Blackfoot, Cuna, Bororo, Bemba, Tiv, Amhara, Yakut, Khasi, Aranda, Copper Eskimos, Iroquois, Aymara, Bush Negroes, Azande, Masai, Serbs, Koreans, Andamanese, Trukese, Tlingit, Tarahumara, and Mataco. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Witherspoon, In this article Witherspoon observes the importance and operation of the sheep herd in Navajo social structure. The sheep herd is occupies a very special place in the thought and social organization of the Navajo people. To them, every day consists of tending to the sheep and making sure they are properly taken care of. In this culture, if one neglects or does not take proper care of their sheep they will be thought of as lazy or ignored. No disrespect will be shown toward them but they will be looked down upon. The women play the most important role in sheep tending. From the very early morning into the night they must keep constant watch over the sheep making sure none of them leave the corral or are harmed by coyotes. For the Navajo, these animals provide a great sense of security. They provide the people with food and clothing, and they prevent them from experiencing poverty. To them the sheep are a similar symbol of motherhood. Motherhood is a key symbol to the people and here they can see it through the birth of a lamb, like the birth of their children. To some the sheep are life, they are the mothers. As well, it is noted by Witherspoon that they have an "instinctual sense of danger". The Navajo feel the sheep give them a huge sense of psychological security. The elderly feel that working with the sheep provide them good health and a stable frame of mind. Members of other residence groups will put their herd in the same corral and grazing field because they feel it will balance out the tasks of caring for the herd and balance the social correspondence between the groups. Children of the Navajo are given lambs to start their caring for the sheep at a young age. They then will understand the tasks of tending to the herd when they are older. In the community, the size of one’s responsibility and social position is related to the size and appearance of their herd. When an individual of the group marries he will bring a few sheep at a time to his wife’s house and continue this until all of his sheep are at this location. For the Navajo, "each individual has the right to eat, live, and act for themselves" thus justifying killing one of the sheep only for one’s need. At this time a prayer will be said explaining why the animal was taken from Earth. Individualism, communalism are important concepts to the society. The sheep are owned individually and the food from the animal is communally shared. As well, products from the sheep are sold together and distributed as a group. The Navajo believe that what is good for one individual and benefits all. They take pride in the sheep herds and feel they are traditionally valuable to everyone in the society. CLARITY RANKING: 5 MEGAN WILSON Southern
Witherspoon, Witherspoon tries to show that the ethical and social systems are integrated in the operation of sheep herding. He believes that the whole value system of the Navajo deals with sheep herding. Witherspoon shows that the sheep herd provides the Navajo with material and psychological security. It helps keep them from starvation and poverty. Sheep provide them with meat for food, wool for clothing, bedding and weaving, and sinew for bows. The Navajos feel a moral responsibility to give the herd proper care. They believe that if they take care of the sheep, then the sheep will take care of them. Anyone who fails to take good care of their herd is not respected in the community and will not be elected to positions of leadership. The most powerful person has the most sheep. Herding also brings children into the life of the communal economy. The child learns the meaning, necessity, and nature of group or communal life. This experience forms his social personality. The Navajo form resident groups that put all of their sheep into one herd. This sheep herd becomes an extended family group. This communalism of individually owned sheep into a common herd also extends to the sharing of the products from the herd. This article would interest anyone who wants to learn more about the Navajo in general or about their social system. It is very easy to read and follow. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Wolfart, H. Christoph. Boundary
Maintenance in Algonquian: A Linguistic Study of The subject of this
report is to provide evidence for the languages spoken at Only a quarter to
one-third of the population of the area in question is thought to be
Cree, with the rest of the population originating on surrounding lakes.
This ethnic ambiguity has added to the confusion of linguists. Also,
the region of The author provided much of the data that was gathered in the Island Lake Survey, explaining the linguistic evidence that points to one language or another. He concludes, based on the research, that "the speech is clearly Ojibwa with an admixture of Cree"(1317). CLARITY RANKING: 4 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Wolfart, H. Christoph. Boundary
Maintenance in Algonquian: A Linguistic Study of This article concerns
the apparent "mixed language" of native groups of northeastern While the Cree Dialect Survey is discussed in the article, the author does not give details about the information he gathered. Rather, he discusses the lack of information and the lack of previous study concerning this language group. His main concern is how the vast land that the Cree speakers occupy in their small, nomadic groups affected the diversity in dialects. A questionnaire was given to the people in order to find out personal histories. The information collected is "anecdotal" and not mentioned. The Island Lake
Survey is more detailed and states that the language spoken at A survey was given
to the people of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Wordick, Frank J.F. Another View of American Kinship. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol.75(5):1634-1656. In this article studying the American Kinship system the author uses a process rather like anthropological linguistics to analyze relationships in American families. After a good deal of data, which at times is difficult to follow, conclusions are drawn from the analysis of the collected data. The author concludes that the system basically is comprised of three basic rules: half siblings and full siblings are alike, spouses are "linking relatives," and parents are ancestors and children are descendents. The conclusion is made that since these rules can apply throughout the system, then it constitutes a solidifying element to the system. The differences in variation and the multiple use of affixes such as "in-law" and "step" cause the author to conclude that the system is still in the process of creating itself into a unified, widely accepted system for kinship. CLARITY RANKING: 2 TINA HASTINGS Southern
Wordick, Frank J. F. Another View of American Kinship. American Anthropologist October, 1973 Vol. 75(2): 1634-1656. Wordick offers a new analysis for the American kinship system. The underlying structure of the system is conceived to be a set of logical rules. The operation of these rules is to show how the ego orients himself with respect to other kin types: "The rules act upon complex genealogical descriptions, reducing only those describing kinsmen to immediate kin types, and thereby specifying not only who is and who is not a kinsman, but also what each kinsman is to be called." He distinguishes three different levels of classification. They are "deep" structure, "surface" structure, and "superficial" structure. He then breaks these down by using "reduction rules." They are the "half-sibling rule (global)," "affinal incorporation rule (American)," and "ascendant/descendant rule (American)." He also identifies two "transformational rules": "the bilateral symmetry rule and sex-neutralization rule." His new analysis shows that the American kinship system is based on three logical rules; "the equivalence of half siblings with full siblings, the equivalence of spouses as linking relatives, and the equivalence of ancestors with parents and of descendents with children." He believes that these three principles underlie all varieties of the American kinship system. They also must have the same deep structure. It also shows that the American kinship system is well-defined since it tells who may be and who may not be considered a kinsman. There is also a specific term for every kinsman. He concludes that there is an American type kinship system and that it is clearly defined. "The American system is ‘descriptive’ in the classical sense of the term in that collateral relatives are never merged with lineal." He believes that the American kinship system should be considered a distinct type. This article is difficult to read because of the terminology used. CLARITY RANKING: 3
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