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American
Anthropologist
Acheson, James
M. Limited Good or Limited Goods? Response to Economic James M. Acheson’s
article examines the causes of and reasons behind the differential
response to economic change and instability associated with the new
economic opportunities in a Tarascan Indian society of Acheson utilizes
a case study of the furniture industry in Cuanajo, an eastern Tarascan
community, and its affects as an "alternate economic opportunity." He
illustrates the importance of social, cultural, and economic factors
with respect to economic opportunities in the Cuanajo community. In
this study, the focus is placed on two main occupational groups: mechanized
carpentry and the enterprise of selling furniture. Acheson breaks the
case study down into three main hypotheses. First, the presence of
superior economic opportunities is most effective in providing developmental
and economic change. Acheson continues by noting the evidence that
the predominantly poor economic status of Cuanajo men plays an important
role in the ceasing of new opportunities. Acheson’s third observation
states that men who have high "prestige" in the community
and are not likely to benefit from such endeavors are "least likely
to react to the economic opportunities." Acheson concludes
that focusing on mechanized carpentry reveals more about the factors
that influence the pueblos as a whole. In addition, he highlights the
social and cultural features of Tarascan communities that play a large
role in its economic development. Acheson draws attention to the following
three main assumptions made by prominent authors in the field (in relation
to economic responsiveness): There are economic opportunities available
in Tarascan communities, these opportunities are only available to
those willing to form large scale production and marketing units, and
economic change in Tarascan communities requires external financing
Acheson agrees that each of these assumptions is valid; however, he
explains and outlines (based on his own observations) his own modifications
to the assumptions. Although Acheson’s
examination of various hypotheses presented does not give definite
reason or cause for the lack of economic change in Tarascan communities,
he does provide insight into the phenomena. CLARITY RANKING:
2 .gif){kind=small} Banks, David
J. Changing Kinship in October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1254-1275. David J. Banks’ article
examines the social relationships among kin in Sik, a region of the Between 1950 and
1960, the economy and structure of Malay society shifted from an agricultural,
grain producing society into a society that primarily produced rubber Initially, the rubber
industry was minuscule, but after World War II the need for rubber
grew. Not only did plantations consume much of the land, but the new
industry also caused many people to flock to Sik, taking over the land
that was once farmed and inhabited by the Malays. In addition, the
government permitted once protected land to be utilized, sparking other
jobs like road building that connected the region to other parts of
the Ultimately, the
relations within the family changed due to the new social and economic
conditions. The Malays became less isolated because they were forced
to develop deeper relationships with secondary kin and individuals
outside of the immediate family. These new relations grew among people
who had to start working for those who owned rubber trees. It was no
longer possible to survive off the harvest of a private plot of land,
now people had to perform different jobs in order to succeed in the
new economy. With these changes, the family became decreasingly less
structured as the members were forced to leave the area for jobs. Parents
and children felt the pressures of separation, and the tradition of
passing land on to one’s offspring ceased to exist because there was
such a scarcity of available land. The Malays left the traditional
world and entered a world of modernity. CLARITY RANKING:
3 .gif){kind=small} Banks, David
J. Changing Kinship in The essay Changing
Kinship in Northern Malay written by David J. Banks, concentrates
on the change in traditional ideas of kinship among the Sik in northern Initially the Sik created close nuclear family bonds that were based on blood relations. They believed in the moral responsibility to their blood kin and reinforced this bond in their daily lives through acts of loyalty, friendship, and trust. Shows of solidarity were considered very important and to deny it was to deny your blood history. Other important
aspects of kinship were to provide a base for your children to become
self-sufficient and thriving members of the community. This was a fairly
obtainable goal pre World War I when land was plentiful in relation
to a small population of people. However
this began to change as new social and economic factors began to infiltrate
this once isolated community. After
WW II the Sik community shifted from an agricultural society to a rubber
producing society. As demand
for rubber grew, corporations leaving less for private farming for
the Malay by snatching up large tracts of land. Other
portions of land were utilized for road building, which connected the
region to other parts of the The rubber industry eventually became fairly successful, thus attracting outsiders looking for employment. This created a population boom, which greatly affected the economic and social landscape of the area. Much of the land that was farmed by the Sik, was either taken over by plantations, or utilized as dwelling spaces by those who migrated to the area for work. Traditions in Sik culture that influenced the ideas of family and how a person should function socially in the process of living their life began to change. In turn, this influenced and changed the dynamics of traditional family bonds within the local population. As this new social and economic shift arose, it was no longer possible to make a living off a private plot of land. It became necessary for people to work different jobs in order to live in this new economic landscape. With these changes, there was also a shift in family values. Family members found it necessary to leave the area for other jobs in order to make a living. As available land became scarce, the long tradition of passing land on to ones children also was lost. The Sik were forced out of their defined inner circle of kinship and forced into a new circle, the modern world. They must now look for “kinship” everywhere, and adjust to the new social order that has erased the old. In Banks conclusion he does not judge whether this shift in the social order is good or bad. He simply states what he has observed and that failure and success depend on life situations and fate. CLARITY RATING: 4 TIMOTHY
BORNTRAGER Beale, Calvin
L. An Overview of the Phenomenon of Mixed Racial
Isolates in the In his article,
Beale’s argument is that the existence of mixed racial groups in the Another factor discussed
throughout the article is the founding of separate schools for racial
minorities. Segregation was prominent within school systems for many
years. In 1969, parents of Indian children in Beale constructs
his argument by citing examples of interracial instances throughout
history in order to convince his readers. Race, Beale claims, is intended
to refer to someone’s ethnic background, but instead, it seems to describe
his or her skin color. Each color or race has its positive and negative
connotations. In the case of this article, being "Triracial" has
held negative connotations for many years. Because there has been a
decrease in separation as well as rural depopulation, "Triracial" groups
are not very prominent anymore, only a few of them exist. CLARITY: 5 Benfer, Robert
A. Factor Analysis as Numerical Induction: How
to Judge a Book by its Cover. American Anthropologist June, 1972
Vol.74(3):530-554. In this article,
Benfer defends his previous work against questions raised by James
E. Sackett. He also discusses the "applications and limitations
of factor analysis", which he asserts is "an advanced method
of creating numerical inductions" (which he claims may be "superior
to more intuitive approaches" in certain cases) (530). He argues
specifically for the usefulness of factor analysis in archaeology,
giving example from both his previous and recent work. Benfer asserts the
validity of various statistical analyses. He argues against the idea, "that
parametric and nonparametric statistics are entirely different approaches
(531)." Benfer divides the objections raised by Sackett into two
categories, those concerning factor analysis and those concerning the
use of redundant variables. Benfer maintains that Sackett’s objections
are unjustified. Many arguments against factor analysis Benfer claims
are simply incorrect. Redundancy in variables he explains, essentially,
as having an insignificant effect on the final statistics. To illustrate his
arguments, Benfer offers what plasmode, or, "worked example with
relatively well understood data (530)." In this example, Benfer
used books from his own bookshelf as his sample. He took various measurements
and analyzed them using the methods he promotes in the beginning of
the article. After completing
this experiment, Benfer came to several conclusions. He found that
measurements that intuitively seem redundant might turn out to be independent,
and those that seem independent may be redundant. "Factor analysis
as numerical induction," he maintains, " still may not be
more useful than, say cluster analysis (549)." Benfer ends by
saying that more tests on numerical induction are necessary. CLARITY RANKING:
2 Berreman, Gerald
D. Social Categories and Social Interaction in
Urban Berreman’s article
deals with the definition, function and effects of social categories
in urban Berreman’s main
argument is that the placement of individuals in social groups in Berreman’s argument
is constructed through the illustration of various categories that
define social identity in urban Indian society and by defining the
implications of that definition. He uses anecdotal evidence to show
interactions between different groups and their perception of their
own identity in relation to others. His careful analysis of the words
and actions of the people he has studied provides a clear picture of
the society’s divisions and the purposes they serve. He then presents
his observations of their influence on the behavior, attitudes and
culture of the people of Readers will find Berreman’s arguments convincing because his research is extremely thorough. They will also find the article interesting given the widespread notion that the Indian "caste system" is extremely hierarchical contrasts significantly Berreman’s argument describing its complexity. CLARITY RATING: 5 Berreman, Gerald
D. Social Categories And
Social Interaction in Urban In this article, categories into which people classify themselves and others in a North Indian city were collected, together with identifying characteristics and stereotypes. The research was performed from a symbolic interactionist perspective, using detailed observation and inquiry regarding what people do in face-to-face interaction. The author also examined how people in Urban India choose among alternative behaviors in terms of the meanings that specific attributes, actions, and social situations have for them and for those with whom they interact. Through this research, the complexity of the terminological system, the crucial importance of situation and audience, and the tenuous relationship between terminology and behavior in Urban India was revealed. The research performed by Berreman was based on four fundamental kinds of questions: (1) What are the social categories-the social identities-of people composing the society as defined by themselves? (2) What characteristics are attributed to members of these social categories? (3) By what cues and in what circumstances do people identify individuals as belonging to a particular social category? (4) How are the above three questions related to interpersonal behavior? How do these facts affect how people behave in one another's presence (or behind their backs)? In order to answer these four questions, Berreman observed and talked to people in many different circumstances and in many different social classes. He worked primarily in public places where most distinctively urban interactions take place. He interacted with people naturally and in interview situations. Berreman divides the terms used by the interviewees and subjects into four categories. These are: religious groups, regional-linguistic groups, caste-categories, and social class, life-style, and occupational categories. In general, Berreman found that stereotypes and indicators of ethnic identity were closely tied to one another and to the terminology. Interpersonal and intergroup behavior, however, was not closely related to terminology and its correlates. Behavior proved to be less specific in terminology. Gerald D. Berreman argues that social identity cannot be understood without understanding the variation in peoples' knowledge and use of the categorical terms. These matters become a major focus of his research. The number and specificity of terms which could be applied to an individual, and which ones could be applied in a particular instance, varied from one individual to another. This variation, according to Berreman, proved to be largely a function of one's own social identity. CLARITY: 3 ARLENE LIVINGSTON Bigart, Robert
James. Indian Culture and Industrialization. American
Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1180-1187. Robert James Bigart
describes the concerns with the process of incorporating Western technology
into different cultures, such as the Native Americans. For instance,
Bigart explains how factories were created by "Western" culture
with the intention of serving those within their society; those on
Native American Reservations, however, would prefer the factories be
designed in a non-Western style. Moreover, Bigart explains the concerns
with the possibility of Indian cultures acculturating into a more Western,
technology-based society. It is because of these concerns that a group
of Salish Flathead Indians in Throughout the article,
Bigart explains various character differences between members of Native
American and "Western" cultures. For instance, within the
Native American community, an individual’s independence is very prominent,
as they look to others for help and guidance, but often answer their
problems on their own. Another behavior practiced among Native Americans
is the use of rewards before punishment, especially between various
groups of the cultural hierarchy Bigart explains their strong sense
of loyalty and dedication within the group, and they are taught to
put the needs of others before their own. Bigart also discusses how
Native Americans may not feel pressure to pursue careers and money,
and they also place a greater focus on the present-time as opposed
to the future. He believes that
the factories on reservations would be much more successful if they
maintained Indian organization. He thinks there should be more of a
balance which would allow the workers in the factory to benefit on
an individual level as well as within the community. The Yankton Sioux
Reservation in CLARITY: 4 This article is
concerned with the status of relations between lineages, in Gilyak
(or Nivkh in modern terms) society, which is located in the
former In Gilyak lineage pattern, each extended family concerns itself with warfare and general disputes, inherited fishing and hunting territories and inherited wealth, determination of married status and name, and determination of participation in village rituals. Lineages themselves are do not give special status, the only discrepancy in village status depends upon whether one is a wife-giver or wife-taker. Black disagrees with conclusions reached by Levi-Strauss, an anthropologist who researched kinship groups. Black comments that ethnographic data in this area proves that the only ranking done within Gilyak villages is based on the "time of settlement in the locality." This fact points to the idea that those who come last are given wives, and are therefore inferior to those that have already settled in the village. In the relationship between he who gave the wife and he who took the wife, the wife-taker must perform menial tasks for the wife-giver, and live with the humility that comes with this position. Even Gilyak folklore, Black states, proves the point of the inferior wife-takers. Therefore, in this society, wife giving is a contract, a settlement between the settled man and the new stranger, a contract of cooperation, "mutual support," and inferiority of the latter. Black admits that this seemingly strange arrangement does limit the amount of conflict in the village, and sets rights and duties between the settled and the settlers. CLARITY RANKING: 2 In this article,
Lydia Black gives evidence to support her theory that wife givers have
more status than wife takers in the patrilineal Gilyak society. They
are a egalitarian group located on both banks of the Amur river in In this society, strangers are welcomed with the gift of a wife. When strangers come into the society they have to get permission to fish and hunt. They are also given a wife. The person that is giving the wife to the stranger gets more status then the receiver. They also have more status because they are the owners of the land. Black goes on to prove her point by telling a Gilyak myth. The myth shows that when you are a wife taker you have to perform menial tasks for the wife giver, and that there is no respect for the taker. In the myth, the taker acquires wealth and is shown a great amount of respect. This shows that the Gilyak do look at status from many different levels, and not just by wife giver and taker. The wife is like a contract to the society. If the taker accepts the wife then he has certain obligation to the group. In this article Black discuses many issues. She draws on folklore and the works of other anthropologists to get her issue across. Even with the integration of folklore and the works of others I found this article hard to understand. Black also did not touch on the woman’s point of view. I think that this is something very important to do, considering that they have no choice in the matter. I do not feel that Black conveyed the message that she was trying to achieve. CLARITY RANKING: 2 LAUREN IOVANELLA Brown, Jennifer. Plato’s
Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic
Education. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):672-675. Brown discusses
Plato’s Republic as documentation of the transition from an
oral to a literate educational system and a critique of the Athenian
educational system. Plato’s contemporary society, Brown claims, was
in transition from oral to literate. She examines the educational processes
associated with an oral society and the ways in which literacy can
change them. In oral societies
information is transmitted through legends and sayings that easily
remembered, often in the form of poetry, such as Homer. The formulaic
nature of these legends and phrases makes them easy to mimic and remember.
Brown argues that this is what Plato was criticizing in the Republic.
Because knowledge was transmitted through imitation and memorization,
ideas were rarely questioned and thus new ideas were rarely formed.
Brown disputes those scholars who take offense at Plato’s suggestions
to censor poetry and art. She argues that Plato’s intentions were not
to limit imagination, but rather to promote thought. He wanted people
to learn to question things that they were taught. Brown compares Plato’s ideas on censorship to modern views on the violence and superficiality that people are exposed to through the media. Plato’s claimed that epic poetry and oral education in general was limiting people’s minds instead of expanding them, what is referred to as the Cave Allegory. Many scholars agree that enculturation in modern societies is significantly affected by the media. Brown maintains that the enculturation system Plato was arguing against worked in a similar way through oral poetry. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Brown, Jennifer. Plato’s Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic Education. American Anthropologist, 1972 Vol.74(?):672-675. As the title suggests, there are two major parts to Brown’s piece. Although they are addressed separately, they are closely intertwined. The subject of this inquiry is Ancient Greek thinker Plato and his piece the Republic. As one of the hallmarks of Western thought, the Republic, contrary to its title, has been analyzed “as essentially a treatise on education rather than the political essay…” (Brown 672). More importantly, within the Republic Jennifer Brown examines Plato’s thoughts on the nature of education and restrictions needed keep it pure. In the end, Brown asserts that this Ancient Greek text provides one the first and most important instances of media bias, censorship and a system of positive feedback. Plato emerged from a primarily oral, non-literate society and obviously much more greatly educated than the masses. From this pedestal, Plato questioned what is actually “educating” the masses in the first place. “Knowledge in older Greek society was largely cast in the form of myths, legends, and sayings…” (Brown 672). Homer and Hesiod were the major influences on an Ancient Greek child’s education. Plato accused these models of being “morally and intellectually confining rather than challenging or provocative” (Brown 672). Not only are the arts nurturing bad habits, but they are distracting and too limiting. From this negative opinion of the art and poetry, it is easy to see why Plato censors them in his ideal form of education in the Republic. The second portion
of Brown’s piece deals with Plato’s so-called Prosaic Education. This
can essentially “be characterized as a ‘positive-feedback’ or ‘deviation-amplifying’ system…” (Brown
674). In respect to the current
mode of education implemented and accepted in Both topics discussed in Jennifer Brown’s essay shape Plato’s original thoughts on how inquiry ought to occur. Moreover, a system of education must both disallow for distractions while focusing allowing more original ideas to form. CLARITY: 4 TOM
PELLMAN Cole, Michael and Gay, John. Culture and Memory. American Anthropologist, October 1972. Vol. 74(5):1066-1083. Cole and Gay tackle a very intriguing question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently? They explore the relation between culture and cognition. They quote an anthropologist who suggests cultures differ only in their values and beliefs, not in the reasoning and thinking processes. They suggest that anthropologists study human behavior in distinct and limited situations in order to determine what cognitive processes are at work. The number of carefully controlled studies that look at the relation between culture and thinking is quite small making it difficult to collect information in this situation. The particular problem that Cole and Gay discuss is the relation between memory and the specific social and logical circumstances in which it occurs. They expect that members of a pre-literate society may have developed mnemonic skills different from those of literate societies. History plays a major role in many traditional societies and importance is placed on memory of these events. In these cultures, a person who cannot remember large amounts of information is likely to be looked upon as mentally lacking. The importance of items in a community also determines the amount of information retained about it. For example, a child could not relay a message given to him by the anthropologist, but when an adult was asked about how the cattle did last year; his answers were abundant and informative because in that culture, cattle was the main source of subsistence. Another aspect of the relation of culture and memory was in African tribes. They had a system of rote learning. This simply means that a person has a tendency to repeat material in the same order in which it was presented. The success in this study was that the recall of the information was closely related to the degree of organization with which it is presented. Cole and Gay conclude that much work still needs to be done in order to fully understand how culture and the mind are connected. Other places within the culture must be identified and considered and different methods of the recall of information must be tested. They do say that they are closer to answering the original question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently, then before their study. CLARITY: 2 VICTORIA
RUSSELL Collins, Daniel. The
American Isolates, The Racially - Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing
The Jackson White Legends. American Anthropologist October, 1972
Vol.74(5): 1276-1285. In his article,
Daniel Collins addresses the problem of the Jackson Whites, a group
of isolated people, being alienated because of their enigmatic background.
Collins describes the Jackson Whites as a group of mixed race people
who reside in the Collins argues that
the Jackson Whites are trapped in the confusion of race and class prejudices
of the local white middle class. The Jackson Whites have reacted by
taking on a code of silence in which they do not react to or speak
of anything concerning their racial identity. Their identity is continuously
slandered because of the lack of communication between the Jackson
Whites and the outside world, which constantly causes misunderstandings.
However, it seems that all the misunderstandings are caused by legends
and false evidence. For example, residents who live in the same area
as the Jackson Whites say that as a people they are lawless, that they
are thieves and murderers and they harbor runaway girls and criminals
(1283). Collins tries to convince readers that the false legends of the Jackson Whites need to be corrected. He discusses their large and detailed background while along with the assumptions made by outsiders. Collins also describes where the Jackson Whites currently abide as well as the way they live, including the jobs they have and the closeness of their families. Collins uses previous background information from the works of J.C. Storms and Davis Steven Cohen to explain the confusion amongst the Jackson Whites and how their lives became the way that they presently are. Collins’ argument is reasonable enough to convince readers that racial and class injustices have been made against the Jackson Whites because of previous misconceptions. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Collins, Daniel. The Racially-Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing the Jackson White Legends American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(#5):1276-1285. The general issue
that this article dealt with was exposing legends dealing with the
Jackson White group of people that live in the The author sites a large number of sources that point to the stupidity, backwardness, and underdevelopment of the people known as the Jackson Whites that range from stories of their inception during the colonial times to their behaviors in the present (the early 1970’s in this case). The stories and myths that the author addresses were mostly written by persons and newspapers during the 1930’s, and seem to have been based mostly on opinion and legend instead of documentation and fact. The author then went on to describe the problems that were plaguing the Jackson Whites during the period during which the article was written. These problems included a public stereotype of them being dirty, stupid, and hostile as well as problems between them and the government that was trying to take away their land. The author’s main point seems to be that the reader doesn’t need to instantly disregard public opinions in the matter of the Jackson Whites, but that they should look into several sources instead of blindly following whatever common stereotype is most prevalent. The author notes that the Jackson Whites do exhibit characteristics of communal silence towards outsiders, disregard of some civic law, and follow different family structures than many American families. However, he also points out that many stereotypes are completely unfounded (stupidity), and others are instigated in part by local population’s actions (such as the local police and firemen’s reluctance to assist them). The author concludes the article by describing the Jackson White population’s plight with their land. The population is slowly losing their land due to an increase in taxes on the land. Without the land that has defined this population in so many ways, the Jackson Whites may become just another displaced minority, and could soon lose any identity that they once shared. CLARITY: 4 SCOTT
HUFFER Dane, J.K., and
Griessman, Eugene B. The Collective Identity of
Marginal Peoples: The In this article
Dane and Griessman show the development of an Indian identity among
two marginal groups of people in Until 1835 Indians
in Dane and Griessman
discuss the various obstacles the Haliwa and Sampson County Indians
have faced over the years, especially since the nineteen fifties. They
use local government records such as censuses to illustrate the population
and economic levels of the Indians over time. They conclude that these
people have developed a sense of pride for their Indian identity, which
surpasses the previous feelings of inferiority impressed on them for
years because of their confused heritage. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Driver, Harold
E. Reply to Opler on Apachean Subsistence, Residence,
and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October, 1972
Vol.74(5):1147-1151 In this article,
Driver is replying to an article written by Opler, in which Opler argued
against certain claims made by Driver in a previous article. All three
of these article focus on the culture of the Apache Indians of North
America. The three main arguments that Driver defends in this article
concern the importance of girls’ puberty rites, occurrence of matrilocal
residence, and methods of subsistence of the Apache Indians. Driver agrees with
Opler that the importance of girl’s puberty rites applies primarily
to the reservation period in Apache history. However, he claims that
the importance of the ceremony during that period still supports the
argument he was making in his previous article, concerning the thesis
of an article written by Judith K. Brown. Driver states that
Opler disagreed with him on the subject of matrilocal residence. According
to Driver, Opler argued that all Apaches did not have contact with
plains tribes; the people who driver claims influenced the Apache to
live matrilocaly. Driver argues that he did mean to imply that all
Apaches had contact with plains tribes, but rather that some Apaches
did and they spread the idea to the other Apache tribes. Driver claims
that in According to Driver,
Opler argued that Apaches in the Driver argues against many points made by Opler in an effort to support his own previous arguments. He draws on evidence from several other anthropologists as well as himself and even from Opler’s own work in order to support his claims. Driver’s arguments overall are persuasive, but both of Driver’s articles as well as Opler’s article would need to be read to comprehend their arguments fully. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Fulton, Richard
M. The Political Structures and Functions of Poro
in Kpelle Society. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1218-1233. Richard Fulton’s
article analyzes the political structures and functions of the Poro,
or male society, in the Kpelle society of The main function
of the Poro is to perform sacred tasks. They organize relationships
with the spirits that are the foundation of the Kpelle. The Poro political
structure is not uniform, but does maintain political equilibrium.
Positions in the Poro are given through skill and completion of appointed
tasks. Richard Fulton’s
article makes accurate statements about the structures and functions
of the Poro in Kpelle society. The article is organized to make it
easy for readers to compare and contrast the two societies. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Gray, Charles
Edward. Paradoxes in Western Creativity. American
Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):676-688. Gray’s article is
a quantitative follow-up to Kroeber’s Configurations of Culture
Growth, which qualitatively analyzed the irregular spurts in creativity
throughout Western history. Gray quantitatively measured creativity
in Western civilization as a whole and in each major nation individually.
He divided history into sixteen time periods ranging between the years
from 850 and 1955. For each nation he counted the number of great artists
or thinkers and the number of works produced in their field to determine
when each nation creatively excelled and in what areas. He then took
the sum of the nations to show the fluctuation of Western creativity
as a whole over time. Gray found that while there are distinct time
periods in Western history that yielded more creativity, the contributions
from each nation for each discipline reveal more irregularity. Each nation had
a time period in which they produced a high rate of creativity in the
arts. However this creativity was usually limited to one or two specialties.
For example, while the Dutch were highly creative in painting during
the sixteenth century, the English excelled in literature during the
High Renaissance. Gray found a high correlation between the political
state of the culture and the culture’s artistic creative output. For
example, the Spanish painting and literature thrived during the height
of their political power in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
In contrast, the Germans lagged in the arts while they were involved
in the Thirty Years War during the Baroque period. While a favorable
political atmosphere seems to stimulate creativity, nationalism seems
to stifle it. In By studying these
bursts in creativity, Gray hoped to discover a reason why the arts
evolve in an elliptical pattern while the sciences tend to advance
in a linear progression. Although he found some correlation between
the political state of a culture and its creative output, he could
not determine the reason why certain countries would have a creative
burst in only one area while others would stand out in multiple areas,
such as the Renaissance Italians. He concludes that these irregularities
from nation to nation may only be sparked by historical accidents and
that the occurrence of artistic genius may be as random as the movements
of individual molecules within a gas. Therefore, to try to achieve
a more frequent and even level of creativity overall will be a daunting
endeavor. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Griessman, Eugene
B. The American Isolates. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):693-. Griessman chooses
the term "marginal peoples" to refer to people of mixed races.
Marginal peoples live in at least eighteen of the eastern states, both
North and South, and their estimated population is 75,000. These people
are often called American Isolates. They generally prefer to avoid
attention. People have over time constructed insulting names to call
them, such as "Red Bones", "Brass Ankles", and "Issues." The low social position
of American Isolates in their societies is not a result of their "mixed
blood," but is instead due to their label as a third group in
an environment that is based on only two social groups. Griessman explains
that Isolate groups have formed boundaries, which makes it difficult
for field workers to engage in detailed work for fear of ruining these
boundaries or intruding on the societies’ "guarded secrets." Isolates
do not want to change the norms of their societies. While investigators
respect this fact, it is beneficial for the fieldworkers to understand
the cultures and how they interact with each other. Soon after the Civil
War and Reconstruction much effort was put into creating a "recognized
Indian status." Some of these groups were successful in achieving
this status. They went about it in several ways. Separate schools and
churches were created to establish unity among the Isolate groups.
There is irony in the fact that these methods were formed to unify
the groups, because they were the same reasons for which minority groups
were discontinued. The two groups that Griessman chose to study were
the Haliwa Indians, who were descendents of people from Griessman describes
the economic situation of the Haliwa populations. In 1968, they were
poor and owned small farms that were used to grow minimal amounts of
tobacco or vegetables. By 1969 more than ninety percent of were successfully
maintaining positions in blue-collar jobs. These statistics seem to
be great improvements for the Haliwa people, but in Sampson County
Indians are economically and socially trapped between Whites and Blacks. One of the more
effective ways in which unity was created among these groups was though
education. There was segregation in the educational field because Whites
believed that Indians should attend "Negro" schools. The
parents of these children would not allow that, and some groups built
their own schools. Politically, the
Indians faced identity obstacles as well. In 1965, members of the Haliwa
tribe fought to have their birth certificates, marriage licenses, and
driver’s licenses changed to exclude the words "colored race" and
replace the term with "the Indian race." By doing this, the
Indians achieved a huge advantage, an identity. When fieldworkers visit these societies, they will notice that many of the negative attitudes towards the "marginal peoples" have changed. These people have a much greater pride in their race. This transition of race from American Isolates to Indian may eventually lead to a greater transition. When Griessman studied marginal peoples he came across a man who explained just this theory, "Sure there’s some around here that calls themselves Indians. When I was a boy they was Issues or Mulattoes. Now they are Indians. Before long, they’ll be White." CLARITY RANKING: 4 Handlelman, Don and Bruce Kapferer. Forms of Joking Activity: A Comparative Approach. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3): 484- 517. The purpose of this article is to analyze the context and behavior necessary in joking activities. The activity must be consensual and permitting to those involved. In order to joke there must be a “license to joke.” This is the situation that is set up and makes it appropriate to act in a joking manner. There are also established “rules” to joking. There are two sets of categories that distinguish the types of joking. The first set is a contained or uncontained joking sequence. This refers to the people that are allowed to participate in the joke. In a “contained” joking situation, only certain people are able to participate based on the context of the situation. In an “uncontained” joking situation, it is easier for others to join in. The other categories are the types of joking frames. Jokes are either “setting-specific” or “category-routinized.” In a setting-specific joking frame, the joke is a single situation. The joke is normally short lived and is easily ended. In category-routinized joking frames, the context of the joke comes from something that the participants were previously aware of. The joke may last longer and can continue to be added to. In order to support the theories of joking situations, four specific examples were given. Background information was provided in order that the joke situation would make sense. Then a dialog of the joke was given followed by an explanation as to why the joke worked in the given context. The first situation gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame. An insult was made and was turned into a joke. The person who was the butt of the insult then made a joke about himself so as to make the situation funny. The whole situation, however, was actually making a statement. Because the joke merely derived from an insult, it was only a single situation. The second situation also gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame. This example also stemmed from an insult. However, in this instance, the joke was almost carried too far. Once the joking starts to get serious, someone ends it in order to keep the mood of joking present. The last two examples were category-routinized joking frames. In order for these jokes to work, a previous understanding of the context must be present. The first one dealt with typical actions of certain African tribes. Without the understanding of the tribe, the joke would not make sense. The second joking frame was an ongoing activity. Without the previous actions, the joke would not exist. CLARITY: 3 NICOLE
PHILLIPS Hardesty, Donald
L. The Human Ecological Niche. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):458-466. The concept of the
ecological niche is one of the most inconsistently used in anthropological
studies. In his article, Hardesty clarifies the concept of the ecological
niche and discusses the important implications of the niche in anthropology.
He does so by using statements from other scholars including Barth,
Hutchinson, and Cohen, and by drawing conclusions of his own. In his
article Hardesty explains that the idea of the ecological niche is
multi-dimensional; it is composed of ecological, biological and cultural
factors. A niche provides
all conditions essential for an organism to exist. Human society includes
many such personal niches to create a community of interrelated occupations
and personalities. Many scholars, including
Barth, have equated the ecological niche with the microenvironment,
but this can lead to some confusion as it contains the idea of a habitat,
which can seem synonomous to a niche. Hardesty’s argument is that interaction
between man and environment should be evaluated in terms of niche occupation,
because anthropologists look at the relationship between organism and
environment and not the physical or geographical place where life is
led, which would be a habitat. Therefore, disagreeing with Barth,
Hardesty explains that habitat is not a useful term in anthropological
situations. Cohen lists criteria
to indicate how much a human population has adapted to the environment.
He explains that a "well-adapted system" (i.e. hunting and
gathering, urban-industrial) has control over its environment by way
of cultural behaviors. However, Cohen does not discuss the degree of adaptation due
to adoption of a specific system, and this is where Hardesty clarifies.
In his article, Hardesty attempts to clarify the confusion over the
ecological niche in anthropological studies. He integrates biology,
ecology, and culture in his attempt to define the human niche, while
making reference to points made by anthropologists and other scholars.
Hardesty’s article would be most interesting to someone researching
the relationship between humans and their various ecological environments.
It sheds a bit of light on the methods of analysis of populations and
the niches they occupy. CLARITY RANKING: 3. Hardesty, Donald L. The Human Ecological Niche. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3): 458- 466 The purpose of this article is to define the human ecological niche and explain its importance in anthropology studies. Hardesty uses the definitions of various other anthropologists to help confirm his ideas. The ecological niche can be defined in many ways. It is often confused with, but is not the same as, the habitat in which an individual lives. The niche is everything that an individual needs to exist. It is the place or role that the individual fills. It can be considered the culture of the individual and the activities that take place in life. Some anthropologists consider the ecological niche the same as the microenvironment. This consists of all of the resources that are needed in a population for subsistence. This would also include the habitat in which an individual resides, takes shelter, and performs daily activities. Another view is the multi-functional niche which consists of a “fundamental niche” and a “realized niche.” The fundamental niche consists of the conditions and individual faces when not competing with society. The realized niche contains the conditions when the individual is competing. The article then goes on to explain the “competitive exclusion principle.” This principle explains that there will be competition and dominance so that an ecological niche is not occupied by more that one group. With specialization, the groups end up being different and in fact occupy different niches. The last section of the article explains adaptation and its role in defining the ecological niche. This section focuses on the ecological niche being defined by the culture of a group. Culture is the way in which humans adapt to their environments. With the use of culture, humans are able to find their own ecological niche and class in the world. CLARITY: 4 NICOLE
PHILLIPS Hays, David G.,
Margolis, Enid, Naroll, Raoul and Perkins, Dale Revere. Color
Term Salience. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74 (5):
1107-1121. In their article
on colour term salience, Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins concentrate
on a previous study by Hays, Margolis,
Naroll and Perkins begin their analysis by presenting the correlations
between salience and earliness of introduction, brevity of expression,
frequency of use, and frequency of mention in ethnographic literature,
correlations that have not been mentioned in The authors of the
article propose that, instead of talking about "basic" color
terms used by Berlin and Kay, one should look at "focal" color
terms – terms for a certain set of eleven specific colors (black, white,
red, yellow, green, blue, brown, pink, orange, purple and grey). They
insist that one should not look at how many specific color names a
language has, but at how many of those eleven colors have specific
names in the language. Even though CLARITY RANKING:
3 Hill, Jane H. On
the Evolutionary Foundations of Language. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):308-317 Jane Hill presents
her arguments on how language has evolved to be what it is today. Using
examples from other primate species, Hill makes a strong argument for
evolution, through development of speech patterns, the biological voice
and of Hominidae through their ability to communicate. She states we
need to pay particular attention to where language originates, realizing
that by doing so we will understand her theory of the process of hominization,
or how hominids have evolved through time. Hill studies the
features of languages spoken not only by humans but also by primates,
since primates do not speak words with which humans are familiar. Through
her research, Hill concludes that linguistic characteristics share
a common origin; in her words "I am assuming that the features
under consideration are universal because they have a common origin
in hominid phylogeny, not because of some convergence due to the interaction
of other, unnamed features with common cultural conditions" (308). Hill also discusses
other points of human language which have not received much attention,.
such as how voice and human speech are related, the human ability to
acquire certain language skills, and whether or not a human population
is able to retain these skills by becoming comfortable with their language. Hill concludes by reinforcing her argument in four main points. First, as previously discussed, she examines universal characteristics of language, presenting the theory of a common origin. Secondly, she claims "articulation…with upright posture…puts a lower time limit on the date of the origins of language…" (315). By this, Hill is asserting that the way we speak a language, or how we articulate sounds, depends on our body position, which also quantifies the amount of time needed for language to evolve to its present status. Thirdly, she discusses the realm of cognitive abilities and how it plays a role in language development. Finally, she argues how the "nesting" or "embedding" phenomenon contributes to increased population growth, which is then displayed through human interaction. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Much debate surrounds the issue of the origin and development of human language: Where did it begin? When did it come into form? What evidence exists and how is it to be interpreted? In this article, Jane Hill attempts to outline and defend her hypothesis that language occurred through an evolutionary process much the same as the biological evolution that allowed for the emergence of anatomically modern humans. She disputes the idea that language occurred merely as a cultural catastrophe at the threshold between hominids and humans, and claims that with the emergence of upright posture came the potential for human language. Not merely the increase in brain size, but also “(1) the vocal tract anatomy associated with human speech production, (2) the upper age limits on efficient language acquisition, and (3) the property of nesting or embedding in language” (309) occurring at this time of biological transformation is what allowed for the human language to slowly evolve. Hill’s argument stems from the discussion of these main areas of development and includes a wide array of outside sources and authorities. For each of the three topics she offers both supporting and contradicting beliefs. Much of the evidence is from the study and comparison of human anatomy and structure to that of primates. She points out that while it is still believed that there are striking similarities between these two groups, “the mode of speech production used in all known human languages is rather different from that known for the apes and monkeys” (309). Hill makes clear her belief that when bipedal locomotion evolved, intellectual and linguistic evolution also occurred. She believes that these evolutions cannot be isolated but that they played a significant, interrelated role in the success of the formation of the modern human. Bipedalism led to increased speech production capacity, which in turn “gave the neurological systems something to work on” (311). The emergence of language was not merely a hold over of the primate aspect of the hominids, but instead a newly evolving human capability. CLARITY: 3 JULIA BUCK Johnson, Leroy. Problems
in "Avant-Garde" Archaeology. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):366-377. Johnson’s article
concentrates on the problems faced when applying "avant-garde" techniques
to the field of archaeology. Avant-garde archaeology, better known
as the "new" archaeology, refers to the use of statistics
in social-scientific reconstructions of the past. The author examines
five key problems within the practice of "new" archaeology
and explains why each needs to be modified. These problems include
philosophy and statistics, generalization and bias, site sampling and
statistical induction, and data relationships. The first problem
is related to philosophy, statistics, and their role in archaeological
methodology. With regard to philosophy, Johnson believes that the theories
introduced using the techniques of "new" archaeology are
too general and lack sufficient evidence. While data sets are large,
there is still insufficient evidence because of the lack of literary
evidence and interpretation of artifacts. In addition to insufficient
evidence, "new" archaeology places too much emphasis upon
statistical data. As a result, statistical data is left to determine
theory and philosophical assumptions or philosophical theorizing. Ideally,
statistics should be used only to determine patterns in archaeological
data and not act as the core of archaeological theory. The second section
of Johnson’s work deals with generalizations and biased social reconstructions.
Simplified, "new" archaeologists have manipulated archaeological
evidence in order to confirm theories that lack physical evidence. Another problem
relates to archaeological site sampling and statistical induction.
Johnson feels that the increased emphasis placed upon statistical data
is driven by a concern to confront the role that bias plays in excavation.
In effect, mathematical data is concrete and not subject to bias or
interpretation. However, even though mathematical truth is not subject
to bias, it cannot serve as the foundation of archeological theory
alone. By combining archaeological principles with other social/scientific
fields, more complete theories and analyses can be made. Finally, Johnson
discusses data relationships. Johnson believes that statistical data
does have a place within the field of archaeology. The problem arises,
however, when "new" archaeology relies too heavily upon statistics.
Statistics should only be used when combined with archaeologists’ observations.
When interpreting archaeological data, one should draw upon techniques
used in other fields of sciences and social sciences such as anthropology
and natural science. The article serves
as a valuable tool for researchers who want a concise summary of the
problems pertaining to the "new" archaeology. While examples
from other older archaeologists are used, they are only small excerpts
that do not contain any in-depth analysis. It is imperative to note
that "new" archaeology, while worth studying; no longer represents
the latest trend in archaeology. Contemporary archaeological theory
no longer privileges statistical analysis. For further information
on the latest techniques in archaeology one should research Cognitive
Archaeology, which is a combination of Postprocessual/Interpretive and Processual techniques.
The article provides a very extensive bibliography, which will guide
researchers toward other authors on the subject of the techniques and
theories of "new" archaeology. CLARITYRANKING:3 Khare, R.S. Hierarchy
and Hypergamy: Some Interrelated Aspects among the Kanya-Kubja Brahmans.
American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):611-628. In this article,
R.S. Khare attempts to explain the practice of hypergamy and how it
relates to hierarchy. The Kanya-Kubja Brahmans of Northern India are
used as example. Hypergamy is the practice of marrying into an equal
or more prestigious social group or caste. The Kanya-Kubja society
has many different castes, and two major ways of dividing the population
into these castes. One way is the gotra, the traditional way,
in which people are divided according to their ritual group and concomitant
ancestors. The contemporary way is the biswa, which is built
on socioeconomic status. Therefore, in today’s society, the Kanya-Kubja
look more to wealth than ancestral prestige for their place in society. The caste system
includes twenty different ranks, the higher the number the better the
rank, and once in high numbers, it is more difficult to advance in
society. Marriage is the surest way to rise or fall on the social scale.
Women are married off to men of higher biswa ranking. Each marriage
is rarely a drastic change in rank, but over generation this practice
can lead to significant movement within the caste system. Neither the
giver of the woman into marriage nor the receiver loses in the deal—the
father or brother who give the woman away for marriage gains a relative
of higher status, which will help his kin’s status, and the man who
receives the wife also receives a large dowry, which advances his monetary
value and biswa rank. Khare uses graphs
and charts to complement the data for this article. The data itself
was collected through fieldwork in Kanya-Kubja districts between 1965-1966.
Information for this article was also taken from three published genealogies,
files from a published caste journal, personal correspondence with
ten different people, as well as focused interviews on hypergamy and
marriage conducted between 1960 and 1965. Overall, the argument was
very convincing once all the ranks and mobility within the caste had
been explained. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Klass, Morton. Community
Structure in In this paper, Klass
examines two definitions of what constitutes a "community." The
first definition by Robert Redfield identifies what he calls the "little
community," and the second, by Conrad M. Arensberg, approaches
community as the minimal basic unit for the organization and transmission
of culture. Klass argues that Redfield’s "little community," which
is applied only to a self-sufficient multi-caste village, is a virtually
non-existent concept in Using Arensberg’s
concept of community, Klass then constructs a model of While Klass’s argument
was certainly persuasive, it cannot be given much credence until it
has been applied to other areas of CLARITY RANKING:
3 Kuper, Hilda The
Language of Sites in the Politics of Space. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):411-423. Kuper argues that
space expresses the social values and beliefs of a culture. The concept
of space, reflected through classification, ideology, and technology,
differs from culture to culture. This article reviews the work of anthropologists
who have studied the concept of social space and what it means. Kuper
uses specific examples from Western and non-western society to show
that social space is used and reflected in all cultures. Kuper credits Durkheim
and Mauss, two French sociologists, for bringing the concept of social
space into sociological theory. She discusses their idea that social
space represents social classification within a society. Durkheim also
believed that social space is determined by the needs of a society,
such as space necessary for gardening, building, and trade exchange.
Evans-Pritchard, a British anthropologist, focused on the ecological
relations between communities, as defined by population density and
distribution according to his observations of the Nuer in British anthropologist
Radcliffe-Brown interpreted social space as based on the panhuman desire
for territory. He said that every human society has a territorial structure
arranged by definable rights (political, legal, economic, religious),
which validate the rules of society. The ideas of Radcliffe-Brown parallel
the view of cultural proxemists who describe territoriality as innate
animal behavior. They use a biological approach to discuss desire for
territory as a human instinct. The importance of
social space is reflected in our culture as well. For example, the
White House evokes feelings of power and authority symbolic of our
nation. Space can also be used to express dominance by ignoring, neglecting,
and even obliterating the established sites of weaker peoples. This
is particularly evident in countries conquered by white settlers during
the time of colonization. This examination
brings to light the importance of "where" when studying a
community or culture. Observing where a social space is located can
reveal vital clues about the culture through classification, stratification,
and categorized territory. Social spaces provide an opportunity to
understand the reflected values and beliefs of a particular society. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Lebra, Takie
Sugiyama. Reciprocity-Based Moral Sanctions and
Messianic Salvation. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):391-407. Takie Sugiyama Lebra
addresses the issue of social persuasion. More specifically, Lebra
sets out to prove that her findings on reciprocity can be generalized
beyond the specific group she speaks of in this paper. She believes
that in a society, the roles of creditor and debtor, whether in the
context of financial relations or social relations, will be morally
charged. With the interaction of a charismatic third party, the creditors’ and
debtors’ roles will reverse based solely due to the manipulation of
the third person. Lebra conducted
her study in a Japanese American sect in Lebra shows the
asymmetry between her informants and their acquaintances extensively
with a diagram and explanation. Reciprocity is when the two parties
are even in the give and take of their credits and debts. It is rare
the two parties to be perfectly balanced, and moral issues often arise.
Lebra calls the bi-products from the asymmetry moral sanctions. She
identifies four moral sanctions: self-righteousness, guilt, indignation,
and gratitude. Moral sanctions
can be manipulated by a charismatic third person. This third person
does not typically interfere with feelings of self-righteousness or
gratitude because these positive emotions would not easily be affected
by manipulation. Typically, negative sanctions (guilt and indignation)
are more easily manipulated because either person is anxious to change
the situation. Lebra has identified four types of manipulation: reciprocation,
reversal, neutralization, and moralization. In Tensho culture
reciprocation is when Ogamisama persuades the person who converts to
Tensho to release moral tensions from either guilt or indignation to
restore reciprocity. Reversal involves the reversal of guilt or indignation
through conceptual manipulation. Conceptual manipulation is when the
one party’s point of view concerning the outcome of a situation is
changed. Neutralization also happens through conceptual manipulation.
It, however involves Innen, or fate, the affairs that occur
are beyond the control of an individual. Moralization is when guilt
or indignation is generated because of the conversion to Tensho. When in an anxious
state of mind, the members of the Tensho sect are easily manipulated.
They give into Ogamisama because it is easier to be told what to do
than to solve problems by oneself, especially if a feeling of release
and ease comes of it. Hence brainwashing or psychiatric persuasion
is simple if one, such as Ogamisama, is in the advantageous position. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Lester, David. Voodoo
Death: Some New Thoughts on an Old Phenomenon. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):386-390. By examining cases
of sudden death, as well as explaining his hypothesis for these cases,
David Lester explains voodoo deaths as a realistic possibility. Voodoo
has long been thought to be an occurrence only in traditional or tribal
societies, which could cause the formation of a link between magic
and undeveloped cultures. This could thus "prove" the societies’ inferiority
in part because of their citizens’ beliefs. By first explaining the
existence of voodoo in even the most developed societies, such as the Through laboratory
studies involving decorticated cats, it was shown that by bringing
on "sham rage," sudden death would occasionally occur. These
studies showed "that death was the result of over-stimulation
of the sympathico-adrenal system" (p.386). What this means is
that the cats died as a result of over exciting their sympathetic nervous
system. This system, which works in opposition to the parasympathetic
system, responds to alarm by increasing heart rate, dilating pupils,
and raising blood pressure. Richter conducted later studies involving
rats that showed exactly the opposite- "death appeared to result
from hyperactivity of the parasympathetic system" (p.386). The
results of these studies were then pooled to come up with the present
theory, that sudden death is a result of hopelessness, simply of giving
up on life, and mentally (consciously or unconsciously) allowing the
body to stop functioning. Further studies
were then conducted, using mentally ill humans as subjects. Again,
the results were that sudden death occurred, often after the patient
experienced a stressful situation, ultimately causing them to give
up on life. The death itself can be the result of many factors. Either
subconsciously, or consciously, the patient allows their body to stop
functioning, often allowing disease to enter, which is ultimately the
cause of their demise. Common interpretations
of voodoo, at least in Western society, continue to be that it is a
concept believed in only by the uneducated. Many people claim voodoo
deaths to be instead the result of poison, disease, starvation, or
some other impetus. While it is fully possible that voodoo is a real
occurrence, there are no known cases where the information regarding
the death has not come through hearsay. Unexplained deaths commonly
occur in every society; many of these, while not necessarily voodoo,
are the result of the person giving up on life. Lieberman, Philip,
Crelin, Edmund S., and Klatt, Dennis H. Phonetic
Ability and the Related Anatomy of the Newborn and Adult Human, Neanderthal
Man, and the Chimpanzee. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):
287-307. This article presents
the theory that human linguistic ability is the result of a long evolutionary
process that involved changes to the anatomical structure of the throat
area and is also linked to the process of natural selection. The author
admits that not much is known about this aspect of the phonics field.
A comparison of newborn and adult humans, Neanderthal Man and chimpanzees
would be able to show whether or not language was indeed an evolutionary
development due to the changes in the bone and muscle structure of
the throat, tongue and air passages over time. He explains how modern
human speech is made physically and likens it to a pipe organ with
varying shapes and sizes of pipes that vibrate to produce different
sounds. The main anatomic structure he studies is the supralaryngeal
vocal tract (the vocal cords), because the constraints of this structure
determine the animal’s phonic range. He also lists 14 differences between
the adult human skull and the other groups that are evidence of evolution.
He studied the position of the tongue, vocal cords, and the larynx
in all the animals to find clues as to how the evolution process might
have taken place. The authors also
point out that the "phonetic inventory" of the human language
is limited by the number of distinct sounds an animal is capable of
controlling during speech, and further limited by the number of distinct
resonant patterns available through the particular anatomy of the animal.
They introduces the "vowel triangle" of [a], [i] and [u],
which are limiting factors in language universally. These three sounds
are vital for human language resonant patterns, and are made by making
the vocal tract function as a two-tube system, which the chimpanzee,
Neanderthal man, and newborn human cannot do. The vowel [u] is anatomically
impossible for the chimpanzee to articulate. Human newborns pronounce
[U] instead of [u] until they learn how to manipulate their vocal tracts
correctly. Some linguists argue
that only one sound is necessary for communication in any species,
for example the Morse code. But speech is ten times faster than any
other known method. Our speech involves communication in syllable size
units but, as evidence points to the presence of primitive speech in
the Neanderthal culture, their language did not use syllables because
of their inability to form vowels. Therefore, they could communicate,
but the process was slower than today. This is the basis for the author’s
theory that language has evolved from chimpanzees that could not speak,
to Neanderthals who could speak in a primitive way, to human speech,
as we know it today. CLARITY RANKING:
3
When human infants
are born, nurses or doctors clean the newborn to keep it clean. Apes
do the same thing with their young after birth. This is an amazing
similarity between the two species, which makes them seem more and
more alike. The apes, however, lick the infant until it is clean instead
of the modern human approach to cleaning the newborn. But many societies
still have rituals of cleansing their babies. For instance, the Tewa
society bathes the baby and covers it in corn meal. Also, the Mixtecan
people have a ritual of greasing the newborns with almond oil after
labor is over. Apes also have a
similar labor process as humans; we both occupy a long duration to
birth children. Apes and humans both take up more time than many other
mammals, which link us together even more than expected. The way that
the female body in humans and apes reacts to giving labor is also very
similar between the two. Apes also hold their child after birth, which
seems to be a natural instinct shared between ape and human mothers.
For instance, unless something is wrong, the human child is given to
the mother to hold shortly after birth. The number of similarities
noticed between apes and humans is growing more numerous everyday.
There is an obvious connection between the great apes and humans that
is quite possibly more than mere coincidence. Just one example has
been described through the physical aspects of having children. The
article was very convincing, as the facts were laid out decently and
charts were also well done. Despite this, it was not written as well
as I would have hoped. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Marwick, M.G. Anthropologists’ Declining
Role in the Sociology of Witchcraft. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):378-385. In his article,
Marwick discusses two lines of research that have developed out of
the study of witchcraft done by Edward Evans-Pritchard. He identifies
these two lines as the comparative study of cosmology and the relation
of accusations of witchcraft to the micro-political process (378).
Anthropologists, such as Evans-Pritchard, once dominated the field
of witchcraft, but Marwick identifies several other scholars who have
recently have made the most important contributions to the field. Of
the six most important recent contributions, three are historians,
one is a lawyer, and only two are anthropologists. The historians and
lawyers are using methods from their fields, in addition to anthropological
work, on the sociology of witchcraft. New scholarship
contradicts the established findings of many anthropologists. Recent
studies show that accusations of witchcraft are more common in rural
settings than in urban settings because of the types of social competition
in these areas. This is in opposition to previous theories held by
anthropologists. The theory proposed by many anthropologists that the
effects of belief in witchcraft are fairly conservative is now being
challenged as well. Marwick disagrees with the theory proposed by anthropologist Mary Douglas, that anthropologists are disappearing from the field because they cling to outdated methods. He feels they are not clinging to old methods, but rather failing to use, "…one of the oldest and most enduring principles of fieldwork (383)." Marwick's diagnosis of the reason for anthropologists' declining role in the study of witchcraft points to their failure to "quantify and objectify their methods." Anthropologists often fail to enhance informants' statements with specific instances of accusations of witchcraft. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Marwick, M. G. Anthropologists’ Declining Productivity in the Sociolgy of Witchcraft. American Anthropologist 1972 Vol. 74 (1): 378 – 383. Marwicks’ article is largely a criticism of his contemporary, Mary Douglas, who in turn, criticizes the work of Sir Evans-Pritchard. Pritchards’ book, Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic Among the Azande is highly esteemed as a study of the sociology of knowledge and the traditional acquisition of social practices and, apparently, has had a tremendously positive influence upon the author. In essence, the Marwick article addresses the failure of modern anthropologists to make significant contributions to the field of sociology and specifically, as it pertains to the study of witchcraft. He attributes this to outmoded anthropological models that rely on personal interview techniques rather than observation over an extended period of time. Try as I did, I could not follow the convoluted arguments; whether the cited sources were provided to support or discredit statements, who made the statements, or if the author was making a statement in earnest or was snidely criticizing an alternate viewpoint. It would require an in depth understanding of the topic and the academic relationships between the contributors to unravel the point of this article. CLARITY: 1 SCOTT S. WILLIAMS Montagu,Ashley. Sociogenic Brain Damage. American Anthropology October, 1972 Vol. 74(5) 1045-1061 In Ashley Montagu’s article on sociogenic brain damage, she discusses the cause of brain damage due to various factors. Brain damage does not solely depend on the physical surrounding environment, but social factor can also impair the development of the brain during critical times of development that is irreversible. The author dives deep into various factors that cause brain damage in different situations, and tries to prove that brain damage can also be caused socially. Anyone would normally believe that the socioeconomic status of someone would determines someone’s intelligence, since we are organism’s that are affected by our surrounding environment, but people tend to neglect the big impact the social aspect has in the development of an individual’s brain has. Ashley Montagu structures her article first with the general background of the development of the brain, then sets out to prove that brain damage is due to socioeconomic status, a great example with the research done in mice, and fluidly moves to the social impact on brain damage, thus her article is called sociogenic brain damage. Malnutrition is believed to cause irreparable brain damage in children, and this is mostly found in third world countries where food is scarce, and since their nutrition is deprived of valuable vitamins and minerals, their brains do not develop correctly, thus the brain is still very immature at the correct maturation age. The nutrition of the mother not only is important but as well as the fathers. It is quite obvious that if the mother’s nutrition is jeopardized, the child will suffer, from the development of the fetus inside her womb, to when the baby is outside, unable to get the proper nutrition from the mother’s milk since the mother is also malnourished. The father’s nutrition also plays an important role in the development of the fetus because if the father’s nutrition is also jeopardized, the development of his sperm or his DNA factory that pumps out DNA for the child will have many errors to it. Ashley collected date on the amount of DNA produced from a nourished individual to a malnourished individual, and the study found that the malnourished had less DNA than the nourished one. They also collected data of malnourished individuals who grew up in the concentration ghettos of WW II to see if malnourishment and stress affected mental retardation. They did a study with mice where they put a controlled group of mice in three different environments. One where it was deprived, two where there was enough staples to survive for proper development, and three a luxurious environment with food and mental stimulation. The end result: the deprived performed poorly on test than the other two, while group two performed better than group one, but group three outperformed all of the groups, thus proving that social stimulation is vital in proper brain development. The author suggests that learning ability is highly correlated to their social experience, since learning is a social behavior that is learned through observation transmitted through culture. CLARITY: 3 Montell, In this article,
Lynwood Montell focuses on the origin and demise of the Coe Ridge colony
in southern The history of the
Coe Ridge starts with the migration of settlers into One of the descendants
of an English settler, John Coe, bought slaves from an Indian by the
name of Stove. One of the slaves was a Black woman named Betty and
two others were Betty’s children by Stove, named Ransom and Ezekiel.
Ezekiel went on to marry Patsy Ann, who was half White and half Black,
and they had twelve children (listed as mulattoes although they were
a quarter Indian, a quarter White, and half Black). Ezekiel, like some
other slaves, was allowed to earn some extra money and save it. After
the Civil War, he bought about 800 acres of land with the money he
had saved. This land, named Coe Ridge, was sometimes used as a refuge
for Blacks, for Whites shunned away by their own, and as a shelter
to a group of Indians. There was of course intermingling, and eventually
the inhabitants of this area were referred to as the Coe Negroes. The Coe Negroes
lived in isolation for several years, making a living from the timber
and rafting industry and the resources their land provided them. Most
of the White population surrounding the Ridge never had a problem with
their neighbors. Unfortunately, there was a group of White troublemakers
that would harass them, and conflicts arose between both groups leading
to losses on both sides. The Coe Ridge also
lost members through litigations and subsequent imprisonment. Soon
after natural resources ran out on the Ridge, members turned to moonshining,
bootlegging, and robbery in order to make a living. The Black Coes
began to fight among themselves, sometimes killing each other. The
older population began to leave the Ridge moving to more populous areas.
The Black Coes who remained were often put on probation for the charges
against them and were forced to leave the area. As the number of inhabitants
of Coe Ridge dwindled, the land itself began to grow over until it
appeared that no civilization had even existed there. CLARITY RANKING:
4.5 O’Brien, Patricia
J. The Sweet Potato: It’s Origin and Dispersal. American
Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):342-365 This article, as
the title suggests, discusses the origin and dispersal of the sweet
potato. It is widely accepted that the sweet potato originated somewhere
in Central or northwestern O’Brien challenges
the theory that the Spanish introduced the sweet potato in Polynesia
after colonizing The spread of the
sweet potato from the New World to the CLARITY RANKING:
4 Ohnuki-Tierney,
Emiko Spatial Concepts of the Ainu of the Northwest
Coast of Ohnuki-Tierney focuses
on the spacial concepts of the Ainu. Originally located on the The shore, sea,
and mountain areas make up the horizontal plane. The Ainu create a
distinct division between the shore and the sea. The shore area is
important to them because they live there, it is the locus of their
daily lives. In the woods women gather berries and on the beach they
collect dead fish during low tide. The Goddess of the hearth, a major
deity, is the heart of the house and, on a greater scale, the heart
of the Ainu culture. The fact that the major deity of the shore is
female represents the idea that the shore is primarily assigned to
women. The mountain and
sea areas, characterized by their subsistence activities and deities,
are considered to be male areas. The Ainu view the sea as foreign.
In the near shore area they fish and hunt sea mammals. The deep sea
is a foreign place and the residence of the sea deities. The mountain
area is important as it supports many food sources, one being the bear,
which is considered a deity. Ainu homes are miniature
representations of their universe. The main side of the house faces
the mountains, the most sacred area. There is also an altar placed
outside on this side of the house. The rear side of the house faces
the sea and holds the lowest status. The West coast, or sunrise, corresponds
with the mountains while the east coast, or sunset, is a tabooed area
that corresponds with the sea. East is associated with death and sickness.
For example, the clothing of a deceased family member is placed outside
the east part of the house. The Ainu think of the vertical plane, the sky, as being in layers. They believe many deities reside there, including the Goddess of the sun and moon, who mediates between the Ainu and other deities. The Ainu believe there is another ground above the first layer of sky where the dragon deities live. Lightening is said to be the reflection of their swords. They also believe that demon cannibals reside somewhere near the sun. The Ainu world of the dead is on the same shore as the world of the living, however, it is mirrored on the opposite side of the mountains. This world is invisible to the living unless an individual experiences "temporary death" and his or her soul visits the land of the dead via a tunnel. Ohnuki-Tierney claims that the wicked are punished in the world of the dead, resolving the issue of Ainu beliefs in any sort of hell. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Ohnuki-Tierney,
Emiko Spatial Concepts of the Ainu of the Northwest
Coast of Author, Ohnuki-Tierney
analyzes the underlying structure of the spatial concepts in regards
to the Ainu formerly of the north-west coast of The author’s main discussion is describing how the Ainu concept of space and universe works. Their universe is drawn up on the basis that the universe is divided into two parts, the first being vertical, or the sky which houses a number of their deities. The sky, according to Ohnuki-Tierney, is made up of layers and there is another layer on top of the first which houses dragons and demons, gods and goddesses. The second is the horizontal division is made up of the mountains, the shore, and the ocean. This horizontal division is significant because it is where the Ainu live. There is special attention paid to the separation of the shoreline and the depths of the sea and ocean. The shore is the Ainu’s home it is where they live, while the ocean is the unknown and is mysterious in its depths. This is why the shore, and ultimately the mountains are sacred to the Ainu. It is a unique idea that represents the universe as seen by a single culture carrier, and discusses the idea of the universe which is exclusively occupied by the Ainu. After the author gives this brief description of the framework of the Ainu universe, including the divisions of the horizontal plane, there is attention paid to the setup of the Ainu home. The Ainu home is set up in a specific way and is considered to be a “Miniature” universe in regards to the Ainu. This home is set up so that the sacred window is facing toward the mountains and the other side facing the sunset. Close attention is also paid to the possible locations of various enclaves of the universe which include the world of the Dead. The world of the dead is, according to the Ainu, located on the opposite side of the mountains. This is indicative of the feeling the Ainu have toward the sacredness of the mountains. The mirror images of the mountain house the souls of dead Ainu, deities, dragons, and cannibalistic demons. These dragons and demons seem to be why the Ainu believe that wicked people are punished in the afterlife. The world of the dead is, according to Ohnuki-Tierney, completely invisible to the now living Ainu except for special circumstances. The main source for Ohnuki-Tierney’s information comes from a gifted Ainu woman born around 1900 named Husko, who is the only survivor who can coherently relate the life of her peoples. There are also several other authors including Yamamoto and Chiri who contributed to the article, however most of her information comes from her own fieldwork, mostly referring to her contact with informant Husko. CLARITY: 3 ADAM
TILLEY Opler, Morris. Cause
and Effect in Apachean Agriculture, Division of Labor, Residence
Patterns, and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October,
1972. Vol. 74(5):1133-1146. This article focuses
on two arguments regarding matrilocal residence, or the practice of
a man moving in with his bride’s family after marriage among the Apache
Indians. One argument claims the reason for this relocation is the
celebration of the female’s puberty rites, which, simply defined, is
a ritual distinguishing her coming of age. The second argument, however,
asserts that matrilocal residence is an adaptation made by the Apache
to sedentary life, the female division of farm labor, or contact with
other Southwestern peoples such as the The first argument
is based on the idea that female puberty rites are the most important,
thus the most highly attended ritual among the Apachean people. Opler
begins his counterargument to this idea by observing that girls’ puberty
rites vary in size according to the size of the family and the availability
of resources. Also, he notes that some of the tribes combine individual
initiation ceremonies into one annual event, thus increasing the amount
of participation. Lastly, Opler records that the girls’ puberty rites
have been exceeded in attendance by other tribal events, such as nine-day
chants, holiness rites, ceremonial relay races, and masked dancer ceremonies.
By proving that female puberty initiation ceremonies are not the most
highly attended of Apache ceremonies, Opler negates the idea that girls’ puberty
rites are the most important. Opler also opposes
the idea that matrilocal residence is connected to the practice of
farming. In this case, he argues farming is more of a detriment to
matrilocal residence than an aid. Opler also notes that 85% of families
in Western livestock region (where farming is not prominent) practice
matrilocal residence, thus calling into question the link between matrilocality
and farming. Also in this second
theory is the defense of matrilocal residence by examining the division
of labor on Apache farms, as well as the sedentary lifestyle of Apache
females. This theory holds that Apache women are mostly responsible
for all of the farming, yet from Opler’s fieldwork, and the fieldwork
of others with whom Opler has corresponded, there seems to be an equal
amount of responsibility between both sexes. Opler then argues farming
is actually based on the need of mobility. The final aspect
of this second argument holds that matrilocal residence was introduced
to the Apache people by the influence of other Southwestern peoples
such as the Pueblo Indians. However, according to Opler, there is little
recorded contact between the Apache and the After discounting the reasoning for why matrilocal residence is common among the Apache, Opler offers a theory of his own. He suggests the reason for matrilocal residence is that men are commonly the hunters while women typically contribute through gathering. The skills needed in hunting, such as the ability to track, knowing animals’ food habits, and being aware of the elevations where certain animals live are not location specific. On the other hand, a woman’s knowledge of the local environment needs to be extensive and complete – a knowledge that is specific to a certain location. Therefore, it would be more practical for the women to remain in their familiar environment, thus having their husband join them in their home after marriage. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Opler, Morris. Cause and Effect in Apachean Agriculture, Division of Labor, Residence Patterns, and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October, 1972. Vol. 74(5):1133-1146. In this article the author’s main goal’s are the desire to understand Apachean residence patterns and finding the links between agriculture, division of labor, and girls puberty rights. He also focuses on rebutting two arguments regarding the practice of martrilocal residence or the practice of or relating to residence with a wife's kin group or clan. It is important to understand the links and connections in all of these to understand how the culture works and how it worked in the past. Opler utilizes text from his contemporaries including Judith K. Brown, Peter Kloos, and Grenville Goodwin in order to rebut their ideas and offer up an idea of his own. Opler splits his rebuttal up into two different foci. In the first, he contends that the idea that the girl’s puberty rites are the “most important and ideologically best attended of all public ceremonies” is not a main reason for the martrilocal residence system. He also points out that during the Jicarilla Apache’s puberty rite a boy takes equal part at every stage of the occasion, meaning that caution must be observed. He doesn’t say that it is not a defiant reason for the martrilocal system, but rather not a universal dictum that every culture follows. Opler then goes on in the second foci of his article rebut the idea that martrilocal residence is connected to farming in any way. Agriculture plays little role in deciding where the family takes up residence for the reason that there is an equal distribution of labor between both sexes whereas before it was assumed that women had the most to do with farming because of their overall sedentary lifestyle. The end result of all Opler’s rebuttal is to define his own idea of how the Apache came to use a martrilocal system. This basically entails that during the hunter and gatherer period of the Apache, the women contributed mostly by gathering while men hunted game. This implies that men could hunt while not needing to be excessively familiar with the area, while women on the other hand needed to be very familiar with an area due to the fact that gathering requires extensive knowledge of an area. CLAIRTY: 2 ADAM
TILLEY Peterson, John
H. Jr. Assimilation, Separation, and Out-Migration
in an American Indian Group. American Anthropologist October,
1972 Vol.74(5):1286-1295. Peterson identifies
and addresses two growing trend in American minority groups. One trend
is toward assimilation into American society as a whole, and the other
is toward the preservation of separate ethnic communities. To illustrate
these trends, Peterson discusses patterns of assimilation, separation
and out-migration among the Choctaw Indians of Mississippi. Peterson begins
by explaining the historical background of the Mississippi Choctaw,
who are descended from the Choctaw who stay behind when they were sent
to The two main influences
on Choctaw communities that Peterson addresses are the feelings of
White’s toward them and the availability of jobs. Although the overall
Choctaw population has remained the same, the populations of the communities
where there are jobs nearby have been increasing while those of communities
without jobs have been decreasing. In communities where the White people
are more accepting of the Choctaw, larger numbers of Choctaw have been
moving into the nearby white towns and sending their children to public
schools. In areas where the White people are not very accepting of
the Choctaw, they have been staying in their own communities and working
together to improve their communities. Peterson maintains
that out-migration among the Choctaw is more likely in communities
that still have predominantly agricultural jobs and are two small to
provide services such as community schools. Some of these Choctaw move
to other Choctaw communities and some move elsewhere. Assimilation,
Peterson claims, is more likely among those who live away from Choctaw
communities. Separation of Choctaw from surrounding white communities
is more likely to occur in the areas were the White’s are less accepting
of the Choctaw. Peterson argues that these findings can be used as
evidence for the patterns of minority separation and assimilation as
whole. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Pollitzer, William
S. The Physical Anthropology and Genetics of Marginal
People of the In this article
Pollitzer discusses the effects of the intermixing people of different
races in the southeast He addresses the
intermixing of the three main ‘races’ in southeast In several societies
the isolates were analyzed to determine their racial mixture using
blood tests. Many isolates showed a lot of mixing such as the Lumbee
who are 40% white, 47% black and 13% Indian. Pollitzer also discusses
the genetics of isolates. He refers to studies by Dr. Wikop to suggest
that in the isolates there are often serious genetic diseases due the
fact that the populations are small, so recessive traits for diseases
are more frequently inherited. One point Pollitzer
makes repeatedly is that there really are no pure races. Even in isolated
societies, there is always mixing. However, his discussion of selective
advantages due to evolution is confusing. It implies that there is
only one race, the human race, but in the article he indicates that
there are races that can be determined from blood tests. He also discusses
genetic inherited diseases due to lack of gene variation in the isolates,
which is in direct contradiction to his point that isolates are made
up of lots of different people or ‘races.’ Pollitzer tries to present
race in an objective manner, but in doing so he creates major contradictions. CLARITY RANKING:
2 Pollock, Nancy. Women
and the Division of Labor: A Jamaican Example. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):689-692. Nancy Pollock writes
about women’s roles in the national workplace. A woman who wrote an
earlier article for American Anthropologist claimed that women
only had jobs that would work around their need to care for their children.
However, Pollock refutes this argument, citing examples of Jamaican
women. These women work in their gardens and sugar cane fields to support
themselves, while at the same time watching over their children. Women
are put in this situation because the local men lack a strong sense
of self-worth. Many local men leave
the villages when they become young adults. They feel they bring more
respect to themselves and their families, while making more money,
if they go into the cities to look for a better job. Therefore, many
women are left without constant male companionship or support. The
women bear children by the men who remain in the villages, yet these
men often feel themselves unworthy and cannot provide for an entire
family. Therefore the woman must provide for herself and her children. As the children
mature, the women’s lifestyles must adapt to meet their youngsters’ needs.
First, as the children become harder to provide for, they need more
clothes and food. On the other hand, however, as the children get older,
they are also able to help more with the family’s workload. These women then
face another change as the men who left the village return and look
for a stable life and family. Because of this, the middle-aged women
of Pollock makes the
argument through information gathered from her fieldwork. She talks
about the life of a woman and how the children are involved in her
work. Pollock relates the self-image of a Jamaican man to the work
required of Jamaican women . CLARITY RANKING:
4 Rosman, Abraham,
and Paula G. Rubel. The Potlatch: A Structural
Analysis. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):658-671. The article addresses
the potlatch phenomenon. The potlatch consists of an elaborate system
of exchanging goods between groups, either between members of the same
society or between those of different societies. The process is essential
in determining territory, creating alliances, and defining relationships
within and outside of the group. Rank and succession are consistently
defined through the potlatch system, yet the process in which they
are obtained vary greatly among societies. The authors focus upon the
variations of the potlatch among the Rosman and Rubel
commence their argument by briefly describing the potlatch system and
the various theories explaining the reasons for its continuity. After
an examination of these models, the article discusses the variable
and constant potlatch features. Then the authors delve into an analysis
of the Tlingit potlatch and social structure. This discussion focuses
upon the group’s marriage rules and their effect upon the potlatch.
Next, the article contrasts this group with the Kwakiutl by examining
the Kwakiutl potlatch based upon succession rules. The authors conclude
by briefly summarizing the differences of the two culture’s potlatches,
which supports their point that a potlatch is governed by a society’s
social structure. The authors argue
that the potlatch’s existence is best explained in terms of the social
structure (i.e. gender relationships, rank system) governing a group.
Social structure determines the potlatch's characteristics (i.e. frequency,
guests present, when it occurs). Specifically, the article examines
the Kwakiutl potlatch based upon succession rules to chiefly rank,
while the Tlingit potlatch is examined through marriage rules. Among
the Tlingit, guests present belong to the two families linked to the
host family by marriage. Their rank is not fixed. External ranking
is absent and changes in the flexible internal ranking occur after
deaths. Potlatch mainly occurs at funerals, because potential heirs
compete for honors at funerals. Sometimes, potlatches involving shaming
and dignity loss occur. By contrast, Kwakiutl
rank is fixed but marriage relations are variable. Potlatches occur
at marriages and incorporation into a group, but not at funerals because
succession is fixed by birth, not by competition at funerals. The Kwakiutl
compete with their affines (people linked to you by marriage) through
potlatching, which are not determined by a fixed marriage rule. Since
rank is fixed by primogeniture, potlatches predictably occur when an
individual receives a new title in society and those destined to be
in chiefly rank have potlatches at predictable and set intervals throughout
their life course. In each case, the authors argue that a direct correlation
between these rules and potlatch qualities exists. Through the analysis
of Tlingit marriage rules and Kwakiutl succession rules the authors
defend their argument that social structure does govern the potlatch’s
nature. This article will
fascinate anyone who ponders the potlatch phenomena. The article’s
lack of lofty diction and jargon enhanced its readability. Rosman and
Rubel’s model of the potlatch is thoroughly explained and supported,
thus convincing the reader of the model’s validity. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Sangree, Walter
H. Secondary Marriage and Tribal Solidarity
in American Anthropologist
October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1234-1243. Walter Sangree’s
article looks at the custom of secondary marriage among the Irigwe
and their neighbors in In secondary marriage,
a man who wants to marry a wedded woman will have another man ask her
permission. If the woman accepts then the man will seek out the fathers
permission for marriage, and pay him thirty to forty shillings. Once
a woman has been wed for the second time she is committed to leave
her first husband and spend one night with her new husband. She then
must go back to her new husband at least two to three more times before
the year is out. If she decides to go back to her new husband a fourth
time, it usually means that she has decided to move to his compound. Walter Sangree,
in his years of fieldwork (1963-65), never found that the Irwig Tribe
considered outlawing secondary marriages. He believed that this was
because primary and secondary marriages were to, "serve strongly
to surpress inter-section violence." In a survey that Walter Sangree
conducted over five compounds, all women past their teens had at least
one secondary marriage as well as a primary one. For many neighboring
tribes such as the Fulani and Hausa, secondary marriages are not allowed
because it violates their Muslim beliefs. For other tribes it, "spoiled
tribe ritual" and many think it could "kill" the tribe
itself. These are just some of the reasons why most tribes’ counsels
think the Irigwe ritual is wrong. Walter Sangree’s
argument about secondary marriage is constructed well, but difficult
to comprehend. His word construction and vocabulary are difficult and
it takes time for the reader to fully understand what he is trying
to get across. The data he uses is based on surveys and it convinces
the reader of the Irigwe beliefs and rituals of secondary marriage. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Sangree, Walter. Secondary
Marriage and Tribal Solidarity in Until 1968, secondary
marriage was common for men and women in the Irigwe tribe of Sangree believes that secondary marriage was an important agent of peace in the Irigwe tribe. This tribe is composed of twenty-five sections that unite for important rituals, such as the end-of-season hunt, but otherwise remain autonomous and distinct. Lacking a common tribal leader, they needed other institutions to maintain good relations between sections. Secondary marriage was one such institution. Its effectiveness was largely due to the taboo against intra-section secondary marriage. Sangree’s research suggests that intra-section marriage accounted for less than two percent of total secondary marriages during his fieldwork. Hence, secondary marriages established solid relationships between members of different sections. A further impetus for peace, particularly between co-husbands, was the Irigwe belief that if a sick or injured man were visited by one of his co-husbands, his condition would worsen, likely killing him. Co-husbands generally avoided each other, and in the rare occasions that they were together, they and the surrounding individuals (who also had co-husbands to deal with) made every effort to maintain civility in the group. Secondary marriage thus encouraged peace between co-husbands and between sections as well. If secondary marriage had such importance, why did the tribal administration outlaw it? Sangree finds that the answer is a mix of religion and politics. The Irigwe tribe is divided into two districts, and each district into four sub-districts. The Irigwe Tribal Council consists of the appointed heads of both the districts and sub-districts, the appointed representatives of the Muslim Hausa and Fula minorities in the Irigwe territory, and the elected Councilors of the sub-districts. The Muslim and Christian members of the council opposed the indigenous marriage system, as their religions forbid polygamy. The reason to oppose the secondary marriage institution for most, however, was political. The Kwol District’s council members come mainly from the district’s largest section, the Nadzie. This section also had the highest number of intrasection secondary marriages during Sangree’s fieldwork. Such marriages were prohibited for good reason; informants told Sangree of several sections that had been torn apart by the conflict arising from intrasection marriages. Council members from the Nadzie section had great interest in maintaining its solidarity and political power. Additionally, secondary marriage became largely superfluous once the British introduced a centralized government capable of maintaining peace. Its only significant remaining effect on Irigwe society was causing conflict. Therefore, the majority of the Council members felt it could be safely replaced by serial monogamy, which eliminates co-husbands and the problems associated with them. Thus Sangree explains the Irigwe government’s decision to abandon the secondary marriage system. CLARITY: 3 SUZANNE DOERING Sankoff, Gillian. Cognitive
Variability and In this article
Sankoff discusses the Buang of New Guinea. She illustrates the variability
of kinship claims made by individuals and argues that there is logic
to Buang kinship group affiliation despite these inconsistencies. The
Buang divide themselves into several kin groups, called dgwa. The dgwa
of an individual is not obvious to an outsider, because dgwa can be
inherited from either parent or any grandparent. The same person may
claim several different dgwa affiliations at different times. Sankoff
noticed these discrepancies and began asking questions to find out
exactly how dgwa are assigned. When asked to identify
his dgwa in a group of people, a Buang man will identify himself with
whichever dgwa he can plausibly place as many people around him in
as possible, even if his claim to that dgwa is relatively unsubstantial.
Sankoff identified different ways that Buang claim dgwa, through various
familial ties, marriage, and sometimes apprenticeship. The strongest
claim is to the dgwa of a father or grandfather and the weakest is
a boy’s claim to the dgwa of the man he is apprenticed to. Sankoff argues that
the dgwa system can be explained by the strength of these claims. If
all four of an individual’s grandparents were in the same dgwa, they
have a strong claim to that dgwa. These individuals have the highest
positions within their dgwa, but the least flexibility between dgwa.
People with family grandparents from several different dgwa have weaker
claims to each dgwa, but more flexibility to claim various dgwa. A
strong claim to one dgwa gives a person a great deal of power within
that dgwa and over the lands owned by that dgwa. Claims to many dgwa
on the other hand give a person many useful social connections and
claims to choose from. H.W. Schefler argued
that people truly only claim one descent group, despite outward appearances.
Sankoff argues that this is not the case with the Buang. Although each
Buang is assigned to one dgwa after death, Sankoff maintains that to
insist that they only claim one "true" dgwa during life would, "do
violence to the data (562)." What the Buang have, she asserts,
is a flexible social system that allows for claims to various dgwa
to be made to fit the social situation. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Sebring, James
M. The Formation of New Castes: A Probable Case
from In this article,
Sebring argues that under certain conditions, new castes in From this case study,
Sebring identifies factors which contributed to the formation of a
new caste. Some of these conditions were the changes in occupation
among a sector of the caste, recruitment to the new role by virtue
of birth, and the practice of endogamy, or inter-marriage—conditions
that already existed as part of the larger caste system. Through linking
these conditions, Sebring hopes to refute the persistent, but largely
unsubstantiated notion that castes form by the "fissioning" of
larger castes into sub-castes, or jati. Although I agree
with the conclusions he drew from this particular case study, I am
not sure that these conditions are applicable across a nation as diverse
as Sebring concludes the paper with a persuasive argument that the formation of new castes both reflects and creates the relative stability of the Hindu caste system. The formation of new castes does not mean the system does not function—rather, it is an indication of the inherent stability of caste structure that it can bend and shape itself as circumstances dictate. He states that this is the primary reason that this hierarchy, devised thousands of years ago, has lasted, though in varying forms, to the present. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Sebring, James
M. The Formation of New Castes: A
Probable Cause from In this article,
Sebring argues that a new caste is in the process of formation in an
area of north Sebring describes how the activities of the social-religious Hindu reform movement, the Arya Samaj, has contributed, although unintentionally, to circumstances which are now giving rise to a new caste. He states the first basic step was the conversion to the Arya Samaj of a caste traditionally regarded as low. The second step was the creation of religious specialists from among the ranks of the converted low caste to minister to the religious needs of the converts. In addition, he describes other conditions that are affecting the formation of the new caste. Finally he argues that the fulfillment of these certain conditions must inevitably lead to the formation of a new caste. In 1930, some missionaries
of the Arya Samaj reform movement came to north The Artisan Shilpkars "Brahmins" constitute the idea of a newly forming caste. Sebring regards the following features as indicating this: They are referred to as "Brahmins" by the fellow Artisan Shilpkars whom they serve and they are frequently addressed by the term "pandit-jii," an honorific that is used for "real" Brahmins by the higher castes. They perform religious rites for other Artisan Shilpkars. They do not pursue their traditional occupation to the extent that they did before becoming religious specialists. In addition, they wear distinctive garb during the performance of all life-cycle rituals and frequently when they are not performing these rites. They prefer to arrange marriages with other Artisan Shilpkar Brahmin families. They judge other Artisan Shilpkars as being or not. With those whom the judge to be deficient, they attempt to avoid having extensive non-ceremonial social intercourse of any kind. In private, they express patronizing views about other Artisan Shilpkars whom they tend to regard as imperfect or lapsed Arya Samajish. They also live in villages other than those in which the Artisan Shilpkars for whom they perform ceremonies. Sebring uses these facts to indicate that a new caste is forming. He lists several reasons as to why he feels this way, these are: economic role differentiation, the members of the new role are accorded honor and prestige by other members of the caste, members of the new role interact less than their caste fellows with members of other caste whom they do not perform services for, the existing formal marriage kinship criteria by which marriage partners are usually selected, and recruitment to the new role tends to be by birth ascription. Whether a new caste is forming or not is still debatable, however, Sebring gives strong evidence and insight into his beliefs as to why and how a new caste could possibly be forming. CLARITY: 3 ARLENE LIVINGSTON Sertel, Ayse
Kudat. Images of Power. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):639-657. The abstract of
this article (paragraph summary) gives a first impression that anthropologists
must be very careful in generalizing when only interviewing a couple
individuals in a community. Therefore, Sertel emphasizes this study
of male and female perceptions of power and who holds power as having
involved an entire village. This village studied was an agricultural
community that consisted of equal individuals (in terms of wealth)
who lived in an average Central Anatolian village. The study of these
individuals was directed to find how individuals view power in their
own community, who holds this power, and how these people gained power.
The research was done in both interviewing and mathematical ways. Therefore,
both qualitative and quantitative data ensued. Power, Sertel defines,
is "a relationship in which the cognition or behavior of a person
or group is affected by that of another." Along with this definition,
Sertel was interested in finding specific "influencers," "influencees," "the
scope of the influence," and the "influential strategy used" in
this village. As none of the members of the village community were
involved in any sort of politics, power in the community was not resulting
from wealth, more sex and age. Education even was not proven to be
highly influential in giving power to an individual. Strategies such
as physical threat and public humiliation were the most popular to
prove power. Three hypotheses were set out at the beginning of the
study to determine exactly what the relationship between community
individuals and power were. It was determined that women viewed the
village as more equal because they were not allowed to be involved
with village politics. In addition, it was guessed that younger people
in the village would also determine the structure to be equal more
than older people. Lastly, it was thought that those who were more
educated would believe the power to be more concentrated with certain
individuals than those that were illiterate. In the final studies,
mathematics proved that more men than women believed there to be one
or two individuals who held the most power in the community. Many more
uneducated individuals believed that there were no differences in power
between individuals in the community than those educated. However,
it was also found that the question of education only effected those
women who were educated and their decision about power. Whereas men
looked towards physical strength as a source of power, women believed
family authority or official political authority to be the sources
of power. This study, therefore, proves that men and women look at
power and power sources differently. Sertel claims that this is because
of "cognitive and psychological dispositions." At the end
of the article, it is implied that, with further research into other
cultures, this claim may be proven as indicative of variations in other
cultures as well. With all the tables,
mathematical models and formulas, and descriptions of individuals in
the community, this article is very convincing. The evidence is in
abundance and it proves the hypotheses of the researcher. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Soen, Dan and
De Comarmond, Patrice. Savings Associations Among
the Bamileke: Traditional and Modern Cooperation in In this article,
Soen and De Comarmond, "…analyze the adaptation of traditional
institutions of the Bamileke, West Cameroon, to modern turn of events
and modern needs, as well as to evaluate the contribution of the traditional
make-up to modern cooperation (1170)." They use the saving associations
of the Bamileke to illustrate the similarities and differences between
traditional and modern practices. Savings associations
are widespread in In rural associations,
the funds are collected and distributed by a chosen leader. The leader
also decides the order of turns. This can be beneficial because a good
leader can distribute turns to those who need it most. This approach
is very individualistic. The problem with this approach is that leaders
sometimes become untrustworthy and make biased decisions. Urban savings societies are generally larger than rural associations and there are two varieties, tribal and commercial. Urban societies must be more organized because of the larger number of members. They are divided into clans, each of which has a leader who answers to a main tribal association leader. Contributions are distributed to clans based on membership and turns are auctioned off one meeting prior to distribution. Tribal associations serve to keep traditions alive and tribal members in contact. Commercial associations are for wealthier businessmen, whose social status is increased by how many they belong to. Membership to a tribal association is required for membership to a commercial association. Soen and De Comarmond conclude that the urban associations serve to balance traditional ways of life among the Bamileke with modern economics. All of the associations serve social as well as economic functions. Urban associations grew out of traditional rural associations, and have been adapted to the changing economy. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Spradley, James P. and Phillips, Mark. Culture and Stress: A Quantitative Analysis. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74( 3 ): 518 - 527. Spradley and Phillips
discuss the relationship between culture and stress. To discuss the
topic, they analyze culture shock with useful methodology that they
define. They succeed in measuring the level of stress of cultural readjustment
in the culture shock, using quantitative data. They also point out
the problems beneath the methodology through this study. They address
what anthropologists should pay attention to when they study stress
through different cultures. Spradley and Phillips
identify stress, which contains wide and various meanings among anthropologists,
following Seyle’s idea. There are three models, such as stressors,
the state of stress, and stress responses, in this idea. To deal with
the model, they reveal what stress is and give one outline to define
stress. They mention the significance of measuring the relative level
of stress because stressors exist in any circumstance and its concept
depends on individuals, social, and cultural differences. Also, they
suggest that we need to consider more of the change of situation, rather
than the stress among events. Culture shock is
the subject of examination to verify their stress model. They mention
that culture shock is an outcome of adaptive behavior through a change of situation. The change as a stressor brings people various
magnitudes of stress responses, which are adaptive behaviors. They
suggest that study of responses is the key to defining stress itself,
and we need to be careful of differences between individuals. Combining the concept
of stress and the stress model, moreover, they represent one methodology,
which distinguishes three steps. The first step is to identify the
concept of stressor in a new condition in life or behavior. The second
step is to get a list of cultural readjustment items. Finally, we need
to determine the level of readjustment. Through this methodology, however,
they have realized that it can lead ethnocentric bias, because the
collected data is small and the meaning of every item they listed is
different in different cultures. Their work figures
out the relevant aspects of studying the stress of cultural readjustment
in the past and indicates the way to future study of diverse cultures.
As anthropologists, they finally suggest that they need to share this
study with members of other fields, such as sociologists and psychologists,
to better understand culture and human behavior. CLARITY: 3 RISAKO
UEDA Thompson, Edgar
T. The Little Races. American Anthropologist
October, 1972 Vol.74(5): 1295-1306. Edgar T. Thompson
begins his paper by emphasizing the need to study how people interact
and form races. He believes the best way to study race is to observe
the similarities among different races, and the best way to understand
the development of a race is to study the "little" races.
Little races are small communities of people with backgrounds of two
or more races. Because these "little" races are very young,
they provide an opportunity to observe their social development. As
little races progress they begin to produce their own identity and
define what is acceptable and what is not. Information from little
races can be used to better understand all human social development. Thompson also stresses
the point that what you learn from a person is information that you
may not be able to find from the group and vice versa. However, it
is important to realize that the size of the group makes a difference
in the kind of information available. For example, the politics of
a larger group will be more diverse than the politics of a smaller
group, and one person in the group may have a different interpretation
than another person in the group. The information
that can be found in little races is different from that of more developed
races. Also, it is apparent that in these small races people are comfortable
with their position in their group, and they know where they stand.
It is best to avoid situations where, for example, Irish-Italians begin
to identify as just Irish or just Italian. These can produce many errors
in the study of race and society. The study of "little" races
can provide valuable insight into the development of humans in general. CLARITY RANKING:
3.5 Thompson , Edgar T.. The Little Races. American Anthropologist 1972:1295-1306. Edgar T. Thompson wrote “The Little Races,” wanting to give overdue attention to the comparative study of race relations through the lens of marginal groups—but more importantly to present a way to break down long held barriers that have been instilled by cultural diversity. Thompson, giving an example of why there is a need for study into the subject of interest, expresses the view that the dominant racial category usually holds towards others of different race: “They are “criminal” or “bad” merely by being members of an ethnic group other than our own; the very idea of race carries this moral implication, faintly or extravagantly.” This critical concept has given rise to the “tagging,” of peoples with bi- or tri-racial ancestry, creating highly self-conscious individuals, and in turn, highly self-conscious communities. For this potentially damaging “tagging,” to be avoided, one must understand the underlining characteristics of a “little race.” A “little race,” is a bi- or tri-racial community that seems to differentiate from the dominant racial category and define itself by use of a symbol, be it racial, linguistic or religious. According to Thompson, the study of “little races,” can be used as an essential tool to better understand human social development. A point that undertones the entirety of the essay, is the potential passing of the “little races”; if these pockets of marginal communities cease to exist, then we will lose an important tool to understanding human social development. What evidence does Thompson present to indicate the likelihood of the “little races,” becoming extinct? He first points to the power of American industry: “American industry, no longer allowed to tap all the cheap labor it wants from other parts of the world, is mopping up available cultural and racial islanders within the boundaries of this country.” Technological advancement may also play a heavy role in the future eradication of the “little races.” The increasing efficiency of automobiles and expansion of highways are large factors in “little races,” being affected culturally. This frightening evidence serves Thompson’s purpose by underscoring his Anthropological call to arms: “Now is the time to take a more systematic and comprehensive look at the sort of communities discussed [the little races].” CLARITY RANKING: 3 DAVID SAMSON Van Horn, Richard
N. Structural Adaptations to Climbing in the Gibbon
Hand. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):326-334. Richard Van Horn’s
article examines the adaptations of the gibbon hand with regard to
how the hand is used in the everyday activities of the gibbon, such
as climbing and gathering food. More importantly, he emphasizes how
studying the basic correlations of form, function, and adaptation of
the hand and its use in daily necessities will make it easier to understand
both fossil records and living primates. Van Horn begins
his argument by presenting the various types of thumb structures and
the role of the cleft in the gibbon hand. Behavioral information regarding
this has been provided through the studies of John O. Ellefson, who
studied the ecology and behavior of gibbons in the Discussing the size
and muscular capabilities of the gibbon thumb allows Van Horn to present
the various activities that the structure of the hand permits the gibbon
to complete. He mentions the observations of Carpenter, who saw gibbons
climb up trees with one hand and two legs, while using the other hand
to carry food. Carpenter also observed gibbons climbing trees of large
diameters, which he concluded was possible due to the wide gaps between
the thumb and the fingers. Van Horn also discusses how the gibbon climbs
branches that seem too wide to grasp because it is able to extend its
thumb far enough to maintain a proper grip. This is significant because
it demonstrates not only the strength of the hand, but its flexibility
as well. Behavior patterns
of the gibbon suggest that these basic climbing techniques are essential
for the movement and food gathering of the Gibbon. Van Horn ends the
article by discussing the structure of the thumb and how the muscles
of the hand allow for powerful grasping to take place, as well as the
danger of them falling and having their bones heal themselves. This
article focuses very specifically on the adaptations of the gibbon
hand. Van Horn’s arguments are strong and highlighted with an ample
amount of previous studies and observations that are key in persuading
his audience. By supporting his ideas with the widely accepted claims
of Carpenter and Ellefson, he is able to make a strong case. He provides
adequate data that strongly backs the claim of the strength and flexibility
the gibbon hand possesses. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Wallace, Anthony
F. C. Paradigmatic Processes in Culture Change. American
Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):467-478. Wallace describes
what he refers to as, "paradigmatic processes in cultural change
(467)." The paradigmatic process was outlined by Thomas Kuhn in
his essay, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962, 1970).
Wallace elaborates on the statements made by Kuhn and attempts to illustrate
how the paradigmatic model can be generalized for use in disciplines
other than science. Wallace divides
the paradigmatic process into five stages: innovation, paradigmatic
core development, exploitation, functional consequences, and rationalization
(468). Innovation of a new paradigm occurs when researchers feel that
the paradigm being used has too many problems. Someone develops a new
paradigm that accounts for the problems being encountered. The old
paradigm is challenged, and sometimes replaced. Core development is
the ongoing process of elaboration on the basic paradigm. Researchers
find new ways to use the paradigm and resolve any internal problems
encountered. Once the paradigm has been refined and proven useful,
it is somewhat likely that an organization that has political, religious,
military or economic power will want to use the paradigm to advance
their interests (470). If they do so, this is considered exploitation.
Functional consequences are problems that occur as a result of exploitation.
These problems are often beneficial to the organization exploiting
the paradigm, but harmful to other members of society or the environment.
Rationalization includes the various ways that people justify the functional
consequences and their involvement in the continuation of these problems. Wallace uses two
examples to illustrate the application of the paradigm process model
of culture change. In these examples, he describes the relationship
between the paradigm community and the rest of society. Wallace explores
briefly the application of this model to the development and evolution
of mills and production along Chester Creek in the Delaware Valley
of Pennsylvania. He then gives a more detail description of the Industrial
Revolution in Wallace maintains
that the paradigm process was useful for the examples he applied it
to, but that it needs to be tested for applicableness in other fields.
He states the purpose of this article is simply to draw attention to
this model and promote further research into it. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Yarnell, Richard
A. Iva annua var. macrocarpa: Extinct American
Cultigen? American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3):335-341. Richard A. Yarnell
details the past and present existence of Iva annua L., commonly
known as sumpweed and marsh-elder. The archaeological finds date from
the early first millennium B.C. to the first half of the second millennium
A.D. in locations of northwestern Yarnell continues
the article with further attention to the geographic isolation of Iva
Annua in varying soils with a brief overview of the Iva annua cultivation
and hybridization in CLARITY RANKING:
4 Young, Nancy. In Nancy Young's
article she examines the independent tendencies, or development towards
independent actions, within Chinese families in Previous research
shows that what different ethnic or cultural groups consider the optimal
age for independence training in children various, but is generally
between the ages of six and eight. Young studied the relation of two
Chinese groups in one area and whether they differ in their opinion
of the optimal independence training age. Her research began with a
questionnaire that asked the mothers of the young boys how they ranked
the importance of various social, educational, and developmental aspects
of their sons. The Hawaii-born Chinese mothers placed the largest degree
of importance on their son’s academics and their chores around the
house. The least amount of importance was given to social interaction
with peers. For the most part, however, the responses were similar
for both the immigrant and local Chinese families. The only exceptions
involved situations that could only be afforded by the upper class,
local families. The study also noted that the average age that the
boys began independence training was very different for each group.
Regardless, the results for achievement in both groups were similar. The study also attempted
to note a correlation between the importance placed on an issue, such
as academics, by the Chinese mothers and how well the young boys succeeded
independently as they grew and attended elementary school. No significant
correlation was found. Young notes in her conclusion that the results
have a great deal to do with cultural factors such as values rather
than the ideals and intentions of the mothers. Overall, the independence
training for both immigrant and local Chinese in I felt the article
was inconclusive. Young's experiment did not seem to prove anything
other than a difference between the child rearing processes of two
groups of Chinese families in CLARITY RANKING:
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