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© Center for a Public Anthropology,
Robert Borofsky (2001)
All Rights Reserved

American Anthropologist
1972

Acheson, James M.   Limited Good or Limited Goods? Response to Economic Opportunity in a Tarascan Pueblo. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1152-1169.

James M. Acheson’s article examines the causes of and reasons behind the differential response to economic change and instability associated with the new economic opportunities in a Tarascan Indian society of Michoacan, Mexico. Acheson strives to demonstrate that some people of the Tarascan communities were blocked from new economic opportunities as a result of both economic and cultural factors. Acheson highlights and criticizes hypotheses of various anthropologists who, like himself, have observed the Tarascan pueblos firsthand. These hypotheses touch on various interpretations of reasons for the economic standstill of the Tarascan people.

Acheson utilizes a case study of the furniture industry in Cuanajo, an eastern Tarascan community, and its affects as an "alternate economic opportunity." He illustrates the importance of social, cultural, and economic factors with respect to economic opportunities in the Cuanajo community. In this study, the focus is placed on two main occupational groups: mechanized carpentry and the enterprise of selling furniture. Acheson breaks the case study down into three main hypotheses. First, the presence of superior economic opportunities is most effective in providing developmental and economic change. Acheson continues by noting the evidence that the predominantly poor economic status of Cuanajo men plays an important role in the ceasing of new opportunities. Acheson’s third observation states that men who have high "prestige" in the community and are not likely to benefit from such endeavors are "least likely to react to the economic opportunities."

Acheson concludes that focusing on mechanized carpentry reveals more about the factors that influence the pueblos as a whole. In addition, he highlights the social and cultural features of Tarascan communities that play a large role in its economic development. Acheson draws attention to the following three main assumptions made by prominent authors in the field (in relation to economic responsiveness): There are economic opportunities available in Tarascan communities, these opportunities are only available to those willing to form large scale production and marketing units, and economic change in Tarascan communities requires external financing Acheson agrees that each of these assumptions is valid; however, he explains and outlines (based on his own observations) his own modifications to the assumptions.

Although Acheson’s examination of various hypotheses presented does not give definite reason or cause for the lack of economic change in Tarascan communities, he does provide insight into the phenomena.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

LAUREN PATTERSON Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Banks, David J.     Changing Kinship in North Malaya. American Anthropologist

October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1254-1275.

David J. Banks’ article examines the social relationships among kin in Sik, a

region of the Malay Peninsula, after World War II. Changes in kinship patterns resulted from a decrease in agricultural and inhabitable land due to increasing demand for the natural rubber in the Sik region. Traditionally in Sik, the customs and the influence of the family determined the ways in which a person would function socially and plan out his/her life. When the rubber industry became lucrative after World War II, many outsiders, seeking employment, migrated to the area and disrupted the conventional family bonds of the indigenous people.

Between 1950 and 1960, the economy and structure of Malay society shifted from an agricultural, grain producing society into a society that primarily produced rubber

Initially, the rubber industry was minuscule, but after World War II the need for rubber grew. Not only did plantations consume much of the land, but the new industry also caused many people to flock to Sik, taking over the land that was once farmed and inhabited by the Malays. In addition, the government permitted once protected land to be utilized, sparking other jobs like road building that connected the region to other parts of the Malay Peninsula.

Ultimately, the relations within the family changed due to the new social and economic conditions. The Malays became less isolated because they were forced to develop deeper relationships with secondary kin and individuals outside of the immediate family. These new relations grew among people who had to start working for those who owned rubber trees. It was no longer possible to survive off the harvest of a private plot of land, now people had to perform different jobs in order to succeed in the new economy. With these changes, the family became decreasingly less structured as the members were forced to leave the area for jobs. Parents and children felt the pressures of separation, and the tradition of passing land on to one’s offspring ceased to exist because there was such a scarcity of available land. The Malays left the traditional world and entered a world of modernity.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

JOHNA BOULAFENTIS Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Banks, David J.     Changing Kinship in North Malaya. American Anthropologist: October 1972 Vol.74 (5): 1254-1275.

The essay Changing Kinship in Northern Malay written by David J. Banks, concentrates on the change in traditional ideas of kinship among the Sik in northern Malaya.  Banks connects this to rapid population increase in the area due to economic factors, which had a trickle down effect that basically disrupted and changed many old ideas of social responsibility and kinship structures.

Initially the Sik created close nuclear family bonds that were based on blood relations.  They believed in the moral responsibility to their blood kin and reinforced this bond in their daily lives through acts of loyalty, friendship, and trust.  Shows of solidarity were considered very important and to deny it was to deny your blood history.

Other important aspects of kinship were to provide a base for your children to become self-sufficient and thriving members of the community. This was a fairly obtainable goal pre World War I when land was plentiful in relation to a small population of people.  However this began to change as new social and economic factors began to infiltrate this once isolated community.  After WW II the Sik community shifted from an agricultural society to a rubber producing society.  As demand for rubber grew, corporations leaving less for private farming for the Malay by snatching up large tracts of land.  Other portions of land were utilized for road building, which connected the region to other parts of the Malay Peninsula, hence making the region more assessable to the outside world.

The rubber industry eventually became fairly successful, thus attracting outsiders looking for employment.  This created a population boom, which greatly affected the economic and social landscape of the area.  Much of the land that was farmed by the Sik, was either taken over by plantations, or utilized as dwelling spaces by those who migrated to the area for work. Traditions in Sik culture that influenced the ideas of family and how a person should function socially in the process of living their life began to change.  In turn, this influenced and changed the dynamics of traditional family bonds within the local population.  As this new social and economic shift arose, it was no longer possible to make a living off a private plot of land.  It became necessary for people to work different jobs in order to live in this new economic landscape. With these changes, there was also a shift in family values.  Family members found it necessary to leave the area for other jobs in order to make a living.  As available land became scarce, the long tradition of passing land on to ones children also was lost.

The Sik were forced out of their defined inner circle of kinship and forced into a new circle, the modern world.  They must now look for “kinship” everywhere, and adjust to the new social order that has erased the old.  In Banks conclusion he does not judge whether this shift in the social order is good or bad.  He simply states what he has observed and that failure and success depend on life situations and fate. 

CLARITY RATING: 4

TIMOTHY BORNTRAGER   Indiana University  (Anya Royce)

Beale, Calvin L.     An Overview of the Phenomenon of Mixed Racial Isolates in the United States. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3): 704-709.

In his article, Beale’s argument is that the existence of mixed racial groups in the United States has been prevalent for many years. The minority groups spoken about are identified as the Black, White, and Indian races. These people are called "Triracial." Certain assumptions have been made about "Triracial" groups as being drunk, violent and inbred. These ethnic groups were not firmly established until after the American Revolution. Local minority groups became noticed in the public eye through schools, census information, and health issues.

Another factor discussed throughout the article is the founding of separate schools for racial minorities. Segregation was prominent within school systems for many years. In 1969, parents of Indian children in Dorchester County, South Carolina were arrested for trying to send their children to a public school other than the one that was segregated. Those who were "Triracial" were not allowed to attend an all White or all Black school because they were thought to be such horrible people.

Beale constructs his argument by citing examples of interracial instances throughout history in order to convince his readers. Race, Beale claims, is intended to refer to someone’s ethnic background, but instead, it seems to describe his or her skin color. Each color or race has its positive and negative connotations. In the case of this article, being "Triracial" has held negative connotations for many years. Because there has been a decrease in separation as well as rural depopulation, "Triracial" groups are not very prominent anymore, only a few of them exist.

CLARITY: 5

CAMILLE MOSES-ALLEN Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Benfer, Robert A.     Factor Analysis as Numerical Induction: How to Judge a Book by its Cover. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):530-554.

In this article, Benfer defends his previous work against questions raised by James E. Sackett. He also discusses the "applications and limitations of factor analysis", which he asserts is "an advanced method of creating numerical inductions" (which he claims may be "superior to more intuitive approaches" in certain cases) (530). He argues specifically for the usefulness of factor analysis in archaeology, giving example from both his previous and recent work.

Benfer asserts the validity of various statistical analyses. He argues against the idea, "that parametric and nonparametric statistics are entirely different approaches (531)." Benfer divides the objections raised by Sackett into two categories, those concerning factor analysis and those concerning the use of redundant variables. Benfer maintains that Sackett’s objections are unjustified. Many arguments against factor analysis Benfer claims are simply incorrect. Redundancy in variables he explains, essentially, as having an insignificant effect on the final statistics.

To illustrate his arguments, Benfer offers what plasmode, or, "worked example with relatively well understood data (530)." In this example, Benfer used books from his own bookshelf as his sample. He took various measurements and analyzed them using the methods he promotes in the beginning of the article.

After completing this experiment, Benfer came to several conclusions. He found that measurements that intuitively seem redundant might turn out to be independent, and those that seem independent may be redundant. "Factor analysis as numerical induction," he maintains, " still may not be more useful than, say cluster analysis (549)." Benfer ends by saying that more tests on numerical induction are necessary.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Berreman, Gerald D.     Social Categories and Social Interaction in Urban India. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):567-576.

Berreman’s article deals with the definition, function and effects of social categories in urban India. More specifically, he examines how social identity in the city of Dehra Dun is derived and how it influences interactions among people and groups of people. His study is relevant to the larger issue of how strict caste identities shape behaviors in heterogeneous, stratified societies like India.

Berreman’s main argument is that the placement of individuals in social groups in Dehra Dun is extremely complex. A person’s social identity is formed from a combination of many factors including religion, regional-national-linguistic-racial group, caste category and social class. Because each category contains many sub-categories and the order of importance of these demographic characteristics varies among informants, the social designation of an individual is further complicated. This leads Berreman to conclude that while the urban Indian social stratification is rigid, individuals do have opportunity to manipulate the construction of how they are labeled into a social group by controlling the information about their identity they accentuate. Berreman also points out that certain situations may result in different interactions between people than other situations. He recognizes that stereotypes exist for all the social categories, but that a clear social hierarchy is difficult to define because groups often mutually disparage each other.

Berreman’s argument is constructed through the illustration of various categories that define social identity in urban Indian society and by defining the implications of that definition. He uses anecdotal evidence to show interactions between different groups and their perception of their own identity in relation to others. His careful analysis of the words and actions of the people he has studied provides a clear picture of the society’s divisions and the purposes they serve. He then presents his observations of their influence on the behavior, attitudes and culture of the people of Dehra Dun.

Readers will find Berreman’s arguments convincing because his research is extremely thorough. They will also find the article interesting given the widespread notion that the Indian "caste system" is extremely hierarchical contrasts significantly Berreman’s argument describing its complexity.

CLARITY RATING: 5

LAUREN HIRSCHFELD Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Berreman, Gerald D.   Social Categories And Social Interaction in Urban India.    American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74(3):567-586.

In this article, categories into which people classify themselves and others in a North Indian city were collected, together with identifying characteristics and stereotypes.  The research was performed from a symbolic interactionist perspective, using detailed observation and inquiry regarding what people do in face-to-face interaction.  The author also examined how people in Urban India choose among alternative behaviors in terms of the meanings that specific attributes, actions, and social situations have for them and for those with whom they interact.  Through this research, the complexity of the terminological system, the crucial importance of situation and audience, and the tenuous relationship between terminology and behavior in Urban India was revealed.

The research performed by Berreman was based on four fundamental kinds of questions:  (1) What are the social categories-the social identities-of people composing the society as defined by themselves?  (2) What characteristics are attributed to members of these social categories?  (3) By what cues and in what circumstances do people identify individuals as belonging to a particular social category?  (4) How are the above three questions related to interpersonal behavior?  How do these facts affect how people behave in one another's presence (or behind their backs)?

In order to answer these four questions, Berreman observed and talked to people in many different circumstances and in many different social classes.  He worked primarily in public places where most distinctively urban interactions take place.  He interacted with people naturally and in interview situations.

Berreman divides the terms used by the interviewees and subjects into four categories.  These are:  religious groups, regional-linguistic groups, caste-categories, and social class, life-style, and occupational categories.

In general, Berreman found that stereotypes and indicators of ethnic identity were closely tied to one another and to the terminology.  Interpersonal and intergroup behavior, however, was not closely related to terminology and its correlates.  Behavior proved to be less specific in terminology.

Gerald D.  Berreman argues that social identity cannot be understood without understanding the variation in peoples' knowledge and use of the categorical terms.  These matters become a major focus of his research.  The number and specificity of terms which could be applied to an individual, and which ones could be applied in a particular instance, varied from one individual to another.  This variation, according to Berreman, proved to be largely a function of one's own social identity.   

CLARITY:  3

ARLENE LIVINGSTON    Indiana University  (Anya Royce).

Bigart, Robert James.    Indian Culture and Industrialization. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1180-1187.

Robert James Bigart describes the concerns with the process of incorporating Western technology into different cultures, such as the Native Americans. For instance, Bigart explains how factories were created by "Western" culture with the intention of serving those within their society; those on Native American Reservations, however, would prefer the factories be designed in a non-Western style. Moreover, Bigart explains the concerns with the possibility of Indian cultures acculturating into a more Western, technology-based society. It is because of these concerns that a group of Salish Flathead Indians in Montana were observed; through this research, it was demonstrated that these people were able to retain their heritage and traditions despite their interaction with technology.

Throughout the article, Bigart explains various character differences between members of Native American and "Western" cultures. For instance, within the Native American community, an individual’s independence is very prominent, as they look to others for help and guidance, but often answer their problems on their own. Another behavior practiced among Native Americans is the use of rewards before punishment, especially between various groups of the cultural hierarchy Bigart explains their strong sense of loyalty and dedication within the group, and they are taught to put the needs of others before their own. Bigart also discusses how Native Americans may not feel pressure to pursue careers and money, and they also place a greater focus on the present-time as opposed to the future.

He believes that the factories on reservations would be much more successful if they maintained Indian organization. He thinks there should be more of a balance which would allow the workers in the factory to benefit on an individual level as well as within the community. The Yankton Sioux Reservation in South Dakota is a prime example of this. The work is done on an individual level and workers are paid according to their needs, desires, and talent.

CLARITY: 4

LINDA PRINCIPATO Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Black, Lydia T.     Relative Status of Wife Givers and Wife Takers in Gilyak Society. American Anthropologist October, 1972. Vol.74(5): 1244-1248.

This article is concerned with the status of relations between lineages, in Gilyak (or Nivkh in modern terms) society, which is located in the former USSR. The relationship detailed in this article is that between wife-givers (akhmalk) and wife-takers (imgi). In Gilyak society, when strangers come to live in the village, permission is needed to settle as well as fish and hunt. In addition, when strangers arrive, they are given a wife or wives. This trading of women is symbolic in the society, as those that are the wife-takers have a lower position in the society than those already established in the village and must give wives to newcomers.

In Gilyak lineage pattern, each extended family concerns itself with warfare and general disputes, inherited fishing and hunting territories and inherited wealth, determination of married status and name, and determination of participation in village rituals. Lineages themselves are do not give special status, the only discrepancy in village status depends upon whether one is a wife-giver or wife-taker. Black disagrees with conclusions reached by Levi-Strauss, an anthropologist who researched kinship groups. Black comments that ethnographic data in this area proves that the only ranking done within Gilyak villages is based on the "time of settlement in the locality." This fact points to the idea that those who come last are given wives, and are therefore inferior to those that have already settled in the village. In the relationship between he who gave the wife and he who took the wife, the wife-taker must perform menial tasks for the wife-giver, and live with the humility that comes with this position. Even Gilyak folklore, Black states, proves the point of the inferior wife-takers. Therefore, in this society, wife giving is a contract, a settlement between the settled man and the new stranger, a contract of cooperation, "mutual support," and inferiority of the latter. Black admits that this seemingly strange arrangement does limit the amount of conflict in the village, and sets rights and duties between the settled and the settlers.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

CARRIE CHARTERS Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Black, Lydia T. Relative Status of Wife Givers and Wife Takers in Gilyak Society. American Anthropologist. October, 1972 VOL.74(5): 1244-1247

In this article, Lydia Black gives evidence to support her theory that wife givers have more status than wife takers in the patrilineal Gilyak society. They are a egalitarian group located on both banks of the Amur river in Russia. She is also talking about other means of having status in the society, and that other factors play more of a role in ranking than wife giving and taking. These factors include things like the first person to settle an area of land and their lineage. Black is intending to show that while wife giving and taking plays a major role in status, there may be more important factors that are influencing this role. She also uses the story of the founding of the Gilyak society to illustrate her point.

In this society, strangers are welcomed with the gift of a wife. When strangers come into the society they have to get permission to fish and hunt. They are also given a wife. The person that is giving the wife to the stranger gets more status then the receiver. They also have more status because they are the owners of the land. Black goes on to prove her point by telling a Gilyak myth. The myth shows that when you are a wife taker you have to perform menial tasks for the wife giver, and that there is no respect for the taker. In the myth, the taker acquires wealth and is shown a great amount of respect. This shows that the Gilyak do look at status from many different levels, and not just by wife giver and taker. The wife is like a contract to the society. If the taker accepts the wife then he has certain obligation to the group.

In this article Black discuses many issues. She draws on folklore and the works of other anthropologists to get her issue across. Even with the integration of folklore and the works of others I found this article hard to understand. Black also did not touch on the woman’s point of view. I think that this is something very important to do, considering that they have no choice in the matter. I do not feel that Black conveyed the message that she was trying to achieve.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

LAUREN IOVANELLA        Indiana University (Anya Peterson Royce)

Brown, Jennifer.     Plato’s Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic Education. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):672-675.

Brown discusses Plato’s Republic as documentation of the transition from an oral to a literate educational system and a critique of the Athenian educational system. Plato’s contemporary society, Brown claims, was in transition from oral to literate. She examines the educational processes associated with an oral society and the ways in which literacy can change them.

In oral societies information is transmitted through legends and sayings that easily remembered, often in the form of poetry, such as Homer. The formulaic nature of these legends and phrases makes them easy to mimic and remember. Brown argues that this is what Plato was criticizing in the Republic. Because knowledge was transmitted through imitation and memorization, ideas were rarely questioned and thus new ideas were rarely formed. Brown disputes those scholars who take offense at Plato’s suggestions to censor poetry and art. She argues that Plato’s intentions were not to limit imagination, but rather to promote thought. He wanted people to learn to question things that they were taught.

Brown compares Plato’s ideas on censorship to modern views on the violence and superficiality that people are exposed to through the media. Plato’s claimed that epic poetry and oral education in general was limiting people’s minds instead of expanding them, what is referred to as the Cave Allegory. Many scholars agree that enculturation in modern societies is significantly affected by the media. Brown maintains that the enculturation system Plato was arguing against worked in a similar way through oral poetry.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Brown, Jennifer.   Plato’s Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic Education.   American Anthropologist, 1972 Vol.74(?):672-675.

As the title suggests, there are two major parts to Brown’s piece.  Although they are addressed separately, they are closely intertwined.  The subject of this inquiry is Ancient Greek thinker Plato and his piece the Republic.  As one of the hallmarks of Western thought, the Republic, contrary to its title, has been analyzed “as essentially a treatise on education rather than the political essay…” (Brown 672).  More importantly, within the Republic Jennifer Brown examines Plato’s thoughts on the nature of education and restrictions needed keep it pure.  In the end, Brown asserts that this Ancient Greek text provides one the first and most important instances of media bias, censorship and a system of positive feedback.

Plato emerged from a primarily oral, non-literate society and obviously much more greatly educated than the masses.  From this pedestal, Plato questioned what is actually “educating” the masses in the first place.  “Knowledge in older Greek society was largely cast in the form of myths, legends, and sayings…” (Brown 672).  Homer and Hesiod were the major influences on an Ancient Greek child’s education.  Plato accused these models of being “morally and intellectually confining rather than challenging or provocative” (Brown 672).  Not only are the arts nurturing bad habits, but they are distracting and too limiting.  From this negative opinion of the art and poetry, it is easy to see why Plato censors them in his ideal form of education in the Republic.

The second portion of Brown’s piece deals with Plato’s so-called Prosaic Education.  This can essentially “be characterized as a ‘positive-feedback’ or ‘deviation-amplifying’ system…” (Brown 674).  In respect to the current mode of education implemented and accepted in Athens, this Prosaic Education was a polar opposite.  Plato’s teacher Socrates was put to death, essentially for such dangerous notions that threatened the status-quo in Athens, argues Brown.  The author then argues that Plato’s famous Cave Allegory is an allegory addressing this shift from a “negative feedback system” to Plato’s system of inquiry.

Both topics discussed in Jennifer Brown’s essay shape Plato’s original thoughts on how inquiry ought to occur.  Moreover, a system of education must both disallow for distractions while focusing allowing more original ideas to form.

CLARITY: 4

TOM PELLMAN    Indiana University  (Anya Royce)

Cole, Michael and Gay, John.   Culture and Memory.   American Anthropologist, October 1972.   Vol. 74(5):1066-1083.

Cole and Gay tackle a very intriguing question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently?  They explore the relation between culture and cognition.  They quote an anthropologist who suggests cultures differ only in their values and beliefs, not in the reasoning and thinking processes.  They suggest that anthropologists study human behavior in distinct and limited situations in order to determine what cognitive processes are at work.  The number of carefully controlled studies that look at the relation between culture and thinking is quite small making it difficult to collect information in this situation.

The particular problem that Cole and Gay discuss is the relation between memory and the specific social and logical circumstances in which it occurs.  They expect that members of a pre-literate society may have developed mnemonic skills different from those of literate societies.

History plays a major role in many traditional societies and importance is placed on memory of these events.  In these cultures, a person who cannot remember large amounts of information is likely to be looked upon as mentally lacking.  The importance of items in a community also determines the amount of information retained about it.  For example, a child could not relay a message given to him by the anthropologist, but when an adult was asked about how the cattle did last year; his answers were abundant and informative because in that culture, cattle was the main source of subsistence.

Another aspect of the relation of culture and memory was in African tribes.  They had a system of rote learning.  This simply means that a person has a tendency to repeat material in the same order in which it was presented.  The success in this study was that the recall of the information was closely related to the degree of organization with which it is presented.          

Cole and Gay conclude that much work still needs to be done in order to fully understand how culture and the mind are connected.  Other places within the culture must be identified and considered and different methods of the recall of information must be tested.  They do say that they are closer to answering the original question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently, then before their study.

CLARITY:  2

VICTORIA RUSSELL    Indiana University  (Anya Royce)       

Collins, Daniel.     The American Isolates, The Racially - Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing The Jackson White Legends. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5): 1276-1285.

In his article, Daniel Collins addresses the problem of the Jackson Whites, a group of isolated people, being alienated because of their enigmatic background. Collins describes the Jackson Whites as a group of mixed race people who reside in the Ramapo Mountains, which are in the northern part of New Jersey extending over the New York border. Their racial backgrounds include of African American, Indian, and Caucasian, as well as other ethnicities. The Jackson Whites are the descendants of prostitutes, who inbred with the Indians the Dutch named Negroes, and the outlaws who were already in the Ramapos (1278).

Collins argues that the Jackson Whites are trapped in the confusion of race and class prejudices of the local white middle class. The Jackson Whites have reacted by taking on a code of silence in which they do not react to or speak of anything concerning their racial identity. Their identity is continuously slandered because of the lack of communication between the Jackson Whites and the outside world, which constantly causes misunderstandings. However, it seems that all the misunderstandings are caused by legends and false evidence. For example, residents who live in the same area as the Jackson Whites say that as a people they are lawless, that they are thieves and murderers and they harbor runaway girls and criminals (1283).

Collins tries to convince readers that the false legends of the Jackson Whites need to be corrected. He discusses their large and detailed background while along with the assumptions made by outsiders. Collins also describes where the Jackson Whites currently abide as well as the way they live, including the jobs they have and the closeness of their families. Collins uses previous background information from the works of J.C. Storms and Davis Steven Cohen to explain the confusion amongst the Jackson Whites and how their lives became the way that they presently are. Collins’ argument is reasonable enough to convince readers that racial and class injustices have been made against the Jackson Whites because of previous misconceptions.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

CAMILLE MOSES-ALLEN Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Collins, Daniel.   The Racially-Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing the Jackson White Legends   American Anthropologist October, 1972   Vol.74(#5):1276-1285.

The general issue that this article dealt with was exposing legends dealing with the Jackson White group of people that live in the Ramapos Mountains, which are located in the Appalachian foothills of northern New Jersey and adjoining New York.  The Jackson Whites are a group of people whose heritage includes Native American, African, and White ancestry and that live in relatively isolated groups.  The author went through several local myths as to how the Jackson White peoples were formed and named.  He then analyzed these myths as to the likelihood of their validity.  He described how local populations and the Jackson Whites interacted with each other and the opinions that each group had about each other.   With this article, the author is trying to dispel many of the destructive and untrue myths that have fostered self-fulfilling stereotypes about the Jackson White population.

The author sites a large number of sources that point to the stupidity, backwardness, and underdevelopment of the people known as the Jackson Whites that range from stories of their inception during the colonial times to their behaviors in the present (the early 1970’s in this case).  The stories and myths that the author addresses were mostly written by persons and newspapers during the 1930’s, and seem to have been based mostly on opinion and legend instead of documentation and fact.  The author then went on to describe the problems that were plaguing the Jackson Whites during the period during which the article was written.  These problems included a public stereotype of them being dirty, stupid, and hostile as well as problems between them and the government that was trying to take away their land.

The author’s main point seems to be that the reader doesn’t need to instantly disregard public opinions in the matter of the Jackson Whites, but that they should look into several sources instead of blindly following whatever common stereotype is most prevalent.  The author notes that the Jackson Whites do exhibit characteristics of communal silence towards outsiders, disregard of some civic law, and follow different family structures than many American families.  However, he also points out that many stereotypes are completely unfounded (stupidity), and others are instigated in part by local population’s actions (such as the local police and firemen’s reluctance to assist them).  The author concludes the article by describing the Jackson White population’s plight with their land.  The population is slowly losing their land due to an increase in taxes on the land.  Without the land that has defined this population in so many ways, the Jackson Whites may become just another displaced minority, and could soon lose any identity that they once shared.

CLARITY: 4

SCOTT HUFFER    Indiana University at Bloomington  (Anya Peterson)

Dane, J.K., and Griessman, Eugene B.     The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):694-703

In this article Dane and Griessman show the development of an Indian identity among two marginal groups of people in North Carolina, the Haliwa and Sampson County Indians. Which Indian groups or groups these people’s ancestors belonged to is difficult to discern, especially because all of the local tribes were displaced long ago. What does remain is a vague historical tradition of Indian descent and a need for identity.

Until 1835 Indians in North Carolina enjoyed relatively high social status. The first signs of Indians being considered a separate race were the 1835 laws to prevent Indians from marrying Blacks or Whites. Records show that people of races that were not Black or White, but simply "other," have been living in the area since the first census in 1790. Some of the names that appear on this census are the people who the Haliwa claim descent from. Over the years the Indians have held their community together by organizing their own schools and churches. The schools were closed in the late nineteen sixties because of anti-segregation laws, so the Indian communities have had to find other activities to hold their communities together.

Dane and Griessman discuss the various obstacles the Haliwa and Sampson County Indians have faced over the years, especially since the nineteen fifties. They use local government records such as censuses to illustrate the population and economic levels of the Indians over time. They conclude that these people have developed a sense of pride for their Indian identity, which surpasses the previous feelings of inferiority impressed on them for years because of their confused heritage.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Driver, Harold E.     Reply to Opler on Apachean Subsistence, Residence, and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1147-1151

In this article, Driver is replying to an article written by Opler, in which Opler argued against certain claims made by Driver in a previous article. All three of these article focus on the culture of the Apache Indians of North America. The three main arguments that Driver defends in this article concern the importance of girls’ puberty rites, occurrence of matrilocal residence, and methods of subsistence of the Apache Indians.

Driver agrees with Opler that the importance of girl’s puberty rites applies primarily to the reservation period in Apache history. However, he claims that the importance of the ceremony during that period still supports the argument he was making in his previous article, concerning the thesis of an article written by Judith K. Brown.

Driver states that Opler disagreed with him on the subject of matrilocal residence. According to Driver, Opler argued that all Apaches did not have contact with plains tribes; the people who driver claims influenced the Apache to live matrilocaly. Driver argues that he did mean to imply that all Apaches had contact with plains tribes, but rather that some Apaches did and they spread the idea to the other Apache tribes. Driver claims that in California and the Great Basin, the Apache women’s contribution to the subsistence of their society was the gathering of wild plants. A role, he argues, that would not justify the commencement of a matrilocal society without outside influences.

According to Driver, Opler argued that Apaches in the Great Plains, where subsistence agriculture and contact with matrilocal societies would have been likely, had a relatively balanced division of agricultural labor. Driver mentions a study done by Evon Z. Vogt, which attributes 450,000 stolen Spanish sheep to the Apaches and the Navahos (1149). Driver argues that if the men were able to raid the Spanish that frequently, they would not have had time for as much agricultural labor as the women.

Driver argues against many points made by Opler in an effort to support his own previous arguments. He draws on evidence from several other anthropologists as well as himself and even from Opler’s own work in order to support his claims. Driver’s arguments overall are persuasive, but both of Driver’s articles as well as Opler’s article would need to be read to comprehend their arguments fully.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Fulton, Richard M.    The Political Structures and Functions of Poro in Kpelle Society. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1218-1233.

Richard Fulton’s article analyzes the political structures and functions of the Poro, or male society, in the Kpelle society of West Africa. It establishes that the Kpelle society exists due to the effectiveness of the Poro organization. Kpelle chiefdoms are shaped by the Poro, and the Poro could function as a society without Kpelle organization.

The main function of the Poro is to perform sacred tasks. They organize relationships with the spirits that are the foundation of the Kpelle. The Poro political structure is not uniform, but does maintain political equilibrium. Positions in the Poro are given through skill and completion of appointed tasks.

Fulton goes on to say how difficult it was to gain knowledge on the Poro, because the Kpelle believe that anyone who talks about the Poro will be visited by death. Fulton received most of his information from people who came to his window at night. Through this he discovered that the Kpelle, overall, do not have the close tribal identification that is part of the Poro society. They also do not have ancient home areas of their own as the Poro do. This is because the Kpelle have a more parochial existence due to limited commercial activity. They have less trade and slaves, which means less contact with other chiefdoms. This also gives them less power than the Poro, who are commercialized.

Richard Fulton’s article makes accurate statements about the structures and functions of the Poro in Kpelle society. The article is organized to make it easy for readers to compare and contrast the two societies.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JAQUELYN BITLER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Gray, Charles Edward.     Paradoxes in Western Creativity. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):676-688.

Gray’s article is a quantitative follow-up to Kroeber’s Configurations of Culture Growth, which qualitatively analyzed the irregular spurts in creativity throughout Western history. Gray quantitatively measured creativity in Western civilization as a whole and in each major nation individually. He divided history into sixteen time periods ranging between the years from 850 and 1955. For each nation he counted the number of great artists or thinkers and the number of works produced in their field to determine when each nation creatively excelled and in what areas. He then took the sum of the nations to show the fluctuation of Western creativity as a whole over time. Gray found that while there are distinct time periods in Western history that yielded more creativity, the contributions from each nation for each discipline reveal more irregularity.

Each nation had a time period in which they produced a high rate of creativity in the arts. However this creativity was usually limited to one or two specialties. For example, while the Dutch were highly creative in painting during the sixteenth century, the English excelled in literature during the High Renaissance. Gray found a high correlation between the political state of the culture and the culture’s artistic creative output. For example, the Spanish painting and literature thrived during the height of their political power in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In contrast, the Germans lagged in the arts while they were involved in the Thirty Years War during the Baroque period. While a favorable political atmosphere seems to stimulate creativity, nationalism seems to stifle it. In Italy, Germany, England, America, France, and Russia, periods of cultural revolution and increased nationalism did not statistically show increases in creativity, contrary to popular belief.

By studying these bursts in creativity, Gray hoped to discover a reason why the arts evolve in an elliptical pattern while the sciences tend to advance in a linear progression. Although he found some correlation between the political state of a culture and its creative output, he could not determine the reason why certain countries would have a creative burst in only one area while others would stand out in multiple areas, such as the Renaissance Italians. He concludes that these irregularities from nation to nation may only be sparked by historical accidents and that the occurrence of artistic genius may be as random as the movements of individual molecules within a gas. Therefore, to try to achieve a more frequent and even level of creativity overall will be a daunting endeavor.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

LINDSAY ANDERBERG Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Griessman, Eugene B.    The American Isolates. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):693-.

Griessman chooses the term "marginal peoples" to refer to people of mixed races. Marginal peoples live in at least eighteen of the eastern states, both North and South, and their estimated population is 75,000. These people are often called American Isolates. They generally prefer to avoid attention. People have over time constructed insulting names to call them, such as "Red Bones", "Brass Ankles", and "Issues."

The low social position of American Isolates in their societies is not a result of their "mixed blood," but is instead due to their label as a third group in an environment that is based on only two social groups. Griessman explains that Isolate groups have formed boundaries, which makes it difficult for field workers to engage in detailed work for fear of ruining these boundaries or intruding on the societies’ "guarded secrets." Isolates do not want to change the norms of their societies. While investigators respect this fact, it is beneficial for the fieldworkers to understand the cultures and how they interact with each other.

Soon after the Civil War and Reconstruction much effort was put into creating a "recognized Indian status." Some of these groups were successful in achieving this status. They went about it in several ways. Separate schools and churches were created to establish unity among the Isolate groups. There is irony in the fact that these methods were formed to unify the groups, because they were the same reasons for which minority groups were discontinued. The two groups that Griessman chose to study were the Haliwa Indians, who were descendents of people from Halifax and Warren Counties, and the Sampson County Indians in North Carolina. These groups were examined demographically, economically, educationally, and politically.

Griessman describes the economic situation of the Haliwa populations. In 1968, they were poor and owned small farms that were used to grow minimal amounts of tobacco or vegetables. By 1969 more than ninety percent of were successfully maintaining positions in blue-collar jobs. These statistics seem to be great improvements for the Haliwa people, but in Sampson County Indians are economically and socially trapped between Whites and Blacks.

One of the more effective ways in which unity was created among these groups was though education. There was segregation in the educational field because Whites believed that Indians should attend "Negro" schools. The parents of these children would not allow that, and some groups built their own schools.

Politically, the Indians faced identity obstacles as well. In 1965, members of the Haliwa tribe fought to have their birth certificates, marriage licenses, and driver’s licenses changed to exclude the words "colored race" and replace the term with "the Indian race." By doing this, the Indians achieved a huge advantage, an identity.

When fieldworkers visit these societies, they will notice that many of the negative attitudes towards the "marginal peoples" have changed. These people have a much greater pride in their race. This transition of race from American Isolates to Indian may eventually lead to a greater transition. When Griessman studied marginal peoples he came across a man who explained just this theory, "Sure there’s some around here that calls themselves Indians. When I was a boy they was Issues or Mulattoes. Now they are Indians. Before long, they’ll be White."

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LINDA PRINCIPATO Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Handlelman, Don and Bruce Kapferer.   Forms of Joking Activity: A Comparative Approach.   American Anthropologist June, 1972   Vol. 74 (3):   484- 517.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the context and behavior necessary in joking activities.  The activity must be consensual and permitting to those involved.  In order to joke there must be a “license to joke.”  This is the situation that is set up and makes it appropriate to act in a joking manner.  There are also established “rules” to joking.

There are two sets of categories that distinguish the types of joking.  The first set is a contained or uncontained joking sequence.  This refers to the people that are allowed to participate in the joke.  In a “contained” joking situation, only certain people are able to participate based on the context of the situation.  In an “uncontained” joking situation, it is easier for others to join in.

The other categories are the types of joking frames.  Jokes are either “setting-specific” or “category-routinized.”  In a setting-specific joking frame, the joke is a single situation.  The joke is normally short lived and is easily ended.  In category-routinized joking frames, the context of the joke comes from something that the participants were previously aware of.  The joke may last longer and can continue to be added to.

In order to support the theories of joking situations, four specific examples were given.  Background information was provided in order that the joke situation would make sense.  Then a dialog of the joke was given followed by an explanation as to why the joke worked in the given context.

The first situation gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame.  An insult was made and was turned into a joke.  The person who was the butt of the insult then made a joke about himself so as to make the situation funny.  The whole situation, however, was actually making a statement.  Because the joke merely derived from an insult, it was only a single situation.

The second situation also gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame.  This example also stemmed from an insult.  However, in this instance, the joke was almost carried too far.  Once the joking starts to get serious, someone ends it in order to keep the mood of joking present.

The last two examples were category-routinized joking frames.  In order for these jokes to work, a previous understanding of the context must be present.  The first one dealt with typical actions of certain African tribes.  Without the understanding of the tribe, the joke would not make sense.  The second joking frame was an ongoing activity.  Without the previous actions, the joke would not exist.

CLARITY:   3

NICOLE PHILLIPS    Indiana University  (Anya Royce)

Hardesty, Donald L.    The Human Ecological Niche. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):458-466.

The concept of the ecological niche is one of the most inconsistently used in anthropological studies. In his article, Hardesty clarifies the concept of the ecological niche and discusses the important implications of the niche in anthropology. He does so by using statements from other scholars including Barth, Hutchinson, and Cohen, and by drawing conclusions of his own. In his article Hardesty explains that the idea of the ecological niche is multi-dimensional; it is composed of ecological, biological and cultural factors.

A niche provides all conditions essential for an organism to exist. Human society includes many such personal niches to create a community of interrelated occupations and personalities.

Hutchinson argues for the "competitive exclusion principle," which is the idea that two populations cannot occupy the same ecological niche. When a habitat is occupied by two species or populations, the two groups have different survival requirements and in fact occupy different niches. Evidence suggests that there are exceptions – including humans. The author of this article disagrees that the "competitive exclusion principle" is even a principle. He feels that competitive exclusion has to be demonstrated in data and not simply assumed because of exceptions in populations in which there is less competition for resources.

Many scholars, including Barth, have equated the ecological niche with the microenvironment, but this can lead to some confusion as it contains the idea of a habitat, which can seem synonomous to a niche. Hardesty’s argument is that interaction between man and environment should be evaluated in terms of niche occupation, because anthropologists look at the relationship between organism and environment and not the physical or geographical place where life is led, which would be a habitat. Therefore, disagreeing with Barth, Hardesty explains that habitat is not a useful term in anthropological situations.

Cohen lists criteria to indicate how much a human population has adapted to the environment. He explains that a "well-adapted system" (i.e. hunting and gathering, urban-industrial) has control over its environment by way of cultural behaviors. However, Cohen does not discuss the degree of adaptation due to adoption of a specific system, and this is where Hardesty clarifies. In his article, Hardesty attempts to clarify the confusion over the ecological niche in anthropological studies. He integrates biology, ecology, and culture in his attempt to define the human niche, while making reference to points made by anthropologists and other scholars. Hardesty’s article would be most interesting to someone researching the relationship between humans and their various ecological environments. It sheds a bit of light on the methods of analysis of populations and the niches they occupy.

CLARITY RANKING: 3.

LAURA MACLEOD Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Hardesty, Donald L.   The Human Ecological Niche.   American Anthropologist June, 1972   Vol. 74 (3):   458- 466

The purpose of this article is to define the human ecological niche and explain its importance in anthropology studies.  Hardesty uses the definitions of various other anthropologists to help confirm his ideas.

The ecological niche can be defined in many ways.  It is often confused with, but is not the same as, the habitat in which an individual lives.  The niche is everything that an individual needs to exist.  It is the place or role that the individual fills.  It can be considered the culture of the individual and the activities that take place in life.

Some anthropologists consider the ecological niche the same as the microenvironment.  This consists of all of the resources that are needed in a population for subsistence.    This would also include the habitat in which an individual resides, takes shelter, and performs daily activities.

Another view is the multi-functional niche which consists of a “fundamental niche” and a “realized niche.”  The fundamental niche consists of the conditions and individual faces when not competing with society.  The realized niche contains the conditions when the individual is competing.

The article then goes on to explain the “competitive exclusion principle.”  This principle explains that there will be competition and dominance so that an ecological niche is not occupied by more that one group.  With specialization, the groups end up being different and in fact occupy different niches.

The last section of the article explains adaptation and its role in defining the ecological niche.  This section focuses on the ecological niche being defined by the culture of a group.  Culture is the way in which humans adapt to their environments.  With the use of culture, humans are able to find their own ecological niche and class in the world.

CLARITY:   4

NICOLE PHILLIPS    Indiana University  (Anya Royce)

Hays, David G., Margolis, Enid, Naroll, Raoul and Perkins, Dale Revere.     Color Term Salience. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74 (5): 1107-1121.

In their article on colour term salience, Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins concentrate on a previous study by Berlin and Kay, which examines different cultures and the basic color terms they use. The authors of "Color Term Salience" look at Berlin and Kay’s study and point out certain lapses and omissions. They state that the more striking a color is, the more unique the term for that color is, which reflects a degree of cultural development.

Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins begin their analysis by presenting the correlations between salience and earliness of introduction, brevity of expression, frequency of use, and frequency of mention in ethnographic literature, correlations that have not been mentioned in Berlin and Kay’s study. In other words, the more remarkable a color is, the earlier has it been introduced to the language, the shorter the term for it, the more frequent the use of the term in the language, and the more common its use in ethnographic literature.

The authors of the article propose that, instead of talking about "basic" color terms used by Berlin and Kay, one should look at "focal" color terms – terms for a certain set of eleven specific colors (black, white, red, yellow, green, blue, brown, pink, orange, purple and grey). They insist that one should not look at how many specific color names a language has, but at how many of those eleven colors have specific names in the language.

Berlin and Kay divide language complexity into seven stages, based on the basic color terms. Stage 1 includes languages that only have terms for "black" and "white," while stage 7 includes only languages that have eight or more specific color words. According to the authors of "Color Term Salience," the more distinguishable a color is, the earlier a term for it is introduced to the language.

Even though Berlin and Kay’s study has some flaws, Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins’s study supports it with new and more specific proof. Berlin and Kay have specified the main colors by order of appearance in a language (black and white, red, green, yellow, blue, brown, pink, orange, purple, gray) quite correctly. They coincide with the order of the salient colors, listed from the most salient to the least salient, by the authors of "Color Term Salience."

CLARITY RANKING: 3

MIHAIL VUZHAROV Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Hill, Jane H.    On the Evolutionary Foundations of Language. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):308-317

Jane Hill presents her arguments on how language has evolved to be what it is today. Using examples from other primate species, Hill makes a strong argument for evolution, through development of speech patterns, the biological voice and of Hominidae through their ability to communicate. She states we need to pay particular attention to where language originates, realizing that by doing so we will understand her theory of the process of hominization, or how hominids have evolved through time.

Hill studies the features of languages spoken not only by humans but also by primates, since primates do not speak words with which humans are familiar. Through her research, Hill concludes that linguistic characteristics share a common origin; in her words "I am assuming that the features under consideration are universal because they have a common origin in hominid phylogeny, not because of some convergence due to the interaction of other, unnamed features with common cultural conditions" (308).

Hill also discusses other points of human language which have not received much attention,. such as how voice and human speech are related, the human ability to acquire certain language skills, and whether or not a human population is able to retain these skills by becoming comfortable with their language.

Hill concludes by reinforcing her argument in four main points. First, as previously discussed, she examines universal characteristics of language, presenting the theory of a common origin. Secondly, she claims "articulation…with upright posture…puts a lower time limit on the date of the origins of language…" (315). By this, Hill is asserting that the way we speak a language, or how we articulate sounds, depends on our body position, which also quantifies the amount of time needed for language to evolve to its present status. Thirdly, she discusses the realm of cognitive abilities and how it plays a role in language development. Finally, she argues how the "nesting" or "embedding" phenomenon contributes to increased population growth, which is then displayed through human interaction.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

BILL RANSONE Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Hill, Jane.   On the Evolutionary Foundations of Language. American Anthropologist, 1972.   Vol.74 (3):308-317.

Much debate surrounds the issue of the origin and development of human language: Where did it begin? When did it come into form? What evidence exists and how is it to be interpreted? In this article, Jane Hill attempts to outline and defend her hypothesis that language occurred through an evolutionary process much the same as the biological evolution that allowed for the emergence of anatomically modern humans. She disputes the idea that language occurred merely as a cultural catastrophe at the threshold between hominids and humans, and claims that with the emergence of upright posture came the potential for human language.

Not merely the increase in brain size, but also “(1) the vocal tract anatomy associated with human speech production, (2) the upper age limits on efficient language acquisition, and (3) the property of nesting or embedding in language” (309) occurring at this time of biological transformation is what allowed for the human language to slowly evolve. Hill’s argument stems from the discussion of these main areas of development and includes a wide array of outside sources and authorities. For each of the three topics she offers both supporting and contradicting beliefs.

Much of the evidence is from the study and comparison of human anatomy and structure to that of primates. She points out that while it is still believed that there are striking similarities between these two groups, “the mode of speech production used in all known human languages is rather different from that known for the apes and monkeys” (309). Hill makes clear her belief that when bipedal locomotion evolved, intellectual and linguistic evolution also occurred. She believes that these evolutions cannot be isolated but that they played a significant, interrelated role in the success of the formation of the modern human. Bipedalism led to increased speech production capacity, which in turn “gave the neurological systems something to work on” (311). The emergence of language was not merely a hold over of the primate aspect of the hominids, but instead a newly evolving human capability.   

CLARITY: 3

JULIA BUCK    Indiana Uniiversity  (Anya Peterson Royce)

Johnson, Leroy.     Problems in "Avant-Garde" Archaeology. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):366-377.

Johnson’s article concentrates on the problems faced when applying "avant-garde" techniques to the field of archaeology. Avant-garde archaeology, better known as the "new" archaeology, refers to the use of statistics in social-scientific reconstructions of the past. The author examines five key problems within the practice of "new" archaeology and explains why each needs to be modified. These problems include philosophy and statistics, generalization and bias, site sampling and statistical induction, and data relationships.

The first problem is related to philosophy, statistics, and their role in archaeological methodology. With regard to philosophy, Johnson believes that the theories introduced using the techniques of "new" archaeology are too general and lack sufficient evidence. While data sets are large, there is still insufficient evidence because of the lack of literary evidence and interpretation of artifacts. In addition to insufficient evidence, "new" archaeology places too much emphasis upon statistical data. As a result, statistical data is left to determine theory and philosophical assumptions or philosophical theorizing. Ideally, statistics should be used only to determine patterns in archaeological data and not act as the core of archaeological theory.

The second section of Johnson’s work deals with generalizations and biased social reconstructions. Simplified, "new" archaeologists have manipulated archaeological evidence in order to confirm theories that lack physical evidence.

Another problem relates to archaeological site sampling and statistical induction. Johnson feels that the increased emphasis placed upon statistical data is driven by a concern to confront the role that bias plays in excavation. In effect, mathematical data is concrete and not subject to bias or interpretation. However, even though mathematical truth is not subject to bias, it cannot serve as the foundation of archeological theory alone. By combining archaeological principles with other social/scientific fields, more complete theories and analyses can be made.

Finally, Johnson discusses data relationships. Johnson believes that statistical data does have a place within the field of archaeology. The problem arises, however, when "new" archaeology relies too heavily upon statistics. Statistics should only be used when combined with archaeologists’ observations. When interpreting archaeological data, one should draw upon techniques used in other fields of sciences and social sciences such as anthropology and natural science.

The article serves as a valuable tool for researchers who want a concise summary of the problems pertaining to the "new" archaeology. While examples from other older archaeologists are used, they are only small excerpts that do not contain any in-depth analysis. It is imperative to note that "new" archaeology, while worth studying; no longer represents the latest trend in archaeology. Contemporary archaeological theory no longer privileges statistical analysis. For further information on the latest techniques in archaeology one should research Cognitive Archaeology, which is a combination of Postprocessual/Interpretive and Processual techniques. The article provides a very extensive bibliography, which will guide researchers toward other authors on the subject of the techniques and theories of "new" archaeology.

CLARITYRANKING:3

JUSTIN SOLONICK Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)

Khare, R.S.    Hierarchy and Hypergamy: Some Interrelated Aspects among the Kanya-Kubja Brahmans. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):611-628.

In this article, R.S. Khare attempts to explain the practice of hypergamy and how it relates to hierarchy. The Kanya-Kubja Brahmans of Northern India are used as example. Hypergamy is the practice of marrying into an equal or more prestigious social group or caste. The Kanya-Kubja society has many different castes, and two major ways of dividing the population into these castes. One way is the gotra, the traditional way, in which people are divided according to their ritual group and concomitant ancestors. The contemporary way is the biswa, which is built on socioeconomic status. Therefore, in today’s society, the Kanya-Kubja look more to wealth than ancestral prestige for their place in society.

The caste system includes twenty different ranks, the higher the number the better the rank, and once in high numbers, it is more difficult to advance in society. Marriage is the surest way to rise or fall on the social scale. Women are married off to men of higher biswa ranking. Each marriage