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American
Anthropologist
Acheson, James
M. Limited Good or Limited Goods? Response to Economic James M. Acheson’s
article examines the causes of and reasons behind the differential
response to economic change and instability associated with the new
economic opportunities in a Tarascan Indian society of Acheson utilizes
a case study of the furniture industry in Cuanajo, an eastern Tarascan
community, and its affects as an "alternate economic opportunity." He
illustrates the importance of social, cultural, and economic factors
with respect to economic opportunities in the Cuanajo community. In
this study, the focus is placed on two main occupational groups: mechanized
carpentry and the enterprise of selling furniture. Acheson breaks the
case study down into three main hypotheses. First, the presence of
superior economic opportunities is most effective in providing developmental
and economic change. Acheson continues by noting the evidence that
the predominantly poor economic status of Cuanajo men plays an important
role in the ceasing of new opportunities. Acheson’s third observation
states that men who have high "prestige" in the community
and are not likely to benefit from such endeavors are "least likely
to react to the economic opportunities." Acheson concludes
that focusing on mechanized carpentry reveals more about the factors
that influence the pueblos as a whole. In addition, he highlights the
social and cultural features of Tarascan communities that play a large
role in its economic development. Acheson draws attention to the following
three main assumptions made by prominent authors in the field (in relation
to economic responsiveness): There are economic opportunities available
in Tarascan communities, these opportunities are only available to
those willing to form large scale production and marketing units, and
economic change in Tarascan communities requires external financing
Acheson agrees that each of these assumptions is valid; however, he
explains and outlines (based on his own observations) his own modifications
to the assumptions. Although Acheson’s
examination of various hypotheses presented does not give definite
reason or cause for the lack of economic change in Tarascan communities,
he does provide insight into the phenomena. CLARITY RANKING:
2 .gif){kind=small} Banks, David
J. Changing Kinship in October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1254-1275. David J. Banks’ article
examines the social relationships among kin in Sik, a region of the Between 1950 and
1960, the economy and structure of Malay society shifted from an agricultural,
grain producing society into a society that primarily produced rubber Initially, the rubber
industry was minuscule, but after World War II the need for rubber
grew. Not only did plantations consume much of the land, but the new
industry also caused many people to flock to Sik, taking over the land
that was once farmed and inhabited by the Malays. In addition, the
government permitted once protected land to be utilized, sparking other
jobs like road building that connected the region to other parts of
the Ultimately, the
relations within the family changed due to the new social and economic
conditions. The Malays became less isolated because they were forced
to develop deeper relationships with secondary kin and individuals
outside of the immediate family. These new relations grew among people
who had to start working for those who owned rubber trees. It was no
longer possible to survive off the harvest of a private plot of land,
now people had to perform different jobs in order to succeed in the
new economy. With these changes, the family became decreasingly less
structured as the members were forced to leave the area for jobs. Parents
and children felt the pressures of separation, and the tradition of
passing land on to one’s offspring ceased to exist because there was
such a scarcity of available land. The Malays left the traditional
world and entered a world of modernity. CLARITY RANKING:
3 .gif){kind=small} Banks, David
J. Changing Kinship in The essay Changing
Kinship in Northern Malay written by David J. Banks, concentrates
on the change in traditional ideas of kinship among the Sik in northern Initially the Sik created close nuclear family bonds that were based on blood relations. They believed in the moral responsibility to their blood kin and reinforced this bond in their daily lives through acts of loyalty, friendship, and trust. Shows of solidarity were considered very important and to deny it was to deny your blood history. Other important
aspects of kinship were to provide a base for your children to become
self-sufficient and thriving members of the community. This was a fairly
obtainable goal pre World War I when land was plentiful in relation
to a small population of people. However
this began to change as new social and economic factors began to infiltrate
this once isolated community. After
WW II the Sik community shifted from an agricultural society to a rubber
producing society. As demand
for rubber grew, corporations leaving less for private farming for
the Malay by snatching up large tracts of land. Other
portions of land were utilized for road building, which connected the
region to other parts of the The rubber industry eventually became fairly successful, thus attracting outsiders looking for employment. This created a population boom, which greatly affected the economic and social landscape of the area. Much of the land that was farmed by the Sik, was either taken over by plantations, or utilized as dwelling spaces by those who migrated to the area for work. Traditions in Sik culture that influenced the ideas of family and how a person should function socially in the process of living their life began to change. In turn, this influenced and changed the dynamics of traditional family bonds within the local population. As this new social and economic shift arose, it was no longer possible to make a living off a private plot of land. It became necessary for people to work different jobs in order to live in this new economic landscape. With these changes, there was also a shift in family values. Family members found it necessary to leave the area for other jobs in order to make a living. As available land became scarce, the long tradition of passing land on to ones children also was lost. The Sik were forced out of their defined inner circle of kinship and forced into a new circle, the modern world. They must now look for “kinship” everywhere, and adjust to the new social order that has erased the old. In Banks conclusion he does not judge whether this shift in the social order is good or bad. He simply states what he has observed and that failure and success depend on life situations and fate. CLARITY RATING: 4 TIMOTHY
BORNTRAGER Beale, Calvin
L. An Overview of the Phenomenon of Mixed Racial
Isolates in the In his article,
Beale’s argument is that the existence of mixed racial groups in the Another factor discussed
throughout the article is the founding of separate schools for racial
minorities. Segregation was prominent within school systems for many
years. In 1969, parents of Indian children in Beale constructs
his argument by citing examples of interracial instances throughout
history in order to convince his readers. Race, Beale claims, is intended
to refer to someone’s ethnic background, but instead, it seems to describe
his or her skin color. Each color or race has its positive and negative
connotations. In the case of this article, being "Triracial" has
held negative connotations for many years. Because there has been a
decrease in separation as well as rural depopulation, "Triracial" groups
are not very prominent anymore, only a few of them exist. CLARITY: 5 Benfer, Robert
A. Factor Analysis as Numerical Induction: How
to Judge a Book by its Cover. American Anthropologist June, 1972
Vol.74(3):530-554. In this article,
Benfer defends his previous work against questions raised by James
E. Sackett. He also discusses the "applications and limitations
of factor analysis", which he asserts is "an advanced method
of creating numerical inductions" (which he claims may be "superior
to more intuitive approaches" in certain cases) (530). He argues
specifically for the usefulness of factor analysis in archaeology,
giving example from both his previous and recent work. Benfer asserts the
validity of various statistical analyses. He argues against the idea, "that
parametric and nonparametric statistics are entirely different approaches
(531)." Benfer divides the objections raised by Sackett into two
categories, those concerning factor analysis and those concerning the
use of redundant variables. Benfer maintains that Sackett’s objections
are unjustified. Many arguments against factor analysis Benfer claims
are simply incorrect. Redundancy in variables he explains, essentially,
as having an insignificant effect on the final statistics. To illustrate his
arguments, Benfer offers what plasmode, or, "worked example with
relatively well understood data (530)." In this example, Benfer
used books from his own bookshelf as his sample. He took various measurements
and analyzed them using the methods he promotes in the beginning of
the article. After completing
this experiment, Benfer came to several conclusions. He found that
measurements that intuitively seem redundant might turn out to be independent,
and those that seem independent may be redundant. "Factor analysis
as numerical induction," he maintains, " still may not be
more useful than, say cluster analysis (549)." Benfer ends by
saying that more tests on numerical induction are necessary. CLARITY RANKING:
2 Berreman, Gerald
D. Social Categories and Social Interaction in
Urban Berreman’s article
deals with the definition, function and effects of social categories
in urban Berreman’s main
argument is that the placement of individuals in social groups in Berreman’s argument
is constructed through the illustration of various categories that
define social identity in urban Indian society and by defining the
implications of that definition. He uses anecdotal evidence to show
interactions between different groups and their perception of their
own identity in relation to others. His careful analysis of the words
and actions of the people he has studied provides a clear picture of
the society’s divisions and the purposes they serve. He then presents
his observations of their influence on the behavior, attitudes and
culture of the people of Readers will find Berreman’s arguments convincing because his research is extremely thorough. They will also find the article interesting given the widespread notion that the Indian "caste system" is extremely hierarchical contrasts significantly Berreman’s argument describing its complexity. CLARITY RATING: 5 Berreman, Gerald
D. Social Categories And
Social Interaction in Urban In this article, categories into which people classify themselves and others in a North Indian city were collected, together with identifying characteristics and stereotypes. The research was performed from a symbolic interactionist perspective, using detailed observation and inquiry regarding what people do in face-to-face interaction. The author also examined how people in Urban India choose among alternative behaviors in terms of the meanings that specific attributes, actions, and social situations have for them and for those with whom they interact. Through this research, the complexity of the terminological system, the crucial importance of situation and audience, and the tenuous relationship between terminology and behavior in Urban India was revealed. The research performed by Berreman was based on four fundamental kinds of questions: (1) What are the social categories-the social identities-of people composing the society as defined by themselves? (2) What characteristics are attributed to members of these social categories? (3) By what cues and in what circumstances do people identify individuals as belonging to a particular social category? (4) How are the above three questions related to interpersonal behavior? How do these facts affect how people behave in one another's presence (or behind their backs)? In order to answer these four questions, Berreman observed and talked to people in many different circumstances and in many different social classes. He worked primarily in public places where most distinctively urban interactions take place. He interacted with people naturally and in interview situations. Berreman divides the terms used by the interviewees and subjects into four categories. These are: religious groups, regional-linguistic groups, caste-categories, and social class, life-style, and occupational categories. In general, Berreman found that stereotypes and indicators of ethnic identity were closely tied to one another and to the terminology. Interpersonal and intergroup behavior, however, was not closely related to terminology and its correlates. Behavior proved to be less specific in terminology. Gerald D. Berreman argues that social identity cannot be understood without understanding the variation in peoples' knowledge and use of the categorical terms. These matters become a major focus of his research. The number and specificity of terms which could be applied to an individual, and which ones could be applied in a particular instance, varied from one individual to another. This variation, according to Berreman, proved to be largely a function of one's own social identity. CLARITY: 3 ARLENE LIVINGSTON Bigart, Robert
James. Indian Culture and Industrialization. American
Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1180-1187. Robert James Bigart
describes the concerns with the process of incorporating Western technology
into different cultures, such as the Native Americans. For instance,
Bigart explains how factories were created by "Western" culture
with the intention of serving those within their society; those on
Native American Reservations, however, would prefer the factories be
designed in a non-Western style. Moreover, Bigart explains the concerns
with the possibility of Indian cultures acculturating into a more Western,
technology-based society. It is because of these concerns that a group
of Salish Flathead Indians in Throughout the article,
Bigart explains various character differences between members of Native
American and "Western" cultures. For instance, within the
Native American community, an individual’s independence is very prominent,
as they look to others for help and guidance, but often answer their
problems on their own. Another behavior practiced among Native Americans
is the use of rewards before punishment, especially between various
groups of the cultural hierarchy Bigart explains their strong sense
of loyalty and dedication within the group, and they are taught to
put the needs of others before their own. Bigart also discusses how
Native Americans may not feel pressure to pursue careers and money,
and they also place a greater focus on the present-time as opposed
to the future. He believes that
the factories on reservations would be much more successful if they
maintained Indian organization. He thinks there should be more of a
balance which would allow the workers in the factory to benefit on
an individual level as well as within the community. The Yankton Sioux
Reservation in CLARITY: 4 This article is
concerned with the status of relations between lineages, in Gilyak
(or Nivkh in modern terms) society, which is located in the
former In Gilyak lineage pattern, each extended family concerns itself with warfare and general disputes, inherited fishing and hunting territories and inherited wealth, determination of married status and name, and determination of participation in village rituals. Lineages themselves are do not give special status, the only discrepancy in village status depends upon whether one is a wife-giver or wife-taker. Black disagrees with conclusions reached by Levi-Strauss, an anthropologist who researched kinship groups. Black comments that ethnographic data in this area proves that the only ranking done within Gilyak villages is based on the "time of settlement in the locality." This fact points to the idea that those who come last are given wives, and are therefore inferior to those that have already settled in the village. In the relationship between he who gave the wife and he who took the wife, the wife-taker must perform menial tasks for the wife-giver, and live with the humility that comes with this position. Even Gilyak folklore, Black states, proves the point of the inferior wife-takers. Therefore, in this society, wife giving is a contract, a settlement between the settled man and the new stranger, a contract of cooperation, "mutual support," and inferiority of the latter. Black admits that this seemingly strange arrangement does limit the amount of conflict in the village, and sets rights and duties between the settled and the settlers. CLARITY RANKING: 2 In this article,
Lydia Black gives evidence to support her theory that wife givers have
more status than wife takers in the patrilineal Gilyak society. They
are a egalitarian group located on both banks of the Amur river in In this society, strangers are welcomed with the gift of a wife. When strangers come into the society they have to get permission to fish and hunt. They are also given a wife. The person that is giving the wife to the stranger gets more status then the receiver. They also have more status because they are the owners of the land. Black goes on to prove her point by telling a Gilyak myth. The myth shows that when you are a wife taker you have to perform menial tasks for the wife giver, and that there is no respect for the taker. In the myth, the taker acquires wealth and is shown a great amount of respect. This shows that the Gilyak do look at status from many different levels, and not just by wife giver and taker. The wife is like a contract to the society. If the taker accepts the wife then he has certain obligation to the group. In this article Black discuses many issues. She draws on folklore and the works of other anthropologists to get her issue across. Even with the integration of folklore and the works of others I found this article hard to understand. Black also did not touch on the woman’s point of view. I think that this is something very important to do, considering that they have no choice in the matter. I do not feel that Black conveyed the message that she was trying to achieve. CLARITY RANKING: 2 LAUREN IOVANELLA Brown, Jennifer. Plato’s
Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic
Education. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):672-675. Brown discusses
Plato’s Republic as documentation of the transition from an
oral to a literate educational system and a critique of the Athenian
educational system. Plato’s contemporary society, Brown claims, was
in transition from oral to literate. She examines the educational processes
associated with an oral society and the ways in which literacy can
change them. In oral societies
information is transmitted through legends and sayings that easily
remembered, often in the form of poetry, such as Homer. The formulaic
nature of these legends and phrases makes them easy to mimic and remember.
Brown argues that this is what Plato was criticizing in the Republic.
Because knowledge was transmitted through imitation and memorization,
ideas were rarely questioned and thus new ideas were rarely formed.
Brown disputes those scholars who take offense at Plato’s suggestions
to censor poetry and art. She argues that Plato’s intentions were not
to limit imagination, but rather to promote thought. He wanted people
to learn to question things that they were taught. Brown compares Plato’s ideas on censorship to modern views on the violence and superficiality that people are exposed to through the media. Plato’s claimed that epic poetry and oral education in general was limiting people’s minds instead of expanding them, what is referred to as the Cave Allegory. Many scholars agree that enculturation in modern societies is significantly affected by the media. Brown maintains that the enculturation system Plato was arguing against worked in a similar way through oral poetry. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Brown, Jennifer. Plato’s Republic as an Early Study of Media Bias and a Charter for Prosaic Education. American Anthropologist, 1972 Vol.74(?):672-675. As the title suggests, there are two major parts to Brown’s piece. Although they are addressed separately, they are closely intertwined. The subject of this inquiry is Ancient Greek thinker Plato and his piece the Republic. As one of the hallmarks of Western thought, the Republic, contrary to its title, has been analyzed “as essentially a treatise on education rather than the political essay…” (Brown 672). More importantly, within the Republic Jennifer Brown examines Plato’s thoughts on the nature of education and restrictions needed keep it pure. In the end, Brown asserts that this Ancient Greek text provides one the first and most important instances of media bias, censorship and a system of positive feedback. Plato emerged from a primarily oral, non-literate society and obviously much more greatly educated than the masses. From this pedestal, Plato questioned what is actually “educating” the masses in the first place. “Knowledge in older Greek society was largely cast in the form of myths, legends, and sayings…” (Brown 672). Homer and Hesiod were the major influences on an Ancient Greek child’s education. Plato accused these models of being “morally and intellectually confining rather than challenging or provocative” (Brown 672). Not only are the arts nurturing bad habits, but they are distracting and too limiting. From this negative opinion of the art and poetry, it is easy to see why Plato censors them in his ideal form of education in the Republic. The second portion
of Brown’s piece deals with Plato’s so-called Prosaic Education. This
can essentially “be characterized as a ‘positive-feedback’ or ‘deviation-amplifying’ system…” (Brown
674). In respect to the current
mode of education implemented and accepted in Both topics discussed in Jennifer Brown’s essay shape Plato’s original thoughts on how inquiry ought to occur. Moreover, a system of education must both disallow for distractions while focusing allowing more original ideas to form. CLARITY: 4 TOM
PELLMAN Cole, Michael and Gay, John. Culture and Memory. American Anthropologist, October 1972. Vol. 74(5):1066-1083. Cole and Gay tackle a very intriguing question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently? They explore the relation between culture and cognition. They quote an anthropologist who suggests cultures differ only in their values and beliefs, not in the reasoning and thinking processes. They suggest that anthropologists study human behavior in distinct and limited situations in order to determine what cognitive processes are at work. The number of carefully controlled studies that look at the relation between culture and thinking is quite small making it difficult to collect information in this situation. The particular problem that Cole and Gay discuss is the relation between memory and the specific social and logical circumstances in which it occurs. They expect that members of a pre-literate society may have developed mnemonic skills different from those of literate societies. History plays a major role in many traditional societies and importance is placed on memory of these events. In these cultures, a person who cannot remember large amounts of information is likely to be looked upon as mentally lacking. The importance of items in a community also determines the amount of information retained about it. For example, a child could not relay a message given to him by the anthropologist, but when an adult was asked about how the cattle did last year; his answers were abundant and informative because in that culture, cattle was the main source of subsistence. Another aspect of the relation of culture and memory was in African tribes. They had a system of rote learning. This simply means that a person has a tendency to repeat material in the same order in which it was presented. The success in this study was that the recall of the information was closely related to the degree of organization with which it is presented. Cole and Gay conclude that much work still needs to be done in order to fully understand how culture and the mind are connected. Other places within the culture must be identified and considered and different methods of the recall of information must be tested. They do say that they are closer to answering the original question, Do the bearers of different cultures think differently, then before their study. CLARITY: 2 VICTORIA
RUSSELL Collins, Daniel. The
American Isolates, The Racially - Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing
The Jackson White Legends. American Anthropologist October, 1972
Vol.74(5): 1276-1285. In his article,
Daniel Collins addresses the problem of the Jackson Whites, a group
of isolated people, being alienated because of their enigmatic background.
Collins describes the Jackson Whites as a group of mixed race people
who reside in the Collins argues that
the Jackson Whites are trapped in the confusion of race and class prejudices
of the local white middle class. The Jackson Whites have reacted by
taking on a code of silence in which they do not react to or speak
of anything concerning their racial identity. Their identity is continuously
slandered because of the lack of communication between the Jackson
Whites and the outside world, which constantly causes misunderstandings.
However, it seems that all the misunderstandings are caused by legends
and false evidence. For example, residents who live in the same area
as the Jackson Whites say that as a people they are lawless, that they
are thieves and murderers and they harbor runaway girls and criminals
(1283). Collins tries to convince readers that the false legends of the Jackson Whites need to be corrected. He discusses their large and detailed background while along with the assumptions made by outsiders. Collins also describes where the Jackson Whites currently abide as well as the way they live, including the jobs they have and the closeness of their families. Collins uses previous background information from the works of J.C. Storms and Davis Steven Cohen to explain the confusion amongst the Jackson Whites and how their lives became the way that they presently are. Collins’ argument is reasonable enough to convince readers that racial and class injustices have been made against the Jackson Whites because of previous misconceptions. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Collins, Daniel. The Racially-Mixed People of the Ramapos: Undoing the Jackson White Legends American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(#5):1276-1285. The general issue
that this article dealt with was exposing legends dealing with the
Jackson White group of people that live in the The author sites a large number of sources that point to the stupidity, backwardness, and underdevelopment of the people known as the Jackson Whites that range from stories of their inception during the colonial times to their behaviors in the present (the early 1970’s in this case). The stories and myths that the author addresses were mostly written by persons and newspapers during the 1930’s, and seem to have been based mostly on opinion and legend instead of documentation and fact. The author then went on to describe the problems that were plaguing the Jackson Whites during the period during which the article was written. These problems included a public stereotype of them being dirty, stupid, and hostile as well as problems between them and the government that was trying to take away their land. The author’s main point seems to be that the reader doesn’t need to instantly disregard public opinions in the matter of the Jackson Whites, but that they should look into several sources instead of blindly following whatever common stereotype is most prevalent. The author notes that the Jackson Whites do exhibit characteristics of communal silence towards outsiders, disregard of some civic law, and follow different family structures than many American families. However, he also points out that many stereotypes are completely unfounded (stupidity), and others are instigated in part by local population’s actions (such as the local police and firemen’s reluctance to assist them). The author concludes the article by describing the Jackson White population’s plight with their land. The population is slowly losing their land due to an increase in taxes on the land. Without the land that has defined this population in so many ways, the Jackson Whites may become just another displaced minority, and could soon lose any identity that they once shared. CLARITY: 4 SCOTT
HUFFER Dane, J.K., and
Griessman, Eugene B. The Collective Identity of
Marginal Peoples: The In this article
Dane and Griessman show the development of an Indian identity among
two marginal groups of people in Until 1835 Indians
in Dane and Griessman
discuss the various obstacles the Haliwa and Sampson County Indians
have faced over the years, especially since the nineteen fifties. They
use local government records such as censuses to illustrate the population
and economic levels of the Indians over time. They conclude that these
people have developed a sense of pride for their Indian identity, which
surpasses the previous feelings of inferiority impressed on them for
years because of their confused heritage. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Driver, Harold
E. Reply to Opler on Apachean Subsistence, Residence,
and Girls’ Puberty Rites. American Anthropologist October, 1972
Vol.74(5):1147-1151 In this article,
Driver is replying to an article written by Opler, in which Opler argued
against certain claims made by Driver in a previous article. All three
of these article focus on the culture of the Apache Indians of North
America. The three main arguments that Driver defends in this article
concern the importance of girls’ puberty rites, occurrence of matrilocal
residence, and methods of subsistence of the Apache Indians. Driver agrees with
Opler that the importance of girl’s puberty rites applies primarily
to the reservation period in Apache history. However, he claims that
the importance of the ceremony during that period still supports the
argument he was making in his previous article, concerning the thesis
of an article written by Judith K. Brown. Driver states that
Opler disagreed with him on the subject of matrilocal residence. According
to Driver, Opler argued that all Apaches did not have contact with
plains tribes; the people who driver claims influenced the Apache to
live matrilocaly. Driver argues that he did mean to imply that all
Apaches had contact with plains tribes, but rather that some Apaches
did and they spread the idea to the other Apache tribes. Driver claims
that in According to Driver,
Opler argued that Apaches in the Driver argues against many points made by Opler in an effort to support his own previous arguments. He draws on evidence from several other anthropologists as well as himself and even from Opler’s own work in order to support his claims. Driver’s arguments overall are persuasive, but both of Driver’s articles as well as Opler’s article would need to be read to comprehend their arguments fully. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Fulton, Richard
M. The Political Structures and Functions of Poro
in Kpelle Society. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74(5):1218-1233. Richard Fulton’s
article analyzes the political structures and functions of the Poro,
or male society, in the Kpelle society of The main function
of the Poro is to perform sacred tasks. They organize relationships
with the spirits that are the foundation of the Kpelle. The Poro political
structure is not uniform, but does maintain political equilibrium.
Positions in the Poro are given through skill and completion of appointed
tasks. Richard Fulton’s
article makes accurate statements about the structures and functions
of the Poro in Kpelle society. The article is organized to make it
easy for readers to compare and contrast the two societies. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Gray, Charles
Edward. Paradoxes in Western Creativity. American
Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):676-688. Gray’s article is
a quantitative follow-up to Kroeber’s Configurations of Culture
Growth, which qualitatively analyzed the irregular spurts in creativity
throughout Western history. Gray quantitatively measured creativity
in Western civilization as a whole and in each major nation individually.
He divided history into sixteen time periods ranging between the years
from 850 and 1955. For each nation he counted the number of great artists
or thinkers and the number of works produced in their field to determine
when each nation creatively excelled and in what areas. He then took
the sum of the nations to show the fluctuation of Western creativity
as a whole over time. Gray found that while there are distinct time
periods in Western history that yielded more creativity, the contributions
from each nation for each discipline reveal more irregularity. Each nation had
a time period in which they produced a high rate of creativity in the
arts. However this creativity was usually limited to one or two specialties.
For example, while the Dutch were highly creative in painting during
the sixteenth century, the English excelled in literature during the
High Renaissance. Gray found a high correlation between the political
state of the culture and the culture’s artistic creative output. For
example, the Spanish painting and literature thrived during the height
of their political power in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
In contrast, the Germans lagged in the arts while they were involved
in the Thirty Years War during the Baroque period. While a favorable
political atmosphere seems to stimulate creativity, nationalism seems
to stifle it. In By studying these
bursts in creativity, Gray hoped to discover a reason why the arts
evolve in an elliptical pattern while the sciences tend to advance
in a linear progression. Although he found some correlation between
the political state of a culture and its creative output, he could
not determine the reason why certain countries would have a creative
burst in only one area while others would stand out in multiple areas,
such as the Renaissance Italians. He concludes that these irregularities
from nation to nation may only be sparked by historical accidents and
that the occurrence of artistic genius may be as random as the movements
of individual molecules within a gas. Therefore, to try to achieve
a more frequent and even level of creativity overall will be a daunting
endeavor. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Griessman, Eugene
B. The American Isolates. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):693-. Griessman chooses
the term "marginal peoples" to refer to people of mixed races.
Marginal peoples live in at least eighteen of the eastern states, both
North and South, and their estimated population is 75,000. These people
are often called American Isolates. They generally prefer to avoid
attention. People have over time constructed insulting names to call
them, such as "Red Bones", "Brass Ankles", and "Issues." The low social position
of American Isolates in their societies is not a result of their "mixed
blood," but is instead due to their label as a third group in
an environment that is based on only two social groups. Griessman explains
that Isolate groups have formed boundaries, which makes it difficult
for field workers to engage in detailed work for fear of ruining these
boundaries or intruding on the societies’ "guarded secrets." Isolates
do not want to change the norms of their societies. While investigators
respect this fact, it is beneficial for the fieldworkers to understand
the cultures and how they interact with each other. Soon after the Civil
War and Reconstruction much effort was put into creating a "recognized
Indian status." Some of these groups were successful in achieving
this status. They went about it in several ways. Separate schools and
churches were created to establish unity among the Isolate groups.
There is irony in the fact that these methods were formed to unify
the groups, because they were the same reasons for which minority groups
were discontinued. The two groups that Griessman chose to study were
the Haliwa Indians, who were descendents of people from Griessman describes
the economic situation of the Haliwa populations. In 1968, they were
poor and owned small farms that were used to grow minimal amounts of
tobacco or vegetables. By 1969 more than ninety percent of were successfully
maintaining positions in blue-collar jobs. These statistics seem to
be great improvements for the Haliwa people, but in Sampson County
Indians are economically and socially trapped between Whites and Blacks. One of the more
effective ways in which unity was created among these groups was though
education. There was segregation in the educational field because Whites
believed that Indians should attend "Negro" schools. The
parents of these children would not allow that, and some groups built
their own schools. Politically, the
Indians faced identity obstacles as well. In 1965, members of the Haliwa
tribe fought to have their birth certificates, marriage licenses, and
driver’s licenses changed to exclude the words "colored race" and
replace the term with "the Indian race." By doing this, the
Indians achieved a huge advantage, an identity. When fieldworkers visit these societies, they will notice that many of the negative attitudes towards the "marginal peoples" have changed. These people have a much greater pride in their race. This transition of race from American Isolates to Indian may eventually lead to a greater transition. When Griessman studied marginal peoples he came across a man who explained just this theory, "Sure there’s some around here that calls themselves Indians. When I was a boy they was Issues or Mulattoes. Now they are Indians. Before long, they’ll be White." CLARITY RANKING: 4 Handlelman, Don and Bruce Kapferer. Forms of Joking Activity: A Comparative Approach. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3): 484- 517. The purpose of this article is to analyze the context and behavior necessary in joking activities. The activity must be consensual and permitting to those involved. In order to joke there must be a “license to joke.” This is the situation that is set up and makes it appropriate to act in a joking manner. There are also established “rules” to joking. There are two sets of categories that distinguish the types of joking. The first set is a contained or uncontained joking sequence. This refers to the people that are allowed to participate in the joke. In a “contained” joking situation, only certain people are able to participate based on the context of the situation. In an “uncontained” joking situation, it is easier for others to join in. The other categories are the types of joking frames. Jokes are either “setting-specific” or “category-routinized.” In a setting-specific joking frame, the joke is a single situation. The joke is normally short lived and is easily ended. In category-routinized joking frames, the context of the joke comes from something that the participants were previously aware of. The joke may last longer and can continue to be added to. In order to support the theories of joking situations, four specific examples were given. Background information was provided in order that the joke situation would make sense. Then a dialog of the joke was given followed by an explanation as to why the joke worked in the given context. The first situation gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame. An insult was made and was turned into a joke. The person who was the butt of the insult then made a joke about himself so as to make the situation funny. The whole situation, however, was actually making a statement. Because the joke merely derived from an insult, it was only a single situation. The second situation also gave an example of a setting-specific joking frame. This example also stemmed from an insult. However, in this instance, the joke was almost carried too far. Once the joking starts to get serious, someone ends it in order to keep the mood of joking present. The last two examples were category-routinized joking frames. In order for these jokes to work, a previous understanding of the context must be present. The first one dealt with typical actions of certain African tribes. Without the understanding of the tribe, the joke would not make sense. The second joking frame was an ongoing activity. Without the previous actions, the joke would not exist. CLARITY: 3 NICOLE
PHILLIPS Hardesty, Donald
L. The Human Ecological Niche. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):458-466. The concept of the
ecological niche is one of the most inconsistently used in anthropological
studies. In his article, Hardesty clarifies the concept of the ecological
niche and discusses the important implications of the niche in anthropology.
He does so by using statements from other scholars including Barth,
Hutchinson, and Cohen, and by drawing conclusions of his own. In his
article Hardesty explains that the idea of the ecological niche is
multi-dimensional; it is composed of ecological, biological and cultural
factors. A niche provides
all conditions essential for an organism to exist. Human society includes
many such personal niches to create a community of interrelated occupations
and personalities. Many scholars, including
Barth, have equated the ecological niche with the microenvironment,
but this can lead to some confusion as it contains the idea of a habitat,
which can seem synonomous to a niche. Hardesty’s argument is that interaction
between man and environment should be evaluated in terms of niche occupation,
because anthropologists look at the relationship between organism and
environment and not the physical or geographical place where life is
led, which would be a habitat. Therefore, disagreeing with Barth,
Hardesty explains that habitat is not a useful term in anthropological
situations. Cohen lists criteria
to indicate how much a human population has adapted to the environment.
He explains that a "well-adapted system" (i.e. hunting and
gathering, urban-industrial) has control over its environment by way
of cultural behaviors. However, Cohen does not discuss the degree of adaptation due
to adoption of a specific system, and this is where Hardesty clarifies.
In his article, Hardesty attempts to clarify the confusion over the
ecological niche in anthropological studies. He integrates biology,
ecology, and culture in his attempt to define the human niche, while
making reference to points made by anthropologists and other scholars.
Hardesty’s article would be most interesting to someone researching
the relationship between humans and their various ecological environments.
It sheds a bit of light on the methods of analysis of populations and
the niches they occupy. CLARITY RANKING: 3. Hardesty, Donald L. The Human Ecological Niche. American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol. 74 (3): 458- 466 The purpose of this article is to define the human ecological niche and explain its importance in anthropology studies. Hardesty uses the definitions of various other anthropologists to help confirm his ideas. The ecological niche can be defined in many ways. It is often confused with, but is not the same as, the habitat in which an individual lives. The niche is everything that an individual needs to exist. It is the place or role that the individual fills. It can be considered the culture of the individual and the activities that take place in life. Some anthropologists consider the ecological niche the same as the microenvironment. This consists of all of the resources that are needed in a population for subsistence. This would also include the habitat in which an individual resides, takes shelter, and performs daily activities. Another view is the multi-functional niche which consists of a “fundamental niche” and a “realized niche.” The fundamental niche consists of the conditions and individual faces when not competing with society. The realized niche contains the conditions when the individual is competing. The article then goes on to explain the “competitive exclusion principle.” This principle explains that there will be competition and dominance so that an ecological niche is not occupied by more that one group. With specialization, the groups end up being different and in fact occupy different niches. The last section of the article explains adaptation and its role in defining the ecological niche. This section focuses on the ecological niche being defined by the culture of a group. Culture is the way in which humans adapt to their environments. With the use of culture, humans are able to find their own ecological niche and class in the world. CLARITY: 4 NICOLE
PHILLIPS Hays, David G.,
Margolis, Enid, Naroll, Raoul and Perkins, Dale Revere. Color
Term Salience. American Anthropologist October, 1972 Vol.74 (5):
1107-1121. In their article
on colour term salience, Hays, Margolis, Naroll and Perkins concentrate
on a previous study by Hays, Margolis,
Naroll and Perkins begin their analysis by presenting the correlations
between salience and earliness of introduction, brevity of expression,
frequency of use, and frequency of mention in ethnographic literature,
correlations that have not been mentioned in The authors of the
article propose that, instead of talking about "basic" color
terms used by Berlin and Kay, one should look at "focal" color
terms – terms for a certain set of eleven specific colors (black, white,
red, yellow, green, blue, brown, pink, orange, purple and grey). They
insist that one should not look at how many specific color names a
language has, but at how many of those eleven colors have specific
names in the language. Even though CLARITY RANKING:
3 Hill, Jane H. On
the Evolutionary Foundations of Language. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):308-317 Jane Hill presents
her arguments on how language has evolved to be what it is today. Using
examples from other primate species, Hill makes a strong argument for
evolution, through development of speech patterns, the biological voice
and of Hominidae through their ability to communicate. She states we
need to pay particular attention to where language originates, realizing
that by doing so we will understand her theory of the process of hominization,
or how hominids have evolved through time. Hill studies the
features of languages spoken not only by humans but also by primates,
since primates do not speak words with which humans are familiar. Through
her research, Hill concludes that linguistic characteristics share
a common origin; in her words "I am assuming that the features
under consideration are universal because they have a common origin
in hominid phylogeny, not because of some convergence due to the interaction
of other, unnamed features with common cultural conditions" (308). Hill also discusses
other points of human language which have not received much attention,.
such as how voice and human speech are related, the human ability to
acquire certain language skills, and whether or not a human population
is able to retain these skills by becoming comfortable with their language. Hill concludes by reinforcing her argument in four main points. First, as previously discussed, she examines universal characteristics of language, presenting the theory of a common origin. Secondly, she claims "articulation…with upright posture…puts a lower time limit on the date of the origins of language…" (315). By this, Hill is asserting that the way we speak a language, or how we articulate sounds, depends on our body position, which also quantifies the amount of time needed for language to evolve to its present status. Thirdly, she discusses the realm of cognitive abilities and how it plays a role in language development. Finally, she argues how the "nesting" or "embedding" phenomenon contributes to increased population growth, which is then displayed through human interaction. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Much debate surrounds the issue of the origin and development of human language: Where did it begin? When did it come into form? What evidence exists and how is it to be interpreted? In this article, Jane Hill attempts to outline and defend her hypothesis that language occurred through an evolutionary process much the same as the biological evolution that allowed for the emergence of anatomically modern humans. She disputes the idea that language occurred merely as a cultural catastrophe at the threshold between hominids and humans, and claims that with the emergence of upright posture came the potential for human language. Not merely the increase in brain size, but also “(1) the vocal tract anatomy associated with human speech production, (2) the upper age limits on efficient language acquisition, and (3) the property of nesting or embedding in language” (309) occurring at this time of biological transformation is what allowed for the human language to slowly evolve. Hill’s argument stems from the discussion of these main areas of development and includes a wide array of outside sources and authorities. For each of the three topics she offers both supporting and contradicting beliefs. Much of the evidence is from the study and comparison of human anatomy and structure to that of primates. She points out that while it is still believed that there are striking similarities between these two groups, “the mode of speech production used in all known human languages is rather different from that known for the apes and monkeys” (309). Hill makes clear her belief that when bipedal locomotion evolved, intellectual and linguistic evolution also occurred. She believes that these evolutions cannot be isolated but that they played a significant, interrelated role in the success of the formation of the modern human. Bipedalism led to increased speech production capacity, which in turn “gave the neurological systems something to work on” (311). The emergence of language was not merely a hold over of the primate aspect of the hominids, but instead a newly evolving human capability. CLARITY: 3 JULIA BUCK Johnson, Leroy. Problems
in "Avant-Garde" Archaeology. American Anthropologist
June, 1972 Vol.74(3):366-377. Johnson’s article
concentrates on the problems faced when applying "avant-garde" techniques
to the field of archaeology. Avant-garde archaeology, better known
as the "new" archaeology, refers to the use of statistics
in social-scientific reconstructions of the past. The author examines
five key problems within the practice of "new" archaeology
and explains why each needs to be modified. These problems include
philosophy and statistics, generalization and bias, site sampling and
statistical induction, and data relationships. The first problem
is related to philosophy, statistics, and their role in archaeological
methodology. With regard to philosophy, Johnson believes that the theories
introduced using the techniques of "new" archaeology are
too general and lack sufficient evidence. While data sets are large,
there is still insufficient evidence because of the lack of literary
evidence and interpretation of artifacts. In addition to insufficient
evidence, "new" archaeology places too much emphasis upon
statistical data. As a result, statistical data is left to determine
theory and philosophical assumptions or philosophical theorizing. Ideally,
statistics should be used only to determine patterns in archaeological
data and not act as the core of archaeological theory. The second section
of Johnson’s work deals with generalizations and biased social reconstructions.
Simplified, "new" archaeologists have manipulated archaeological
evidence in order to confirm theories that lack physical evidence. Another problem
relates to archaeological site sampling and statistical induction.
Johnson feels that the increased emphasis placed upon statistical data
is driven by a concern to confront the role that bias plays in excavation.
In effect, mathematical data is concrete and not subject to bias or
interpretation. However, even though mathematical truth is not subject
to bias, it cannot serve as the foundation of archeological theory
alone. By combining archaeological principles with other social/scientific
fields, more complete theories and analyses can be made. Finally, Johnson
discusses data relationships. Johnson believes that statistical data
does have a place within the field of archaeology. The problem arises,
however, when "new" archaeology relies too heavily upon statistics.
Statistics should only be used when combined with archaeologists’ observations.
When interpreting archaeological data, one should draw upon techniques
used in other fields of sciences and social sciences such as anthropology
and natural science. The article serves
as a valuable tool for researchers who want a concise summary of the
problems pertaining to the "new" archaeology. While examples
from other older archaeologists are used, they are only small excerpts
that do not contain any in-depth analysis. It is imperative to note
that "new" archaeology, while worth studying; no longer represents
the latest trend in archaeology. Contemporary archaeological theory
no longer privileges statistical analysis. For further information
on the latest techniques in archaeology one should research Cognitive
Archaeology, which is a combination of Postprocessual/Interpretive and Processual techniques.
The article provides a very extensive bibliography, which will guide
researchers toward other authors on the subject of the techniques and
theories of "new" archaeology. CLARITYRANKING:3 Khare, R.S. Hierarchy
and Hypergamy: Some Interrelated Aspects among the Kanya-Kubja Brahmans.
American Anthropologist June, 1972 Vol.74(3):611-628. In this article,
R.S. Khare attempts to explain the practice of hypergamy and how it
relates to hierarchy. The Kanya-Kubja Brahmans of Northern India are
used as example. Hypergamy is the practice of marrying into an equal
or more prestigious social group or caste. The Kanya-Kubja society
has many different castes, and two major ways of dividing the population
into these castes. One way is the gotra, the traditional way,
in which people are divided according to their ritual group and concomitant
ancestors. The contemporary way is the biswa, which is built
on socioeconomic status. Therefore, in today’s society, the Kanya-Kubja
look more to wealth than ancestral prestige for their place in society. The caste system includes twenty different ranks, the higher the number the better the rank, and once in high numbers, it is more difficult to advance in society. Marriage is the surest way to rise or fall on the social scale. Women are married off to men of higher biswa ranking. Each marriage |
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