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American
Anthropologist
Abrahams, Roger D. and Bauman, Richard. Sense and Nonsense in St. Vincent: Speech Behavior and Decorum in a Caribbean Community. American Anthropologist June, 1971 Vol.73(3):762-771. This article focuses on speech behavior in St. Vincent, part of the British West Indies. The authors attempt to illustrate Vincentian beliefs concerning proper and improper behavior using the social rules of speech in St. Vincent. The various speech categories recognized by Vincentians as well as the local name for these categories are explained. Abrahams and Bauman describe two main speech dichotomies in St. Vincent. The first of these is the contrast between being sensible and talking nonsense. Nonsense is considered to be anything other than proper formal language. It can include hesitant speech, loudness, illogical arguments and speaking in Creole. Talking sweet and talking broad are very similar to sense and nonsense. Talking sweet is a controlled form of speech, not necessarily formal, which is. Talking broad is essentially speaking in Creole. The authors argue that the distinctions made between talking sensibly and sweet and talking nonsense and broad reflect feelings of inferiority among the people of St. Vincent. The standard form of English spoken by the dominant White colonizers is given a higher status than the West Indies dialect. Vincentians sometimes think of themselves as the stereotype of African Americans set forth by the colonizers. The tea meeting, a ceremonial event that has religious roots, is use das an example of the appropriateness of the contrasting speech categories. At tea meetings, men referred to as chairmen and scholars, who talk very sweetly, compete to be considered the finest speaker. The pit boys, who sit in the back and try to be as loud and distracting as possible, make the competition more difficult. The audience members, especially young women, also participate in the distraction attempts. The goal is to make the speaker forget his speech. Recently, the balance of the tea meetings has been altering. Traditionally, the speakers have always maintained control over the event. The head pit boys, who made sure they were not too loud, have kept the pit boys in line. Transportation and economic advancements have led to the increased mobility of the pit boys. They are no longer all friends and relatives who can easily be controlled by the head pit boy. Now pit boys from other communities disrupt tea meetings. Abrahams and Bauman argue that this rebellion against talking sweetly and sensibly may be a reaction to the negative self-images that have been forced on the Vincentians. They predict an end to tea meetings as well as a future predominance of rudeness. CLARITY RANKING: 4 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Abrahams, Roger D. and Richard Bauman Sense and Nonsense in St. Vincent: Speech Behavior and Decorum in a Caribbean Community American Anthropologist June, 1971 Vol.73(3):762-772 This article was
written as an analysis of the two main types of speech in St. Vincent.
Sensible, "sweet" speech was analyzed in terms of its role
in designating proper behavior and was compared to nonsensical, "rude" speech
and its role in improper behavior. The role of social dominance was
shown in the assigning of value to language. The role of speech was
addressed because of its status as a "principal focus of attention
for the Vincentians themselves" (762). The use of language
is set up as a dichotomous system, and in which the values and language
of the dominant group are held to be superior. The most highly valued
language is that which is "decorous and deferential" (because
of the values held by the dominant group), and is therefore called "sensible".
Related to this is talking "sweet", which is close in form
to standardized English. In contrast to this, is nonsense speech. This
speech is considered to be illogical, and indecorous. Often, it is
seen as just making noise. Talking broad is related to this, and can
be seen as talking Creole, (in contrast to standard English), and speaking
in short sentence fragments. Talking nonsense is often discussed in
terms of disapproval, while talking sensible is related to the ideal. The article shows
the importance of linguistics in behavioral control by describing the
taxonomy of language, and showing the social regulations imposed on
the way language is used. Specifically, the many names that describe
the gossip, or what they call "calling name", "calling
out name", "giving fatigue", and others, and the varying
levels of danger or indecorousness involved within the types, indicates
just how important the Vincentians consider language to be. This is
also a source of contradiction, and shows just how strongly the dominance
is ingrained within the peasants. Arguments that result
from calling name or other rude behavior draws crowds that at once
enjoy the spectacle and condemn the participants. The participant’s
lack of sense is often cited as a reason for his inappropriate behavior.
However, in this condemnation, the peasant’s own socially subordinate
position shows through. While condemning his neighbors, he also condemns
himself. By saying: "we Negroes is a ignorant people" (768),
he internalizes the social hierarchy that has been imposed upon him. The authors cite
the Tea Meeting as one of the strongest examples of the social controls
of speech. In these meetings, the most respected speechmakers and the
rude peasants are brought together for the purpose of celebrating "Talking
Sweet." The scholars are seated up on stage, while the rude members
are seated in the back of the hall. One of the challenges of the evening
is to see who will have control of the room—the chairmen, or the audience
members, who taunt the scholars in order to fluster them. The authors
conclude by discussing that the reactions against the Tea Meetings
may represent a "casting off of a self-perpetuating negative self
image" (771) for the peasants of St. Vincent. This article was
clearly written and easy to comprehend. CLARITY RANKING:
5 JULIE SCHWARTZ Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Ackerman, Lillian A. Marital Instability and Juvenile Delinquency Among the Nez Perces. American Anthropologist June, 1971 Vol.73(3):595-603. Lillian Ackerman’s article examines the problems that face the family life of the Nez Perces Indians of Idaho. This culture has many serious social problems with their people and their children, such as alcoholism, gambling problems, and marital disputes. The author starts off by mentioning how juvenile delinquency is such a large problem in Nez Perces society. She then discusses the strictness with which the children are raised. "Whipmen," appointed by the village chief, punish those children who misbehave. There are also actions taken which are intended to build character, like swimming in an icy creek early in the morning and taking whippings for not being fully immersed in the water. The article then discusses the lack of parental support of their children ; many of these parents have alcohol or gambling problems. There have been reports of parents leaving their children at home alone for prolonged periods of time to go on drinking binges. There have, therefore, been numerous accounts of accidents and fires that ended in the death of children left home alone. Still other reports are of parents leaving children locked in cars in casino parking lots for up to twelve hours. Finally, parents would leave children with relatives for days at a time so they could do other things such as gambling or drinking. The neglect towards children that has been found in this culture is very prevalent and would seem to have a great effect on the Nez Perces children. The other main part of the article was marital problems in the Nez Perces culture. Adultery and separations are very common with the married people in this culture. The author commented on how sexual relations between a man and his sister-in-law is "semi-sanctioned" in this society. Even though extramarital affairs cause stress and bitterness in the society, they are still very frequent. This article was very interesting to me but seemed to jump around. The author also did not discuss juvenile delinquency among the Nez Perces; it only showed the reasons that it happened. One would think that this would be a big part in the article seeing that it is in the title. I would have liked to see how the neglect effected the grown children. This article could have been much better if it went into how the whipmen affected the children also. CLARITY RANKING: 3 MICHAEL LAWSON Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Ackerman, Lillian A. Marital Instability and Juvenile Delinquency Among the Nez Perces. American Anthropologist. June, 1971 Vol. 73(3):595-603. In her article,
Ackerman discusses the causes behind juvenile delinquency and marital
instability among the Nez Perces. She links juvenile delinquency to
the cultural stress placed on the Nez Perces from contact with White
culture, which caused the destruction of many key cultural institutions.
Ackerman splits her discussion between juvenile delinquency and marital
instability, juxtaposing the practices of the past and those of the
present. In pre-contact times,
the Nez Perces lived in large villages for part of the year and split
into patrilocal groups seasonally to exploit the natural resources
in a region. Grandparents, aunts, and uncles, as well as parents, took
responsibility for the raising of children. Grandparents exercised
the most authority in their lives and lectured unruly children on proper
behavior. Self-endurance fostered through icy swims, long runs, and
sweat baths also encouraged proper behavior. Cultural values were also
passed down through stories, usually told by the elders. The village "whipman" intervened
whenever conflict emerged between a group of children. Interviews with
Nez Perce informants reveal that this type of communal discipline had
no negative psychological effects on the individual and is frequently
remembered as humorous and necessary. Today, families
do not live patrilocally, an occurrence that has undermined many safeguards
in the Nez Perces’ tradition. Grandparents can no longer depend on
economic stability from their children, while children of divorced
parents no longer enjoy the shelter of their grandparents once offered
them in times of transition. Many parents are alcoholics and leave
their children unattended. Unstable marriages
were not uncommon among the Nez Perces in the past. Parents (or grandparents)
arranged marriages for their children when a boy reached the age of
18-20 and the girl turned 15. Extramarital affairs and divorces were
frequent. If a wife or husband left with a lover, he/she annulled the
previous marriage and entered a new one. When separations occurred,
children lived with their paternal grandparents, although they might
spend a few months of the year with their mother’s parents. Today, people choose
their own spouses and families no longer live patrilocally. Many men
are unemployed or leave the reservation in search of work. Those who
do work, consider their wages their own to use, and they often gamble
or drink their money away without giving any to their families. Many
women take jobs and still dig for roots to eat, supporting both their
families and their men. Affairs still occur frequently, and short-term
ones are typically forgiven or ignored. This pattern of marital instability
appears in some sense a continuation of the past. Ackerman suggests
that the best way to solve the problem of juvenile instability is to
reintroduce communal discipline. There is also a need to bridge the
gap between traditional ideals, which view the male as a hunter/warrior,
and the present need for men to become wage earners. Ackerman provides
a strong argument well supported by primary source evidence interspersed
with an easy to read narrative about Nez Perces’ traditions. Her careful
juxtaposition of traditions of the past with those of the present help
to illuminate her claims. CLARITY RANKING:
5 ALYSSA BROWN Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Anderson, Barbara Gallatin. Adaptive Aspects of Culture Shock. American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol.73(5):1121-1125. Barbara Gallatin Anderson spent three months in India gathering data about surviving culture shock and how people cure culture shock through dreams. Culture shock involves immersion into another culture, followed by a return to one’s own culture. Anderson maintains that there is a strong tie to home even if it is subconscious, in dreams of images from long ago memories. These ties, through dreams, help one deal with the immense "shock" while in another country and make returning home an easier transition. When Anderson studied abroad in Corsica, she noticed that her dreams were different when abroad than at home. On a later trip to India, she took special notice of her dreams. She began to speak about dreams on a daily basis with her American colleagues to get a better understanding of the way people dream when they are in foreign situations. Anderson has categorized this dream process into three phases based on her observations. The first phase of dreaming occurs during the first three-to-four weeks in a new country. These dreams cushion one from the painful present where one can neither function as an American nor as a native. Things most familiar in daily life from home are not present, such as spouses, children, and homes. Rather, memories that one would not otherwise think of, such as those of childhood, are common. Anderson and her colleagues hardly dreamt of one another at all during this period. The second phase of dreaming occurs after the first four weeks, when surroundings become more familiar and comfort levels increase, yet one is still not entirely secure. Family and friends begin to appear in dreams, but they are usually far away. One of Anderson’s colleagues dreamt of his wife in a doorway and another of his children flying kites in the distance. Many of Anderson's colleagues dreamt of Indian acquaintances doing American activities and vice-versa. One man woke after dreaming that he was wearing a turban, while others dreamt of Indians speaking fluent English without an accent. In the last phase of Anderson’s dream sequence, one has assimilated to the new surroundings. During this phase Anderson and her colleagues’ dreams became similar to dreams they would have at home with the exception that there was a wider range of topics. Americans did American activities and Indians, Indian activities. In dreaming, even if Americans participated in Indian settings, they acted as though Americans would act. Anderson finds that these dreams patterns are common and have helped to provide insight into the logic of psychological and cultural systems. She concludes that people undergo this dream process in order to cope with the demands of an entirely new environment. Anderson believes these dream patterns are necessary for psychic and social health. CLARITY RANKING: 4 THEDY BODAM Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Anderson, Barbara Gallatin. Adaptive Aspects of Culture Shock. American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol.73(5):1121-1125. As stated in the
introduction, the purpose of the article was to communicate the author’s
findings of a study she did on culture shock and people’s reactions
to it. Anderson set out to study how culture shock affected the people
in her group when they, all Americans, went to India one summer. She
realized that her dreams had an eccentric quality, and asked her colleagues
about their own dreams during the first few weeks after their arrival
in India. She found that their dreams were very similar in that most
of them dreamt of people, events, and places in their pasts, not in
their present lives. After some weeks, the content of the dreams changed
to reflect a mixture of Indian culture and American experience. After
some time, the dreams began to contain present people and places for
them. They dreamt of family and friends, but in India. Anderson suggests
that the dreams helped the people to cope with the changes in their
lives. The dreams were a vacation resort from the strange new life
system they experienced, that was so different from their American
lives. Another aspect of
culture shock that Anderson describes is that of memory lapses. Sometimes
when people would try to remember an English word for something, they
could not remember it except by remembering the name for it in another
language, and then translating it into English. Or sometimes a person
could not remember the name of his current wife, but only recalled
his former wife’s name. Anderson states
that each person deals with culture shock in a different way. There
are some people who cannot seem to find their identity and so end up
doing things that are "out of character" for them. They seem
not to be able to fuse their true identity from their American culture
into their new Indian culture. So, they have dual personalities. Anderson suggests
that all these things are coping mechanisms for the shock that we are
experiencing. Each of these, the dreams, the memory lapses, and dual
personalities help us to cope with an unfamiliar way of life. Anderson also states
that not only is there culture shock when one is beginning to adapt
to a new culture, but there is also culture shock when one is being
reintroduced into the original culture. She says that "we are
unprepared for the unfamiliarity of what we anticipated would be comfortingly
familiar" (1124). That is to say, that we expect to come back
to that familiar way of life that we have been longing for, and when
we get back, we have become unaccustomed to this way, and are now used
to the way of life we had been experiencing while away. This article was
interesting. It was also clear and easy to read. Anderson wrote from
her perspective and included statements from her colleagues to back
up her claims. CLARITY RANKING:
5 JESSICA BISHOP Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Anderson, Robert T. Voluntary Association in History. American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):207-221. In this article Anderson describes the development and subsequent rises and declines of voluntary associations throughout the world. Voluntary associations are groups formed for cultural reasons whose members do not necessarily have any family ties. Anderson also addresses various types of solidarities formed at different times and what purposes they may have served. According to Anderson, the first evidence of voluntary associations comes from Mesolithic times. Anderson refers to Walter Goldschmidt who maintains that some Mesolithic people had religious solidarities that may have "cut across band and family ties (209)." Anderson also quotes Mischa Titiev, who describes ritualistic societies among American Indians on the Northwest Pacific Coast. Anderson asserts that these early associations were closely linked to religion, so it is unlikely that lower Paleolithic associations existed because there is no evidence of religion that early. Anderson also links solidarities to settled village life which, he maintains, is why there were very few Mesolithic associations, people did not usually live in villages. It is in Neolithic times that Anderson argues voluntary associations, along with agricultural villages, became common. Anderson cites Elman Service, who maintains that common interest associations are most frequent at the tribal level of social organization, which corresponds Neolithic times. Solidarities among bands, he claims are rare, and at higher levels of social organization, such as states governing institutions supplement the need for these associations (211). At this stage voluntary associations expand beyond religion and are related to other social contexts including economy, sex, politics and education. Anderson uses various examples to illustrate the absence of solidarities in pre-industrial states. The middle class, he argues, had associations such as merchant’s guilds, but voluntary associations were largely absent among the lower and higher classes. The aristocrats may have been to few in number to warrant solidarities, but the peasants who compromised the vast majority of the population were also without associations in most societies. Industrial societies, voluntary associations are widespread. Urban-industrial growth can be linked to the formation of many new solidarities. The newly formed working class established unions and other associations to help people cope with the changing structure of society. Voluntary associations now serve purposes including socialization, education and the promotion of social change. CLARITY RANKING: 2 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Anderson, Robert T. Voluntary Associations in History American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):209-222 Voluntary associations
are found in most societies undergoing rapid change. Associations have
been present in past societies around the world. These societies had
economic and political systems that varied in complexity. Enough is
known about voluntary associations to allow an assessment of the role
they take in the evolution of society. Anderson argues
that voluntary associations play different roles in each stage of the
evolution of a society. In some societies associations are not present.
In societies where associations are present they play an important
part in the structure of the society. Anderson collects
a variety of work done by other researchers on associations in different
societies. This information is used to generalize the place of association
in societies through the stages of evolution such as paleolithic-mesolithic
bands, neolithic villages, preindustrial states, and industrial nations. The nature of voluntary
associations has changed through time. In the upper paleothic they
appeared for the first time as religion began to be practiced and became
more common in the mesolithic period when people began to settle in
villages and perform ritual activities. During the neolithic period
people developed secret societies, which incorporated only a portion
of the society and had important cultural functions. With the development
of preindustrial states associations lost importance in society, as
it appears merchants were the only ones to form them. The development
of industrial nations has occurred with a rise in voluntary associations
in all classes of the society. The associations in industrial nations
serve to intermediate between the individual and the community. Anderson does not
give an assessment of the role voluntary associations play throughout
the evolution of society. The information Anderson uses to explain
past periods in the evolution of society are sometimes taken from living
groups of people. Anderson believes these people to be less evolved
and thus can be substitute for historical evidence. Many of the examples
given are unnecessary and make it difficult to understand what the
author is trying to explain. CLARITY RANKING:
2 SHAUN GODWIN Michigan
State University, (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Bender, Donald R. De Facto Families and De Jure Households in Ondo. American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):223-241. In this article Bender describes the structures of residences, families and agnate lineages in the Yoruba kingdom of Ondo. Bender illustrates the difference between family and household in Ondo and how it differs from the way these units are defined in Euro-American culture. The Ondo, Bender asserts, do not discuss relatives in terms of "family." Agnatic lineages and households are the important social units for the Ondo. They do have relationships with other relatives, and they have words to describe these relationships, but the family in the way Euro-Americans think of it does not exist. Households, by Ondo definition, are composed of members of the same agnatic lineage and their wives. Other people may live there, but are not considered household members under usual circumstances. The goal of an Ondo man is to be the head of a household and have as many descendents living there as possible. He begins by moving out of his father’s household and building a house for his own nuclear family. Fathers attempt to prevent sons from moving out because it decreases the size of their own households. All household members do necessarily live in the same house. If man is rich he may have houses for each of his wives. There is also a great deal of travel back and forth between houses in town and farms in rural villages; most households have a residence in both locations. Bender focuses on the Ondo household as a social unit. He describes the social ranking within the household relating to age and sex, and the division of labor and living space. He maintains that households are a distinct characteristic of Ondo society that is separate from kinship ties, although the primary residents of a household belong to the same agnatic lineage. CLARITY RANKING: 3 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Bender, Donald De Facto and De Jure Households in Ondo American Anthropologist. February, 1971 Vol.71(1):223-241 This article examines
the relationship between kinship groups and households in Ondo society.
The author searches to find what dominates the cohesion of a group
of residents. Bender compares Ondo society with the social organization
of other culture groups. He notes that in United States society families
are expected to form household units and therefore family is the dominant
factor in the cohesion of residential groups. Bender argues that in
Ondo society households as opposed to families dominate social cohesion.
He goes into great detail about the workings of households in Ondo
society. To support his findings
Bender discusses how living arrangements are based on kinship but are
often made up of people outside of your kin group. Nevertheless agreements
are made to create the same kind of accountability found in a family
in household groups in which many people are not kin. Therefore, according
to Bender, household ties take precedence over family ties when functioning
day to day in the home. This article contained
a lot of information but was not very clear. CLARITY RANKING:
3 ANGELA TAYLOR Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Bloch, Maurice The Implications of Marriage Rules and Descent: Categories for Merina Social Structures. American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):164-177. Bloch discusses the marriage rules and practices of the Merina, who live in northern Madagascar in a country called Imerina. She describes many aspects of Merina life, including burial customs, marriage, economy, family and ethics. She attempts to show why the marriage practices of the Merina came about and how they are affected by family and economy. The Merina divide themselves in "black" and "white" Merina. These labels do not accurately reflect skin color or other physical traits, but rather ancestry. In the later part of the eighteenth century the Merina conquered many neighboring peoples and took large numbers of slaves. The people descended from the slaves are called the black Merina and the white Merina are descendants of the original Merina people. The marriage practices of the black and white Merina are very different. Although the white Merina have rules against incest, these rules are often overlooked. The main reason for this is the importance that they place on keeping land within the family. Intermarriage often occurs because the white Merina do not want the land to be in the possession of any outsiders. The black Merina avoid incest as much as possible, although they cannot always trace their family back as far as the white Merina and sometimes inadvertently intermarry. They rarely own any significant amount of land and generally marry their neighbors. Because of this, black Merina families all live relatively close together, unlike the White Merina who are quite far spread. Bloch bases this article primarily on her own fieldwork. She concludes that the different marriage practices of the black and white Merina have different economic advantages and disadvantages. The white Merina are more advantageous, she claims, because they have relatives all over the country to trade with while the black Merina families are close together. She argues that the Merina successfully instilled their ideals about incest in their slaves, but now they are unable to obey their own rules because of their desire to keep land inheritance within the family. CLARITY RANKING: 4 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill) .gif){kind=small} Bloch, Maurice. The Implications of Marriage Rules and Descent: Categories for Merina Social Structures. American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1)164-178. On the island of Madagascar the native people of the Merina have divided themselves into two groups. Bloch explains that one group consists of the descendants of slave “black” Merina the other group consists of “white” descendants of free Merina. The ‘black’ Merina are not tradition bound and marry exogamously, considering family only to be as close as their third cousin. Their kinship pattern leaves most familial ties in neighboring villages. This is strikingly different from the “white” Merina, who are fiercely tradition bound and prefer endogamous marriages with kinship ties that ‘excuse’ incest from the third cousin on. White Merina also maintain kin ties many miles away, meeting at their ancestral homeland for kin burials. As modern/western technology develops in the capital city, Tananarive, Bloch believes that the differing kinship patterns between the “white” and the “black” Merina will create different implications for the prosperity of future generations of Merina. Bloch wishes to find the reasons for the different kinship patterns between the two Merina groups, as well as the effect the patterns will have on later generations. He proceeds by comparing the kinship patterns between the free, or “white” Merina, and the “blacks”. Through observation and survey he compares the size and density of each kin group, as well as the proximity to other members of their specific kin groups. In the article he presents a chart depicting the kin density and proximity differences between the two groups to illustrate kinship rules and practices. With this information he determines that despite the rigid tradition bound group, the “white” Merina’s kinship patterns will prove more advantageous to later generations. Bloch argues that marriages between city dwellers and their ‘country cousins’ will help the “white” Merina maintain family land, as well as present better opportunities for education and trade in smaller ‘white’ Merina villages. These strong family ties will create a useful network of resources, whereas the “black” Merina grow more independent and isolated. This will remain the case as fewer “black country cousins” marry into cities, leaving them to rely on their village neighbors for support. CLARITY:4 KRISTEN VENZKE University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones)
Bognar-Kutzian, Ida. Zoology and Chronology in Prehistory. American Anthropologist June, 1971 Vol.73(3):675-679. An archaeologist has to consider a wide range of cultural aspects when studying the history of a civilization. S. Bokonyi studied present day Hungary in his fieldwork to determine its prehistoric life. He found that present-day southwestern Asians import sheep and goats for the use of the Hungarian people, and therefore the pre-historic civilization must have begun the practice of animal breeding and keeping of pets. Bokonyi realized that by surveying a wide range of periods dealing with the domestication of local animals, he could he could increase his understanding of the ancient civilization from which these people came. His data ranges over a 2500 year time period, although it took only two years of fieldwork to collect. Through observing surrounding civilizations, Bokonyi found similarities in the importance of domesticated animals to these cultures. Such similarities are usually found through an intense dating process and analyzed mathematically. Bokonyi’s mathematical analysis has three main steps, which help to determine if cultural aspects are relative to another culture. His steps to analyzing data collected through his fieldwork can be used in any context to find relationships between two cultures and their practices. These steps include the definition of the historical role of cultures, the historical evaluation of the data, and the simultaneous two-dimensional examination of the data. The first step, the definition of the historical role, includes finding the relative age of a culture and its role within its own region and environment. The second point, the historical evaluation of the data, tells the anthropologist if two cultures are contemporary. The third point is the two dimensional data, which uses mathematical tables to determine spatial and time relations between the two cultures. The use of this type of evaluation is still prevalent and necessary in the study of cultures. The comparison and mathematical evaluation of cultures covers a large area and time period, and offers a great variety of information. Bokonyi’s mathematical analysis creates a connection between the time periods of the cultures, and the space in which they live, in order to understand where a cultural practice began. Bokonyi was able to determine that the current day practice of pets and animal breeding originated from the ancient western Asian culture of the pre-Scythian population over 2500 years ago, and began the cultural practice of keeping animals and breeding them. This type of method allows anthropologists, like Bokonyi, to learn more about ancient civilizations of present-day cultures, using relatively little information and time. CLARITY RANKING: 3 AIMEE LECLERCA Dickinson College (Anne Maxwell Hill)
Bognar-Kutzian, Ida. Zoology and Chronology in Prehistory American Anthropologist June, 1971 Vol..73(3):675-679 Ida Bognar-Kutzian
highlights the importance of incorporating several different disciplines,
such as zoology and chronology, into anthropology. She emphasizes the
zoological and chronological contributions of S. Bokonyi. As a zoologist,
S. Bokonyi has aided archaeology, in the determination of the history
and prehistory of Hungary. Most notable is Bokonyi’s chronological
sequencing of different cultures and groups. Within the sequenced cultures
and groups are periods when animal keeping, domestication of local
animals, and animal breeding began. The author moves
to address the concept of integrating chronology as a precondition
to understanding the objects, events, phenomena, and processes that
archaeology most frequently encounters. Stratigraphic data helps to
prove or disprove the simultaneity of two finds at a particular site,
thus demonstrating which one might possibly be an earlier find or a
later find. Bognar-Kutzian remarks that the wider the analytical environment
is, the deeper the understanding of phenomena, objects, events, and
processes will be; hence our assessments of them move closer to reality.
She also examines the horizon concept of chronology, which "distinguish[s]
between proven facts and assumptions, show[s] the relative value of
the evidence, and do[es] not compel us to fill the gaps with estimates" (677). Although Bognar-Kutzian
suggests that minor discrepancies have arisen, the majority of her
work has been consistent with that of S. Bokonyi’s in determining the
various cultural levels during the history and prehistory of Hungary.
Several examples are produced to show the significance of the zoological
and chronological contributions to archaeology and anthropology. The length of this
article is deceiving. Although very short, the content of this article
demands that it be looked at two or three times. She does an excellent
job in describing the horizon concept of chronology, as an example,
but when finished with her article, you need to reread it to lessen
the confusion. After digesting the article for the third time, one
can see the importance of zoology and chronology within anthropology
in determining the history and prehistory of Hungary. CLARITY: 2 SARAH M. LITTLE Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Bokonyi, Sandor. The
Development and History of Domestic Animals in Hungary: The
Neolithic Through the Middle Ages. American
Anthropologist June,
1971 Vol. 73(3):641-673. In this article,
Bokonyi outlines the development of domesticated animals in Hungary
from the Neolithic to the Middle Ages. His
bases his study upon the archaeological evidence of fauna in Hungary
because the country well documented the remains from its excavations. In
addition to describing the fauna development, he also discusses the
cultures, the regions, and the historical time periods in which the
domestication of the animals occurred. Bokonyi argues that
the domestication of animals has been in existence since prehistoric
times. In the article,
he illustrates the progression of the “taming” of animals and offers
detailed evidence that supports his argument. For
this study, Bokonyi examines the animal remains found in cemeteries
and settlement sites. To
make his argument clear, Bokonyi organizes the developments into phases
and utilizes charts to visually represent the material. The
first phase is the beginning of the Neolithic age; sheep and goats
were domesticated on a small level, but hunting served as the dominant
food source. The next
phase was the end of the Neolithic Age through the Copper Age. During
this time, man began to domesticate cattle and pigs in large numbers. The
third phase began with the Bronze Age and lasted until the first part
of the Early Iron Age. Cattle and pigs continued to be tamed and often
served as food sources. The
fourth phase occurred during the Roman Period. The
breeding of animals dominated the culture; different types of horses
and dogs came about, and the overall size of the animals increased. The
fifth phase lasted from the end of the Roman Period until the beginning
of the Middle Ages. During
this period, animal breeding became less prevalent, the domestication
of sheep dominated the culture, and overall domesticated animals decreased
in size. The last phase
began with the Middle Ages and ended in the beginning of modern times. Similar
to the Roman Period, animal breeding was popular and resulted in the
increase in the size of the animals. As Bokonyi draws
upon the research of others and archaeological evidence from Hungary,
he creates a convincing, historical essay on the notion of animal breeding. The
detailed depictions of each phase give the reader a great understanding
of the topic. CLARITY RANKING: 5 JOHNA BOULAFENTIS Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Bowden, Edgar. Cluster Density Analysis of Dimensional Socio-Cultural Evolution Models. American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):96-100. In a previous article (American Anthropologist 1969, 71(5):864-870)) Bowden described a "three-dimensional, branching, socio-cultural evolution model (96)." In this article he proposes a, "quantitative method whereby societal density contours may be constructed at successive cross-sections (96)," of the branching model he previously described. The branching model is constructed by connecting each society to whichever other society it most closely resembles (the degree of resemblance is determined by another method comparing various traits). Bowden asserts that the branching model is lacking in applicability, which is why he proposes this new method to complement it. Bowden describes how the cross-sections are produced from the branching model and each contains an equal number of the sample societies. He explains how the "societal density (96)" is measured for each section, taking into consideration the avoidance of "infinite density (97)." He explains that this method assumes that at any given point each society contributes to the overall societal density: "(1) as though all the societies in the cross-section were in the same horizontal plane; (2) in inverse relation to each society’s distance from the selected point (97)." Bowden illustrates this method using five diagrams that are examples of cross-sections. He mentions that the criteria that these models are based on should be subject to evaluation because some may represent random variation. He argues that a visual representation retains more errors than a purely mathematical model would, but maintains that, despite a few shortcomings that he points out, this method is useful in the study of socio-cultural evolution. CLARITY: 1 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Bowden, Edgar Cluster Density Analysis of Dimensional Socio-Cultural Evolution Models American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):96-100 This short article
discusses Edgar Bowden’s quantitative method of representing socio-cultural
evolution. The model, building on previous works of the author, is
able to reveal the underlying evolutionary structure of various societies,
as they relate to each other, by revealing the density contours of
cross sections of the pattern at various levels of development. He
constructs a "physical model of the basic evolutionary pattern,
simplified to its essential features" (96), in order to allow
for visualization. He also shows that by placing them alongside each
other, one can build up a "composite mental picture" (96). Bowden’s explanation
of the model gives equations and numerical values useful in ascertaining
the meaning and value of points on the cross section. He argues that
the method is useful because any society in the cross section contributes
to the density at any given time. Each society exists along the same
horizontal plane, and can be seen in inverse relation to the society’s
distance from the selected point. Bowden is quick
to point out problems with the method, and is equally quick to give
equations to solve for any "intuitively unacceptable" (97)
data. In the article, he shows specific examples of representative
density cross sections by societal rank, and compares this model to
one he discusses in a previous article. According to the
article, Bowden has confirmed the multilinearity of development for
lower levels of evolutionary development, and at the higher levels,
he shows the splitting of more or less discrete lines of evolution
(100). His hope is that in the future his methods will be further used
to include other socio-cultural dimensions mathematically. While he
recognizes that his method is not perfect, Bowden cites the need for
physical visual representation as reason for the necessity of his method. This article made
use of some complicated material, specifically quantitative research
methods that may make it a difficult article for some readers. However,
the author was clear in his purpose, and his use of examples gave the
article focus. CLARITY RANKING:
4 JULIE SCHWARTZ Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Brose, David
S. Early Upper Paleolithic Man and Late Middle
Paleolithic Tools. American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol.73 (5):1156-1193. The relationship between Neanderthals, a hominid species closely related to humans, and Homo sapiens, or anatomically modern humans, attracts attention among anthropologists because there is an unexplained time gap between the two groups. David Brose, an anthropologist and professor at Case Western Reserve University, has been trying to explain how Neanderthals disappeared and were replaced by Homo sapiens. Tool assemblages have been critical for identifying the line between Neanderthals and humans. Brose argues that more data is needed to definitely distinguish the two groups. Individuals rather than groups created tools, so no two are identical. Because of this, anthropologists generally categorize Paleolithic tools on the basis of their function. Another obstacle in classification is the fact that no two cultures required the same types of tools. In order to determine the relationship between the different time periods, David Brose had to look at when and why tools were made. The time of the Neanderthals is often broken into the Middle Paleolithic and the upper Paleolithic, due to some obvious distinctions in climate, physical features, and industries. The change in tools between these periods was gradual. In the Middle Paleolithic time, significant numbers of special purpose tools, like borers, gravers, and other functional tools that are similar to modern day shovels and knives began to appear. Tools made of animal bone were also introduced in this time period, and were very strong and durable. It was in this time period when tools were specialized for specific usage. Tools made tasks such as skinning animals, digging into the earth, and gathering plants for food easier. In the upper Paleolithic time these sorts of tools were abandoned. Teeth begin to substitute for tools, carrying out functions like pulling, fashioning, and prying animal skin and natural resources from the earth. Use of teeth and adaptation of the skull to cold elements affected the morphology of the Neanderthals. The differences that developed in Neanderthals at this time are what separated them from anatomically modern humans. Brose argues that this morphological difference suggests that Homo sapiens developed out of the Middle Paleolithic population. Brose is very enthusiastic about his argument and presents convincing evidence to support it, however, by his admonition, there are many gaps in his data. Only more discoveries and further research will fill these gaps. CLARITY RANKING: 2.5 AIMEE LECLERC Dickinson College (Anne Maxwell Hill)
Brose, David S. and Milford H. Wolpoff Early Upper Paleolithic Man and Late Middle Paleolithic Tools American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol.73(5):1156-1194 The main concern
in this article is the relationship of Neandertals to anatomically
modern Homo sapiens. The authors claim that the appearance of Homo
sapiens in Europe, the Near East, and Africa must represent either
an evolution of Neandertals in the area or a migration. Brose and Wolpoff
promote the gradual evolution of Homo sapiens from Neandertals
and criticize the migration explanation on the grounds that there is
no "sudden replacement" (1156) of Middle Paleolithic by Upper
Paleolithic industries, and there is no morphological evidence indicating
a "sudden replacement" of hominids either. They support their
statements by using the archaeological record to examine temporal differences
and indications of transitional phases. According to Brose
and Wolpoff the radiocarbon dates for Neandertal and Homo sapiens specimens
discovered thus far contradict the migration theory. The youngest dates
associated with Neandertals range from 40,900 +/-1000 BP to 35,250
+/-530 BP, while the earliest dated specimen of Homo sapiens is
25,820 +/-180 BP. These few dates from a wide range of areas indicate
Neandertals precede Homo sapiens, and in no instance do relative
stratigraphies or absolute dates indicate Homo sapiens contemporary
with or preceding Neandertals in any area, which must be the case if
migration occurred. Next the authors
discuss Paleolithic industries and give evidence in favor of a gradual
transition from late Middle Paleolithic to early Upper Paleolithic
industries. By examining archaeological records from across the globe
they declare that most of the tool types that are considered characteristic
of the Upper Paleolithic are also present in late Middle Paleolithic
assemblages in smaller numbers. The evidence for local transitional
industries everywhere Middle Paleolithic industries occur precludes
the theory of "sudden replacement" anywhere in the Old World. Lastly, Brose and
Wolpoff suggest that morphological evidence also indicates continuity
between Neandertals and Homo sapiens. They propose that Homo
sapiens arose from a Neandertal ancestor still associated with
Middle Paleolithic industries and Upper Paleolithic industries evolved
later. They cite the variability within the Neandertal populations
as one line of evidence for their hypothesis. The authors show that
there is extensive overlap between the range of almost every Neandertal
characteristic and the range of the corresponding characteristic in Homo
sapiens. Brose and Wolpoff assert that technological and climatic
adaptations are further evidence indicating worldwide evolution of
Neandertals into Homo sapiens. They claim "the reduction
of anterior dentition is part of a general trend reducing skeletal
and muscular rugosity, replacing them with more efficient technology" (1185).
Increased cultural adaptations to cold also contributed to the reduction
in robustness of Neandertal facial morphology. This is an interesting
topic of discussion, but the extensive use of technical terms inhibits
comprehension to some extent. Also, the long length of the article
hinders the ability of the reader to understand all the points being
made and how they interact. CLARITY RANKING:
3 JUSTIN LEBIECKI Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Brown, Jennifer The Cure and Feeding of Windigos: A Critique. American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):20-22. In this article, Brown is disputing a recent hypothesis put forward by Vivian J. Rohrl. Rohrl claimed that Algonquian Indians cured windigo psychosis by feeding the afflicted person fatty meat, and that they did this because the process provided positive results due to the condition being a result of nutritional deficiencies. Brown argues that there is no evidence to show that this method of treatment was common, or that it would have been effective. Brown states that out of the seventy cases researched by Teicher (1960), nutritional deficiencies could only have been a factor in at most twenty-five cases (21). She suggests that the field of psychiatry would be better equipped to discern the causes of windigo psychosis. Brown uses further evidence from Teicher to illustrate the rarity of fatty meat ingestion being used to treat windigo psychosis. Although the fatty meat ingestion treatment may have been used at times, brown argues, there is no evidence to show that the Algonqians considered nutritional factors. The two cases of this fatty meat ingestion treatment described by Rohrl, according to Brown, can be interpreted in completely different way. Brown argues that the primary reason for the use of this treatment was not to alleviate nutritional deficiencies, but to induce vomiting. Vomiting supposedly removed the "heart of ice" within the windigo, thus curing them. The vomit offered physical evidence that the "heart of ice" had been successfully removed. A case of a young boy windigo being murdered by his own family is used by Brown to illustrate the rarity of the fatty meat ingestion treatment. If this treatment were so widespread, she argues, why would a family resort to murder so quickly and neglect the painless alternative? The evidence presented by Brown counters the hypothesis put forward by Rohrl extremely well. Brown’s arguments are convincing, but in order to comprehend the subject matter fully it would be necessary to read Rohrl’s article as well. CLARITY RANKING: NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Brown, Jennifer The Cure and Feeding of Windigos: A Critique American Anthropologis. February, 1971 Vol.73(1):20-22 In this article,
the author is giving a critique of a work done by Vivian J. Rohrl.
Rohrl’s initial work is about the treatment of windigo psychosis of
the northern Algonquians. She hypothesizes that the Algonquians feed
the sick fatty meats to cure them. Brown starts off by saying that
a hypothesis suggesting that these people knew instinctually that nutrition
was a possible cure, needs to be looked at rather carefully. Not only
should it be tested in an anthropological sense, but a biological sense
as well. Rohrl claims that this treatment in traditional and wide spread
in its use, but Brown claims just the opposite, especially since Brown’s
focus is on disgorgement rather than feeding. Feeding is one possible
cure, but definitely not the orthodox one. In twenty-five cases at
most, cannibalism was caused by a nutrition reason, i.e. dire need
for food. In the other cases, there was more of a psychological causation.
If, for these native people, the cause is not related to nutrition
and feeding, then neither is the cure. Feeding was not used often as
a cure. Out of seventy cases, only ten were treated in this manner.
Most were killed. The natives did not feed the sick fatty meats for
a nutritional reason, but rather a cultural one. They wanted to induce
vomiting, therefore physically bringing out the heart of ice,
or the cause of the illness. Even when the sick are not killed, the
focus is still placed on the destruction of the heart of ice.
Brown concludes that the work of Rohrl needs to be analyzed further
to get to the motivation behind the different treatment styles, to
see if it is statistically valid, and if the hypothesis is compatible
with the native’s view. Brown criticizes Rohrl for not citing her source
correctly, giving inaccurate years and page numbers. The article ends
with a story of a typical treatment of windigo psychosis. Here is when
the meaning of the disease is made clear. A boy begins to get the uncontrollable
need to eat flesh, even biting his father, before being killed to cure
him of the evil. If feeding were an oft-used treatment, it would have
been considered in this instance. The author is concise
in her analysis. She has specific examples for each of her points.
The only drawback is that the disease is not really explained until
the firsthand account at the end. Overall, the article is straightforward
and has sound arguments. CLARITY RANKING:
4 SALENA K. KOUNTZ:
Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Butzer, Karl W. Another Look at the Australopithecine Cave Breccias of the Transvaal. American Anthropologist October 1971. Vol. 73(5): 1197-1201. Karl Butzer, in this brief article, examines J. T. Robinson’s hypothesis on the relationship between dietary habits and the contrasting dentition of the three different types of Australopithecines. He addresses the problems he sees involving the interpretation of the sedimentary evidence from the Transvaal cave fills posed by C. K. Brain. The article’s purpose is to encourage further excavations and laboratory analysis and not to defend a newly proposed argument or to present new analytical data. Using data collected from Sterkfontein and Swartkrans in 1969 and 1970, and Makapansgat and Kromdraai in 1970, the author sees problems with the data’s application to Robinson’s theory of ecological differentiation of australopithecines. The data interpretations of C. K. Brain from 1957 and 1967 were also reevaluated by the author in this article. Upon reexamination of these sediments, the author concludes that Brain’s evidence, based upon angularity of quartz sand grains, the ratio of chert to quartz sand, and sediment color does not argue strongly for a fluctuating climate through time. The large amount of sediment found at each site led the author to infer that accumulation occurred in dry conditions and that these sediments do not argue for the alternating occupation by gracile and robust australopithecines under different environmental conditions. The articles ends with the author emphasizing the important and decisive nature the faunal paleontological evidence will provide for an otherwise poorly supported dietary hypothesis of australopithecine differentiation. CLARITY RANKING: 2 JENNIFER DANIS Dickinson College (Ann Hill)
Butzer, Karl W. Another Look at the Australopithecine Cave Breccias of the Transvaal. American Anthropologist October 1971 Vol.73(5):1197-1201. In this paper the
author discusses what he believes is a problem with the evidence collected
from the australopithecine breccias. He thinks that there should be
more research and field study done to get the correct information. Butzer draws his
conclusions from C.K. Brain’s studies, which suggest that the gracile
and robust australopithecine exploited different environments due to
their differences. The author implies that this information supports
the notion of a climatic "curve", which entails the sequence
of wet and dry climates that provided periods of ecological stress.
Butzer did not think that this was correct. He believes that Brain’s
analyses have little bearing on the environments and deposits at different
sites. He suggests that since all the residual products of many ages
are all swept into the same colluvial wash the "statistical results
would seem to have limited environmental significance and no true quantitative
applications." (1199) He concludes the
article implying that the cave breccias do not provide convincing evidence
of a fluctuating climate through time, and that the great bulk of the
sediments at each site implies that it was relatively dry. This does
not argue for alternating occupation by robust and gracile australopithecine
like Brains and J.T. Robinson suggested. Butzer made it quite clear
that he was not criticizing Brain’s works; he believed that more research
should be done. This very short
article contained a lot of information. It may be hard to understand
if there is no prior knowledge of the australopithecines and other
work that has be done pertaining to them. CLARITY RANKING:3 NAHALA BUYCKS: Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse) Chenoweth, Vida and Bee, Darlene. Comparative-Generative Models of a New Guinea Melodic Structure. American Anthropologist June, 1971 Vol.73(3):773-781 Chenoweth and Bee present a generative description of the vocal music of the Awa of the Eastern Highlands District, a remote area of New Guinea. There are various ethnic groups with diverse languages in New Guinea, and because of this there has been a demand for a, "generative description to facilitate participation in their musical cultures (773)." The authors’ intent is to enable comparison of musical styles and the composition of new songs in these styles. Chenoweth and Bee analyze songs from ten categories: mourning, war, hunting, marriage, hallucination, songs pertaining to nature and homeland, local events, children’s songs, male initiation songs, and lullaby’s sung by women. Many of these songs are still sung (at least on certain occasions) even though their significance has been lost over the years. Other songs, such as the one for mourning, are still useful. The authors describe the songs in terms of intervals, scale, phrases, and rhythm, as well as, melodic structure and composition, including the development of a scale nucleus, and scale kernel infix and suffix (774-780). They describe the structure of Awa vocal music in three ways: a flow diagram, formulas and a geometric model. The aim of this description is to enable comparison, so Chenoweth and Bee have begun to attempt comparisons. Trying to generate Usarufa melodies from this model only emphasized the musical differences between these linguistically similar cultures. They hope to continue studying the music of the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea and test the comparative capability of their model more fully. CLARITY RANKING: 1 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Chenoweth, Vida and Darlene Bee. Comparative-Generative Models of a New Guinea Melodic Structure. American Anthropologist. June, 1971 Vol.73(3) 773-782. The authors’ objective
is to present a framework for analysis of the melodic structure of
songs of the Awa of New Guinea. The authors give a description of the
Awa as being a people numbering 1500 and living in the " southeastern
section of the eastern highlands district of the trust territory of
New Guinea" (p.773). The authors describe the melodic systems
of the Awa in three methods. These methods are the flow diagram, formulas
and a geometric model. The functions of the models, in the authors’ words,
are "to enable foreigners to compose in a given musical system," and
also to compare songs between systems (p.773). The authors start
the presentation of descriptive models by categorizing the songs of
the Awa by "topic and occasion" (p.774). These categories
include mourning, war, hunting, marriage, hallucination, nature or
homeland, and local events. After presenting the categories of Awa
music, the authors proceed to analyze the songs of the Awa in terms
of several characteristics. These include intervals, scales, phrases
and rhythm. In these sections the authors analyze the relationships
between the melodic structure of the songs, in terms of where the notes
are and the rhythm used in a particular song. The authors make etic
and emic conclusions of the importance of certain features based on
the frequency in which they occur in various songs. For instance, the
authors state, " there are therefore nine emic intervals" (p.775).
These emic intervals were categorized as such based on the "frequency
of occurrence" in the songs in which they appear (p.775). In the closing of
their article, the authors reiterate the importance of analyzing the
musical structure of the songs of the Awa in relation to the information
presented within the article. The authors state, " this model
is a simple generative device that, used in conjunction with the scale,
phrase and rhythmic description, can generate an infinite number of
syntactically correct Awa melodies" (p. 781). A comparatist of
musical types, the authors state, " is primarily interested in…the
comparison of systemic relationships, similarities and differences," and
also how " these similarities and differences relate between systems"(p.781).
The system the authors lay out in the article they believe can make
this comparison more evident, enhancing it with more "comparative
power" (p. 781). The article is not
designed for the average person to understand. It requires an extensive
knowledge of musical terms and theory in order to understand why the
various conclusions the authors make are significant. I found it very
difficult to understand what the author’s were trying to say about
the exact significance of rhythm, for example, when the terms they
used meant nothing to me. CLARITY RANKING:
2 ALLISON BOISVENU Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Clark, J. Desmond. Human Behavioral Differences in Southern Africa During the Later Pleistocene. American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol. 73 (5): 1211-1235. In his article, J. Desmond Clark examines four different archeological sites in Sub-Saharan Africa that contain evidence of "Middle Stone Age" human adaptations. He looks at sites that are located in vastly different environments to help explain the greater degree of specialization in stone tool production during this time period (1211). As Clark points out, "different habitats will emphasize some activities more than others, while some sites will reflect only the artifacts associated with a single activity" (1212). He specifically uses information about tools in order to display human behavioral differences in Africa. Clark’s main agenda in this article is to prove to readers that the production of stone tools became more specialized after 35,000 BC and to show how this specialization can be seen in the variation of stone tools in prehistoric, Sub-Saharan tool-kits. In order to prove this point, Clark examines tool-kits from four different sites located in Twin Rivers Kopje, Kalambo Falls, the Dundo area, and Witkrans. Clark describes the various ways in which archeologists study these tools and compare them. They find which tools are used where, the wear patterns on the tools, and their age (determined through radiocarbon dating or various other methods). To show the specialization of tools more clearly, Clark describes each site in detail. He notes the environment and the kinds of animals that would inhabit the various areas. The article is filled with descriptions and pictures of tools found in each site. For example, it is noted and pictured that a convergent scraper, a tool made from quartz, was used in the Twin Rivers, while this very same tool was made from chert (a type of stone) in Kalambo Falls. Not only are the tools described physically, but Clark also explains what they were most likely used for. This helps paint a vivid picture in the minds of the readers about the complexity of the tools during this time period. Throughout the article, Clark makes the point that, although the sites have similar tools, there are differences among them due to the needed specializations adapted in response to different habitats. The data presented is reasonable, descriptive, and accurate, but not always easy to comprehend. Although Clark cites specific examples, the organization of his arguments is hard to understand. CLARITY RANKING: 2.5 BECKY HAMWAY Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Clark, J. Desmond. Human Behavioral Differences in Southern Africa During the Later Pleistocene. American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol 73(4):1211-1236. This article examines
four Middle Stone Age archaeological sites in sub-Saharan Africa. It
details paleo-environmental conditions based on archaeological data
and by comparison with the contemporary setting. The dating of the
sites is between ca. 33,000 and 23,000 years B.P. Paleo-ecologically,
the sites are not similar; the environments today are equally dissimilar. The locations of
the sites are Twin Rivers,15 miles
southwest of Lusaka, Zambia Kalambo Falls (overlooking
Lake Tanganyika Rift) Dundo area of northeast
Angola Witkrans, 50 miles
south of Vriburg and 125 miles north of Kimberley in the northern Cape
Province of South Africa. Of particular interest
is the composition of stone artifacts. These artifacts "suggest
(1) that each site is strategically located for the exploitation of
more than one micro-environment and (2) that the nature of exploitation
of specific plant and animal resources may be largely responsible for
differences in lithic inventory between the sites" (1211). The author goes
into a lot of detail regarding the flora and fauna of the area during
the Pleistocene epoch. He suggests that his "hypotheses, which
seem very probable now, should be tested by future work" (1211).
The article contains a many maps detailing the locations of the sites. This article is
highly technical and really quite difficult for the novice to understand
unaided. With the aid of a knowledgeable individual or the Encyclopedia
Britannica and a good dictionary, the article can begin to come to
life. CLARITY RANKING:
3 SHERRY BRUMGARD Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Clark, Geoffrey A. The Asturian of Cantabria: Subsistence Base and the Evidence for the Post-Pleistocene Climatic Shifts. American Anthropologist October, 1972. Vol. 73(5): 1245-1257. The final article by Geoffrey A. Clark analyzes materials from pre-Neolithic sites in Spain. He found that the previous Asturian inhabitants have exploited two major bodies of animal resources: mammals and marine mollusks. Clark clearly states his objectives in the beginning of his publication. He first examines the faunal information from the sites and proceeds to use this information to specify resources exploited by the Asturian populations. He then utilizes a model of post-Pleistocene climatic fluctuation proposed by Vega del Sella (1916, 1930), combined with his data, to assess the accuracy of events. Clark concludes that present investigations confirm the climatic events defined by Sella since the previous information seems vindicated by the available evidence. CLARITY: 2 JUSTIN SOLONICK Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Clark, Geoffrey A. The Asturian of Cantabria: Subsistence Base and the Evidence for Post-Pleistocene Climatic Shifts American Anthropologist October 1971 Vol.73(5): 1245-1257. In this article
the author discusses some of the paleoecological aspects of an extinct
cultural adaptation called the "Asturian of Cantabria, found in
northern Spain." He wants to prove that there was a climatic shift
that affected adaptation. He attempts to organize all known information
from Asturian sites, and review the model for post-Pleistocene climatic
fluctuation. He uses the data already known to specify resources used
by these populations and to "shed some light on the range and
nature of extractive techniques." (1245) The data he used was
taken from four sources: site reports, conchero samples, excavated
tests and museum collections. The author places
a number of tables throughout the article to organize known data about
the expectation of mammals. He comments on what is found in the tables
to explain his points. However, he says that the age and sex of the
animals in the samples are not known and that the number of individuals
taken was not calculated. The author believes
that if "analysis of terrestrial resources exploited shows a relatively
stable pattern from the Late Pleistocene through the Asturian, excepting
the Magdalenian occupations, analysis of marine fauna reveals a marked
shift in species collected, due to climatic factors, and a quantitative
increase in the amount of shellfish remains present in the sites, and
in the number of species collected." (1253) Evidence for climatic
change is most apparent in the replacement of the cold-adapted winkle
by the top shell. This was caused by the onset of the post-glacial
climatic optimum. This is a very confusing
article. I did not follow what was being said to make him come to his
conclusion. CLARITY RANKING:1 NAHALA BUYCKS: Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Cochrane, Glynn. Juristic
Persons, Group and Individual Land Tenure: A
Rejoinder to Goodenough. American
Anthropologist October,
1971 Vol.73(5):1152-1155. This article is
part of series of articles written alternately by Cochrane and Ward
H. Goodenough debating issues of property in and use of American legal
terms in reference to Trukese culture. This
particular article is Cochrane’s response to Goodenough’s criticism
of “Use of the Concept of the “Corporation”: A
choice between Colloquialism or Distortion,” in which Cochrane comments
on Goodenough’s previous analysis of Turkese property law. Cochrane disagrees
with Goodenough’s standards for applying the term “corporation.” He
maintains that he used the term in the way that Goodenough had defined
it. Certain situations,
he explains, do not need English vocabulary to describe them, but rather
should be described in the way that the Turkese describe them. He
also asserts that the angle American approach that Goodenough utilizes
to identify Turkese property law is insufficient in understanding data
on the Turkese culture. Cochrane states
that “the distortion” in Goodenough’s analysis “that comes from attempting
to fit Turkese joint family tenure into our legal categories is easily
seen (1154).” He gives
examples of how Turkese law functions in the cases of joint family
tenure and estate inheritance and how these differ from Anglo-American
culture. He concludes
by arguing that, “despite Goodenough’s linguistic smokescreen (1154),” his
use of legal terminology is excessive. CLARITY: 3 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Cochrane, Glynn. Use of the Concept of the "Corporation": A Choice Between Colloquialism or Distortion. American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol.73(5):1144-1150. Cochrane argues that the definitions of the term "corporate" that are currently being employed are failing to convey the meaning of the concept. Glynn examines previous uses of the concept of the corporation by various anthropologists and challenges their accuracy. Cochrane uses the idea of corporateness in his Property, Kin and Community on Truk by Goodenough to illustrate what could be considered inaccurate use of the idea of the corporation Goodenough uses the term corporate to describe relationships of land ownership and exchange in Trukese society. Cochrane argues that, "Goodenough’s claim that ‘corporateness’ exists in Trukese as in western law is not valid; the result of this imposition, having little empirical fit with reality, can only distort the nature of Trukese property relations (1148)." Indeed, the arguments Cochrane presents do make it seems as though Goodenough’s work contradicts itself repeatedly. The two ways of defining the concept of the corporation have traditionally been to either use a loose construction that says nothing definite and can imply many things that are incorrect, or to use what is referred to as the Anglo-American legal definition. Cochrane argues that the differing views as to the meaning of term "corporate" cause facts to be distorted because the reader of an article may be familiar with a different definition than the author. Cochrane argues that anthropologists and other scholars need to define what they mean by the term "corporate" if they use it in their work. A universal definition may or may not exist someday, but this could help to avoid confusion and distortion while the definition is variable. CLARITY RANKING: 1 NICOLE RICHTER Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Cochrane, Glynn Use of the Concept of the "Corporation": A Choice Between Colloquialism or Distortion American Anthropologist October, 1971 Vol.73(5):1144-1149. Glynn Cochrane suggests
that there are alternatives to using the term corporation that may
prove to be more appropriate where it is necessary to depict arrangements
involving group possession. He states that "two traditions of
usage exist with regard to the concept of ‘corporateness’ in relation
to lineages or other kinds of organization; either, a loose construction
has been placed on the term or, authors have claimed that they were
using it in its Anglo-American legal sense" (1144). If anthropologists
decide to utilize the term corporateness they have to choose between
distorting ethnographic data or a kind of anthropological slang. Cochrane offers
up several examples of the informal anthropological version of the
non-legal, loose tradition of employing the corporation term. More
importantly, Cochrane focuses on the Anglo-American legal interpretation
of corporation terminology used by Ward H.Goodenough. He notes that
Goodenough embraces the definition of corporation that is seen in Webster’s
New International Dictionary. "Any group of persons or objects
treated by the law as an individual or unity having rights or liabilities
or both, distinct from those of the persons or objects comprising it" (1145).
Cochrane also notes that Goodenough fails to recognize the importance
of the corporation’s perpetual succession and its development in English
law. Cochrane sets out
to prove that the information within Goodenough’s article is misleading
and that it distorts ethnographic data, as he suggests usually happens
when anthropologists decide to employ the term corporation. He summarizes
Goodenough’s article making distinctions between the terms full title
or ownership, residual title, provisional title, junior or cadet lineages
and how these terms relate to the idea of a corporation. Cochrane believes
that Goodenough’s model is insufficient because it fails to take into
account the hierarchical nature of property relations. He also states
that Goodenough’s claim that corporateness exists within the Trukese
culture as it does in western law has only distorted the nature of
the Trukese property relations. Cochrane suggests
how Goodenough could have avoided the corporate confusion and recommends
that there are alternatives to the corporation concept, one being from
English law descent and the other from Hindu law. He also states that
he understands that the informal use of the word corporation can and
will persist, but a precise meaning of its usage will have to be clearly
labeled. Cochrane did a wonderful
job of presenting his argument on the correct usage of the term ‘corporation’ along
with his subsequent objections and suggestions regarding the term’s
usage. The presentation of his article was very well organized. On
the other hand, his close examination of Goodenough’s article gave
rise to confusion in trying to follow each lineage and its relation
to a corporation. A second reading of the article could clarify the
confusion. Although his article was informative, it was equally unexciting. CLARITY:
4 SARAH M. LITTLE Michigan
State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly and Bennett, Stith. An Exploratory Model of Play. American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1): 45-58. The authors of this article create a model for play by examining the three possible relationships that beings hold with their environment. The most common of these in the can be described as the experience of "worry." Anxiety occurs when the requirements for action placed on an individual outnumber the ability to complete them. At other times our relationship with the environment tends to produce another kind of experience: boredom. A wearing tedium or dullness can pervade action that has become routinized, making it hard to tell present action from past actions, since monotony lacks change or variety. The fewer opportunities for action we perceive, the more bored we become. Play is established when a balance is achieved, and the actions taken do not remove the possibility of future actions. This necessitates that an equilibrium be established with one’s environment. A most outstanding quality of this state of participation is the actor’s lack of an "outside" viewpoint on his conduct: a lack of self consciousness. The state of play precludes anxiety. Csikszentmihalyi and Bennett also examine the different structures, which institutionalized play-forms, known as "games" take. In order to sustain the balance of actions, games set specific rules, where only certain choices and responses are possible. Most are based on the competitive model, where violence and aggression are not uncommon. However, it is important to note the distinctly separate identities displayed inside and outside the game. This form of play is further divided into games of strategy, games of chance, and games of physical skill. Although all have unique actions, origins, and requirements, they serve the same function: to remove oneself from conventional experience. Play emerges out of the context of everyday life whenever the latter becomes too worrisome, and slips back into everyday life whenever the play experience becomes too boring. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LAUREN SWIFT Dickinson College (Ann Maxwell Hill)
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly and Stith Bennet An Exploratory Model of Play American Anthropologist February, 1971 Vol.73(1):45-58 The authors begin by stating play is a universal cultural category grounded in the concept of possibility. Their conceptualization of play is when our relationship with the environment is in a state of balance between worry and boredom. Play is experienced when a slice of reality is delimited with which the player can cope in a predictable way. Play is characterized as the merging of awareness with action, which creates a state of oneness with on |
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