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Antoun, Richard T. The Modesty of Women in Arab Muslim Villages: A Study in the Accommodation of Traditions. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:671-696 One of the most pervasive concepts in Middle Eastern culture is modesty. The origin of this belief can be traced to several passages in the Quran. This modesty takes many forms, including in dress and action. According to tradition, women are born pure and can be tainted by the outside world. Modesty in all forms prevents tainting. Success as a female hinges on adherence to these behaviors. There are different standards of decency and ways of carrying it out among villages. Rules of modesty are strict, but there are often deviations in how penalties are issued. In some cases, elopement or denial are options, rather than harsh penalties, which, although preached, are not politically advantageous. No one explanation
for the presence of this modesty code, and the methods for enforcing
it, is sufficient, since all aspects of culture are affected. Similar codes exist in south CLARITY: 3 ANDREA MORRIS
The Tzeltal language,
of Tenejapa and The results indicate that the Tzeltal language has unnamed taxa and covert categories. For example, there is no word for "plant" or "animal;" however, people construct a distinction between the two based on comparing and contrasting physical characteristics. Further evidence reveals that unlabelled taxon increases the cultural information available for understanding the Tzeltal speakers. Certain semantic domains are discovered from unnamed taxa, which are otherwise concealed by named taxa because labeled taxa are restricting. Unnamed taxonomic categories play a significant role in understanding the conceptual characteristics of a particular culture and language. CLARITY: 3 LISA
BURNS
Binford, Sally
R. Early Upper Pleistocene Adaptations in the This article examines
the shift in human culture from a generalized hunting pattern to a
more highly specialized pattern of hunting large migratory game animals.
Binford postulates that this shift is the explanation for the changes
of tool use and transitional forms (from Neanderthal to modern humans)
found at the First, she divides
the Levant area in Binford then goes
on to make the point that increased exploitation of the environment,
such as the shift to large-scale hunting, causes cultural changes that
lead to the conditions for evolutionary change. In order to coordinate
a larger hunting effort, social groups have to be expanded. The expansion
of the social group, which includes new mating partners, increases
the gene flow rate and perpetuates evolution. This explains the transitional
forms of human remains found at The author concludes by stating that this is only one theory. However, she points out that it is a testable theory and that it is a relatively inexpensive experiment to do. She gives a list of the possibilities for testing and states that the results from these tests would do much to supply the archaeological world with important information and needed direction. CLARITY RATING: 2 ROBERTSON, .gif){kind=small} Binford,
Sally R. Early Upper Pleistocene Adaptations in the Three climatic regions,
within two archaeological sites in the Each region in the CLARITY: 3 LISA
BURNS
Befu,
Harumi. Origin of Large Households and Duolocal
Residence in The origin of large households and duolocal residence in Nakagiri can never be proven, it can only be hypothesized. Records from any time before the nineteenth century do not contain the specific information needed to explore how these two living conditions began. Ethnographic studies of the Nakagiri area, tax records, and agricultural records are used to understand the Nakagiri household patterns and to explain how these households came to be and why they persisted. The theories are usually divided into two groups. There are those that want to explain the size of the households in Nakagiri and those that want to explain duolocal marriage. The few theories that tie the factors and events together are the most revered, but those are rare. There is an emphasis on studying the history of Japanese settlements and their residence rules because many accounts are doubted. With no evidence that data, specifically about Nakagiri households, exists, it is hard to tell which versions are accurate. Some seem to contradict others or seem implausible when paired with the tax records and agricultural records. The only point that is agreed on by most theorists is that economic problems were a major factor in these living conditions. There are many flaws to the explanations of the origins of these living conditions. The major flaw appears to be the lack of correlation shown between the two living conditions. The other flaws that are found seem to center on the assumptions that all of the histories are correct. No two explanations seem to be using the same data and that causes the theories to be incomparable. Without proper documentation it is hard to find the exact origins of the large Japanese households and duolocal residence. CLARITY: 4 MELISSA
KIEHL
Bushnell, John H. From American Indian to Indian American: The Changing Identity of the Hupa. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:1108-1116. Prior to World War II the Hupa were identified as American Indians. However, after World War II, the nature of the Hupa became quite viable. Basic and widespread changes at this time have transformed the Hupa society so much that they should no longer be identified as American Indians rather Indian Americans. For most of the
19th Century, Hupa tended to be out of contact with whites. The few
encounters between the two made for an experience unlike that of other All this changed in the post-war years when the Hupa were influenced by a booming lumber industry. Suddenly they could receive a well paying job. New businesses arose and there was a shift to a wage economy. Farming subsistence on the reservation was replaced by a dependence on purchased foods. Hunting and gathering ceased as grocery stores popped up. Their growing prosperity allowed for a more materialistic culture. All the modifications meant the Hupa transitioned from dependent to independent legal status and were even given equal rights and duties. This is the period the Hupa became more American than Indian reversing the customary designation of American Indian to Indian American. CLARITY: 4 MATT
HUMBRECHT
Carter, William E. Secular Reinforcement in Aymara Death Ritual. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 No.2 :238-262. The observation of rituals and practices is one method of gaining insights into a culture. Rituals, part of the sacred, can aid the researcher in understanding the secular aspects of a group. Perhaps the most influential of these practices are funerary rites. Death comes to everyone and death rituals help a society clarify the relationships between the living and the dead. In this article Carter attempts to show how rituals influence everyday life. Rules and behaviors are reinforced by ritual. In the case of the Aymara negativistic fatalism is perhaps the most important. This belief, that one's destiny is predetermined, shapes other behaviors. If one is helpless to change their own destiny than they cannot be held responsible for what happens. The feeling of guilt is non-existent or very minimal. In Aymara society deceit and vengeance are seen as positive values to an extent. Trust and hospitality in the private sphere, amongst close relatives and friends, is highly valued. Due to limited resources, when dealing with members in the larger public sphere deceit and a general aloofness are present. A comparison with the Zapotects of Mitla is used to illustrate the following characteristics of peasants: fatalistic views, the concept of limited good, and the value of giving. Carter mentions some of the limitations and problems faced by researchers. In order to gain a better understanding of the processes that are taking place one must obtain enough data. Researchers must be aware that what is important to the researcher might not be important to the participant and it is not always possible to observe certain rituals. After mentioning these difficulties Carter goes into great detail describing the case study of one funerary practice. After the death of a respected man his body is prepared for burial. Prayers were said by a male relative followed by the knuckle ritual. The men then spent days taking turns tossing the knuckle in order to provide the deceased with a good journey. Carter explains that variation in funeral practices and beliefs may be caused by accident, chance, or simply individual choice. Carter discovered through his interviews that individuals had a different understanding of the identity, nature, and destination of souls. The subjects identified three to five different souls. The ages of informants influenced their answers. Older members and religious specialists tended to give more detailed explanations while the younger generations, perhaps due to westernization, had different beliefs of the destination of souls. As Catholicism and native Aymara beliefs become intertwined, the concepts of heaven and hell are frequently mentioned. Carter uses examples to show the effects of certain practices. For instance elder men conduct the ceremonies because they are believed to know the prayers best. This leads to males increasing and holding onto their power in society. CLARITY RATING: 4 Carter, William E. Secular Reinforcement in Aymara Death Ritual. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70(2):238-262. The study and interpretation of ritual can be used as a technique to elucidate secular life. Values and belief systems are often connected with secular aspects of daily life and fundamental cultural values. The examination of a single Aymara death ritual leads to extrapolations on the core values and beliefs of the society as a whole. The observation of the ritual was limited due to the rarity of funerary ritual in small communities and the inherent privacy these rituals often demand. The event is described in great detail, followed by tables identifying twenty-nine symbol sets of the ritual and examining their reflection in daily life, their manifest function, social structure, ecology, expression in other ceremonies, and dogma. The rituals basic components are the preparation for burial, prayers, the knuckle ritual, burial, and an eighth-day ceremony. The Aymara have a basic belief in negativistic fatalism, or the predetermination an individual’s destiny. This belief has manifestations in the actions and values of daily life. The Aymara have little or no feeling of guilt, as they do not control their destiny and are therefore not held responsible for their actions. They do not glorify the past, as their ancestors suffered the same conditions they are destined to suffer. They also act conservatively feeling helpless to alter the future or past in any significant manner. Trust is greatly valued among close friends and family and it is often earned through reciprocal sharing of the fruits of their labor. This trust is essential to maintain a society where individuals are not responsible for their actions. CLARITY: 4 AARON
PETERSON
De
Laguna, Fredrica. Presidential Address-1967. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 (4): 469-476 The retiring president
of the American Anthropological Association offers association members,
among others, observations on modern anthropology, in an effort to
provide renewed focus for future work. Researchers should be ever conscious of the
great whole that constitutes anthropology, and how his or her research
fits in as a part of any of the sub-disciplines. It is through broad
knowledge of the many sub-disciplines that anthropologists are able
to relate their work to the whole. Anthropology offers
different frameworks for examination of data. Culture must be understood
as being part of a continuum, wherein it is passed on from generation
to generation, reaffirmed in actions between individuals, though it
is often distorted as it is transferred. There should be less
emphasis on acculturation studies. People, who take up the seemingly
arbitrary framework that the western world is leveling all culture,
miss a fundamental point about change among cultures. People adopt
things into their culture depending upon their own wants and needs,
as well as flexibility among beliefs within their own culture. Mistakes
are likely to be made in both assessing the present, and recounting
the past, but this is our task as anthropologists. Do not be afraid
of the advent of computer use for analytical purposes. Remain
vigilant to the fact that computers may only provide analysis they
cannot ask the questions for us. Work
to understand the exceptions to the cultural rules that are devised,
not just the ones that fit in neatly. There is much to be learned from
those that would defy an otherwise tidy structural model It is also important
for anthropologist to remember that they need not try to be scientific
at all costs. Adopting overly technical jargon for the sake of scientific
appearance is a disservice to what makes anthropology great. It is
a science unlike any other, which relates all of what the other natural
sciences have to offer, to understanding the context of human activity. CLARITY: 3 ANDREW De Laguna, Frederica. Presidential
Address 1967. All presidents,
at the end of their service to the people, offer a bit of gained knowledge
acquired over the time of their presidency. The point stressed by Frederica
De Languna is her belief of what anthropology means today. The main
concern of this article is the separation and specialization of the
sub-fields of anthropology and how they need to be brought back together
as one field of study. She points out that anthropologists are so concerned
about information in their own field they may fail to find vital information
in another field. The scientists forget that there might be other perspectives
that they should consider, but do not know unless they study other
sub-fields. The basic argument of this article is, that contrary to
what anthropologists believe, scientists in anthropological sub-disciplines
can grow to help each other solve the same great question that all
of the anthropologists are asking "How can we know more about
people?" We as anthropologists should be working together with
other sub-disciplines of the anthropological world, comparing data
so that we can then help forward the greater anthropological goal of
knowing people more in depth. The author makes her point clear by clearly
laying out real life scenarios that all anthropologists can relate
to. For instance the coalition of archaeologists she put together for
her excavations in CLARITY – 4
Dowling, John H. Individual Ownership and the Sharing of Game in Hunting Societies. American Anthropologist. Volume 70, no. 3: 1968:502- Hunting and gathering societies have been around since the dawn of time. These societies have survived by dividing work between members of the group and then pulling together as a whole to share in the wealth. Dowling’s main points of focus are the concepts of sharing and owning between members of hunting and gathering societies. The individual society’s or tribe’s survival depends on the ownership or sharing of food acquired during the hunt. Dowling wants to show how the sharing of food allows for the survival of a tribe and its members. Dowling points out that most hunting and gathering societies do share food with the other members within the tribe. For example, if there was a tribe composed of different family groups, and one family group was successful on the hunt, they would share their kill with the other family groups even if it meant they were left with too little. By doing this, the family group gains influence throughout the tribe, as well as the other family groups now owe this family group food. So a few days from now, when this family group was not successful on the hunt, they can still eat because another group will provide them with food. However, some groups claim ownership of their kill and will not provide any other people within the tribe with food. The Central Eskimo will claim an animal as soon as the hunter sees it. The first hunter to see an animal stakes his claim then the group will kill it, but the hunter who saw it first gets all the food. The Copper Eskimo stakes his claim on an animal by inflicting the first wound, rather than killing the animal. There are some groups that stake ownership of a kill, but will still share the food with the others. Staking their claim on the kill builds up their influence within the group. This eventually leads to wealth and power. Many observers of this sharing of food consider this dysfunctional to the family that is doing the sharing. However it actually aids their survival. Dowling points out that many of the hunting and gathering societies that do share food, tend to depend on food provisions from day to day. So sharing their food, even if they do not have enough, ensures that they will eat tomorrow. The Plains Indians ascribe ownership a little differently than do other cultures. If there was a raiding party to steal another Indian group’s horses, the leader of a successful raid was the owner of all the horses. However, the leader of the raid was also supposed to distribute the horses among the people who followed him. This sort of ownership often led to struggle and disputes among Plains Indians. Dowling presented this article in order to prove that many hunting and gathering societies depend on one another to make it to the next day. It is a collaborative effort on the part of all members of a tribe. However, this does not hold true within the societies of people who do not share their food or goods. Within certain Indian groups, such as the Copper Eskimo, the women will hide food when they cook in private. When they cook outside of the hut, people will constantly walk around the food to make sure the woman does not steal any. CLARITY: 5 Dowling, John H. Individual Ownership and the Sharing of Game in Hunting Societies. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:502-507. hunting societies there are two patterns of behavior that involve the sharing of game. The first of the two patterns ascribes ownership of an animal to one person when many help in acquiring it. Second, is the idea of community wide distribution. In a society where sharing game benefits the whole, does individual ownership become disruptive to the socioeconomic structure? Looking at patterns of reciprocity and property relations among hunting societies helps to answer this question. The tribes being focused on are the Central and Copper Eskimo, the Crow, and the Blackfoot. In many instances, sharing food is crucial to hunting societies, and individuals must rely on other members of the society when unable to contribute. When an imbalance in food distribution occurs, a counterbalance is found in the striving of individual production. Distributive food sharing and the effects of ascribing food to an individual can be seen as equally important. In a hunting society, individual ownership is not socially disruptive, the absence of it is. CLARITY: 4 NOA
PEDERSEN
Dupre, Whihelm. Obituaries: Paul Joachim Schebesta. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol.70 No.3: 537-542. Paul Joachim Schebesta
was born in In the field, he practiced functionalism by believing that culture is a phenomenon that relies on social situations or other factors to maintain its purpose. He never theorized in his essays about the cultures he had studied; he only gave the description of the event. He would analyze and re-analyze the same situation and the same scenario but only accepted the events for what the community saw them as. Therefore, criticism can never hurt his descriptions of his reports, but only make them more complete, because he never made general claims or overall conclusions about a situation. "Man is man wherever he emerges as a cultural being"(540). A man cannot be studied and evaluated without the complexities and conflicts that surround him. Schebesta was a missionary as well as a scientific researcher and it is hard to believe that his ideology did not influence his research conclusions. He recorded once in his journal that he "encountered God" when he helped an old women while he was wandering around in deep thought. No one should make the assumption that his religious beliefs interfered with his scientific research, just as he would never have taken for granted the observations and situations he collected about a culture. CLARITY: 5
Evans, Clifford. Obituary: James Alfred Ford, 1911-1968. American Anthropologist. December, 1968. Vol. 70 (6): 1161-1167 The author of this obituary, Clifford Evans, looks back on the life of the very influential archeologist, James Alfred Ford. One thing that made Ford unique is that he advanced in so many areas. Clifford adds that Ford was a innovator, pioneer, a creator of new techniques and methodologies, a synthesizer, and a builder of solid foundations of knowledge on which many scholars have build their research. Ford was born on
February 12, 1911 in Despite all his
travels, Ford’s passion stayed with the southeast. He made numerous
contributions to archaeology in the area. He excavated sites such as
Marksville, Poverty Point, Menard, and the Ford also worked
in Evans mentioned
some honors that were bestowed on Ford for his contributions to archeology,
such as receiving the Spinden Medal in 1966 for outstanding accomplishments
in theory, methodology, and chronology of the archaeology of the CLARITY RANKING: 5 NIKIA REAVES
Freeman, Susan
Tax. Religious Aspects of the Social Organization
of a In this article,
Freeman outlines the social structure of Valdemora, a small Castilianvillage
in the northern part of CLARITY RANKING: 5 ROBERTSON,
Gluckman, Max. The Utility of the Equilibrium Model in the Study of Social Change. American Anthropologist 1968 V. 70 (2):219-235 The author wrote this paper to help explain and to teach others to apply the Equilibrium Theory. There had previously been much criticism about this theory, and the author hopes to clear the misconception up about this theory. All social life exists in time, and all social processes involve change, but there needs to be an identification and measure of time and of change. It is arguable that every social institution, or cultural pattern, has a time scale in its structure. Gluckman proposes these be called Structural Durations. For example, a family system can only be analyzed in four generations, or sometimes up to six or seven, because by that time the first generation will be dead and no longer an integral part of that society. However, things like wars and plagues interfere with this analysis, because people in the family structure may die and the structure will have to be changed to accommodate these untimely deaths. In actual history a colonial raiding party may come and convert a normally polygamous society into a monogamous one. Therefore, in order to create a measuring scale for time, a model has to be formed where no internal or external events interfere with an institution’s structural duration. This model is the Equilibrium Model and its use is in the study of social change. According to Gluckman, the main mistake of most critics is to try to apply this to actual history where many changes take place, like repetitive or recurrent personal changes and limited and radical structural changes. For example, Leach said, "real societies exist in time and space", but he also said that the model holds "real power". The Equilibrium Model is used as a kind of compass to the normal direction and can be used, through collection of data and comparison, to see where and when a change took place. The most important thing about the Equilibrium Model is its flexibility; the more data that is collected, the stronger and more versatile the model becomes and can be used. CLARITY RATING: 3 Gluckman, Max. The Utility of the Equilibrium Model in the Study of Social Change. American Anthropologist 1968 Vol. 70:219-238. Misunderstandings of the equilibrium model have led critics to believe that the model does not address the many changes in a social system throughout actual historical time. Misconceptions, clarifications, and the advantages of the model need further exploration. The model is criticized because of the practitioners’ obscure intentions. Critics believe the model implies that every social institution is in a state of equilibrium in which all social change can be studied in actual historical time. Misunderstandings arise because the exponents of the model do not clearly explain their intentions. The model contends that every social institution has it's own "built-in time scale," or structural duration. Therefore, social institutions with a structural duration that spans several generations, such as subsistence systems or legislatures, can be analyzed as if they move through their structural duration without being interfered by "internal contradictions and external intruding events." Therefore, the model proves advantageous by creating a framework for observing change throughout structural duration. The equilibrium model is merely a first step in making observations about structural duration. Further research can be introduced into the model when analyzing the more complex social relationships and “ranges of reality.” CLARITY: 4 KACEY
Goldberg, In this article,
Harvey Goldberg explores the factors that influence the rigidity of
stratification by examining three village communities in the Through the examination
of distinct communities in the Goldberg also analyzes the social stratification of a third community, an Israeli village that he calls Even Yosef. By applying similar analytical procedures to this community, he concludes that Even Yosef has an intermediate level of mobility in its system of social stratification. While Even Yosef shares many of the factors contributing to social mobility with Sakaltutan, the system of social stratification more closely resembles that of the more rigid Lebanese Shiite Muslim community. To explain this discrepancy, Goldberg asserts that in addition to the eight factors listed above, the degree of elite orientation to the outside world should also be considered as a factor influencing social stratification. The community of Even Yosef is highly dependant on the external world, and the elite group dominates these connections, perpetuating a more rigidly defined system of social stratification. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Goldberg, The social stratification
of three Middle Eastern communities has been influenced by
several factors of differentiation. Elite
groups existing in peasant communities are compared with one another
in order to decipher the developmental system of rank. Those
groups taken into consideration are a Lebanese community, a central The high rate of "intergenerational
mobility" is associated with central Low mobility is associated with elite members in a Lebanese community. In this village, the high elite status dominates prestigious factors such as "religious nobility of decent, literacy, and religious learning." Elite members of this group are referred to as "learned families" and are much wealthier than the nonelite who are referred to as "peasants." Within this community, there is a sense of alienation toward the nonelite. Those who rank with the nonelite are typically laborers of the land owned by the "learned families." Those recruited into the higher ranking groups, generally follow principles of decent. Marriages between groups are finely balanced in accordance with the economic determinants of land rights. There is a strong tendency to keep the land within the status of the "learning families" and refrain from selling to members of the alienated group. Women will inherit land, who prefer to marry men of the elite status. Thus, maintaining a pattern of stratification through elite endogamy. Intermediate mobility
is associated with an immigrant village in CLARITY: 3 Josh
Agusti
Greengo, Robert E. Alfred Vincent Kidder, Obituary. American Anthropologist April, 1968 Vol.70(2): 320-325 This article is designed to point out the influence of Alfred Vincent Kidder on the anthropology and archeology worlds during the extent of his life. Many people die every day, but not many of them are given the credit they are due. Alfred Kidder from an early age was awestruck by anthropology and he made it his life goal to spread this love and knowledge of anthropology to others. The author makes this point clear by giving examples of Kidder’s life work and devotion to the science he loved. The main point of this article is Alfred Kidder did make a difference in both the anthropological and archaeological worlds. Kidder’s major role in the anthropological world was his contribution of his knowledge to those students studying under him. He also contributed to these influential realms by serving on the board of many anthropological and archeological societies. Citing both information
Kidder wrote, and contributions to the anthropological world brings
out this point of his importance in the humanities. The author’s viewpoint
is supported by excerpts from Kidder’s many books including; An Introduction
to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology, With a Preliminary Account
of the Excavations at Pecos (1924), and other writings about southwest
cultures and archaeological studies. These writings were re-enforced
by the participation in the study of many different humanities. Kidder
was involved in the founding and the early years of the following organizations:
the Society of American Archaeology, the American Anthropological Association,
the Division of Anthropology and Psychology. He was also a member of
the faculty of the CLARITY- 2
Khuri, Fuad. The
Etiquette of Bargaining in the The author starts by defining the word "bargaining" as "taking place in free markets, where the buyers and sellers meet with opposing economic interests. It brings order to the market by enabling the buyers and the sellers to develop a relationship between them, based on mutual terms." Khuri then compares some of the bargaining methods of people in less developed countries. He says that bargaining is not socially dysfunctional, although in bargaining there is an element of suspicion, the bargainer must not engage in open conflict if he/she wants to conclude the sale. The author describes
the techniques that the bargainers in the The seller has the utmost confidence in inquiries about the item’s quality. The seller then would ask the buyer to price the item. The buyer, however, would ask the seller to price the item so he would not bring on any chance of insult to himself. Once the seller names the price, the buyer would declare the price too expensive and pretend to leave the shop, which make the seller reduce his price until a final price is reached. Bargainers would sometimes use business tricks to manipulate a bargain such as offering credit. This establishes a long-term relationship between the buyer and seller, and it creates trust between the two. Bargaining also affects the social status of the seller or buyer. They try to equalize or improve their status by the rules of bargaining etiquette. If a seller or buyer is successful in his/her approach, this could increase their social recognition. Bargaining as a whole is essential to the opening of sustained economic relationships between buyers and sellers. Buyers can avoid unreliable sellers, and in turn, sellers can avoid distrustful buyers. Bargaining controls a marketing system that seems to be unmanageable without it. CLARITY RANKING: 4 NIKIA REAVES Kuri,
Faud L. The Etiquette of Bargaining in the Bargaining is an
integral part of market place economics in the Structured reciprocity,
as a non-market activity, precludes bargaining. Exchanges such as the
Kula transactions are based on nonhierarchical acts of bonding, wherein
exchanges and acts are expected to be equivalent in nature. Exchanges
that are not equivalent in nature are seen as hierarchical, such as
within the Potlatch practice among the Kwakiutl Indians of North America.
Within reciprocity, lack of equivalence is regulated through loss or
gain of prestige among both giver and receiver. Within the market place
of the The rules of supply
and demand have an effect on bargaining power afforded to a prospective
buyer. Specialized producers of certain items may allocate them first
to kinsmen or to people of high rank. Persons of lesser rank or less
immediate kinship ties, may delay their attempts to purchase these
items until such time as they become less in demand. There are also
informal guidelines which dictate what is acceptable within the bargaining
procedure. The seller often encourages the buyer to establish what
he would pay for the commodity, with the understanding that he will
likely make a counter offer. The experienced buyer would likely suggest
that the seller price his own goods, in an effort to not limit his
buying power. Often when the seller establishes a price the buyer would
declare that it is too expensive and pretend to leave the store. Even
when a price is established for the sale of an item, the transaction
is not complete. It is common at this point for the buyer to use this
established price to hunt for a similar product elsewhere, with the
knowledge that he may come back if he does not get a better deal. In places where
members of a family sell goods as a team, a common technique is for
one family member to pretend to undercut the other member’s price.
The potential buyer feels like he is getting a deal on an item. This
feeling is reinforced when the original family member expresses displeasure
or even outrage over the newly negotiated price. This pretense is played
out to the point of argument and abuse between the family members,
so that the buyer begins to feel that he would be foolish to not accept
a price that has created such commotion among the sellers. Bargaining time is often dependent on many factors, such as type of item, initial price, and how often this item might be consumed or purchased. Items such as foodstuffs may have little or no bargaining associated with their purchase, whereas new clothing or a carpet may require some time to establish a price. High value items such as diamonds often require the greatest amount of negotiation between buyer and seller. Women are seen as taking longer to bargain, though not necessarily to negotiate better prices. CLARITY: 3 ANDREW
Lal, B.B. A Deluge? Which Deluge? Yet Another Facet of the Problem of the Copper Hoard Culture. American Anthropologist October 1968 Vol. 70(5): 857-863 The various archaeological
finds of “copper hoards” in the Two possible theories
exist in the absence of any possibility for human action placing the
potsherds in their found locations. On the one hand, they may have fallen into
the deposits in question by way of natural fissures on the surface
of the soil. The other theory,
based on evidence suggesting that the deposits may have been laid by
the actions of water, is that the area was subjected to severe and
extended flooding. Several possible causes for such a flooding
have been conjectured. One may
have been heavy rain over a long period of time. Another
possibility, tectonic shifting, may have stopped-up or clogged the
Ganges system or even caused a tributary of the Indus river to spill
over into the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lancaster, Jane B. On the Evolution of Tool-Using Behavior American Anthropologist. Vol. 70 no. 1 Pgs. 56-65. In this article
Jane Lancaster re-explores the evolution of tool use and its relatively
unimportant role in the evolution of modern humans. Science has often
rested on the ideas that once our ancestors started using tools they
became smarter, learned to make weapons for enhanced defense, and evolved
at a much quicker rate than any other mammals or primates. To support this
argument So it is not the use of tools that make us human. If that were true then chimpanzees would be considered human, too. Instead it is our innovation and our mental expansion that have allowed us to evolve into a modern, skillful species. CLARITY: 5 Lancaster, B. Jane. On the Evolution of Tool-Using Behavior. American Anthropologist February 1968 Vol. 70(1):56-66. Theories about the evolution of hominid and primate tool use are examined through the modern tool-using behaviors of chimpanzees. New observations and recent developments give new insight into how the fossil record might be interpreted. The frequency of tool use among ancient primates is related to how early hominids, particularly homo erectus, out-competed other primates for this environmental nitch. As the African hominids improved in their ability to make tools to exploit the various African environments, the number of tool-using techniques amongst primate species may have declined. It is possible that this process may have led to a common ancestor, of both primates and early hominids, that had similar tools to the ones used by modern chimpanzees today. Immature chimps, watching their parents use twigs to fish for termites, can be seen attempting to reproduce the adults’ behavior. The infants have also been observed conducting this activity out of season in what may be regarded as a play activity. Baboons, who also enjoy eating termites, are seen watching the chimps but never attempt to copy the behavior. This is not attributed to a difference in overall intelligence but to very specific differences in aptitudes. The tool-using aptitudes of chimpanzees and modern humans have a number of striking similarities. Both species seem to conceive of objects as potential tools. Also, the genetic makeup of both humans and chimpanzees is very similar. These points suggest that the tool-using behaviors of early hominids may have closely resembled those of modern chimpanzees. CLARITY: 3 STEPHEN
Leser, Paul. Obituary: Paul Honigsheim. American Anthropologist June, 1968 Vol. 70 (2):546-549. This obituary for
Dr. Paul Honigsheim, born March 28, 1885 in Many luminous friends and associates, including sociologist Max Weber, became the subjects of Honigsheim’s intimate biographical accounts, which are now of historic significance. Writing until the end of his life, Honigsheim produced hundreds of articles on topics ranging anthropology, sociology, education, epistemology, philosophy, religion, the youth movement, and pacifism. He periodically revised his views on various topics and often added a disclaimer to references to his own earlier publications which stated, "the author no longer adheres to the views contained in this article." A true citizen of
the world, Honigsheim died in In addition to references cited, the author has included an extensive selected bibliography. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Leshnik, Lawernce. The This article evaluates
the claim that "Lothal was a port settlement with direct trade
relations with The author of this
article critically evaluates Rao’s theories, and re-examines the information
given. There was "conclusive proof" that ships were berthed
at the ‘port’ of Lothal according to Rao; Leshnik states, "Such
certainty is rare in archaeology…" which is a very astute remark.
In fact, Rao had considered Lothal a port before he had even discovered
the basin. The supposed imports from CLARITY: 4 G. THOMAS BENTON JR. UNC Charlotte (Gregory Starrett) Leshnik,
Lawrence S. The Early excavations
at Harappan reveal what may be a budding trade port of ancient If indeed Harrappan was a port, it was poorly constructed when compared to similar sites in the area. Also, the “port” would have been situated in such a way that ships would have found difficulty docking. There are some questions about whether the water depth was even able to accommodate water faring vessels. In addition to excavated sites, present day people have been observed using basin like structures, much like the one at Harappan, to dam up water from nearby lakes and rivers for agricultural purposes. Basins utilized for drinking water have also been discovered throughout the area. Although there is not a defining amount of evidence to support either of these theories, ethnographic and regional comparative archaeological evidence support the irrigation canal hypothesis. CLARITY: 5 KACEY
Lloyd, C. Peter. Divorce among the Yoruba. American Anthropologist February 1968 Vol. 70 (4): 67-81. In looking at the
divorce rates among the Yoruba, a group of people in the southwest
of Some of the factors promoting divorce include conflicts and tension, structure of the society, and lastly the legal rules surrounding Yoruba marriage. Some things that can cause marital tension include the economic independence held by the man and woman. Usually the men work in the fields and the women are craft workers. Many times jealousy and ideas about witchcraft and sorcery come into play. Many times in a polygynous household older wives, especially after menopause, are overlooked and left to the side. Due to the structure of Yoruba society the husband must pay bride wealth, which is shared between the bride’s parents. All of the children conceived during the marriage belong to the husband. The death of the wife terminates a marriage, but upon the death of a husband the rights his wives have pass to his junior siblings or children. The woman takes all divorce actions. A man who is dissatisfied with his wife will ignore her. Bride wealth is expected to be paid back, but as time passes and they have children a smaller percentage of the bride wealth has to be repaid. Very few Yoruba, especially those in divorcing age groups adhere to traditional religious practices. Most of them are Muslim or Christian. Individual and family values play a larger part in decision-making than those held by the social groups outside the kinship. Childlessness was
a major reason for the woman to seek divorce. This seems to show that
childbearing and not compassion are the main reason for remarriage.
The lowest African divorce rates seem to occur among patrilineal people
and the highest show up among the matrilineal. These are shown by the
fact that in patrilineal societies women are alienated from their natal
descent group. In the CLARITY RANKING: 2 |
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