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American
Anthropologist
Barth, Fredrik. On the Study of Social Change. American Anthropologist December, 1967 Vol.69 (6):661-669. Barth challenges the traditional techniques of analyzing social change and offers an alternative approach. Traditionally social change was viewed as an "anthropological investigation," similar to religion or social organization. This portrays social change as a custom of society, which makes it, on the whole unobservable. Customs have morphological characteristics, much like those of individual items of behavior. Barth argues for (a) a greater attention to empirical study of the events of change, and a need for concepts that will enable this; (b) the necessity for specification of the nature of the continuity in a sequence of change, and the processual analyses this entails; and (c) the importance of study of institutionalization as an ongoing process. To truly understand change, social anthropologists need to describe all of society in such terms that we see how it persists, maintains itself, and changes through time. In light of the common unwillingness to abandon well-established routines, change must be viewed as a series of events. It is through attention to frequencies of allocations, by describing the pattern itself as a certain set of frequencies, that it is possible to observe and describe these events of social change. Barth turns his attention to a study on entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurs are agents of change: they make innovations that actively affect, and change the communities they are part of. The dynamic character of a society, or propensity for change, is often observed in the prevalence of entrepreneurs. Barth’s method for observing this phenomenon, is by asking not what makes an entrepreneur, but what does the entrepreneur make? This views the character of change itself, not the prerequisites. Once again, where are the resources and time being allocated. This line of analysis has been offered as an improvement to our analytic and predictive abilities regarding the interpretation of social change and dynamics. Concentration should lie in the observation of the events of change, not the prerequisites of its synthesis. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ROB O'BRIEN
Bender, Donald R. A Refinement of the Concept of Household: Families, Co-residence, and Domestic Functions. American Anthropologist October, 1967 Vol.69(5):493-504. Bender focuses on defining families, co-residence, and domestic functions. The first section of his article deals with households and families, the second on households alone, then on co-residential groups and domestic functions, and finally he structurally defines family. Bender defines a family as kinship, while a household is determined by propinquity or residence. Therefore, families must be defined strictly in terms of kinship relations and not in terms of co-residence. If there is a divorce and one parent moves out of the household, they are not suddenly banned as a member of the family. Next, he goes into two definitions of household as stated by Solien de Gonzales. She defines households composed of only a married pair as ‘affinal’ and uses the term ‘consanguineal’ in reference to ‘a co-residential kinship group which includes no regularly present male in the role of husband-father." There are no precise meanings for the concepts ‘co-residential group’ and ‘domestic functions,’ but there are many ways in which these two ideas may vary. Bender separates the two and then explains various theories associated with co-residence and domestic functions and their roles in relation to households. He sums his family structure portion of the article by stating that the family is a strictly kinship phenomenon and, as such, is best defined strictly in terms of kinship relationships. Bender also discusses the nuclear family, social structure, and social function in terms of family structure. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Benfer, Robert A. A Design for the Study of Archaeological Characteristics. American Anthropologist December, 1967 Vol.69(6):719 730. Analysis of archaeological characteristics began by using statistical models developed in population genetics and psychology. Benfer discusses the benefits of factor analysis over cluster analysis. He presents statistical methods generalizable to all quantifiable artifact characteristics. Benfer believes significant results after the application of statistical models are only possible if samples are small. Archaeological cultures can be defined only when significant variation with respect to either artifact types or characteristics is found between different time periods. Nevertheless, significant co-variation may exist without significant cultural variation. The over-all strategy of Benfer’s general design is to discover and validate the structural components of artifacts. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Bennett, John W. Microcosm-Macrocosm Relationships in North American Agrarian Society. American Anthropologist February, 1967 Vol.69(1):441-453. Bennett questions the autonomy of the agrarian community in an increasingly interconnected global world. Many scholars believe that North American farmers are vulnerable to national bureaucracy. However, Bennett argues that most of the time farmers manipulate bureaucracy’s objectionable features or rather work over the system’s undesirable rules. Farmers have great room for movement as the agricultural economy becomes
more closely connected to the national system. The goal of profitable
commercialization was the objective from the start of colonization of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Cohn, Werner. Brief Communications: "Religion" in Non-Western Cultures? American Anthropologist February, 1967 Vol.69(1):73-83. Cohn suggests religion may not exist universally. He believes many scholars assume that religion does exist universally due to the misuse and multiple use of the term. Cohn stresses that when the term "religion" appears in ethnographies regarding non-Western cultures, there is always an implicit comparison with Western culture. Cohn states that part of the problem stems from ethnographers setting one criteria for determining religion outside of the West while setting another criteria for determining religion in the West. As a result, the West has significantly tainted notions regarding the universality of religion. Cohn applies similar objections to the idea that an analysis of the belief in spirits in non-Western cultures is useful. Analysis of this kind implies that the complicated semantic problem of how to define "spirit" cross-culturally has a satisfactory solution. Cohn concludes that the only assumption one can make of all cultures is that men will invest some activities with greater emotion compared to other men. Even so, measuring the degree of emotion invested in activities and considering them religious, spiritual, or sacred revives the emic verses etic controversy. The degree of emotion in men is not measurable. With this, Cohn believes the argument that religion exists universally is fallacious. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Evers, Hans-Dieter. Kinship
and Property Rights in a Buddhist Monastery in Studies of Sinhalese society stress the close connection between kinship
and property rights. At first glance, the kinship system of the Evers questions if temple property controlling monks select relatives as pupils. His field data statistically proves it the norm for chief monks to ordain relatives as pupils with claims to temple property. He only finds monks without property rights to take non-relatives as pupils. Evers discovers pupil heirs to be either brothers’ children or sisters’ children and concludes that pupil-teacher relations tend to be between a paternal or a maternal uncle and his nephew. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Driver, Harold E. Correlational Analysis of Murdock’s 1957 Ethnographic Sample. American Anthropologist June, 1967 Vol.69(3):332-351. Driver analyzes Murdock’s sample of patrilineal and matrilineal
kin systems. Driver discovers how influential social and economic organizations
are important to the New World compared to Driver illustrates a parallel correlation between patrilineal and matrilineal marriages. Both patrilineal and matrilineal kinship systems practice exogamy and forbid parallel-cousin marriage. In the Mediterranean parallel-cousin marriage is allowed. They allow marriage of the mother’s sister’s daughter, and also allow marriage of the father’s brother’s daughter. This is practiced because it keeps the property and prestige within the kinship group. In Driver’s final classification he compares Murdock’s ethnographic data to his own and formulates several tables. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Gillin, John. More Complex Cultures for Anthropologists. American Anthropologist April 1967 Vol.69(2):301-305. The use of modern ethnological methods in conjunction with science has given a wider base of understanding to anthropologists and allows for study in arenas previously untouched such as economics and politics. The object of this cooperative work is to integrate complex systems theories with the multi-faceted broad and narrow anthropological views to understand the causes of unrest and possibly prevent future revolutions. The primary question asked is, what holds a complex sociocultural system together? Examples of how ethnology and archaeology will change and compliment
other fields are given, such as the ethnological study of social structure
in CLARITY RANKING: 2
Gravel, Pierre Bettez. The
Transfer of Cows in Gisaka ( This paper investigates several myths associated with institutions centered
on the use of cattle. Gravel first gives a brief political history of The next section speaks of cows in terms of subsistence. Many of the meals eaten in Gisaka do not include cow products. In a survey of three hundred and eight meals: milk was served sixty-nine times, butter was never served, and meat was served fourteen times, none of the servings of meat was beef, they were chicken and goat. While most believe cows are a way to form a relationship, studies here show differently. It is not the gift of a cow that determines the nature of a relationship; it is the relationship between donor and recipient that determined the nature of the gift. Gravel states that no one owns a cow in Gisaka. The only thing that gives and maintains the value (social, not commercial) of a cow is the occasion for which it is transferred from one person to another, and the number of times it has been transferred. He concludes by saying cows are not symbols, but rather tokens serving as proof of the authenticity of the relations they recorded. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Graves, Theodore D. Acculturation, Access, and Alcohol in a Tri-Ethnic Community. American Anthropologist June, 1967 Vol.69(3):306-321. CLARITY RATING: 5
Hackenberg, Robert A. The Parameters of an Ethnic Group: A Method for Studying the Total Tribe. American Anthropologist October, 1967 Vol.69(5):478-492. Hackenberg discusses the holistic anthropological method and the purely inductive method of ethnographic research. Anthropologists using the inductive method examine single communities to make generalizations about entire areas. Hackenburg believes examining only single communities within an entire area results in a gap in the information gathered by ethnologists. However, when the ethnologist gathers data that notes age, sex, health, residence and kin affiliations, status in procreation, subsistence, ceremonies, and social grouping, inductive research becomes more valuable. Hackenberg combats the inductive method by showing that aerial photography, computer technology, and genealogical data were helpful in a study of the Papago Native Americans. Seven generations of kinship networks were studied to understand the cultural change of the Papago Native Americans. Hackenberg gives an ethnographic account of the Papago using the holistic approach and shows that physical and behavioral facts need to be studied if anthropologists desire a whole picture of any given society. CLARITY RATING: 4
Haring, Douglas G. Carol Ann Fisher (1929-1967). American Anthropologist December, 1967 Vol.69(6):733. Fisher received a Doctorate of Social Sciences from CLARITY RANKING: 4
Holloway, Ralph L. Jr. Tools and Teeth: Some Speculations Regarding Canine Reduction. American Anthropologist February, 1967 Vol.69(1):63-67. Holloway critically examines the present view that the loss of canine teeth in early hominids is directly related to tool-using and tool-making. He suggests that the reduction of the canine teeth is primarily a consequence of selection for social behavior attributes. Holloway argues that tool-making is not a primary causative factor of canine reduction, and that tool-making has been overemphasized as a critical early hominid adaptation. Holloway explains other scientists’ point of view on the topic and discusses why he believes that their views are not feasible. He then sights scientists who agree with his point of view and builds on their arguments. He concludes by stating that stone tools are important. Stone tools were a great advantage, but they need to be put into the proper relationship with adaptation. Tool-making did not precede other cognitive changes, but was one outcome of such changes. CLARITY RANKING: 2 CARLY J. SCHROCK :
Hotchkiss, John C. Children
and Conduct in a Ladino Community of Hotchkiss describes the role of children in the social structure of
Teopisca, a town in the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Kennedy, John G. Mushahara: A Nubian Concept of Supernatural Danger and the Theory of Taboo. American Anthropologist December, 1967 Vol.69(6):685-702. Before the appearance of the new moon, the Nubian observe Mushahara. Kennedy examines how the Nubian practice of Mushahara is applicable to all anthropological theories regarding the concept of taboo. Kennedy discusses his disappointment with the fact that evolutionists, functionalists, and Freudians all justifiably explain the reasons behind Mushahara differently. He believes this is the result of the lack of a constant definition of taboo. Nubian data suggests that taboos take their meaning from situations that are socially defined as sacred and dangerous. Kennedy suggests cooperative and diachronic studies should be made regarding taboos’ association with other institutions. This may achieve a better understanding of the reasons for certain taboos. Kennedy believes further studies of taboos are needed and may reveal a great deal about the large role the institutionalized non-rational plays in human society. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. Archaeology
and Metallurgical Technology in Prehistoric Lamberg-Karlovsky focuses on the development and components of the metal
working technologies of the Baluchistan, the Sources of ore deposits are examined to determine which culture received their raw materials from which geographical area. Copper and tin were the primary metals exchanged between cultures. The traces of other metals within these two ores can help track its origin and path of travel to the place where it was finally worked by a smith. In addition to tracing the origins of the ores, Lamberg-Karlovsky describes the manufacturing techniques for many artifacts and the types of metal items that are associated with each respective culture. The diffusion of technology from the west to the east is stressed and can be seen more in the diffusion of manufacture techniques and ideas than in actual diffusion of vessel and artifact forms. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mark, Lindy Li. Patrilateral Cross-Cousin Marriage among the Magpie Miao: Preferential or Prescriptive. American Anthropologist January, 1967 Vol.69(1):55-61. Patrilateral cross-cousin marriage occurs in the southwestern Magpie
Miao culture of CLARITY RANKING: 4 MEGHANN O’BRIEN
Murphy, Robert F. Tuareg Kinship. American Anthropologist April, 1967 Vol.69(2):163-170. The orthodox interpretation of kinship terminology involves the search for positive connections between nomenclature and social or psychological reality. Murphy believes the true source of kinship interest is not the fit but the discontinuity between nomenclature and kinship systems. Murphy believes kinship terms are neither mere labels of social status nor simple expressions of basic binary distinctions in the cognitive map of the family. He suggests they serve to mask and counterfeit social relationships and thus function to conceal from their users social systems as they actually operate. Murphy illustrates this with his study of Tuareg kinship. Tuareg kinship illustrates that imbalance and dissonance may be the very essence of structure. Nomenclature, like much of culture, may be used to perpetuate an illusion. Murphy asks anthropologists to go beyond the eye of strict empiricism and reach into structure, not as provided by informants, but as derived from research and analysis. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Nash, June. Death as a Way of Life: The Increasing Resort to Homicide in a Maya Indian Community. American Anthropologist October, 1967 Vol.69(5):455-469. Nash considers the variables and relationships instrumental in homicides to social structure and individual sanctions. Behavior patterns expressed through killing are looked at to determine what social controls are at work. The curers, who have animal spirit and knowledge of ritual, try to prevent witchcraft through sanctions. Common talk about aggressive drunkards is that they "look for trouble" and will "wake up dead." They are considered possessed and when killed are often cut to pieces. These vicious acts ward off outside investigations because they infer that the killing involved witchery. Men are the killers but women and neighbors are able to work through them, to agitate and provoke killings. Sometimes the reasons are not clear due to multiple factors such as economic, family tensions, and witchery. Curers will determine the ones to incriminate by "pulsing" a patient, i.e. saying names to see when pulses increase. After funerals of murdered people men will sit around and speculate about the reasons, which in turn re-enforces the behavior. Social tensions often cause homicides, but politics and economic disparity are new causes. Personal security and interests are changing the social structure in the Teklum community. The fact that transitions have been collectively agreed to suggests that intracommunal conflicts are being kept in check through the practice of homicide. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Nerlove, Sarah and A.K. Romney. Sibling Terminology and Cross-Sex Behavior. American Anthropologist April, 1967 Vol.69(2):179-187. Nerlove and Romney examine variations among sibling terminologies and suggest a functional explanation for certain aspects of the differences among systems. This article focuses on their hypothesis that special cross-sex relations, such as brother-sister avoidance, will tend to produce terminological distinctions between the terms used between siblings of the opposite sex and between those of the same sex. Nerlove and Romney explain how they began with the presence of 4,140 logically possible types of sibling terminology, and then devised a typology limited to twelve types using two principles: 1) the assumption that disjunctive categories are avoided in natural classification systems, and 2) the assumption that the sex of the ego will not occur by itself as a primary component. Nerlove and Romney attempt to find a functional explanation of cross-parallel sibling terminology. They argue that a long post-partum sex taboo may produce a series of special institutionalized practices such as avoidance, joking, etc., and that these in turn determine terminology. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Possehl, Gregory L. The Posshel challenges a theory concerning the abandonment of the ancient
cities of the The city of CLARITY RANKING: 4
Reid, Russell M. Marriage Systems and Algebraic Group Theory: A Critique of White's An Anatomy of Kinship. American Anthropologist March, 1967. Vol.69(1):171-177. Reid examines algebraic models that deal with marriage systems and kinship among Australian aboriginal groups. Reid points out that White’s previous attempts to develop an algebraic description of prescriptive marriage systems were flawed. Although White acknowledged that these descriptions could only be applied to certain Australian groups, Reid explains why they don't apply. In this critique, Reid clarifies the reasons for White's failure, by analyzing his model and then looking at two separate groups is has been applied to, the Purum and the Kariera. Strong emphasis is also placed on some ethnographic inaccuracies also presented. White's models were designed to deal with marriage systems, which are prescriptive. In the case of the Purum, whose marriage rules are proscriptive, his model is nonapplicable. Basically, White has constructed an accurate formal model of what a truly asymmetrical prescriptive marriage system would be. The only problem with his logic, is that no truly asymmetrical prescriptive marriage systems can be found in his examples, as pointed out here by Reid. Reid's alternative is to not deal with individual persons in the model, but rather categories of relations. This, he offers, is the only valid approach to a formal algebraic description of a kinship system. CLARITY RANKING: 4 ROB O'BRIEN
Reina, Ruben E. Milpas and Milperos: Implications for Prehistoric Times. American Anthropologist Febuary, 1967 Vol.69(1):1-20. Reina argues maize maybe a reason for the fall of the Maya. Reina explains the present-day cultivation of maize, or milpa, by the Itzá, descendants of the Maya. He strives to connect the information to the Maya past. The Itzá plant three crops per year, one regular crop and two emergency crops. The best land for the cultivation of maize is in a sandy soil, located on the highland. Maize must also have an open space where it is seen by the sun and air and be placed on a slight slope to grow. Land is not privately owned but may be passed down, usually to a son. There is no visible competition for land, since fields are placed far apart from one another. Itzás cultivate enough maize for their own needs; there is no over production. Itzás use the slash and burn method for the clearing of land and use only one tool, a stick, for seeding. They organize their maize in three different categories: black, yellow, and white. There has been a shortage of maize in the past. The shortages are usually due to epidemics, but animals invading crops and wars have also been culprits of bad harvests. Reina concludes that maize is an extremely important
determinant in the Itzás lives. It is the primary source of food in their diet, moreover,
the cultivation of maize is the number one economic activity in the culture.
Reina states, "If during ancient Maya times settlements were as
independent of one another as they are today, it would have been quite
difficult to erect monumental structures." Reina believes that because
of the shortage of food, the slash and burn technique has caused the
group to individualize and scatter. Therefore, food shortage and a cash
culture may have led to the collapse of Mayan religious centers in the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Reynolds, Terry Ray. Time, Resources, and Authority in a Navaho Community. American Anthropologist April, 1967 Vol.69(1):188-199. Rimrock Navaho communities are examined and used to support the idea
that variation in Navaho social organization is part of a system organized
with consistent principles. Reynolds thoroughly describes the setting
of Rimrock, in Reynolds provides valuable data regarding resource control. He explains how a Navaho works hard not to accumulate wealth for his own benefit, but for his extended family. Also included are guidelines revealing who controls resources at specific times. The resource controller has the ability to direct tasks such as flock movement and the making of important decisions. This role changes hands at the death of the resource controller. Reynolds explains the transmission of the role to a new person. Reynolds concludes by explaining how his data makes clearer the relationship between Navaho social organization and other matrilineal systems. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Richardson, Miles. The Significance of the "Hole" Community in Anthropological Studies. American Anthropologist February, 1967 Vol.69(1):41-53. Roads, economics, education, religion, and medical tend to depend on urban networks. Towns are distinct but much of their socio-cultural needs and activities are intermeshed with cities. Even when asked where they are from townspeople indicate the cities. The author uses economic examples to show how towns transact with cities simply because better roads and public transportation have made it easily accessible. Town governments are also affected by cities appointing their politicians. These factors turn towns into extensions of cities, as well as national representations, rather than distinct townships with their own particular problems and solutions. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Ritchie, James E. Ernest Beaglehole (1906-1965). American Anthropologist February, 1967 Vol.69(1):68-70. Ernest Beaglehole did much to establish anthropology in In 1931 Beaglehole came to Beaglehole was a Foreign Fellow of the British Psychological Association, a Fellow and Hector Medallist of the Royal Society of New Zealand, and was a member of the Council of the Polynesian Society. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Silverberg, James. Obituary of Robert Randolph Howard 1920-1965. American Anthropologist December, 1967 Vol. 69(4):71-72. Robert Howard was an expert on Jamaican archaeology. He graduated with
honors from CLARITY RATING: 5
Silverman, Julian. Shamans and Acute Schizophrenia. American Anthropologist February, 1967 Vol.69(1):21-31. Shamanism and schizophrenia include behavior that is grossly non-reality-oriented, abnormal perceptual experiences, profound emotional upheaval, and bizarre mannerisms. Silverman believes the only difference between shamanism and schizophrenia is the degree of their cultural acceptance. For, the same behaviors that are viewed in Western society as psychotic symptoms are in other societies effectively channeled and many times perform important social functions. Silverman discusses the five stages shamans and schizophrenics experience. These stages include: 1) precondition: fear; feelings of impotence and failure; guilt, 2) preoccupation; isolation; estrangement, 3) narrowing of attention; self-initiated deprivation, 4) the fusing of higher and lower referential processes, and 5) cognitive reorganization. Silverman concludes that, in contrast to the shaman, the chance of the schizophrenic successfully returning to normalcy is small. The emotional support of the shaman and even possible elevated status alleviate a crisis-ridden individual’s strain and anxiety. Silverman laments that the support a mentally ill shaman receives is often completely unavailable to the schizophrenic in Western society. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Sorensen, Jr., Arthur P. Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon. American Anthropologist December, 1967 Vol.69(6):670-684. Sorensen addresses multilingualism and how it relates to social units and cultural identity for the tribesman of the Northwest Amazon region. Sorensen describes how tribes forming homogeneous, yet multilingual cultural group constitute about 90 percent of the population in this area. The other people live in separate, monolingual groups, one being a nomadic Indian tribe and the other being those whose lives center around rubber gathering and missionary work. Sorensen describes the social units in the area and how they work together. There are many different social levels that work form a complex relationship. He points out that there is a distinction made between tribal group and nationality. Though there are Brazilian Indians and Colombian, these groups identify their tribes by the languages they speak. Rather than defining the word "tribe" with cultural criteria, when studying these people it becomes necessary to define them using linguistic criteria. Sorensen then discusses how the people of this region translate between Spanish and their native language. They wait until the speaker is finished speaking the sentence, then the Indian takes a moment until he figures out how to say the phrase in his own language. This may be done even if most of the Indians in the area know Spanish. Repetition of a speaker is a social convention meant to show understanding and respect. When the men are gathered at the end of the day, one can tell how much respect is attributed to the elders by how much the listeners repeat them. Sorensen concludes that multilingual conversations happen effortlessly and unconsciously all the time. Speakers begin conversations with their tribal language to illustrate affiliation, but then switch to whatever language is easiest to use at that time. He then goes on to point out that homogeneity of culture does not necessarily equate to homogeneity of language. Sorenson concludes with the idea that a linguistic theory dealing with single language/single culture will be inadequate to explain the linguistic methods of the tribesman in the Northwest Amazon. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Toffelmier, Gertrude. Obituary. American Anthropologist April, 1967 Vol.69(2):200-203. Edwin Meyer Loeb’s (1894-1966) principle work Sumatra: Its History and People reflected his synthesis of collected facts through observations and literatures and his "interpretation of them as recurrent traits or complexes of traits." It showed his meticulous care for detail and interpretation of cultural data. He was schooled at Yale where he received his Ph.B., M.A., and Ph.D.
(1922) in anthropology under professor Keller. That same year he became
a lecturer at the He was a prolific writer having over seventy published articles appearing in the American Anthropologist, Journal of American Folklore, etc. He also had two museum collections and made three scientific films. During World War II he used his ethnographic knowledge while working with the government in the field of foreign affairs. As much as his works he will be remembered for his positive approach to anthropology and for encouraging women to consider its opportunities and interests. He was one of the first to see the connectedness between anthropology and psychoanalysis and entertained all new and vital ideas into the discipline. He never resorted to dogma, was open to varieties of interpretations, and knew that facts needed theories even if they were temporal. His amenable acceptance of others and their ideas represented his anthropological understanding. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Tumin, Melvin. Social Stratification: The Forms and Functions of Inequality. American Anthropologist 1967 Vol. 70: 777-778. Anthropologists need to better accustom themselves with the sociological approach to class. The amount of literature on this matter can be overwhelming and confusing. Tumin’s basic criticism of the social stratification system is the differentiation, or lack there of, between the universal division of labor and individual access. There are five important attributes of stratification including social, ancient, ubiquitous, diverse, and consequential. Yet, with these attributes stated there still remains a fallacy trying to reify the criteria of universality. This is because anthropologists have to go beyond normal definition of what stratification means to assert universality. There remain four processes in which to sustain systems of stratification which are differentiation, ranking, evaluation, and rewarding. Status can be distinguished between ascription and achievement. For
example, the CLARITY: 4 OSA NOSA
Yadava, J.S. Factionalism in a Factionalism is the various functions social systems have in cooperation
and competition; also referring to the way the system was formed and
operated. With a focus on organization and areas of conflict, in addition
to the history of increased factionalism, a multi-caste, agricultural
Haryana village in Twenty-five years ago, social and political status, borrowing
ability, lending ability, and occupation depended upon one’s lineage. Only
slight tension rose between groups because one’s caste status strictly
determined their loyalty towards certain groups. Oftentimes, resolutions
were found by turning to games, like Kabaddi or wrestling matches, or
within village council groups. Now, growing sources of conflict that
lead to factionalism are economy and politics. Economic and political factors are based on competition, having a natural
tendency to increase conflict between villagers. Economic and political
situations allow one to see the boundaries more clearly due to the high
amount of conflict. Dharh*-baji, or engagement in factional fights, are
founded on conflicts between groups that are centered around common interests,
not simply descent, meaning boundaries of those groups are flexible and
individuals decide to be a part of the conflict. An example of a dharh*-baji is seen when an external political stimulus,
such as Gandhian teachings and the Freedom Movement, came into the village.
During this movement lower castes began to reject their role as inferior
members of society, acting as a catalyst for divisions not only between
castes, but also within castes. Internal peace within castes was broken
when some members refused to follow the movement, wanting to stand by
tradition. This broke up kin lines and castes, pulling together based
on political interests, not descent lines. While descent is still a factor
in political movements, a dominant caste is no longer a respected authority,
nor is community or household head. CLARITY: 4 KATHRYN N. BAZIL
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