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Ackerman, Charles. Structure and Statistics: The Purum Case. American Anthropologist. 1964 Vol. 66(2):53-65. Ackerman refutes Rodney Needham’s assertion that Purum marriages are
a "matrilateral connubium." According to Ackerman, "The
Purums are an ‘Old Kuki’ tribe of eastern Manipur," residing in
four small villages in eastern Ackerman attacks Ackerman employs two main strategies to disprove matrilateral connubium among the Purum. First, he uses a variety of statistical devices to demonstrate an absence of correlations between normative expectations and the actual marriages observed. Second, he makes the case that Purum terminology describing prospective mates is insufficient or contradictory for Needham’s assertion to be correct. He concludes by stating, "No tendency to avoid the direct exchange of women exists in the distribution of actual marriages. On the contrary, in a series of tests, the null hypothesis has been corroborated..." The null hypothesis, in this case, assumes no presence of the matrilateral connubium. CLARITY 3 TROY LINVILLE Southern
Ames, Michael M. Buddha and the Dancing Goblins: A Theory of Magic and Religion. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66: 75-82 The relationship between magic and religion has traditionally been explained
by academics in two different ways. Historians and scholars in the field
of comparative religious studies usually make clear distinctions between
folk magic and high religion. Anthropologists and sociologists, by contrast,
have focused on establishing what functional differences (if any) actually
separate these two categories. A good example of this integration comes from CLARITY 5 TRISH MALONE Southern
Arewa, E.O. and Alan Dundas. Proverbs and the Ethnography of Speaking Folklore. American Anthropologist December 1964. Vol. 66 (6 part 2):70-85 In this article the authors advocate studying folklore, specifically proverbs, in their original contexts in order to fully understand the genre and meanings held within this form of communication. The authors are concerned about how proverbs are applied in African social settings from home life to court rooms. In the “ethnography of speaking folklore” it is not only the text of a proverb that is important, but also the rules governing the use of the proverb in a given situation. The authors’ argument that even the best folklore fieldworkers record only texts is followed by a call to explore and record contextual explanations and evaluations from the community under observation. Recording the text of a proverb and the situations in which it occurs is not enough. Collection of the interpretations of a proverb from members of the culture is equally essential. The authors present fourteen Yoruba proverbs associated with child rearing, with culturally relevant explanations on how and when to apply each proverb in social context as evidence to support their argument. Examples are followed by a brief discussion on the importance of observing the channel of communication for the proverb, the vehicle for delivering the message: whether it is voiced or drummed. What folklorists may think is a chance variation in delivery may in fact be a reflection of channel alternatives. If the use of proverbs is communication, then the ways in which it is used as communication and contexts surrounding that communication must be taken into account. The article includes an appendix of proverb texts in Yoruba orthography and literal translations as well as standard English. Clarity: 5 JAYNE SMITHSON CSU
Bidney, David. Paul Fejos. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66(1):110-115. This is an obituary of Dr. Paul Fejos, was prepared by David Bidney.
Paul Fejos was born in Instead of putting his medical degree to use, Fejos moved to the Fejos returned to the CLARITY RATING: 5 BRANT IVEY: Southern
Berndt, Ronald M. Warfare in the New Guinea Highlands. American Anthropologist 1964 vol. 66 183-203 In this article Berndt outlines the main features in the available published
material of several Berndt begins by discussing the political unit of ten regions of the new Guinea Highlands. The first unit is Kamano, Usurufa, Jade, and Fore. He describes this region as fighting in the name of the district and not with their villages or lineages. In this region most of the fighting was between members of districts but were also the main source for marriage partners and were also guests at certain festivals and ceremonies. When a district was defeated parts of that district could be scattered over a wide area and some refugees overtime would become affiliated to their host district and lose their own political identity. The next political unit he covers is the Gahuku-Gama region. This region is similar to the first region but emphasized friendship and common origin when considerations of warfare were made. In this region refugees were treated in a rather different light for when women were captured they saw them as dangerous and typically killed them. Alliances between some tribes were typically seen as enduring and all others were considered transitional. In this region as well as several others mentioned in the article warfare was regarded as incompatible with marriage. The next region is Siane. This region was a patrilineal virilocal clan based villages. The clans in this region typically fought other phratries and typically clans were hostile between unrelated clans. Although they or hostile towards one another they would supply each other with wives in this way they would form alliances particularly when fighting other clans. This also provided refugees a friendly place to fall back on when defeated by an enemy. This also created a neutral group in the time of war who would watch the events unfold and offer advice on how to settle the conflict. Typically in all the regions discussed in this article compensation would be made after the war. The overwhelming goal in warfare in New Guinea Highlands discussed in the article was to scatter the enemy and force them to become refugees while in the process killing some of them and leveling their houses and gardens. Berndt points out that warfare’s role in the social
political environment of Clarity ranking: 4
Berreman, Gerald D. Aleut Reference Group Alienation, Mobility, and Acculturation. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66(2):231-250. In this article, Gerald Berreman discusses the process of acculturation found in the Aleutian village, Nikolski. To do so he looks at how reference groups, social mobility and identification affect the Aleut people, comparing these features with other cultures and situations. Berreman further uses this analysis to uncover the processes involved in situations where a small cultural group is dominated by another larger culture. Berreman explains that Nikolski is a village of about 60 Aleut people. He studied the village in 1952 and 1962. Many white people had contact with the village, and Berreman found that villagers desired to gain their respect. Berreman claims that villagers are identifying more with white culture, as the level of contact increases. Part of this identification with white culture appears to be coming from the increased use of radios, newspapers, and magazines, and also from increased travel and communication opportunities through commercial air service into the village. Berreman uses the concept of the reference group to analyze the Aleut culture of Nikolski. He defines a reference group as the group, holding to a certain set of norms, on which a person bases their own actions and behavior. This group is called a person’s membership group, if they are a member of the group, but membership is not required for a group to be a reference group. Berreman uses Turner’s reference group typology to analyze the Nikolski Aleut, contrasting the identification group (with which a person identifies while trying to become a member of the group) with the valuation group (which affects or is affected by the person though the person does not identify with its standpoints or values). Berreman explains that most Aleuts use whites as a valuation group but keep other Aleuts as their membership group. Although the Aleuts want to be respected by whites, they also practice reference group alienation within their own culture. Reference group alienation is shown by Aleuts acting hostile towards whites when the latter aren’t around. When an Aleut is only with white people, he or she usually acts as though they are a part of white culture. When Aleuts are in a group of whites and Aleuts, they usually identify with the norms of their membership group because this group will offer more sanctions. Berreman claims that some Aleut do not conform to the typical behavior models of other Aleuts. For example, Sophia is an Aleut woman who identifies with whites and acts like them even in front of other Aleuts. The other Aleuts look down on this type of activity and say that "she always pimps for the whites." She is alienated from her membership group and identifies with the white group. Sophia acts in a mobile way. She is trying to be accepted into the white group. Berreman likens this type of action to that typically found in the military, where soldiers act like their superiors to gain a promotion. Berreman seems to believe that the attitudes held by Sophia and other mobile Aleuts come from some sort of dissatisfaction with their membership group. Berreman looks at the issue of mobility and finds that terms used for mobility, such as "pimping" in Aleut culture, tend to be negative terms. Examples of these are: brown nosing, sucking up, pushing, etc. Berreman also found similar issues within Hindu society in the CLARITY RATING: 5 BRANT IVEY: Southern
Boissevain, Jeremy. Factions,
Parties, and Politics in a Boissevain’s article defines and illustrates the concept of "faction" by
giving examples of groups in conflict in a Maltese village and then determining
which ones should be termed factions. The author believes that various
authors use this term so differently that comparative analysis is difficult.
Boissevain’s analysis focuses on a village in Using Festa partiti divisions, two groups each celebrate a Saint,
have a band club, a social club, and an elaborate annual celebration
with fireworks. These divisions began in about 1900 when a new parish
priest who particularly liked St. Rouge wanted a celebration and social
club in honor of him even though the village already honored Two other groups in bitter conflict involved\ followers of the Malta
Labour Party and those of the Archbishop. Membership in these political
divisions cross-cuts the partiti groups and is split equally between
supporters of Also discussed are conflicts within groups and clubs. Boissevain mentions
how some clubs include very vocal members of both the Another conflict, which divided the village for about a month, concerned
the redecoration of the village church. During the redecoration the Parish
Priest had hung his coat of arms in the church, an act which many people
opposed, and when the priest left it was stolen. Some members of the Boissevain draws on previous definitions offered by Lasswell and Firth
to conclude that only two groupings within the CLARITY RANKING: 5 DANA DEKAY Southern
Boyer, Ruth M. The Matrifocal Family among the Mescalero: Additional Data. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol.66:593-602. In this article, Ruth Boyer presents a detailed overview
of the family structure of the Mescalero Apache. She draws on her own
fieldwork, which
she describes as "an intensive socialization study," and which
was carried out in Kunstader's understanding of matrifocality emphasized the following elements: "a co-resident kin group having no regularly present male in the role of husband-father, the most effective relationships being those between consanguinal kin." Kunstader estimated that 15% of the Mescalero population lived in households which fit this definition and cited economic conditions, Apache bilaterality, and the ideal of neolocality as supporting conditions of this pattern. Boyer found that other aspects of Mescalero society were closely related to matrifocality and thus needed to be considered. These included current household composition, preferred and actual residence patterns, friendship and visiting patterns, and economics and subsistence. Boyer is especially insistent that the strong emotional bond between female relatives be fully recognized, for she believes this factor may be more pertinent to the matrifocal standing of the Mescalero than the effect of an absent male father/husband figure. It seems that the social standing of Apache men had indeed shifted drastically since what Boyer terms "pre-reservation days." Formerly, "the man was ideally the decision-maker for the nuclear family... today, the woman frequently makes the major decisions and handles the family income." Boyer points out the tension between "the Apache whose prestige formerly depended upon his ability as a hunter-warrior-raider" and the modern Apache who is faced with the disagreeable option of accepting jobs regarded as "White man" work. Without a "positive, pride-permitting" role, therefore, many men took to drinking and living on relief money. Boyer notes that, "in this respect, Mescalero resembles other Indian reservations." Boyer's study included 198 Apache families, the composition of which changed often, in keeping with the Apache nomadic tradition. Only 17 of these had "no model whatsoever for a husband-father." Nine households were headed by widows; four by divorcees; and some of the others by women who could be expected to marry soon. Despite the ambiguous status of the Apache male, Boyer remarks that "Apache expectations include the presence of a husband-father figure in the home." In some matrifocal families, a brother or an uncle fills this role. Boyer noted that these father figures are often less heavy-handed than the mother in disciplinary matters yet participate easily in "domestic" chores. Contrary to expectations, Boyer’s analysis of employment showed that economic conditions do not necessarily keep the man away from home for extended periods, but that his presence is still recognized while he is absent. Boyer’s comprehensive overview of Mescalero demographics illustrate how ties between female kin control housing arrangements. While friendships between non-kin are rare, visiting between female relatives is common and is facilitated by residential proximity. Although many Apache paid lip service to the ideal of neolocality, Boyer observed that "families cluster with their kin or in an adjacent chicken coop, barn, or tent rather than live in more isolated, but neolocal, fashion," causing government-built houses to go unoccupied on the outskirts of the reservation. Boyer concludes that the Mescalero are indeed "matri-centered" within a network of female-kin ties, but that defining matrifocality around the absence of a male father figure does not capture the reality of Mescalero matrifocality. CLARITY RANKING: 4 KELLY McCOY Southern
Buchler, In this article, I. R. Buchler does an analysis of all Crow-type kinship terminology systems. He notes that in previous attempts to assess Crow systems, only a few case studies were included. Buchler, however, proposes to include all known Crow-type terminology systems in his analysis and to make an explicit note of their variability. Here he illustrates a method of determining which Crow systems are identical, of demonstrating how each Crow system differs from every other Crow system, and of showing how much overall variation there is within Crow-type systems. He also illustrates structures that are partial and incomplete expressions of an underlying principle which governs the development of Crow kinship terminologies by reviewing Lounsbury's recent contributions to structural studies. He begins by explaining scalogram analysis, which "applies to any universe of qualitative data of any science, obtained by any manner of observation" and provides a method for ordering qualitative data. In this case, Buchler uses kinship terms as the data variables, which are scored negatively or positively depending on whether a term was used in the typical Crow-type sense or if it was used differently. In order to get the most accurate information, Buchler had to arrange the kinship terms in such a way that it would yield the maximum "coefficient of reproducibility." Theoretically, an acceptable coefficient of reproducibility would be .90 or above. The formulas are presented and explained in considerable detail. The first scalogram analysis included eight kinship term variables from seven systems, including Tlingit, Creek, Choctaw, Cherokee, Chickasaw, Crow, and Hopi. The terminologies are listed and a graph is presented to show the scale type of each system, determined by whether each term is used or not. Since the terms have been ranked to produce a high coefficient, the systems appear as being ranked from lowest to highest. Some exceptions appear in the graph, as when a variable that is ranked higher is used while the expected lower ranked variable is not. These are seen as scale errors and are exceptions within the general terminology patterns of Crow-type systems. The second scalogram analysis used sixteen terminology variables and included all forty-one systems that are of the Crow type. His data shows the systems' order and rank, and the scale type which the analysis produced. There were twenty-seven scale errors and the coefficient of reproducibility was .959. Buchler goes on to explain each unreported kinship term and what their exceptional terminological assignments are. The twenty-seven exceptions occur in seventeen of the forty-one systems. So far, Buchler has just categorized the kinship systems. To continue his study, he presents a transformational analysis, which will determine what rules generate the different kinship assignments. He illustrates the rules and corollaries, which Lounsbury has established. These "expansion" rules include the skewing rule for Crow type I, the merging rule, the half-sibling rule, and the skewing rule for Crow type II. Each rule has a corollary. He then analyzes which rules are applicable to the terms which were seen as exceptions within the scalogram analysis. He also presents a diagram listing each of the kin-types, the related expansion rules and corollaries for that term, and the general terminological variables used. This listing is then rearranged to show each system within its scale type, the exceptional kin-types that apply to the system, and the expansion rules which affect how these assignments are determined. Lounsbury classifies Crow systems into three major types: fully bifurcate, semi-bifurcate, and non-bifurcate systems. "This typology is based upon the classification of [Father's Sister], [Father's Sister's Daughter], their female parallel collaterals, uterine descendents, etc., and their reciprocals." Buchler uses these distinctions to explain another skewing rule used to differentiate between fully bifurcated and non-bifurcated systems. By making these distinctions, generally used classes (such as "mother" and "child") can be classified, as can collateral and lineal relatives. All aspects of Crow-type terminologies are included within one of the typologies. The Zuni and Finally, Buchler wraps up his article by explaining the different purposes for which category words can be used to distinguish kin. Some believe kinship terms are used to signify social groups, whereas others (like Lounsbury) believe that kinship terms are used for the purpose of genealogical reckoning. In Lounsbury's words, "the ‘basic meanings’ of primary category terms are primary kin types." Buchler's final summary stresses that the different analyses work effectively to produce the information needed because "they are a basic extension of culture in nature." CLARITY RANKING: 3 COREY HOVEN: Southern
Burling, Robbins. Cognition and Componential Analysis: God’s Truth or Hocus-Pocus? The American Anthropologist. 1964 Vol. 66(1):20-28. Linguistic anthropologists use formal semantics to categorize words
by their meaning. One of the procedures of formal semantics is componential
analysis. In this article, Burling, of the Semantics is the meaning of words, and componential analysis is the system used by linguists to categorize sets of words and their interrelationship. An example would be the set of words "tree", "spruce", "pine", and "oak". "Tree" is the main set under which fall "spruce", "pine" and "oak". In comparing a term in relation to "tree", for example, the word "spruce" would be given a value of "+" because it is a tree, and "rose" would be given a value of "-" because it is not a tree. A subcategory of the set would be "evergreen" where, if the tree was an evergreen as in the case of a spruce, it would be given a value of "+" and "-" if not, such as in the case of an oak. Items in a set like the one above can be divided in a number of ways. Burling provides a number of examples to illustrate the many ways a set of terms can be divided into subsets and how the complexity increases as larger sets are worked with. Compounding the issue, to list two of the problems presented in the article, are "homonomy," where a term may have two different meanings; and "redundancy," in the sense that the division of sets into subsets does not have to be non-redundant, which greatly increases the number of solutions. In addition, Burling believes that hierarchal classifications, such as in the grouping of "tree", "spruce", "pine" and "oak", gloss over the issue of indeterminacy. He uses as an example the cedar, which is a tree, but is it an evergreen? If evergreen is defined as a "needled" tree, cedar is not really "needled", but, then again, nor is it "leafy". Its classification, therefore, becomes indeterminate. What is the "cognitive" difference between a hemlock and a spruce? He claims these questions "must be answered before any single semantic analysis can claim to represent the cognitive organization of the people, or even claim to be much more than an exercise of the analyst’s imagination." Burling critiques Frake’s taxonomic classification of
medical terms of the Subanun language of Burling’s conclusion leans far over to the "hocus-pocus" side. That is, he suspects that when an anthropologist undertakes a semantic analysis, rather than discovering some psychological reality which speakers of the language truly share, the linguist is simple working out a set of rules which somehow take account of the observed phenomena. Burling urges that we should be content with showing how terms in language are applied to objects in the world and stop pursuing the illusory goal of cognitive structures. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Highly technical and difficult. CAROL VEILLEUX Southern
Bulmer, Susan and Ralph. The Prehistory of the Australian New Guinea Highlands. American Anthropologist August, 1964 Vol.66 (4):39-76. This article deals with the prehistory of the central highlands of The non-archaeological evidence is considered first, examining the relations
of highlands peoples to one another and contemplating the antiquity of
man in the regions. A number of the hypotheses originally proposed by
these studies show fault in analysis, and the authors suggest different
approaches to the evidence provided for the prehistory of the The latter part deals with the archaeological evidence in the The phase sequence places earliest occupation of the highlands by pre-neolithic
people. Following is a second phase marked by the appearance of new complexes
of technology for cultivation. This includes the appearance in the Western
Highlands of a new complex of artifacts, which shows a possibility of
immigration into the area by peoples possessing this technology from
the North or Northeast. Included in this phase is the appearance of the
axe-adze. Speculated is the existence of ancestral language groups to
modern highlands peoples during this time. The third phase marks the
appearance of new styles of axe-adzes in certain areas. This is the phase
where intensive sweet potato cultivation shows up in the highlands. Pottery
shows up in the CLARITY: 3
Cassinelli, C. W. An Introduction to the Principality of Sakya. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66(5):1105-1109. C. W. Cassinelli describes the governmental and political structures
of Sakya. Sakya, a Tibetan principality, constituted a small polity of
around 17,000 people with a strong autonomous political system until
it was taken over by communist Cassinelli studied the area of Sakya that contained the political and
religious capital, an area of 2100 square miles. The aKHon family, whose
ancestors had previously been the rulers of all There were about 25 hereditary noble families, but the highest status in the society belonged to the governmental officials. These officials were selected by the KHri CHen, and could be from either noble or common backgrounds, depending on the preference of the ruler. Not only was the KHri CHen the governmental ruler of Sakya, he was also the principal lama of the Sakya sect of Tibetan Buddhism. This position reinforced his leadership role and brought in money through donations from other Tibetan Buddhists. This role of lama did not affect the operation of the monasteries in Sakya. The KHri CHen only had domain over the government. The government was responsible for keeping Sakya peaceful. It enforced laws and had a court to settle civil disputes. The KHri Chen had considerable power, as long as he operated within the traditional beliefs of the Sakya culture. The KHri CHen was then able to make drastic policy changes, so long as they supported "traditional beliefs." The next most powerful person in the Sakya government was the ZHabs Pad. This person, similar to a grand vizier, served as an advisor to the KHri CHen. Depending on the KHri CHen’s personal preference, the ZHabs Pad could end up running the government, or in the case of a very political KHri CHen, he could just provide minor assistance. Other officials of the government served as the ZHabs Pad’s staff. Some nobles worked as servants to the aKHon family. Succession to the KHri CHen position was passed through the male line of the aKHon family, but no specific son was automatically chosen. The sons were able to compete for the position, sometimes resulting in splits in the aKHon line. This system categorized by Cassinelli as a "traditional" social organization, resulted in an integrated system of economics, religious beliefs, social deference, and taxation. CLARITY RATING: 4 BRANT IVEY: Southern
Chafe, Wallace L. Another Look at Siouan and Iroquoian. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66:852.862. Chafe begins his article by acknowledging that the relationship between the Siouan and Iroquoian languages is not "new." Chafe considers his article to be a continuation of the earlier work of Louis Allen, whose article "Siouan and Iroquoian" has not received sufficient professional attention, but he briefly notes other authors who have written about this issue aas well. Chafe's main goal is to compare the Seneca and "Pre-Seneca" to the "Proto-Siouan" languages, pointing out their obvious "similarities." It should be noted that the author includes all Siouan languages in his reconstructions, but only one of the Iroquoian languages (Seneca and Pre-Seneca) because sources were so limited. Chafe provides a list of 67 cognates, which are words in different languages that have the same origin. The Seneca form (Se) or Pre-Seneca form (*) is given first, and the Proto-Siouan (PS) is next. The author also provides "attested reflexes" after the Proto-Siouan form, which is acknowledged by the first two letters of the specific language. For example, "Wi" for Winnebago. The author also includes a Proto-Siouan-Iroquoian form (PSI) at the end of each set. Before the actual list, the author explains, very specifically, more about how the cognates are structured, including what it means when there are hyphens, accents, "hooks," shortened lengths, etc. An example of one of these cognates is as follows: Again. Se *(?)are(?) (>?ae?) / PS *akhe (>Da ahke). PSI *akhe. The author then provides a list of the phoneme correspondences from the 67 cognates, the structure being Seneca/Proto-Siouan. After each of these correspondences there is a "suggestion," in parentheses, "of the Proto-Siouan-Iroquoian phoneme with which the correspondence may be equated." The numbers of correspondence entries are then listed. After this extensive list, the author then compares the phoneme inventories of all three forms, which are illustrated in side-by-side charts. Another set of charts is presented to illustrate the reflexes of each form’s phonemes. Chafe's discussion of the results of the charts is difficult to understand unless the charts themselves, and all of the other data, is understood first. The author concludes by pointing out a few basic similarities
between the grammatical patterns of both Siouan and Iroquoian languages.
These
similarities suggest to the author that "virtually all of North
America east of the CLARITY RANKING: 3 LINDSAY GILLESPIE Southern
Cohen, Yehudi A. The Establishment of Identity in a Social Nexus: The Special Case of Initiation Ceremonies and Their Relation to Value and Legal Systems. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66: 529-552 Cohen presents an alternate approach to the problem of initiation ceremonies. He departs from the established work of Van Gennep and Durkheim (1909) and the more recent work of Whiting and his students (1962) in asserting that initiation ceremonies "help to establish a sense of social-emotional anchorage for the growing individual." He argues that the resulting emotional identification, the "feeling one with another person," allows society to function and encourages growing children to identify with adult roles. Societies manipulate these relationships in specific ways in order to create identification with relevant kinship groupings and socially important value orientations. Specifically, Cohen notes "if a society wants its growing members to acquire an anchorage outside the nuclear family, it is going to have to interfere with or weaken a child’s identification with his parents." Cohen takes the foundational work of Gluckman and Radcliffe-Brown as starting points in showing how societies manipulate the child’s relationship to his nuclear family at the first and second stages of puberty. Two primary types of manipulation are examined: extrusion from the nuclear family household or brother-sister avoidance in early puberty, followed by actual initiation ceremonies coinciding with the appearance of secondary sexual characteristics. Cohen hypothesizes that practices and rituals at each stage will co-vary with different social conditions and tests his hypotheses against a sample of 28 societies. His findings confirm that the orientation of initiation rituals fits specifically with the relationship that is valued between the nuclear family and wider society. Finally Cohen seeks to correlate initiation ceremonies with legal systems (specifically liability), since he feels this provides a way to concretely specify what is meant by a term such as "social-emotional anchoring." Again, his hypotheses are largely confirmed. Cohen concludes his article by reiterating his points of agreement and disagreement with Whiting. Both agree that the problem of identity is central to understanding initiation ceremonies. However, while Whiting sees initiation ceremonies as resolving conflict in sex identity, Cohen argues that initiation ceremonies should be seen as playing a wider social role and connect with other customary kin-related practices to define the child’s relations to his nuclear family and kin groups. CLARITY 4 TRISH MALONE Southern
Coult, Allen D. Role Allocation, Position
Structuring, and Ambilineal Descent. American Anthropologist 1964. 66(1): 29-41. Coult’s article offers a broad analysis of role allocation,
status, and position structuring in social groups and uses these concepts
to compare and contrast aspects of ambilineal and unilineal descent groups,
in an effort to shed light upon empirical ambilineal descent. The author
does not set out to prove one particular point, but rather highlights
a number of differences between the two kin systems and uses examples
to illustrate how these differences affect societal structure and kin
relations. However, within these broad comparisons, two reoccurring concepts
emerge— that position structures of ambilineal descent groups are more
variable than those of unilineal groups and that role structuring in
ambilineal groups is based less on kin-type differentiation and more
on allocation of roles to other types of positions. Coult
spends much of the article defining basic kin-terminology, providing
definitions for "role," "status," "ambilineal," "unilineal," "kin-type," and
numerous other subsets and derivatives of these words. Particularly
in the first half of the article, he clarifies the general concepts
of kin-types and then uses these definitions to reevaluate the more
particular concepts, while suggesting that these concepts can be
utilized in an analysis of any type of social system, in particular,
kinship
systems. In formulating his definitions, Coult generally refurbishes
previous definitions from other anthropologists of the 1950s-60s,
namely Biddle, Linton, and Parsons, and in some cases he redefines
the terms
in relation to his own theories. To illustrate differentiation between
ambilineal and unilineal descent groups, the author refers primarily
to studies of Polynesian kinship systems, and uses these examples
to demonstrate how kin structure defines social position, role and
affiliation.
A basic kinship diagram is also used to elucidate the reoccurring
argument for “alternative possibilities of corporate affiliation for an ambilineal
descent group”(37). Though the author admits that his
analysis is based on nominal definitions, and that empirical systems
cannot fit any model exactly, he maintains that empirical systems can
be understood and explained if similar elements are used in both the
model and the system. Coult presents his data with little jargon and
thus makes a reasonable, though highly simplistic argument, based primarily
on the application of basic definitions, general kinship concepts,
and vague examples. CLARITY: 4
Coult, Allan D. Role Allocation, Position Structuring, and Ambilineal Descent. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66(1):29-40. In this article, Allan D. Coult describes the relationships between roles, positions, and ambilineal descent. He has three main goals in this discussion: to define the concepts of position and role so that each is independent of the other, to use these definitions in analyzing the concept of ambilineal descent, and to use this information to clarify the features of ambilineal descent groups. Coult defines position, or status, as a feature of someone that can be either recognized or unnoticed by themselves and others. These features can take such forms as physical traits or group memberships. He defines role as a feature of a person that is implied by their position, which affects the way that he or she is treated and acts towards others. Coult claims that the concept of role always signifies the existence of a position, but that a position does not need to be connected to a role. In a social system, or "group of interacting persons," there are position structures and role structures. A position structure consists of the total attributes of the group of interacting persons. A role structure consists of the total sets of roles in the social system. A factor that results in a role structure for a certain group becomes a position structure for the sub-groups involved with it. Coult goes on to explain how status and role play a part in genealogical space. Genealogical space is the way in which male and female units are linked, that is through the descent link, affinity link, or sibling link. The descent link is a vertical linking of sex units. The affinity link is a horizontal link, and the sibling link is a horizontal link under the same vertical link. Position is involved in genealogic space through a concept called kin-type. A kin-type is a position that consists of each possible combination of links. A subset of a kin-type is called a kin-set, and unilineal descent and ambilineal descent are types of kin-sets. If membership in a group is defined through relationship to a living person, a kindred results, if the defining relationship is to a deceased person, the result is a descent group. Coult then uses these concepts to predict differences that would be
likely between ambilineal and unilineal descent groups. He expects
that ambilineal groups will be less kin-type differentiated than unilineal
groups, will tend towards less complex kinship terminology systems,
will
practice cross-sex avoidance but rely less on joking relationships
between relatives, and devote little attention to formal marriage exchanges.
These predictions appear to be borne out by the association between
ambilineality
and Hawaiian kinship terminology and by a tendency towards "status
rivalry" in ambilineal Coult also compares the roles of exogamy, segmentation processes, and succession to authority patterns in each system, finding significant differences. He explains that ambilineal systems typically rely on symbolic features beyond kin-type structure (such as formal seating arrangements, serving orders, and food redistribution ceremonies) to confirm structural relationships. This is logical since, as his analysis has shown, ambilineal structure is not determinable by descent principle alone. Coult concludes by contrasting succession to authority roles. These can follow patrilineal, matrilineal or ambilineal principles in ambilineal systems (patrilineal are the most common) and thus may differ from the actual rule defining membership, something that can never occur in a unilineal group. CLARITY RATING: 1 BRANT IVEY: Southern
Despres, Leo A. The Implications of Nationalist
Politics in Despres examines two theoretical models that have been used to study Caribbean societies, and proposes a third model which he believes to be a more realistic approach to cultural change in emerging nations with different cultural sections. Despres argues that both the pluralist model and the reticulated model
are inadequate for understanding the cultural changes of nationalist
politics in Neither model permits anthropologists to systematically investigate
nationalist politics in CLARITY 4 TRISH MALONE Southern
Diebold, A. Richard, Jr. A Control Case for Glottochronology. American Anthropologist October, 1964 Vol.66(5)987-1006. This article was written as a defense of a lexicostatistical technique called glottochronology. Glottochronology, developed by Swadesh, is based on a set list of commonly used terms ("basic" vocabulary) from two languages whose similarities and differences are analyzed to produce a time estimate for their linguistic divergence. Percentage of cognates (common terms) between the two languages are believed to decrease at a constant rate as their separation lengthens. Specifically, the logarithm of the percentage of cognates in the two languages is divided by the logarithm of the constant "r", the rate of retention, and this result is assumed to be the number of years in millennia since the languages separated. Swadesh calculated the retention rate "r" by using Salishan languages with written records and known times. Solving the equation backwards, Swadesh’s data indicated an 86% retention per millennium based on the hundred-word list and 81% per millennium based on the 215-word list. All languages were assumed to have had the same retention rate. Diebold’s paper was written specifically in defense of a paper published by Bergsland and Vogt in Current Anthropology in 1962. Bergsland and Vogt had solved for "r" using three different languages with written records and had come up with results that indicated a much slower rate of change. They maintained that these results disproved glottochronology and made a constant retention rate across cultures questionable. They suggested the difference might have been due to the sociolinguistic effect of having a "literary tradition" which could be expected to have caused the rate of retention, to increase. Diebold maintained that this result meant that glottochronology needed to be revised instead of totally rejected. He then attempted to show how this could be done for one sociolinguistic factor called "diglossia." Diglossia is a situation in which there exists a primary informal spoken language and a formal literary variation. Bergsland and Vogt had raised the question: from which language tradition should the "basic" vocabulary list be drawn? Diebold did a glottochronological analysis of diglossia using the formal and rarely spoken Katharevusa language and the informal and commonly spoken Demonic language, comparing them to their classic Greek ancestor. His hundred-word lists for each language are included in the article. The known time of historical divergence was 2400 years. However, using the Katharevusa list and an "r" of 81%, a time frame of only 938 ± 209 years resulted; with an "r" of 86%, the result 1311 ± 292 years. However, using the Demotic list and an "r" of 81%, a time of 2583 ± 394 years was produced; with an "r" of 86%, a time of 3609 ± 550 years resulted. The historically correct answer of 2400 years, therefore, was only within the standard deviation of the Demotic list with an "r" of 81%. However, Diebold had used the hundred-word list, which had an "r" of 86%. Diebold suggested that this discrepancy might have resulted because Swadesh had also derived his "r" values from languages with diglossia. Diebold argues that attacking glottochronology is not scientific, but that developing it is. He agrees problems do exist, but suggests that these are resolvable. He also sees his analysis as resolving the problem of the sociolinguistic effects of diglossia and literary traditions. Glottochronology, he concludes, must be done with the common spoken language. CLARITY RANKING: 4 COREY HOVEN: Southern
Downs, James F. Livestock, Production, and
Social Mobility in High Altitude James Downs uses a single example to further illustrate the existence
of the semi-nomad pastoralist social-economic type that The example that The informant’s family was able to achieve the status of a semi-nomad
family, because they no longer had to pay taxes after he became a secular
dancer for his provincial government. His uncle herded the yak and mDzo in
the mountains, while the rest of the family ran the farm. This uncle
was able to marry a girl who was from a nomadic tribe, bringing even
more prestige to their family, because they had a connection to a true
group of nomads. The additional herd of animals brought in more hair
and milk for the family, which they could sell for even more cattle.
The additional animals saved the family much labor, because they could
thresh more grain and haul more manure during farming season. The family
was also able to support more of their extended family, because of their
increased subsistence resources. This example shows that animal ownership
can really influence the status and subsistence of a family in CLARITY RATING: 5 BRANT IVEY: Southern
Ekvall, Robert B. Law and the Individual Among the Tibetan Nomads. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol. 66(5):1110-1115. In this article, Robert Ekvall describes the life of the pastorialist
nomads of According to Ekvall, Tibetan law was an amalgamation, or combination,
of three different law systems: canon law, royal law, and traditional
law. Canon law was the religious law taken from Buddhism. Royal law
was the law dictated by the "king." The traditional law was
based on an ancient law of reprisal, modified so that the repatriation
was
of mediated value payments instead of the violence that had been used
in the past. This amalgamated system of law was present in all parts
of The Tibetan nomads were also subject to these laws, but because of their
mobile nature they were not highly affected by the official canon and
royal laws. It became difficult for the central authority of Nomadic communities would pressure their members to conform to the traditional
laws when there were disputes between a member of their group and another
community. This pressure would come from the fear that the other community
would try to gain reprisal against the entire nomadic group, and not
just the individual who incited the event. Individual nomads found that
they could get around this pressure by just leaving their group and joining
another. Their mobile way of life made this very easy. The nomads of CLARITY RATING: 4 BRANT IVEY: Southern
Edgerton, Robert Pokot Intersexuality: An East African Example of the Resolution of Sexual Incongruity. American Anthropologist Dec 1964 vol. 66(6):1288-1299. Edgerton discussed the contrasting cultural responses to the universal reality of hermaphroditism or "intersexuality." Involving varying degrees of anatomical or physiological sexual ambiguity, this condition is estimated to involve 2-4% of the human population. Rates are lower, of course, when external genitalia are the only evidence available. Edgerton argues that all societies universally assume that division into two biologically based categories of 'men" and "women" is natural, and that exceptions must be explained through some sort of cultural lore. This paper reviews beliefs of Americans, Navaho, and especially the Pokot about intersexuality. Typical American responses combine psychological horror with fear of social incompatibility. Moral and legal questions, as well as practical problems, are posed. These include: how will a birth certificate be made out, can an intersexed person marry, is military service relevant, what public bathroom is appropriate, who does such a person date, and so on. For the most part, Americans resolve these problems at birth, with the parents choosing if the infant is to be raised as a boy or a girl. Once the decision is made, the child is dressed and socialized accordingly. As an adult the intersexual individual may choose surgery to create conforming genitalia. American culture allows only for "him" or "her" and does not allow for an incongruous "it." By contrast, the Navaho view intersexuality as a supernatural gift, with the intersexed person offered respect and reverence. Intersexuals are designated "custodians of wealth' and an intersexed child assures a family's future wealth and success. Special care and favoritism are given to such children. As adults they may head the family and be given control over property. Generally, intersexuals behave and dress as women and may have sexual relations with men as they choose. Intersexed animals are valued as well. Edgerton goes on to provide extensive detail about the African Pokot. Pokot distinguish between what is useful and useless, and apply this value system to intersexuality as well. People aspire to fulfill essential role expectations as either men or women, and three explicit performance stages define maturity in this society. These include sex-play, circumcision, and reproduction. Sex-play begins at age 10 or 11 and involves dancing, formal and informal conversations, gift exchanges, petting and sexual intercourse. Both males and females must be circumcised before adult status can be achieved, but an intersexual cannot participate in this definitive rite of passage. Finally, self-esteem and social merit depend on the production of children, since without children one is considered useless. Therefore, intersexed individuals can never be normal within Pokot culture, as they cannot pass the test of being "useful." Only through a life of hard work for the benefit of others may an intersexed Pokot receive some degree of acceptance. Their lives involve few pleasures and many indignities, however. This paper maintains that intersexuality raises fundamental cultural questions about what is "natural and right," and that each cultural system must provide a distinctive answer. Edgerton urges that a cross-cultural study of intersexuality might provide both practical and academic insights. CLARITY: 5 TRISH
MALONE Southern
Ekvall, Robert V. Peace and War Among the Tibetan Nomads. American Anthropologist 1964 Vol 66:1119-1148. This
article provides a detailed description of various aspects of peace and
war among the aBrog (wilderness
ones) or pastoral nomads of The author describes the nomads as being constantly concerned with peace. For example, their customary greeting "Khyod bDe Mo Yin Na?" translates to "Are you at peaceness?" The author believes that this continuing concern for peace is related to the "ever present realization that peace for the community, and more specifically for the individual, is fugitive and fragile, and strife is ever imminent." The Tibetan definition of peace is the four syllable epigram Dus bDe: gNas a Jam which means "time peace; place mild." The author explains that the words "time" and "place" have many different meanings in the context of peace. War also has many definitions as well as many causes. The main cause of ear is aKHon ("enmity") which can arise from oppression or "loss of wealth through theft or robbery" The act of war is expressed as M i bSod rT a sGyel, which means to "kill men: slaughter - or bring down possibly by hamstringing- horses." These pastoral nomads had relatively great political autonomy. It was difficult for rulers of larger Tibetan populations to include the nomads in their laws because the nomads were hard to locate and impossible to confine. Nomad law thus came to be a combination of the ethics of Buddhism, the "royal law" imposed by various kings and other rulers, and Tibetan folk law based on the retaliation of injured parties. Mediation or "achieving peace through agreement" served as a substitution for retaliation. Causes of war included loss of community livestock to raids, violation of water rights (including intentional poisoning of lakes and streams), poaching of certain animals, and the destruction of shrines. Ekvall reckons that the impatient and arrogant nomad personality might itself be a cause of war as well. The
nomads also sometimes fought for wider Tibetan ethnocultural reasons. Nomads "lived in a state of semi-alert" and
were always prepared for warfare. "Speed
of movement, patrolling, quick mobilization and displacement" were
aspects of daily activity. These qualities facilitated success in larger
warfare efforts. Ekvall claims
that nomad recruits provided the strongest part of the Tibetan cavalries. However,
nomads most often fought against other nomadic groups rather than against
the outside enemies of Despite the nomads' cultural emphasis on peace, peace was "a very fragile and delicate thing." Individual disagreements in the absence of intervention from a higher authority easily developed into war between communities. The author provides a description of the history and use of various weapons, including arrows, bows, swords and guns. Stones were also used frequently. Weapons were usually not carried by formal participants in religious events, though the showing and use of weapons was necessary in certain rituals. Women did not use weapons unless to hand them to, or hold them for, men. The author also describes nomad tactics for gaining possession of livestock, valuables and hostages. Great leadership and "effective timing and coordination" were crucial. Eventually, situations of warfare ended in a "turn toward peace" which was grounded in community fear of retaliation and was a response to "consensus and pressures within society." The development of larger-scale warfare at the national or regional level might also cause conflicting groups to cease their own fighting and form an allegiance. Mediators were very important in Tibetan society and were highly ranked in social class. Rulers and tribal chiefs would sometimes act as mediators as well. Mediators had different roles depending on the situation and thus were called either Bar Mi ("between men"), Bar aDum Ba ("between reconcilers") or gZu Ba ("strightforward witness ones"). Lastly, the author describes the three stages of the peacemaking process. In the preliminary stage, a truce must be called or imposed. If the truce were rejected, the mediation process would begin. Mediation must be accepted, in which case a delegation would be organized and all contestants and mediators would meet in a camp. The mediators paid for all expenses and there was much gift-giving and exchange involved. The mediation process was slow and long, and the mediators "sought to strike a balance between claims and counterclaims and sell that balance to each of the contestants at the best possible bargain for the moment and, possibly, for all time. If the latter bought that bargain, mediation was a success.' If there was a refusal to buy, however, the mediation failed. For the conflict to be officially settled, both delegation leaders must say the word "yes." Ekvall's article is extremely descriptive and detailed. It is based on his own remembrances over many years of contact with nomad life. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LINDSAY
GILLESPIE Southern
Ferguson, Charles H. Baby Talk in Six Languages. American Anthropologist December 1964. Vol. 66 (6 part 2):103-114 The intention of this article is to initiate cross-language comparative studies of marginal linguistic phenomena known as “baby talk”. Baby talk is defined as a form of language that is regarded by a speech community as being appropriate for talking to young children. The author’s approach is to intercut comparisons of baby talk as observed in six languages: Syrian Arabic, Marathi, Comanche, Gilyak, American English and Spanish. The author states that certain assumptions have been made for this study, namely that (1) baby talk is a relatively stable, conventionalized part of language, not a universal instinctive creation by children, nor a speech form arising from adult imitation of child speech, and (2) that most baby talk is purposely taught as such by adults to children. Modifications of normal adult languages are discussed, as are grammar diminutives and lexicon modifications. The author asserts that characteristics such as simple, more basic kinds of consonants and only a very small selection of vowels are consistently used in baby talk. There is a predominance of reduplication, both of whole words and parts of words in baby talk of all six languages. The author tells the reader what to believe, offering few actual examples from baby talk in the six languages under reference. He often uses the words “probably”, “seems to” and “presumably” to give an air of authority to his assumptions. His conclusion seems to imply that baby talk is a universal parent phenomenon created to serve as a source of encouragement for their children’s pregrammatical vocables. A secondary purpose for baby talk seems to reflect a desire on the part of the user to evoke a pleasurable interchange in the nurtuant-baby situation. CLARITY: 3 JAYNE SMITHSON CSU Fischer, J.L. Words for Self and Others in Some Japanese Families. December 1964. Vol. 66 (6 part 2):115-126 The stated purpose of this paper of to outline the way in which various
types of linguistic forms are organized by members of urban, middle-class
Japanese households, and to note some of the features of Japanese family
and social structure to help explain the complex variety of usage. The Japanese language contains a variety
of personal pronouns, chosen by speakers to reflect social status and
interpersonal relationships. This
study focused on the entire range of forms used to refer to “self” and “addressee” in
conversations between household members. The author bases conclusions in this paper
on data gathered from interviews with 41 Japanese families in The author states general interpretation of findings in the first person imperative, concluding that Japanese modes of self reference tend to be socio-centric and child oriented, as compared to the ego-centric and individualistic focus of European modes of address. It is especially characteristic of Japanese society that behavior in most social relationships is very precisely defined and prescribed. Child centered forms of personal reference and socialization appear to be popular among urban middle-class Japanese speakers. CLARITY: 5 JAYNE SMITHSON CSU
Frake, Charles O. How to Ask for a Drink in Subanun. December 1964. Vol. 66 (6 part 2):127-132 The author’s purpose in writing this article is to illustrate the importance of knowing not only how to construct and express a statement equivalent to a request for a drink, but also a specification of what kinds of things to say in what message forms to what people in specific kinds of situations. Requests must be made with due consideration and understanding of the context of a given situation in order to have any hope of the outcome desired by the person asking. The ensuing ethnography describes the cultural contexts and appropriate etiquette for drinking a brew loosely defined as beer. The activity of beer drinking is closely interrelated with talking and transacting business, and serves as a major medium of interfamily communication. Subanun society contains no absolute, society-wide status positions or automatically inherited offices. The strategy of drinking talk is to manipulate the assignment of role relations among the participants so as to have the opportunity to assume an esteem-attracting and authority wielding role. Four distinct discourse stages happen within the drinking talk of an encounter: (I) invitation/permission, (2) jar talk, centering on the actual drink being consumed, (3) discussion or litigation, not only a contest between litigants, but one between persons attempting to assume the role of legal authority, and (4) a display of verbal arts, which can take the form of song and verse composed within a rigid format. The most skilled drinkers and talkers are the leaders of society. Not only does one have to know how to as |