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American
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Baal, J. Van. Erring Acculturation. American Anthropologist February 1960 Vol. 62 (1): 108-122. Baal begins his
article with a definition of acculturation, which occurs when isolated
cultures first come in contact with western civilization. When the
process of acculturation is harmful to the culture then according to
Baal it’s “erring acculturation.” Baal goes on to
describe two cases of erring acculturation in The second example
is of the ever-increasing bride price, which has changed currencies
from traditional goods to European money. In this transition the new
couple ends up settled with debts, which take years to repay rather
than a newfound independence. Baal also spends
some time discussing the Indonesian term “merdeka” and whether it translates literally into
English as freedom or independence or whether it embodies both terms.
This discussion examines how old terminology is adapted to new situations,
such as democracy and independence from colonial rule in Finally, Baal
discusses how to have positive acculturation and what other anthropologists
have said on the topic. Baal finishes by emphasizing the importance
of education in the acculturation process. CLARITY RANKING:
2 MOLLY GUNN
Barnes, J.A. Marriage
and Residential Continuity. American
Anthropologist October, 1960 Vol. 62 (5):850-866 The title of this
article is slightly misleading. It
is a lengthy exposition of the significant issues involved in describing
marital locality over time, within kinship structures, and within different
disciplines of study. Barnes begins
by declaring that the standard terms “matrilocal” and “patrilocal” are insufficiently descriptive
for the purposes of describing post-marital residential patterns. He
suggests instead a replacement of these terms with the terms uxorilocal
and virilocal (matrilocal and patrilocal, respectively) without making
it entirely clear how this set of terms is superior to the former. Barnes further expounds upon the various
other systems of nomenclature employed by other anthropologists (Fisher,
Murdock, Adam, etc…) and concludes by declaring them all to be too general for the purpose. He
does not, however, offer a solution to the problem of his own invention,
but does seem to advocate the Murdock system, which he neither clearly
defines nor adequately discusses, but instead presupposes an understanding
of this system on the part of his reader. Barnes goes on
to discuss the problems associated with defining kinship residency
terms and patterns by actual native “practice” rather than anthropological “rule.” This difficulty he does not adequately resolve,
but does discuss at some length the ambiguity of Murdock’s position
on this point. Furthermore, Barnes
dedicates some amount of space to the discussion of the significance
of “place” to the definition of residential kinship patterns. He raises the
issue of inter-cultural differences in the significance of proximity
in living as a major concern in developing an adequate model for residential
terminology. For example, he
contends that in many cultures there may be only a small physical move
of residence after marriage, but the subsistence duties of a new husband
or wife may suddenly shift from the native to the new family. The last issue
Barnes raises is that of continuity over time in residential patterns
within a culture and the subsequent issues associated with the attempt
to develop a consistent model that can account for this change. The marital locality of a particular tribe
may be different at the present time than it had been 50 or 100 years
ago, and it is necessary to compile reliable genealogical information
for as long a period as possible to attempt to assess the continuity
over time of kinship patterns. This article would
be of particular value to those interested in the methodology (particularly
the nomenclatural science) of anthropological study as well as those
interested in studying kinship locality in depth, over many times,
cultures, and places. While
it does not offer a comprehensive answer to the many problems with
such study, it does raise many issues that it would be valuable for
anyone with the abovementioned interests to take heed of. CLARITY RANKING
3
Befu, Harumi and Chard, In the introduction
of this paper, the authors make the point that the study of preceramic
Japanese archaeology is a more than worthwhile endeavor, despite the
prevailing western attitudes, as the information divined from Japanese
excavations can be applied to continental Russian and Chinese history
since the amount of primary research being done in either place is
severely lacking due to communist control. Indeed, even Japanese archaeology,
due to the prevailing theory of the sterility of the lower strata are
of little help in uncovering their buried past. The authors then
provide a brief history of the excavations carried out in The authors then
move on to recount the various industries encountered in The authors go
on to attempt to provide a reliable chronology for the preceramic Japanese
sites and industries previously described. This is extremely difficult
because of the general lack of reliable stratigraphic data at most
points on the Japanese islands. The central island does contain some
reliable stratigraphy, mostly of volcanic origin, although the other
islands do not, and it is difficult to accurately translate this stratigraphic
information from one island to another. Nonetheless, they suggest a
moderately reliable chronology for the material presented. The authors conclude
with brief discussions of the possibility to apply Japanese chronology
and archaeological record to other world cultures and a very brief
discussion on the nature of the switch from preceramic to Jomon culture
in This article provides
an excellent survey of the corpus of preceramic Japanese culture pre-1960.
The material would be useful to anyone interested in Japanese archaeology
or the possibility of applying foreign conclusions to native archeological
soil. CLARITY RANKING 5 EDWARD CHATELAIN Befu, Harumi and Chard, Chester S. Preceramic Cultures in Japan. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62: 815-847. Befu and Chard’s article examines the origins of tools and industries in preceramic Japan in an attempt to improve upon what they believe is a dearth of information regarding this era. They attempt to draw conclusions about both the origin of initial preceramic Japanese (“pre-Jomon”) industries, and the relationship between such preceramic cultures and succeeding “Jomon” times. They describe the misleading nature of research before 1949, and cite overly facile conclusions since 1949. The article is useful in that the authors convince the reader of the need for future study and outline the direction for future research in the field. They argue that a renewed investigation of preceramic Japan will have relevance on both the study of Jomon times, as well as the New World. Befu and Chard begin with an explanation of the formerly held belief that the Jomon culture began in a hitherto uninhabited archipelago at the beginning of the post-Pleistocene era. These assumptions were challenged after an excavation in 1949 found that the land was indeed inhabited in what they would subsequently call the pre-Jomon or preceramic era. Befu and Chard begin their research by defining the major tool types in preceramic Japan. Using these tools as evidence, they attempt to group several industries in preceramic Japan, organized roughly into three regions: Central Japan, The Inland Sea and Hokkaido. While Befu and Chard seek correlations among the industries in preceramic Japan, they cite inadequate information to draw conclusive parallels. Among the challenges to this field is the need for more stratified excavation of preceramic sites in Japan, noting that in most cases only two levels are available for study. From the limited stratigraphic information the authors cite possible chronologies within the three regions, admitting that any conclusions are tenuous at best. They claim that other archaeologists’ attempts to draw historical connections between the tools found in preceramic Japan and other areas of Asia have resulted in facile conclusions. Finally, Befu and Chard discuss the question of the transition from the pre-Jomon (i.e., preceramic) era to the Jomon era. In each of the three regions, they cite insufficient evidence to draw direct links. Befu and Chard argue that the existing evidence does not conclude if Jomon culture was of external origin, from the preceding (preceramic) influence, or a combination of the two. Befu and Chard do a commendable job of conveying to the reader the need for continued rigorous study of preceramic Japan. Using abundant examples of previous research, they show the lax “conclusions” made by previous scholars. By highlighting the incomplete nature of previous methodologies, they provide both a caveat against easy conclusions, and incite a call to action for future study by showing the far-reaching effects that a conclusive study of preceramic Japan will have on subsequent eras and surrounding regions. CLARITY: 4 AMY GIUFFI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Bennett, John W., and Leo A. Despres. Kinship and Instrumental Activities: A Theoretical
Inquiry. American Anthropologist April 1960 Vol. 62(2): 254-268. Bennett and Despres’s
article is a theoretical inquiry
into kinship and instrumental activity based on a systematic inquiry
into four representative types of kinship systems. With a goal to provide
a framework that will be adequate for explaining sociocultural changes
and modernization phenomena in the non-Western societies, Bennett and
Despres defines as their objective to see how cultural variables such
as kinship and ideology, and behavioral variables of political and economic
activities, can be integrated into a more systematic analysis that allow
for theoretical implications. After an initial
observation, the authors distinguish two axes of ideology and activity,
and examine kinship systems of Japanese oyabun-kobun, Hindu jajmani, Bennett and Despres
succeeds in arguing against static notions of structural properties
and the unidirectional causality between compositional features, as
the four cases reveal the dynamics between kinship ideologies and instrumental
actions. However, the data and the analysis presented here falls short
to provide an adequate future implication as to how non- Western societies
use kinship relations as a result of, or in response to, sociocultural
change and modernization, as the authors hoped to do in their concluding
remarks. As to their data and findings, it is also questionable as
to whether the variables of culture and social action can be neatly
separated. CLARITY RANKING 4
Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist November, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794. Gerald Berreman's article examines the concept of culture area and the process of cultural drift, revealing the ways in which distinct localized subgroups emerge among peoples who share generally similar cultural, linguistic, and historical traditions. The author makes an effort to reveal more explicitly the requirements, patterns, and consequences of the processes of these concepts, and to suggest the usefulness of their relationship to one another as a descriptive and analytical tool. Berreman acknowledges that cultural change comes about as a result of variation, selection, and transmission, but argues that the additional condition of isolation must be a present component in order for drift or divergent change to occur. In order to demonstrate such processes and the resulting phenomena, Berreman carries out research in populations in and around the village of Sirkanda, located in the lower Himalayan mountains of North India. The author investigates the cultures and dynamics between the subgroups that collectively form the area's larger population more broadly referred to as the Pahari. The cultural group of the Pahari is loosely compared to populations in the larger regional area, but more specifically, the subgroups of the Pahari are compared to each other. By looking at the similarities and differences in such features as dialect, ceremonial forms, deities worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, range of castes, and rules of marriage, a highly localized cultural variability is revealed. More importantly than the nature of the common or divergent practices that exist, Berreman seeks to demonstrate the dynamics and processes through which these variations are established. Through detailed comparative description of the customs of the cultural area and its subgroups, as well as of the extent and intensity of interaction among them, Berreman establishes that the degree of isolation correlates with the degree of cultural divergence or drift. This article will interest individuals who are interested in various cultural practices of populations of the lower Himalayan mountains between western Kashmir and eastern Nepal in North India. More broadly, it clearly and competently demonstrates the concepts of cultural commonality and change, the components necessary to establish those processes, and the value in examining, understanding, and describing populations and their relationships to one another from these perspectives. CLARITY RANKING-5 JEN KOLLAR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist October, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794. Gerald Berreman’s article examines the cultural variability in the people who live in the Himalyan Hills in India. The Parhi, meaning “of the mountains”, share basic cultural patterns but Garreman looks to emphasize cultural differences including dialect, ceremonial forms, dieties worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, among others. Gerreman seeks to explain the cultural variations in this group, which in some instances are more evident than others. Gerreman explains the culture of the people who live in the mountains and shows that those who live in these communities rarely leave those areas and therefore have little opportunity to interact with others outside of their own communities. This allows for little divergence of the culture. Seclusion can be a reason for culture changes in a community. There are few occasions where high- and low-caste people are treated differently in the Parhi culture. Because of their seclusion, these groups primarily interact within their own group. He compares the communities of Parhis in the mountains to those people that live in the plains. In the mountains the terrain is rough and inhabitants are unable to travel far from their villages. The plains afford inhabitants greater opportunity to move about freely. Those who live there are able to associate more often with others from towns that are more easily accessible due to better terrain and methods of transportation. The plains culture also has more caste rules and is affected by greater change than the Parhi communities. Gerreman shows that change within culture area is affected in numerous ways. The isolation of the Parhis prevents their culture from significant change. The Parhis are isolated from neighboring areas by geographical and linguistic barriers. Societies that provide more opportunity for interaction with outsiders tend to change more frequently. The author used observation and others’ research in similar areas to evaluate the similarities and differences within the Parhi culture and established it as different than the culture of those that dwell in the plains. This article could be useful for individuals who are studying specific culture areas and how they change over time, as well as for those studying cultural areas with India. CLARITY: 3 JOEY MCCOOL University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Blalock, H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences. H. M. Blalock’s article seeks to illustrate the benefits and drawbacks of employing a mathematical model created by H. A. Simon in 1954 to make causal inferences based on limited intercorrelational items. Blalock uses Simon’s method in an analysis of data concerning North American Indian tribes presented by Driver and Massey (1957: 427-434) to highlight the method’s uses. Blalock uses Simon’s method to illustrate that it is possible to infer which models are correct by examining the relative magnitudes of the correlation coefficients. Blalock applies this method to Driver and Massey’s North American Indian data which sought to establish the relative merits of evolutionary theories of culture, as contrasted with diffusionist theories, by analyzing various intercorrelations among culture traits for 280 North American Indian tribes. The author examined the study’s data concerning four variables: division of labor, postnuptual residence, land tenure, and descent. In this particular analysis, Blalock demonstrates that Simon’s method allows for better predictions based on the available data. Despite the successful application of Simon’s method to the Native American Indian data, Blalock devotes ample text in highlighting the potential flaws in the mathematical model’s use. He indicates that by interpreting results of a causal analysis using Simon’s method, one can never actually prove the correctness of any given model since there will usually be several models which predict exactly the same empirical results. One must, therefore, rely on theoretical reasoning, knowledge of time sequences, and common sense when choosing between particular models. Blalock also indicates that in this particular application of Simon’s method another model might have been more appropriate had another variable been introduced. Other practical limitations of Simon’s method include its assumption of an interval-scale level of measurement involving equal units, and its inappropriateness for use with ranked data or classifications involving three or more categories. Additionally, the author points out that the method yields no practical solutions unless more than half of the possible causal arrows in the model can be ruled out, and since the method does not allow for a sampling error, the number of cases on which the analysis is based must be large. Despite its flaws, Blalock encourages the use of Simon’s method to note the direction and magnitude of deviations from predicted values thereby suggesting how additional variables should be brought into the theoretical system. CLARITY RANKING: 3 JUSTIN MAZUR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Blalock Jr., H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4):624-631. This paper deals with the issue of whether or not it is possible to predict correlations between variables in a social science study through making causal inferences. To do this, Blalock implements the mathematical solution proposed by Simon (1954) to determine the level of correlation between variables both directly and indirectly related by linear means. Depending on the causal links between variables, Blalock shows how to construct an algebraic formula to predict the correlation of the variables being studied. As an illustration, he applies Simon’s formula to Driver and Massey’s (1957) study of intercorrelations among 280 North American Indian tribes. According to Blalock, practical limitations of these mathematical models include: the necessity of working with an extremely large sample size (to reduce fluctuations and sampling error), using equal units of measurement among the variables, and ruling out at least half of the possible causal links between variables. In the face of these restrictions and a general hesitation he sees among social scientists to use quantitative analysis, Blalock offers this method as a way to both discover and extend models of causation. The article assumes a familiarity with statistical analysis and its drawback regarding anthropology and other social sciences. Therefore, it would probably be most helpful to an audience sharing the same familiarity with the subject matter. CLARITY RANKING: 2 CHARITY FOX University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Chance, Norman A. Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist, December 1960 Vol. 62 (6): 1028-1044 Norman Chance’s
article, through a detailed focus on the Eskimos of Kaktovik, Alaska,
attempts to argue the long-held
belief that the
rapid encroachment of the modern world upon isolated civilizations leads
to disastrous results. Furthermore, Chance intends to prove that, when
given the right circumstances, culture and tradition can remain anchored,
and a civilization actually prosper from the rapid change around it. The DEWline, a
series of radar systems stretching 3,000, needed a workforce to both
build and maintain the chain. Chance found
that in the summer of
1958, 75 percent of the village men earned $600 per month, full-time.
This drastically
affected the ability to track and kill seals and teach the skill to younger
males in the village. Cash replaced seal oil as the main commodity as timber-frame
homes, traditional American clothing, and modern amenities all took their
place in Eskimo culture. The small few who maintained the “hunter” lifestyle,
were considered unemployed. It is important to note that the white men involved in Kaktovik’s change, found the Eskimos to be “friendly, good humored, and hard-working” and allowed the group to change at it’s own pace without deliberate interference, something rarely seen in the annals of history and exploration. Chance’s study would be of great use to merely observe the habits and norms of older civilizations, considering nearly every corner of the earth has been affected by white men. To study how that group reacted to change, in the physical and mental capacity, Chance’s look at Kaktovik is a rarity and an important case study that examines a culture that, for the meantime, melded into the modern world without leaving behind all that had once made it separate. CLARITY RANKING-4 JASON NARK University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg) Chance, Norman A. Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6):1028-1044. Norman
A. Chance's article concerns societies undergoing rapid change,
and the assumption made in anthropological theory that such societies
are prone to disruption and disorganization. An aim of this article
is to better qualify this assumption through an examination of the Eskimo The Certain
large cultural changes in everyday life did take place in work, housing,
food, and medical care. However, the Eskimos also attained certain
goals, such as a full-time native Eskimo teacher, and a post office.
Social norms have remained fairly constant during these changes, indicating
a positive adjustment. Possible reasons for this situation in Kaktovik
include: small village size with close interpersonal relationships,
maintenance of traditional kinship system, attainment of desired goals,
effectiveness of traditional Eskimo leader has not been diminished,
Eskimos maintained independence in the dependent economy of the DEWline,
and the fact that men of all ages have opportunity for equally salaried employment. Chance
then examined the Kaktovik example in comparison to other societies undergoing
change, such as Mead's study of Manus. The societies in both cases
had an inclination towards change. Chance set up a table for the analysis
of two cultural change values, to determine which categories the institutional
systems in the Kaktovik example fall under. Institutions analyzed include:
economic, educational, and social control (extensive and rapid changes),
and family and religion (not extensive and slow change). There were no examples of uneven change. The
article concludes that the assumption that rapid social change results
in disorganization is not always true, noting once again the possible
reasons for this listed above. Chance's article will be useful to those
interested in the process of acculturation, and in particular, the factors that make a changing society
disorganized or not disorganized. CLARITY
RANKING: 4
Chance, Norman A. Culture and Change: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62(6): 1028-1044. Norman A. Chance’s article examines rapid culture change and integration within the Eskimo community of Kaktovik, Alaska. Based on his study of this community, Chance offers evidence of an alternative outcome to the widely held view among anthropologists and social scientists that the influence of large-scale civilization on small non-literate groups is often harmful and potentially destructive to these groups. Chance lived in the Eskimo village of Kaktovik, Alaska during the summer of 1958. His purpose was to study the adjustments made by the Eskimo population to rapid changes brought on by their employment and contact with Whites at a nearby DEWline radar station. Chance begins with an overview of the living conditions of the Eskimo population prior to the arrival of the military and the Coast and Geodetic Survey who began hiring the Eskimos for unskilled jobs in construction and surveying in the mid-1940s. Chance describes the population prior to the formation of the Kaktovik village as scattered. There was little interaction with the Whites except for the occasional missionary, trader or bush pilot. The Eskimo population largely subsisted on the hunting, fishing and trapping economy. Chance determined that the Eskimos residing in the village had made a relatively smooth integration, and questions if Kaktovik was an isolated instance of non-disruptive rapid change citing that few examples of similar situations were documented. He found the most comparable example to be Mead’s restudy of the South Sea Island of Manus- in which prior to WWII the island’s inhabitants were centered in their own cultural traditions. Mead returned after WWII to find the people had rapidly integrated Western Civilization practices into their lives. The central question in the study of Kaktovik is why have these Eskimos been able to adjust without disintegration where so many others have failed? Chance investigates this question further and concludes that six paramount reasons are important to their success, including a predisposition to change already built into their socio-cultural landscape. Chance concedes that continued study of the group is much needed, and should provide additional information on the long-term effects of rapid social and cultural change. This article will interest people researching the impact of Western Civilization on diverse cultures. Chance’s article makes the case that one should never assume the worse case scenario as it involves cultural adaptation, that there may be key factors in a community that point to their ability to adapt to rapid culture change and integration positively. CLARITY RANKING– 4 CHERYL DURGANS University of Pennsylvania (Melvin Hammarberg)
Other examples
that have been proposed are related to quite minor matters. Examples
include the telescope, which is credited to three Duchman separately
in the same year, logarithms, the simultaneous and coincidental discoveries
of nitrogen and oxygen, the theory of planetary disturbances (which
is credited to two scientists but Chandler notes that credit really
only belongs to one), anesthetics, the periodic table, the telephone,
zero, and liquefied oxygen. An interesting example is the invention of (photography,
which is one of the few genuine cases of simultaneous inventions according
to This article essentially
explores a premise made by anthropologist A.L. Kroeber and outlines
inventions that are mistakenly credited to many inventors as well as
those that were genuinely discovered or created by multiple individuals
simultaneously. CLARITY: 5 WHITNEY CUMMINGS
Coe, Michael D. Archaeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62 (3): 363-393. Coe presents evidence of a linkage between the cultures of Central and South America. He examines the commonalities of various pottery traits that are found in Guatemala, Ecuador, and Peru and discusses the tenuous proof in connecting these cultures with those in North America, referring to the Hopewell and Woodland. He elaborates on arguments put forth by earlier scholars who suggested there was a single source from which certain characteristics originated. Coe points out the complexities of cultural diffusion and that the assumptions made by previous research are invalid because not all traits in a given culture are adapted by another. Rather than focus on a single point of origin, Coe chooses to focus on the possibility that contact between Central and South America occurred via sea trade as a land-based route would have resulted in a filtering of traits. He summarizes a number of his findings from La Victoria in Guatemala and compares these with information gathered from other sites found in Ecuador’s Guayas Basin and Peru’s northern coast. He asserts those similarities in pottery decorations such as iridescent painting, rocker-stamping, cord-marking, fingernail gouging, the general form and thickness of a particular type of bowl all point to a high degree of likeness too close to be anything other than contact between cultures. If these traits had passed overland, Coe suggests these traits would be more varied. He also provides evidence of several maize crops that are exotic to Guatemala originated in South America, yet only one of these types of maize are found in Columbia, an intermediate point between the two areas further supporting his theory of maritime trading. A number of diagrams and figures are included which outline the various cultural phases, their timeline, location to one another, and which depict the similarities between each culture’s pottery features. CLARITY: 2 BELINDA WILSON University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg) Coe, Michael D. Archeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62(3): 363-393. Michael Coe’s article focuses on broad-scale interrelationships between Middle and South America that came about as a result of archeological excavations at La Victoria in southwestern Guatemala. The author examines the means and route of the interdiffusion of ideas and perhaps products in the area by asking the question, “…how did these conditions arise, and in what direction did the diffusional impetus flow?’’ Coe begins his study by reviewing existing material by other authors and then offering new support for a reformulation of hypotheses. He writes of the cultural succession at La Victoria and compares pottery patterns of the varying phases along with estimates of age or carbon dating data of the ceramics, when applicable. Evidence from other South American countries, such as Ecuador and Peru, is taken into consideration as well. The article opens
with an explanation of the “brilliant and controversial
Archaic hypothesis” by Spinden, which describes Nuclear America as
a single diffusion sphere, with agriculture and the ceramic arts spreading
from
a single point of origin. This early period, during which it had been assumed
migration was responsible for the spread, has come to be known as the Formulative
stage. Coe uses more recent evidence to refute this theory by showing that
sea trade may have played a large part in relations on the Pacific coast
of Guatemala. CLARITY RANKING: 3 AMY WEINSTEIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg) Coe, Michael D. Archaeaological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vo1.62(3): 363-393. Norman McQuown’s article discusses the use of linguistics to explore the correlations between language and characteristics such as geography, development, culture, etc. of a given group. Specific examples are given from research into American Indian peoples such as the Maya and the Aztec. Particular consideration is given to the scholarship of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt. The author provides a brief critical analysis of the progress and limitations of each work cited and the resources generally available to linguists. McQuown begins with a general characterization of. Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt and their work in the field of linguistics. He credits both with stimulating research in American Indian languages and with furthering linguistic study in the Americas. McQuown proceeds to consider the various sources used by the brothers in their work, beginning with documentary sources. The restricted availability of original texts and the labor-intensive process of deciphering them are cited as an impediment to complete utilization of their cultural content. The work of Y.V. Knorozov in deciphering Mayan glyphs is acknowledged and evaluated. The article continues with consideration of non-documentary, indirect techniques of reconstruction and inference. Various researchers, including the von Humboldts, are commended for tracking language through material culture and the location of present-day descendants. The works of Buschmann, Sapir, Whorf, and Trager are cited. McQuown gives numerous examples of the use of linguistic trends and the tracking of specific words in Mayan languages in understanding the cultural history of the Americas. McQuown concludes with an argument on behalf of routinely incorporating linguistic analysis into the work of ethnographers and sociocultural anthropologists. He promotes the consideration of linguistic characteristics for their correspondence to societal elements such as kinship structure, marital rules, genetic makeup, trade patterns, etc. The value of such a linguistic perspective on studies of the Tzeltal and Tzotzil peoples is cited. The article closes with the promotion of the pursuit of linguistics in not only the Old, but in the New World as well. This article illustrates various instances of linguistic research enriching cultural anthropology, as well as our understanding of history and geography. McQuown highlights anecdotal discoveries made by the von Humboldt brothers' research in the Americas, but on a larger scale highlights the potential contributions by linguistics to a broad range of fields. This article will interest individuals who are interested in languages of the American Indians, specifically the Mayan languages. This article should also be of interest to all anthropologists, and generally all social scientists, who stand to benefit from incorporating linguistic studies into their pool of resources. CLARITY RANKING: 3.5 NAOMI BERKOWITZ University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Dalton, George. A
Note of Clairification on Economic Surplus. American Anthropologist June
1960 62(3):483-489. George Dalton
explains that there are two basic meanings of an economic surplus,
which are in an empirical sense in which it refers to a specified portion
of material output which exceeds the norm. The second meaning of surplus
derives from non-empirical definitions and is employed analytically,
as is illustrated by nonfood producers and the concept of labor as
a good. The importance
of material surpluses depends on how it came into being. It is significant
for a society to understand how the surplus arose, to make sure that
the surplus is indeed an excess and measured by operationally sound
standards, in monetary terms, and that deliberately contrived surpluses
can be created by social policy and technological innovation. Social
policy may create a surplus through taxation while technological innovation
can expedite the speed with which the goods are produced. The non-empirical
definition of a surplus is more analytical and conceptual. This article describes
the material and analytical (inspired by market economies) aspects
of generating surpluses in society. CLARITY: 5 Dart, Raymond A. The
Bone Tool-Manufacturing Ability of Australopithecus Prometheus. American Anthropologist. February, 1960. Vol. 62 (1): 134-138.
Raymond
Dart’s article presents recently discovered evidence of culture
within the group of pre-hominid beings,
Australopithecus Prometheus. The article refutes other researchers
claims that certain cut markings on antelope bones were not made
by Australopithecines, and were rather made by porcupines or hyenas.
Dart makes his argument using several illustrations of altered bones.
Dart believes that this evidence of deliberate alteration of these
antelope bones is evidence of culture among the Australopithicines
and by implication evidence of their humanity. CLARITY
RANKING- 4
Dibble, Charles E. Elmer
R. Smith: 1909-1960. American Anthropologist December 1960 62(6):1047-1049.
This
is the obituary of Elmer R. Smith, who was on the staff of the CLARITY 5.
Eggan, Fred. This
article is the obituary of Stanley Stubbs, who became Curator of Collections
at the Laboratory and CLARITY:
5 LARA ROMAN
Louis
Faron's article examines two indigenous coastal Indian (cholo) communities
in Faron
begins with a study of the history of the indigenous cholo community, which
began as a single village in 1551. He investigates the division of
this cholo village, whose members have always served as cheap labor in Peruvian
society, into two distinct communities. Peruvian independence, geographic
expansion, and other factors explain the formation of the pastoral
and village communities in the 1900's. Faron describes the reasons for and the
importance of the formal registration of these communities, such as
the right to land and ethnic integrity. Faron
describes the members of the two cholo communities, which are neither
homogeneous nor mutually exclusive. The village community consists
mainly of small freeholders who live off of their small parcels of land. He explains
the distinctions of status and traditional beliefs within the village community
between regantes and small freeholders. Faron then moves to the
pastoral community and shows their view of traditional cholo beliefs
and their way of life as sharecroppers. He discusses the organization
of these sharecroppers into sindicatos, fighting for individual rights
and economic
well-being within this pastoral community. Faron describes the kinship
system within both communities and its strong patrilineal emphasis.
He also focuses on the prevalence of endogamy and the system of compadrazgo-padrinazgo
through the entire cholo caste. Through the systems of
kinship and marriage found in these indigenous communities, Faron reveals the way
in which ethnic integrity is maintained despite changing economic and political
conditions. This
article will interest individuals interested in the formation of indigenous
communities in Peruvian society and the formation of indigenous communities
in general. Faron's study will also reach individuals interested in traditional
beliefs and ethnic identity and how these are preserved in different
communities of people. CLARITY
RANKING: 4 SEAN MONTGOMERY
This obituary
by George Foster recounts the career and character of Edward Winslow
Gifford (b.1887, d.1959), and the lasting contributions of his work
to the field of anthropology. Not
only did many of Gifford’s studies
result in significant findings in their respective areas of research,
but additionally, his work remarkably advanced the overall field of
anthropology. Foster first provides
a chronological account of Gifford’s major studies and their findings. In the course of his career Gifford traveled
the world, working in most major anthropological fields- archaeology,
physical anthropology, social organization, folklore, religion, and
material culture. Gifford’s
impressive domestic career is also explicated; he served as both Curator and Director of the The article concludes
with an offering of tangible examples of Gifford’s impact on anthropology, such as his
landmark usage of the terms “acculturation” and “lineage,” essentially defining their present
meanings. His innovation of weighing archaeological
sherds rather than counting them is noted as well. Foster cites Gifford’s warmth and
curiosity as major contributions to
the field, along with his promotion of the idea that a complete anthropologist,
whatever his specialty, should be broadly based in the data and theory
of all the major areas of the discipline. He himself embodied this standard. This article is
of value to those seeking a broad overview of the career and contributions
of Edward Winslow Gifford. CLARITY RANKING:
5 NAOMI BERKOWITZ
Most anthropological studies of Chinese villages have focused upon interfamily
relationships within small clan groupings. This paper examines aspects
of social organization that bring about functionally important matrilateral
and affinal relationships beyond the family and village borders. The
study is based on field work done in the small Hokkien village of Hsin
Hsing on the central western costal plain of Taiwan. Gallin observed three types of relationship behaviors at work in Hsin Hsing: 1) economic, 2) social and religious, and 3) political and mediatorial. All three types are dependent upon geographical proximity – that is the ch’in ch’i must live close enough that contact is possible without hardship, but preferably not within the same village. From an economic standpoint ch’in ch’i are of great value to the individual and group as they diversify and buttress their means of support. Through the mutual sharing of labor, resources and capital the Hokkien villagers are able to efficiently plant and harvest their crops, arrange for small loans and achieve a level of stability that would otherwise be impossible. Social and religious activities in the village are often intertwined. The two most important occasions are religious festivals called pai pai and marriage festivals where chi’n ch’i are typically the principal guests. The network of extended linkages described above allows for travel and visitation by even the poorest of village residents. The final social category that Gallin discusses is political and mediatorial relations. When conflicts escalate within the village a neutral mediator is often required to settle the dispute. While an official or local elder is frequently called upon, it is not uncommon for this person to be a respected ch’in ch’i male who is known to the disputants. In elections that extend beyond the village level the chi’n ch’i are of unquestionable importance. They frequently constitute the most important source of backers throughout the countryside and their loyalty bestows prestige to the candidate. Though subordinate to kin and clan based relationships ch’in ch’i are an important additional source of security for villagers. Their major limitation is that they are, by nature, short-lived and rarely last beyond a few generations. CLARITY RANKING - 4.5 STEVE MINICOLA University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Robert Gray’s
article examines the transfer of wives in specific African societies, and whether it is similar
to the transfer of other economic commodities in the same societies.
Gray’s discussion is based on fieldwork among the Sonjo of northern Gray begins with
a quick background of Sonjo marriage and the economic system of the
patrilineal society. Sonjo girls are usually betrothed during childhood,
with a large percentage of the bride-price paid to the girl’s
family at that time. The main economic
exchange in the society is goats. When this article was written, the
average wife would fetch approximately 100 goats from her husband’s
family. Gray explains
that wives and wife rights are transferred between men just as the
men would transfer the rights of other commodities. When married to
his wife, the husband obtains the rights to: (1) sexual access, (2)
his wife’s labor in the home and the fields, and (3) his wife’s
children. if the husband decides to
divorce his wife or exchange her for another, he gives up all of his
rights, including the right to her children. If a man dies, his brother
may take the widow, or he may sell her to another man. Goats are paid
during the initial transaction, but they are also paid for divorce,
and in the case of an unequal exchange in wives. Gray then moves
on to compare the Sonjo society with five other African societies:
the Thonga, the Gusii of Kenya, the Gusii of Uganda, the Tiv of Nigeria,
and the Ganda. In his discussion, he points out that the rules governing
the purchase and exchange of wives are strict, and that the Sonjo economic
system would not be complete without the bride-price. CLARITY RANKING 5 LINDSAY SHAFER
Herskovits, Melville. The Ahistorical Approach to Afroamerican
Studies: A Critique. American
Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol.
62(4): 559-568. Herskovits’ article questions the ahistorical approach to anthropology
which had become more and more popular at the time of the publication
of this article. He uses the
approach to Afroamerican Studies as an example to prove his point of
view. According to Herskovits, the rejection of the factor
of time in anthropology and other social sciences is caused by a reference
to natural sciences which use generalizations to propound scientific
laws applicable without regard to place or time. For Herskovits, Afroamerican Studies is an appropriate
field to study the shift from a historical to an ahistorical point
of view due to the recency of the field and the peculiarity that the
Afroamerican field is extremely sensitive to ascriptions of relative
values to the several cultures that have entered into shaping the ways
of life of the peoples under study. Strong
overtones of some (European) cultures led to the denial of any importance
of As an example, Herskovits uses the symposium on Caribbean
Studies of 1957 to prove the refusal to consider the African component
in the formation of Afroamerican cultures on the American continent. He
claims that the refusal to acknowledge the African component leads
to a disturbance in the process of logical thought. If
one attempted to study the function of an African component after all,
an unreasonable burden of proof would be placed on the scholar’s shoulders. This pattern of scientism has manifested itself in
Afroamerican Studies according to Herskovits. He
thinks it to be essential to have a comparative approach for arriving
at valid generalizations in the study of man and not to rely on the
assumptions made by earlier scientists and schools. In these earlier findings of the structural
approach, the time factor is relegated to a minor place, if considered
at all. This means that components
from Europe, Africa, and aboriginal Herskovits comes to the conclusion that ahistoricism
can at best only give limited insight and low-level generalizations. This becomes especially clear in the case
of Afroamerican Studies when the question of the significance or even
presence of African retentions is concerned. This article is of interest to scholars of the Afroamerican
field or individuals interested in the history of social sciences. CLARITY: 3.
Hickerson, Harold. The Feast of the Dead Among the Seventeenth
Century Algonkians of the Hickerson opens
with a bit of background history the upper great lakes and the inhabitants,
Algonkins, Chippewa and later on the French. The origin of the Feast
of the Dead is with another Native American group, the Huron. There are four
description of the feast which Hickerson uses to paint a picture of
this ritual. Two traders and two Jesuits observed this feast and wrote
separate descriptions, which vary slightly in the details, but for
the most part corroborate each other. It was an annual
feast held by rotating hosts and guests from different villages in
the area. Gifts were changed followed by dancing, singing and the preparation
of the dead for burial. The atmosphere is festive even through the
ritualized expressions of grief Hickerson then
describes why the Feast of the Dead was important to the Algonkian
in so far that it helped create alliances between different groups
and created a sense of community which carried over not only in times
of conflict, but also during famine and in trade. Finally, Hickerson
discusses the decline of the Feast of the Dead. The factors which contributed
to the decline include the spread of the French fur-trade which had
several effects on the Algonkian and other Native American tribes in
the area. Political fragmentation among the tribes as well and migration
are the major contributing factors to the decline. CLARITY RANKING 5
Hitchcock, John T. and Patricia J. Hitchcock. Some Considerations for the Prospective
Ethnographic Cinematographer. American Anthropologist. August
1960 62(4):656-674. John and Patricia
Hitchcock’s article provides a guide to anthropologists
who plan to use cinematography
in ethnographic studies. The article provides detailed information
about many pieces of equipment that would be valuable to an ethnographic
cinematographer in addition to analyses of the value of many techniques
and processes used in cinematography. Additionally, the authors point
out many of the problems ethnographic cinematographers encounter during
their attempt to make a film: cost and time. The article attempts to
outline the costs and the length of producing a film in order to assist
ethnographers in successfully producing a decent film that has been
put together well and in a timely manner. Because the authors produced
their own film, the article often calls upon first-hand knowledge and
experience and specific instances to guide the reader. The article initially
outlines how it should be used as a suggestive guide although it admits
that it is merely designed as a supplement to a more comprehensive
work and that most of the information presented in it is out-of-date. The specific information provided is extremely detailed and specific attributes of different films, cameras, lenses, light meters, tripods, and tape recorders are discussed. Often times, specific products are referred to and their uses and attributes are discussed. A major example is the discussion |