American Anthropologist
1960

Baal, J. Van. Erring Acculturation.  American Anthropologist   February 1960  Vol. 62 (1): 108-122.

Baal begins his article with a definition of acculturation, which occurs when isolated cultures first come in contact with western civilization. When the process of acculturation is harmful to the culture then according to Baal it’s “erring acculturation.”

Baal goes on to describe two cases of erring acculturation in New Guinea. The first example is of the Cargo Cults whom prophesize the coming of the ancestors by boat or plane to New Guinea to spread fabulous riches among the faithful. Obviously these cults have resulted from contact with Europeans and further result in envy, greed and jealousy amongst their followers.

The second example is of the ever-increasing bride price, which has changed currencies from traditional goods to European money. In this transition the new couple ends up settled with debts, which take years to repay rather than a newfound independence.

Baal also spends some time discussing the Indonesian term “merdeka” and whether it translates literally into English as freedom or independence or whether it embodies both terms. This discussion examines how old terminology is adapted to new situations, such as democracy and independence from colonial rule in Indonesia.

Finally, Baal discusses how to have positive acculturation and what other anthropologists have said on the topic. Baal finishes by emphasizing the importance of education in the acculturation process.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

MOLLY GUNN   University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Barnes, J.A.  Marriage and Residential Continuity.  American Anthropologist  October, 1960  Vol. 62 (5):850-866

The title of this article is slightly misleading.  It is a lengthy exposition of the significant issues involved in describing marital locality over time, within kinship structures, and within different disciplines of study.  

Barnes begins by declaring that the standard terms “matrilocal” and “patrilocal” are insufficiently descriptive for the purposes of describing post-marital residential patterns.  He suggests instead a replacement of these terms with the terms uxorilocal and virilocal (matrilocal and patrilocal, respectively) without making it entirely clear how this set of terms is superior to the former.  Barnes further expounds upon the various other systems of nomenclature employed by other anthropologists (Fisher, Murdock, Adam, etc…) and concludes by declaring them all to be too general for the purpose.  He does not, however, offer a solution to the problem of his own invention, but does seem to advocate the Murdock system, which he neither clearly defines nor adequately discusses, but instead presupposes an understanding of this system on the part of his reader.

Barnes goes on to discuss the problems associated with defining kinship residency terms and patterns by actual native “practice” rather than anthropological “rule.”  This difficulty he does not adequately resolve, but does discuss at some length the ambiguity of Murdock’s position on this point.  

Furthermore, Barnes dedicates some amount of space to the discussion of the significance of “place” to the definition of residential kinship patterns.  He raises the issue of inter-cultural differences in the significance of proximity in living as a major concern in developing an adequate model for residential terminology.  For example, he contends that in many cultures there may be only a small physical move of residence after marriage, but the subsistence duties of a new husband or wife may suddenly shift from the native to the new family.  

The last issue Barnes raises is that of continuity over time in residential patterns within a culture and the subsequent issues associated with the attempt to develop a consistent model that can account for this change.  The marital locality of a particular tribe may be different at the present time than it had been 50 or 100 years ago, and it is necessary to compile reliable genealogical information for as long a period as possible to attempt to assess the continuity over time of kinship patterns.  

This article would be of particular value to those interested in the methodology (particularly the nomenclatural science) of anthropological study as well as those interested in studying kinship locality in depth, over many times, cultures, and places.  While it does not offer a comprehensive answer to the many problems with such study, it does raise many issues that it would be valuable for anyone with the abovementioned interests to take heed of.

CLARITY RANKING 3

EDWARD CHATELAIN  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Befu, Harumi and Chard, Chester S.   Preceramic Cultures in Japan.   American Anthropologist   October 1960   62(5):815-849.

In the introduction of this paper, the authors make the point that the study of preceramic Japanese archaeology is a more than worthwhile endeavor, despite the prevailing western attitudes, as the information divined from Japanese excavations can be applied to continental Russian and Chinese history since the amount of primary research being done in either place is severely lacking due to communist control. Indeed, even Japanese archaeology, due to the prevailing theory of the sterility of the lower strata are of little help in uncovering their buried past.

The authors then provide a brief history of the excavations carried out in Japan. Special attention is paid to the difficulties encountered in Japanese study either from political elements or from prevailing scientific ideology. The authors also provide a very helpful and seemingly comprehensive survey of the lithic typologies employed in Japanese archaeology, as well as probable locations for significant Neolithic sites.

The authors then move on to recount the various industries encountered in Japan. Some degree of attention is paid to the geographical distribution of the various industries as well.

The authors go on to attempt to provide a reliable chronology for the preceramic Japanese sites and industries previously described. This is extremely difficult because of the general lack of reliable stratigraphic data at most points on the Japanese islands. The central island does contain some reliable stratigraphy, mostly of volcanic origin, although the other islands do not, and it is difficult to accurately translate this stratigraphic information from one island to another. Nonetheless, they suggest a moderately reliable chronology for the material presented.

The authors conclude with brief discussions of the possibility to apply Japanese chronology and archaeological record to other world cultures and a very brief discussion on the nature of the switch from preceramic to Jomon culture in Japan. They conclude on this matter that little can be said until all further classification and typological activity is completed, and that large amounts of research still need to be completed before the preceramic Japanese world comes to life.

This article provides an excellent survey of the corpus of preceramic Japanese culture pre-1960. The material would be useful to anyone interested in Japanese archaeology or the possibility of applying foreign conclusions to native archeological soil.

CLARITY RANKING  5

EDWARD CHATELAIN   University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Befu, Harumi and Chard, Chester S. Preceramic Cultures in Japan. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62: 815-847.

Befu and Chard’s article examines the origins of tools and industries in preceramic Japan in an attempt to improve upon what they believe is a dearth of information regarding this era. They attempt to draw conclusions about both the origin of initial preceramic Japanese (“pre-Jomon”) industries, and the relationship between such preceramic cultures and succeeding “Jomon” times. They describe the misleading nature of research before 1949, and cite overly facile conclusions since 1949. The article is useful in that the authors convince the reader of the need for future study and outline the direction for future research in the field. They argue that a renewed investigation of preceramic Japan will have relevance on both the study of Jomon times, as well as the New World.

Befu and Chard begin with an explanation of the formerly held belief that the Jomon culture began in a hitherto uninhabited archipelago at the beginning of the post-Pleistocene era. These assumptions were challenged after an excavation in 1949 found that the land was indeed inhabited in what they would subsequently call the pre-Jomon or preceramic era.

Befu and Chard begin their research by defining the major tool types in preceramic Japan. Using these tools as evidence, they attempt to group several industries in preceramic Japan, organized roughly into three regions: Central Japan, The Inland Sea and Hokkaido. While Befu and Chard seek correlations among the industries in preceramic Japan, they cite inadequate information to draw conclusive parallels.

Among the challenges to this field is the need for more stratified excavation of preceramic sites in Japan, noting that in most cases only two levels are available for study. From the limited stratigraphic information the authors cite possible chronologies within the three regions, admitting that any conclusions are tenuous at best. They claim that other archaeologists’ attempts to draw historical connections between the tools found in preceramic Japan and other areas of Asia have resulted in facile conclusions.

Finally, Befu and Chard discuss the question of the transition from the pre-Jomon (i.e., preceramic) era to the Jomon era. In each of the three regions, they cite insufficient evidence to draw direct links. Befu and Chard argue that the existing evidence does not conclude if Jomon culture was of external origin, from the preceding (preceramic) influence, or a combination of the two.

Befu and Chard do a commendable job of conveying to the reader the need for continued rigorous study of preceramic Japan. Using abundant examples of previous research, they show the lax “conclusions” made by previous scholars. By highlighting the incomplete nature of previous methodologies, they provide both a caveat against easy conclusions, and incite a call to action for future study by showing the far-reaching effects that a conclusive study of preceramic Japan will have on subsequent eras and surrounding regions.

CLARITY: 4

AMY GIUFFI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Bennett, John W., and Leo A. Despres.  Kinship and Instrumental Activities: A Theoretical Inquiry.   American Anthropologist   April 1960   Vol. 62(2): 254-268.

Bennett and Despres’s article is a theoretical inquiry into kinship and instrumental activity based on a systematic inquiry into four representative types of kinship systems. With a goal to provide a framework that will be adequate for explaining sociocultural changes and modernization phenomena in the non-Western societies, Bennett and Despres defines as their objective to see how cultural variables such as kinship and ideology, and behavioral variables of political and economic activities, can be integrated into a more systematic analysis that allow for theoretical implications.

After an initial observation, the authors distinguish two axes of ideology and activity, and examine kinship systems of Japanese oyabun-kobun, Hindu jajmani, Philippines, and southern Bosoga in East Africa, in relation to those two components they identified. in the Philippines bilateral kindred and Uindu jajmani system, they find that a reciprocal relationship between culture and instrumental action exist: Culture is used as a means to instigate instrumental action such as organizing political factions or economic activities, while instrumental action also is used to reinforce traditional culture. in the case of oyabun-kobun system and Bugosa in East Africa, they see that a non-reciprocal relationship exists: Culture is used to organize instrumental activities whereas activities are directed toward reinforcing economic and political power rather than culture itself The comparison of these four cases lays the ground by which an argument that all types of kinship systems around the world are suitable for organizing instrumental activities is made.

Bennett and Despres succeeds in arguing against static notions of structural properties and the unidirectional causality between compositional features, as the four cases reveal the dynamics between kinship ideologies and instrumental actions. However, the data and the analysis presented here falls short to provide an adequate future implication as to how non- Western societies use kinship relations as a result of, or in response to, sociocultural change and modernization, as the authors hoped to do in their concluding remarks. As to their data and findings, it is also questionable as to whether the variables of culture and social action can be neatly separated.

CLARITY RANKING  4

KYUNG-NAN KOH  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).

Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist November, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794.

Gerald Berreman's article examines the concept of culture area and the process of cultural drift, revealing the ways in which distinct localized subgroups emerge among peoples who share generally similar cultural, linguistic, and historical traditions. The author makes an effort to reveal more explicitly the requirements, patterns, and consequences of the processes of these concepts, and to suggest the usefulness of their relationship to one another as a descriptive and analytical tool. Berreman acknowledges that cultural change comes about as a result of variation, selection, and transmission, but argues that the additional condition of isolation must be a present component in order for drift or divergent change to occur.

In order to demonstrate such processes and the resulting phenomena, Berreman carries out research in populations in and around the village of Sirkanda, located in the lower Himalayan mountains of North India. The author investigates the cultures and dynamics between the subgroups that collectively form the area's larger population more broadly referred to as the Pahari. The cultural group of the Pahari is loosely compared to populations in the larger regional area, but more specifically, the subgroups of the Pahari are compared to each other. By looking at the similarities and differences in such features as dialect, ceremonial forms, deities worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, range of castes, and rules of marriage, a highly localized cultural variability is revealed. More importantly than the nature of the common or divergent practices that exist, Berreman seeks to demonstrate the dynamics and processes through which these variations are established. Through detailed comparative description of the customs of the cultural area and its subgroups, as well as of the extent and intensity of interaction among them, Berreman establishes that the degree of isolation correlates with the degree of cultural divergence or drift.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in various cultural practices of populations of the lower Himalayan mountains between western Kashmir and eastern Nepal in North India. More broadly, it clearly and competently demonstrates the concepts of cultural commonality and change, the components necessary to establish those processes, and the value in examining, understanding, and describing populations and their relationships to one another from these perspectives.

CLARITY RANKING-5

JEN KOLLAR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist October, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794.

Gerald Berreman’s article examines the cultural variability in the people who live in the Himalyan Hills in India. The Parhi, meaning “of the mountains”, share basic cultural patterns but Garreman looks to emphasize cultural differences including dialect, ceremonial forms, dieties worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, among others. Gerreman seeks to explain the cultural variations in this group, which in some instances are more evident than others.

Gerreman explains the culture of the people who live in the mountains and shows that those who live in these communities rarely leave those areas and therefore have little opportunity to interact with others outside of their own communities. This allows for little divergence of the culture. Seclusion can be a reason for culture changes in a community. There are few occasions where high- and low-caste people are treated differently in the Parhi culture. Because of their seclusion, these groups primarily interact within their own group.

He compares the communities of Parhis in the mountains to those people that live in the plains. In the mountains the terrain is rough and inhabitants are unable to travel far from their villages. The plains afford inhabitants greater opportunity to move about freely. Those who live there are able to associate more often with others from towns that are more easily accessible due to better terrain and methods of transportation. The plains culture also has more caste rules and is affected by greater change than the Parhi communities.

Gerreman shows that change within culture area is affected in numerous ways. The isolation of the Parhis prevents their culture from significant change. The Parhis are isolated from neighboring areas by geographical and linguistic barriers. Societies that provide more opportunity for interaction with outsiders tend to change more frequently.

The author used observation and others’ research in similar areas to evaluate the similarities and differences within the Parhi culture and established it as different than the culture of those that dwell in the plains. This article could be useful for individuals who are studying specific culture areas and how they change over time, as well as for those studying cultural areas with India.

CLARITY: 3

JOEY MCCOOL University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Blalock, H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences.
American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4): 624-631.

H. M. Blalock’s article seeks to illustrate the benefits and drawbacks of employing a mathematical model created by H. A. Simon in 1954 to make causal inferences based on limited intercorrelational items. Blalock uses Simon’s method in an analysis of data concerning North American Indian tribes presented by Driver and Massey (1957: 427-434) to highlight the method’s uses.

Blalock uses Simon’s method to illustrate that it is possible to infer which models are correct by examining the relative magnitudes of the correlation coefficients. Blalock applies this method to Driver and Massey’s North American Indian data which sought to establish the relative merits of evolutionary theories of culture, as contrasted with diffusionist theories, by analyzing various intercorrelations among culture traits for 280 North American Indian tribes. The author examined the study’s data concerning four variables: division of labor, postnuptual residence, land tenure, and descent. In this particular analysis, Blalock demonstrates that Simon’s method allows for better predictions based on the available data.

Despite the successful application of Simon’s method to the Native American Indian data, Blalock devotes ample text in highlighting the potential flaws in the mathematical model’s use. He indicates that by interpreting results of a causal analysis using Simon’s method, one can never actually prove the correctness of any given model since there will usually be several models which predict exactly the same empirical results. One must, therefore, rely on theoretical reasoning, knowledge of time sequences, and common sense when choosing between particular models. Blalock also indicates that in this particular application of Simon’s method another model might have been more appropriate had another variable been introduced. Other practical limitations of Simon’s method include its assumption of an interval-scale level of measurement involving equal units, and its inappropriateness for use with ranked data or classifications involving three or more categories. Additionally, the author points out that the method yields no practical solutions unless more than half of the possible causal arrows in the model can be ruled out, and since the method does not allow for a sampling error, the number of cases on which the analysis is based must be large.

Despite its flaws, Blalock encourages the use of Simon’s method to note the direction and magnitude of deviations from predicted values thereby suggesting how additional variables should be brought into the theoretical system.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

JUSTIN MAZUR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Blalock Jr., H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4):624-631.

This paper deals with the issue of whether or not it is possible to predict correlations between variables in a social science study through making causal inferences. To do this, Blalock implements the mathematical solution proposed by Simon (1954) to determine the level of correlation between variables both directly and indirectly related by linear means. Depending on the causal links between variables, Blalock shows how to construct an algebraic formula to predict the correlation of the variables being studied. As an illustration, he applies Simon’s formula to Driver and Massey’s (1957) study of intercorrelations among 280 North American Indian tribes. According to Blalock, practical limitations of these mathematical models include: the necessity of working with an extremely large sample size (to reduce fluctuations and sampling error), using equal units of measurement among the variables, and ruling out at least half of the possible causal links between variables. In the face of these restrictions and a general hesitation he sees among social scientists to use quantitative analysis, Blalock offers this method as a way to both discover and extend models of causation. The article assumes a familiarity with statistical analysis and its drawback regarding anthropology and other social sciences. Therefore, it would probably be most helpful to an audience sharing the same familiarity with the subject matter.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

CHARITY FOX University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chance, Norman A. Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist, December 1960 Vol. 62 (6): 1028-1044

Norman Chance’s article, through a detailed focus on the Eskimos of Kaktovik, Alaska, attempts to argue the long-held belief that the rapid encroachment of the modern world upon isolated civilizations leads to disastrous results. Furthermore, Chance intends to prove that, when given the right circumstances, culture and tradition can remain anchored, and a civilization actually prosper from the rapid change around it.
Chance’s trip to Kaktovik brings him to a village whose people once based economy, social structure, and to an extent, religion on the sometimes month-long hunt for seals, whales, and other animals of the region. In the 1940s, military personnel, surveyors, and later, workers and officials from the Distant Early Warning line (DEWline) arrived in the area, encouraging all those in distant hamlets and solitary family units to congregate into a village-Kaktovik.For nearly all of the regions Eskimos, this was the first introduction to white men.

The DEWline, a series of radar systems stretching 3,000, needed a workforce to both build and maintain the chain. Chance found that in the summer of 1958, 75 percent of the village men earned $600 per month, full-time. This drastically affected the ability to track and kill seals and teach the skill to younger males in the village. Cash replaced seal oil as the main commodity as timber-frame homes, traditional American clothing, and modern amenities all took their place in Eskimo culture. The small few who maintained the “hunter” lifestyle, were considered unemployed.
These drastic cultural changes would affect the Eskimos in the following order: economic system, family system, religion, education, and social control, or the ability to freely maintain cultural identity despite modernization.
Chance however, found that Eskimos of Kaktovik, accepted the change and smoothly adapted to the troubles their new surroundings brought them. Several traits inherent in this particular group, helped them through this change, namely the Eskimos’ adaptability, their participation as a group with a strong family support system, the ability to maintain social control over village life, and the fact that the goals of this change were positive.

It is important to note that the white men involved in Kaktovik’s change, found the Eskimos to be “friendly, good humored, and hard-working” and allowed the group to change at it’s own pace without deliberate interference, something rarely seen in the annals of history and exploration.

Chance’s study would be of great use to merely observe the habits and norms of older civilizations, considering nearly every corner of the earth has been affected by white men. To study how that group reacted to change, in the physical and mental capacity, Chance’s look at Kaktovik is a rarity and an important case study that examines a culture that, for the meantime, melded into the modern world without leaving behind all that had once made it separate.

CLARITY RANKING-4

JASON NARK University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chance, Norman A.   Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example.   American Anthropologist   December 1960   62(6):1028-1044.

Norman A. Chance's article concerns societies undergoing rapid change, and the assumption made in anthropological theory that such societies are prone to disruption and disorganization. An aim of this article is to better qualify this assumption through an examination of the Eskimo village of Kaktovik, Alaska. These Eskimos are experiencing rapid change through new employment and increased contact with whites at the DEWline radar station nearby.

The village of Kaktovik only became permanently settled in the 1940s; prior to this the Eskimos lived scattered and isolated along the coast, and had very little contact with whites. This picture changed with the DEWline radar station, completed in 1957. Chance expected that this social change would have resulted in an increased aspiration for material goods among the Eskimos, as other anthropologists have shown to happen in acculturation studies where a previously isolated group is introduced to western material values. However, he observed a situation where culture change was not be accompanied by the expected disruption.

Certain large cultural changes in everyday life did take place in work, housing, food, and medical care. However, the Eskimos also attained certain goals, such as a full-time native Eskimo teacher, and a post office. Social norms have remained fairly constant during these changes, indicating a positive adjustment. Possible reasons for this situation in Kaktovik include: small village size with close interpersonal relationships, maintenance of traditional kinship system, attainment of desired goals, effectiveness of traditional Eskimo leader has not been diminished, Eskimos maintained independence in the dependent economy of the DEWline, and the fact that men of all ages have opportunity for equally salaried employment.

Chance then examined the Kaktovik example in comparison to other societies undergoing change, such as Mead's study of Manus. The societies in both cases had an inclination towards change. Chance set up a table for the analysis of two cultural change values, to determine which categories the institutional systems in the Kaktovik example fall under. Institutions analyzed include: economic, educational, and social control (extensive and rapid changes), and family and religion (not extensive and slow change). There were no examples of uneven change.

The article concludes that the assumption that rapid social change results in disorganization is not always true, noting once again the possible reasons for this listed above. Chance's article will be useful to those interested in the process of acculturation, and in particular, the factors that make a changing society disorganized or not disorganized.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LARA ROMAN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chandler, Tertius.   Duplicate Inventions?   American Anthropologist   June 1960   62(3):495-499.

Chandler explores the observation by anthropologist A.L. Kroeber, which essentially posits that difficult and outstanding achievements have been made by two or more innovative individuals unaware of each other in history.  He wonders if these innovations were made independently and outlines inventions and inventors while questioning their relationships to each other.
The best-known examples of a theory that was undeniably influential to many theorists, who in turn influenced each other include Darwin’s theory of evolution, which was inspired by numerous thinkers such as Empedocles, Malthus, Jahiz, Monboddo, Kant, and Cuiver among others, although Darwin usually takes the credit for it.

Other examples that have been proposed are related to quite minor matters. Examples include the telescope, which is credited to three Duchman separately in the same year, logarithms, the simultaneous and coincidental discoveries of nitrogen and oxygen, the theory of planetary disturbances (which is credited to two scientists but Chandler notes that credit really only belongs to one), anesthetics, the periodic table, the telephone, zero, and liquefied oxygen.  An interesting example is the invention of  (photography, which is one of the few genuine cases of simultaneous inventions according to Chandler. Niepce and Daguerre were inspired by lithography while their rival Talbot was inspired by Wollaston’s temporary-image star camera.  Photo negatives were also separately invented.  Kroeber notes also that when techniques reach a high level, further advances can be expected from others to build theory.

This article essentially explores a premise made by anthropologist A.L. Kroeber and outlines inventions that are mistakenly credited to many inventors as well as those that were genuinely discovered or created by multiple individuals simultaneously.

CLARITY: 5

WHITNEY CUMMINGS   University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archaeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62 (3): 363-393.

Coe presents evidence of a linkage between the cultures of Central and South America. He examines the commonalities of various pottery traits that are found in Guatemala, Ecuador, and Peru and discusses the tenuous proof in connecting these cultures with those in North America, referring to the Hopewell and Woodland. He elaborates on arguments put forth by earlier scholars who suggested there was a single source from which certain characteristics originated. Coe points out the complexities of cultural diffusion and that the assumptions made by previous research are invalid because not all traits in a given culture are adapted by another. Rather than focus on a single point of origin, Coe chooses to focus on the possibility that contact between Central and South America occurred via sea trade as a land-based route would have resulted in a filtering of traits.

He summarizes a number of his findings from La Victoria in Guatemala and compares these with information gathered from other sites found in Ecuador’s Guayas Basin and Peru’s northern coast. He asserts those similarities in pottery decorations such as iridescent painting, rocker-stamping, cord-marking, fingernail gouging, the general form and thickness of a particular type of bowl all point to a high degree of likeness too close to be anything other than contact between cultures. If these traits had passed overland, Coe suggests these traits would be more varied. He also provides evidence of several maize crops that are exotic to Guatemala originated in South America, yet only one of these types of maize are found in Columbia, an intermediate point between the two areas further supporting his theory of maritime trading. A number of diagrams and figures are included which outline the various cultural phases, their timeline, location to one another, and which depict the similarities between each culture’s pottery features.

CLARITY: 2

BELINDA WILSON University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62(3): 363-393.

Michael Coe’s article focuses on broad-scale interrelationships between Middle and South America that came about as a result of archeological excavations at La Victoria in southwestern Guatemala. The author examines the means and route of the interdiffusion of ideas and perhaps products in the area by asking the question, “…how did these conditions arise, and in what direction did the diffusional impetus flow?’’

Coe begins his study by reviewing existing material by other authors and then offering new support for a reformulation of hypotheses. He writes of the cultural succession at La Victoria and compares pottery patterns of the varying phases along with estimates of age or carbon dating data of the ceramics, when applicable. Evidence from other South American countries, such as Ecuador and Peru, is taken into consideration as well.

The article opens with an explanation of the “brilliant and controversial Archaic hypothesis” by Spinden, which describes Nuclear America as a single diffusion sphere, with agriculture and the ceramic arts spreading from a single point of origin. This early period, during which it had been assumed migration was responsible for the spread, has come to be known as the Formulative stage. Coe uses more recent evidence to refute this theory by showing that sea trade may have played a large part in relations on the Pacific coast of Guatemala.
Coe concludes by convincing the reader that during the Formative era, sea trade must have played a part in the life of residents of the La Victoria region. He admits “there is no doubt that the high civilizations of Nuclear America rest on a single Formative base.” He closes the article by presenting a puzzling development to readers concerning Ocós pottery and the Early Woodland cultures of North America, perhaps in hope of sparking readers’ interest in another interrelated subject.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

AMY WEINSTEIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archaeaological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vo1.62(3): 363-393.

Norman McQuown’s article discusses the use of linguistics to explore the correlations between language and characteristics such as geography, development, culture, etc. of a given group. Specific examples are given from research into American Indian peoples such as the Maya and the Aztec. Particular consideration is given to the scholarship of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt. The author provides a brief critical analysis of the progress and limitations of each work cited and the resources generally available to linguists.

McQuown begins with a general characterization of. Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt and their work in the field of linguistics. He credits both with stimulating research in American Indian languages and with furthering linguistic study in the Americas. McQuown proceeds to consider the various sources used by the brothers in their work, beginning with documentary sources. The restricted availability of original texts and the labor-intensive process of deciphering them are cited as an impediment to complete utilization of their cultural content. The work of Y.V. Knorozov in deciphering Mayan glyphs is acknowledged and evaluated.

The article continues with consideration of non-documentary, indirect techniques of reconstruction and inference. Various researchers, including the von Humboldts, are commended for tracking language through material culture and the location of present-day descendants. The works of Buschmann, Sapir, Whorf, and Trager are cited. McQuown gives numerous examples of the use of linguistic trends and the tracking of specific words in Mayan languages in understanding the cultural history of the Americas.

McQuown concludes with an argument on behalf of routinely incorporating linguistic analysis into the work of ethnographers and sociocultural anthropologists. He promotes the consideration of linguistic characteristics for their correspondence to societal elements such as kinship structure, marital rules, genetic makeup, trade patterns, etc. The value of such a linguistic perspective on studies of the Tzeltal and Tzotzil peoples is cited. The article closes with the promotion of the pursuit of linguistics in not only the Old, but in the New World as well.

This article illustrates various instances of linguistic research enriching cultural anthropology, as well as our understanding of history and geography. McQuown highlights anecdotal discoveries made by the von Humboldt brothers' research in the Americas, but on a larger scale highlights the potential contributions by linguistics to a broad range of fields.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in languages of the American Indians, specifically the Mayan languages. This article should also be of interest to all anthropologists, and generally all social scientists, who stand to benefit from incorporating linguistic studies into their pool of resources.

CLARITY RANKING: 3.5

NAOMI BERKOWITZ University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Dalton, George.   A Note of Clairification on Economic Surplus.   American Anthropologist   June 1960   62(3):483-489.

George Dalton explains that there are two basic meanings of an economic surplus, which are in an empirical sense in which it refers to a specified portion of material output which exceeds the norm. The second meaning of surplus derives from non-empirical definitions and is employed analytically, as is illustrated by nonfood producers and the concept of labor as a good.

The importance of material surpluses depends on how it came into being. It is significant for a society to understand how the surplus arose, to make sure that the surplus is indeed an excess and measured by operationally sound standards, in monetary terms, and that deliberately contrived surpluses can be created by social policy and technological innovation. Social policy may create a surplus through taxation while technological innovation can expedite the speed with which the goods are produced.

The non-empirical definition of a surplus is more analytical and conceptual. Dalton includes an excerpt from Childe and Herskovits, which explains that surplus can be defined as material goods acquired by nonfood producers (such as farmers providing food to priests). Karl Marx is cited for his theory that a surplus is the difference between labor cost and product price, and further it is significant to note that social participants do not recognize this conceptually defined surplus as apart from non-surplus outputs (in this case income). Another analytical use of a surplus concept in a market economy is derived from Ricardo. He makes the distinction between variable factors of production and those which are inelastic, or fixed in quantity and unresponsive to price changes or change in supply (for there is little change in supply). A competitive demand for a painting is such because it is scarce and even if the price fell, the supply would remain unchanged.

Dalton specifically notes that a unique aspect of market-determined surpluses emerges from the fact that the existence of a surplus depends on institutional criteria, such as market prices, rather than on a physical increase in quantities of goods produced. Especially in market economies it is possible to have a surplus even if the quantity produced is less than previous times. A shrinkage in demand would cause this.

This article describes the material and analytical (inspired by market economies) aspects of generating surpluses in society.

CLARITY: 5

WHITNEY CUMMINGS University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Eggan, Fred.   Stanley Stubbs: 1906-1959.   American Anthropologist   December, 1960   62(6):1045-1046.

This article is the obituary of Stanley Stubbs, who became Curator of Collections at the Laboratory and Museum of New Mexico in 1959, shortly before his death from a heart attack.  He had been with the University of New Mexico since graduate school, and continued with the University in various field, research, and curator roles.  Stubbs envisioned the Laboratory as a center for both ancient and modern Southwestern culture.  His acquired knowledge over the years largely went unwritten, and he had few publications because he could never satisfy his own high standards.  Some pieces he did pen are about the Pueblo and other Indian groups in the Southwest.  Stubbs' full bibliography can be found in El Palacio, December 1959, and also in American Antiquity, April 1960.  His friends and colleagues at the Lab will miss him.

CLARITY: 5

LARA ROMAN   University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Gallin, Bernard. Matrilateral and Affinal Relationships of a Taiwanese Village. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62(4): 632-642.

Most anthropological studies of Chinese villages have focused upon interfamily relationships within small clan groupings. This paper examines aspects of social organization that bring about functionally important matrilateral and affinal relationships beyond the family and village borders. The study is based on field work done in the small Hokkien village of Hsin Hsing on the central western costal plain of Taiwan.

Though ancillary to kin or clan relationships, these external connections, referred to as ch’in ch’i, are quite significant to the villagers. Village life is characterized by a hierarchical structure and the least powerful of the kin groups tend to be anxious and feel obligated to maintain good relations with the more powerful groups. Thus, relationships made through marriages outside the village, adoption or through contacts on the maternal side can take on added importance.

Gallin observed three types of relationship behaviors at work in Hsin Hsing: 1) economic, 2) social and religious, and 3) political and mediatorial. All three types are dependent upon geographical proximity – that is the ch’in ch’i must live close enough that contact is possible without hardship, but preferably not within the same village.

From an economic standpoint ch’in ch’i are of great value to the individual and group as they diversify and buttress their means of support. Through the mutual sharing of labor, resources and capital the Hokkien villagers are able to efficiently plant and harvest their crops, arrange for small loans and achieve a level of stability that would otherwise be impossible.

Social and religious activities in the village are often intertwined. The two most important occasions are religious festivals called pai pai and marriage festivals where chi’n ch’i are typically the principal guests. The network of extended linkages described above allows for travel and visitation by even the poorest of village residents.

The final social category that Gallin discusses is political and mediatorial relations. When conflicts escalate within the village a neutral mediator is often required to settle the dispute. While an official or local elder is frequently called upon, it is not uncommon for this person to be a respected ch’in ch’i male who is known to the disputants. In elections that extend beyond the village level the chi’n ch’i are of unquestionable importance. They frequently constitute the most important source of backers throughout the countryside and their loyalty bestows prestige to the candidate.

Though subordinate to kin and clan based relationships ch’in ch’i are an important additional source of security for villagers. Their major limitation is that they are, by nature, short-lived and rarely last beyond a few generations.

CLARITY RANKING - 4.5

STEVE MINICOLA University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Ivan Lopatin’s article was aimed at looking at the origins of the Native American steam bath. Lopatin laid out the kinds of baths that exists in different cultures and then proceeded to explain the four common types. To trace the origins of the steam bath in the Americas, he examined the steam bath used by his ancestors in his homeland, Russia. He also used historical accounts to examine how the steam bath was introduced into other cultures to see if that is how it could have been brought to the Americas.

Lopatin began his article declaring that there are differences in the different types of baths which is often over looked. These differences do not just exist in how the bath is taken, but also the function of the bath. He goes on to explain the pool or plunge bath, the direct fire sweat bath, the water vapor bath, and the mixed type bath. After outlining these four types, he concentrates on the water vapor bath for the rest of the paper.

The examination of the water vapor bath leads him to two possible conclusions for the origins of the Native American steam bath. His first theory is that the creation of the bath in the Americas paralleled the creation in the Europe. However, he believes that bath was introduced to the Americas by northwest Europeans way before the arrival of Columbus or even the Vikings. He does not know how or when the people came over, but he believes it must be from northwest Europe because that is the only other place that this type of bath, creating steam off the rocks, was practiced.

This article will interest those who want to learn about European bathing techniques, but little is said about those used in the Americas. Lopatin jumps around with his discussion of the types of baths and geographically as well. He does not clearly outline the origins of the Native American steam bath, instead he seems to outline the origins of the European steam bath.

CLARITY: 3

DENNIS WATSON  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

MacNeish’s article is a reexamination of the kinship terminologies of Hare, Lynx Point Slave, and Chipewyan formerly studied by Morgan, Petitot, Honigmann, to name a few. The findings presented here not only add new terminologies to studies conducted by these scholars, but they also suggest corrections to them. Mainly, MacNeish tries to show a possibility for how “Iroquoian cousin terminology, bifurcate-merging pattern of nomenclature, and preferential cross-cousin marriage may have been common and basic strands in the social organization of the Arctic Drainage Déné” (pp. 290).

To begin with, MacNeish carefully provides the data on how each member of the kin is addressed relative to the ego in these three groups. Here, additions of new kin terms to Morgan and several different studies are made. Then, with the structuralist assumption that a logical coherence will underlie kin terms and that kin usages would have gone through a “continual ‘process of internal readjustment” throughout time, the author locates the general characteristics of bifurcate merging emphasis and preferential cross-cousin marriage via comparison of the data presented (pp. 287). During this process, suggestive comments as to the theories Murdock proposed are made: Through thorough examination, MacNeish refines Murdock’s preconditions for bifurcate merging terminology while also utilizing his theories on preferential cross-cousin marriage. Meanwhile, MacNeish is very cautious and notes that any informant’ reports or historical record can indicate contradictory or minimal evidence to the study of kinship terminology in these three groups.

The data that MacNeish provides systematically coheres to the arguments and are claimed against previous studies related to these three groups. It not only suggests the incompleteness or inadequacies of methodologies used in various studies, but also provide implications as to how data may be construed theoretically. In this sense, this is a good article for those who would like to see how studies of kinship terminologies have evolved and been refined.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

KYUNG-NAN KOH    University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg).

Maher, Robert F. Social Structure and Cultural Change in Papua. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4): 593-602.

Robert Maher frames his article about the Koriki and I’ai tribes in Papua around the idea of a growing interest in the dynamic aspect of social structure in the social sciences. It is his claim that by looking at the social structure of the two aforementioned tribes one can begin to make conclusions on how their acculturation experience evolved.

The first of the two major assertions about social structure that Maher makes is that the members of the Koriki tribe, while being relegated to an acquiescent role, uniformly comply to the Tommy Kabu movement (a movement that attempted to reject traditional systems and move towards objectives modeled on European institutions) because their hierarchical social structure encourages everyone to follow a singular chief. As a result, when the chief decides to go along with the movement everyone in the tribe has to as well. Conversely, the second major assertion follows that when faced with the decision whether or not to follow the Tommy Kabu movement, the I’ai tribe is split because their social structure allows for several chiefs of equal power. Not all the chiefs agree that the movement should be pursued and thus not all follow the movement. Consequently, the social structure of the two tribes explains why the powerful I’ai tribe can be divided and the Koriki tribe is unvarying in its acceptance of the movement.

Maher introduces a second problem with the split of the I’ai tribe by asking why parts of the tribe decide not to follow their compatriots. Maher uses specific data gathered from the field to shed light on this problem. He works with three different hypotheses; men influenced by European labor would be more likely to support the Tommy Kabu movement, younger men would be more likely to support the movement, and men who had less of a stake in traditional systems would be more likely to support the movement. Based on the surveys taken, Maher concludes that, while the data doesn’t support the first hypotheses, there does seem to be a correlation between both age and, more strikingly, having less of an involvement in traditional life with support of the Tommy Kabu movement. Through this research Maher concretely shows that social structure, both in power relations and in aspects of age and traditional systems, can be used to determine how a culture experiences change. While Maher doesn’t see these conclusions as exhaustive or representative of a whole, he does contend that this study illustrates how the analysis of social structure can be essential to the understanding of cultural dynamics.

This article will be of interest to people who are familiar with Papua tribes or, more broadly, Southeast Asian tribal relations. The article should also appeal to those who have a general interest in social structure and how it is studied and related to specific incidents.

CLARITY RANKING-4

MICHAEL FITZPATRICK University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Maher, Robert F. Social Structure and Cultural Change in Papua. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62(4): 593-602.

Maher examines the influence of social structure on the differing reactions of two Papuan tribes, the Koriki and I’ai, to the Tommy Kabu Movement in 1947. This movement, of which Maher has previously written, encouraged the tribes to reject traditional culture by relocating their villages from inaccessible swampland in the Purari River delta to drier locations better suited for participation in European markets. Although the I’ai provided the leadership and philosophy of the movement, a small minority of that tribe refused to move, while the entire Koriki tribe relocated willingly.

Maher’s study first involves a search for why these two tribes, which possess a similar culture, language and kinship system, reacted differently to the relocation. He provides a brief history of the tribes, including previous exposure to European culture, and a description of their traditional social structure. Aside from the explanation that the I’ai were organized in a horizontal structure that spread authority equally to the chiefs, and the Koriki used a strict authoritative, hierarchy where decision-making authority was concentrated at the top, Maher presents little evidence to support his claim that a fundamental difference in the structure of authority between the two tribes was a primary influence on the desire to relocate.

Maher then investigates possible sources of the division among the I’ai using a more detailed, statistically based examination of the behavior of 121 men of the Aikavaravi-Kairiravi village who were old enough in 1947 to make their own decision to relocate. Maher failed to support his hypothesis that those who had previously worked outside of their tribal territory on labor lines for Europeans would be more likely to relocate. And although he expected to find younger men more willing to move, the data showed age to be only a minor factor. Maher did however successfully support his belief that higher status in the traditional social structure (as measured by possession of formal authority, wives, shell ornaments and pigs) was a significant factor in the decision to reject relocation, thereby concluding the division within the I’ai was a result of varying status within the tribe’s social structure. While Maher acknowledges other influences need to be considered, he is able to demonstrate that the analysis of social structure can play an essential role in understanding the dynamics of cultural change.

CLARITY: 5

JILL SAWICKI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Frank J. Mahony documents the growth and technical aspects of the savings system in Truck, an island in the pacific Caroline Islands. He notes that the system first started on Moen Island by the highly respected chief Petrus. Petrus wanted to build up savings funds because he felt that people were using their money in a wasteful manner in addition to wanting the people to purchase shares of stock in Truk Trading Company, which was the largest export and import firm in the Truk district. Petrus especially wanted to avoid taxation as a means of raising money, so he conceived the idea of soliciting voluntary contributions to accumulate savings funds.

Meetings (the first one was in 1951) would be held that were inspired by the aboriginal practice of soliciting food and goods from relatives and close friends. Petrus wanted to experiment with the same concept and held the first meeting where speeches were made, songs were sang and individuals voluntarily placed a few pennies at a time in a central coffer. These “district meetings” began to flourish and other islands adopted the practice as well. The meetings became a fun social event and within the structure of donation, individuals contributed money to their respective lineages. Competition became central to the meetings, for the singers and speech-givers became more serious, complex and entertaining. The savings system became a great financial success and other islands began an identical system. Money accumulated in the systems was used to establish funds from which loans were made, sometimes at high interest rates. The funds also provided capital to help start trading companies, to enable people to buy expensive capital goods they might not be able to obtain otherwise and for districts to buy building materials, cars, sewing machines and other goods that are expensive, hard to obtain, and essential in the construction of new homes.

This savings system declined after people’s attention was diverted to other matters, such as political and governmental affairs. The novelty of it also wore off and people began to lose interest. Sporadic meetings have been held since, but the system has for the most part died out and will not be revived.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

WHITNEY CUMMINGS   University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Norman McQuown’s article discusses the use of linguistics to explore the correlations between language and characteristics such as geography, development, culture, etc. of a given group.  Specific examples are given from research into American Indian peoples such as the Maya and the Aztec.  Particular consideration is given to the scholarship of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt.  The author provides a brief critical analysis of the progress and limitations of each work cited and the resources generally available to linguists.

McQuown begins with a general characterization of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt and theft work in the field of linguistics.  He credits both with stimulating research in American Indian languages and with furthering linguistic study in the Americas. MeQuown proceeds to consider the various sources used by the brothers in their work, beginning with documentary sources. The small availability of original texts and the labor-intensive process of deciphering them are cited as an impediment to complete utilization of their cultural content. The work of Y.V. Knorozov to decipher Mayan glyphs is acknowledged and evaluated.

The article continues with consideration of non-documentary, indirect techniques of reconstruction and inference.  Various researchers, including the von Humholdts, are commended for tracking language through material culture and the location of present-day descendants [works of Buschmann, Sapir, Whorf, and Trager are cited.  McQuown gives numerous examples of the use of linguistic trends and the tracking of specific words in Mayan languages in understanding the cultural history of the Americas.

McQuown concludes with an argument on behalf of routinely incorporating linguistic analysis into the work of ethnographers and sociocultural anthropologists.  He promotes the consideration of linguistic characteristics for their correspondence to societal elements such as kinship structure, marital rules, genetic makeup, trade patterns, etc.  The value of such a linguistic perspective on studies of the Tzeltal and Fzotzil peoples is cited.  The article closes with the promotion the pursuit of linguistics in not only the Old, but in the New World as well

This article illustrates various instances of linguistic research enriching cultural anthropology, as well as our understanding of history and geography. McQuown highlights anecdotal discoveries made by the von Humboldt brothers’ research in the Americas, but on a larger scale highlights the potential contributions by linguistics to a broad range of fields.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in language of the American Indians, specifically the Mayan languages.  The article should also be of interest to all anthropologists, and generally all social scientists, who stand to benefit from incorporating linguistic studies into their pool of resources.

CLARITY RANKING: 3.5

NAOMI BERKOWITZ  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Messenger, John C., Jr. Reinterpretations of Christian and Indigenous Belief in a Nigerian Nativist Church. American Anthropologist April, 1960 Vol. 62 (2): 268-278.

John C. Messenger, Jr.’s article discusses the religious acculturation of the Anang of Ikot Ekpene County in southeastern Nigeria in the early twentieth century, with a focus on the Christ Church denomination.

In his introduction, Messenger briefly describes the Anang social and political structure. He discusses the Anang’s first contact with the British in 1902 and the subsequent pacification and acculturation that took place over the next fifty years, during which time eight Christian denominations were established among the Anang. He goes on to explain the role of gender and age in the various reactions of the Anang to proselytizing.

Messenger describes the Anang indigenous religion as a monotheistic belief system based on worship of a sky deity, the belief in two human souls and the interplay of fate and free-will. Diviners, workers of magic and oathgivers are important religious specialists in the Anang belief system. Despite an initial resistance to Christian denominations, many Anang were led to incorporate elements of Christianity into their traditional religions because of an interest in the spiritualist movement of the 1940’s and its focus on the healing power of the Holy Spirit. By advocating spiritualism, reinterpreting Christian and indigenous rituals, and supporting native customs, the Christ Army Church successfully converted Anang men and women.

Messenger compares and contrasts elements of the indigenous faith and the Christ Army Church, providing examples of retentions of indigenous belief and reinterpretations of Christianity by the Anang. According to Messenger, divination, faith healing, and possession are elements of the Church that paralleled the indigenous belief system. Other aspects of belief were syncretized, particularly those related to Satan: the traditional deity was syncretized with Satan so that the Christian God could serve as ruler; suffering was attributed to Satan rather than punishment; and Hell was syncretized with the traditional belief in a “village of souls” beneath the earth. The Holy Spirit that attracted many Anang to the Christ Army Church remained an important element of the belief system, with varying effects. According to Messenger, the concept of forgiveness through the Holy Spirit indirectly fostered the spread of immoral behavior.

The article closes with Messenger’s assertion that traditional retentions and reinterpretations are universal among Christian Anangs and are not limited to the Christ Army Church.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LYNDA MULES University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Needham, Rodney.   Structure and Change in Asymmetric Alliance: Comments on Livingstone’s Further Analysis of Purum Society.   American Anthropologist   June, 1960   Vol. 62(3):499-503.

Rodney Needham’s article is a commentary on Livingstone’s critique of Needham’s earlier 1958 analysis of Purum Society.  Needham claims that Livingstone’s analysis is not a further analysis of his own analysis since Livingstone’s argument supposedly rests on methodologically invalid procedures, uses data from only one single source and completely ignores more recent information, and was written without knowledge of the theoretical and ethnographic literature on the subject of asymmetric alliance.

Needham bases his commentary on a list of twelve points that he criticizes about Livingstone’s article.  He says that it is inadmissible of Livingstone to cite features of a situation as determinants of the situation’s result.  Later Needham accuses Livingstone of using wrong data, too old data sets, and drawing wrong conclusions out of the data he uses.  The evidence employed by Livingstone is also not sufficient in Needham’s eyes since it is not clear enough to support Livingstone’s argument.  Needham feels that Livingstone misrepresents Needham’s findings in at least two incidents when referring to marriages within the clan or within the lineage.  Again, Needham does not agree with Livingstone’s interpretation of marriages where women marry men of other clans than their own.  

Needham bases his argument on the “well-known” fact that the definition of alliance groups can be changed and that alliances can be reversed in such systems as the one of the Purum.  According to Needham, there are several reasons for these changes in alliances.  Needham implies that Livingstone denies that alliance groups can change where Needham is of the belief that systems of asymmetric alliance can indeed change relations between their structural groups and still preserve the principal of matrilateral connubium.

In Needham’s opinion, Livingstone neglects Needham’s most important lesson in his analysis, e.g. the remarkable concordance between social and symbolic structure in societies based on prescriptive alliances.  The social system that Livingstone proposes is completely inadequate and misleading according to Needham.

This article will be of use to individuals who either know Needham’s 1958 analysis of Purum society or Livingstone’s analysis that was published one year later.  Without this knowledge, references made by Needham will hardly be understood.

CLARITY: 2

NINA REINECKE    University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Robert Paine wrote about the social structure in a fjord. Using the Coast Lappish fjord for his study, he looked at their relationship with neighboring fjords, including the Mountain Lappish people. However, his main focus was on the Coast Lappish social unit and how it had changed through out the years, particularly before the war to how it was after the war with the introduction of technology.

Technology greatly increases the boundaries for those living in the Coast Lappish fjord. It expanded their markets for which they traded, as they were now able to trade with other communities. More importantly, it changed where people were living following marriage. Before the war, married couples were expected to farm a certain distance from one's fathers house. However, with the invention of the motor boat and telephone, making traveling and communication easier, couples began moving farther away. No longer was a community able to survive by staying in isolation. Paine argued that a community had to stay with the times or it would not exist very long.

Paine explains that although certain technological advances made staying in touch easier from a greater distance, family life suffered. Only up to one's cousins was considered part of the family. Even in town, the personal relationship between storeowners and customers dwindled. Traditional family and community lifestyles did not survive the advancements. Also with the coming of technology, the Mountain Lappish and Coastal Lappish did not need to rely on each other as much.

Robert Paine's article is a good article for those interested and knowledgeable about either the growth of societies or the people in Scandinavia. It is evident from his studies that things were not the same after war and technological advances.

CLARITY: 3

DENNIS WATSON     University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Parker, Seymour. The Wiitiko Psychosis in the Context of Ojibwa Personality and Culture. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4) 603-623.

Seymour Parker’s article examines factors which may lead to wiitiko psychosis in some members of the Ojibwa tribe of Canada. The author argues that this disease, which does not affect most of the neighboring tribes, is a function of the social and cultural structure of the Ojibwa tribe in addition to the etiological factors that had previously been proposed by Ruth Landes and John M.Cooper. Parker gives a very plausible argument that these social environmental factors could play a significant role in the outbreak of this disease.

The article begins with a discussion of the pathology of wiitiko psychosis. The victims of this disease go through a stage of depression followed by paranoia which can then progress to a stage of homicidal cannibalism.

The author then argues his point through a discussion of the child rearing, adult life, and mythology of the Ojibwa people. The reader is presented in child rearing section with details of the customs associated with raising the child through the various stages of childhood leading up to adulthood. Prominent in the discussion of mythology are the concepts of failure at hunting being a function of being hexed by a neighbor or family member and that people can be possessed by the cannibalistic wiitiko monster. The adult life sections discuss the isolation, independence, poor communication, and lack of social cohesion experienced in adult life. As the discussion progresses, Parker is able to piece together socially grounded psychological stresses on the individual tribe members that are unique to the Ojibwa culture and consistent with many of the known symptoms of this disorder.

This article will be of interest to people hoping to further understand wiitiko psychosis. It may also interest people wanting insight into connections between mental disorders and social environmental factors. Parker’s article presents a convincing argument that social and cultural factors can have an impact in the case of wiitiko psychosis.

CLARITY RANKING-4

Brad Nitzberg University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Rubel, Arthur J. Concepts of Disease in Mexican-American Culture. American Anthropologist Vol. 62 (5): 795 – 814.

Arthur Rubel’s article overall concern is to discuss traditional concepts of health and disease found among the Spanish-speaking people of Texas-Mexican border, and the manner in which these concepts contribute to the maintenance of the social system of that group.

The article makes use of the fact that there are some diseases that can only be found among Mexican-Americans to prove that these diseases and its healing processes reveal much more than a simple pathological issue, they symbolize the struggle of the Mexican-Americans against the adoption of the widespread Anglo-American culture and is in fact a way of protecting their own traditional way of life.

Arthur Rubel makes his point by narrating his firsthand exposure with the Mexican-American habitants of a small city named Mecca in which Anglo-Americans and Mexican-Americans coexist in a policy of separatism. The latter still keeps traditions and believes that are based on their ancestors. The author describes through statements given by locals as well as through his own observations, four diseases that are common among the Mexican-American people of Mecca: “caída de la molera”, “empacho”, “mal ojo” and “susto”. His description includes details not only of the symptoms brought by these diseases as well as their causes and the healing processes. In a further chapter, the author analyses some of the Mexican-American’s cultural values such as the maintenance of the solidarity of a small, bilateral family unit; and others which prescribe the appropriate role behavior of males and females, of older and younger individuals. At this point, he makes an attempt to relate the diseases mentioned in the former chapters to the dominant values of the Mexican-American culture. He concludes his article by inferring that these diseases and its healing procedures mirrors the Mexican-American society structure and its values and that the maintenance of these believes is crucial to the survival of this traditional social system.

CLARITY RANKING – 3

ROBERTA LANDMANN University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Suggs, Robert C.   Historical Traditions and Archeology in Polynesia.   American Anthropologist   October 1960   62(5):764-773.

Traditionally, legendary information was not difficult to obtain in Polynesia, and the area was rich in oral literature.  This fact, combined with native Polynesian’s negative view of archaeology caused Polynesian prehistory to be constructed almost entirely of local legends.  Robert Suggs’ article attempts to examine and re-evaluate prehistoric Polynesian legends in terms of recent archaeological excavations in Polynesia, as well as in New Zealand.

Suggs begins by examining the collection of archaeological data and traditional texts in New Zealand.  He uses the example of the arrival of the Moa Hunter, which has been dated genealogically to 950 A.D. by anthropologist Duff.  More recently, however, archaeological evidence has suggested through radiocarbon dates that the arrival of the Moa Hunter was not until 1125 A.D.  It had also been theorized that the Moa culture did not give rise to the historic Maori culture, when in fact more recently realized stratigraphic evidence indicates that the Maori culture evolved gradually from the Moa Hunter phase.  

Next, Suggs examines a similar situation in Hawaii.  Prior to Dr. K. P. Emory’s excavations, Hawaiian prehistory was based mainly on legendary substantiation.  There are problems with evidence provided by legends, however, including the traditional date of occupation, the origin of Hawaiian occupation, and the legendary Menehune, or black dwarfs.  Archaeological field work has been able to clarify these matters, either by supporting or disproving them.  In the case of the origin of occupation, interpretation of archaeological materials was aided by the use of legends and reinforces previously held views that Polynesians were able to voyage with accuracy and planned expeditions and migrations to new lands.

Suggs concludes his article with the point that both legendary and archaeological evidence must be analyzed carefully.  Polynesian oral literature no longer forms the only basis for prehistoric constructions, but may still contribute valuable information to this area of study.  This article brings to light problems created by the interplay of traditional sources and archaeological evidence.  Suggs presents a clear argument that the two sources will continue to play off one another and that both sources are important, but each must be critically analyzed with the other in mind to reach a valid historical reconstruction.    

CLARITY RANKING  5

JENNY HOGE    University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Suttles, Wayne. Affinal Ties, Subsistence, and Prestige among the Coast Salish. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62(2):296-305.

Wayne Suttles’ article, as the title purports, examines the relationship between affinal ties, subsistence and prestige among the Coast Salish. He begins by stating that previous attempts to link the social stratification and the potlatch among these peoples have not been satisfactory. He challenges previous suppositions that the “subsistence economy” and the “prestige economy” are two separate systems.

Suttles frames his challenge when he states, “I believe, however, that it is more reasonable to assume that, for a population to have survived in a given environment for any length of time, its subsistence activities and prestige-gaining activities are likely to form a single integrated system by which that population has adapted to its environment.” He shows how these systems are related in these areas by the affinal exchanges. These exchanges occur between what he terms “co-parents-in-law,” and begin with the exchanges of wealth at the wedding of their respective children to each other. These exchanges may continue as long as the marriage lasts, and sometimes the exchanges widen to other affinal relationships, e.g. between father-in-law and son-in-law or between brothers-in-law. There are reported instances where these exchanges have become competitive. But it must be understood that this sort of exchange is not simply a repayment of the bride price or a balancing out of exchanges made at the time of the wedding, even though it may have begun at that time. It must also be made clear that these should not be confused with the potlatch. These affinal exchanges show that high status comes from sharing food and from food production. These are direct relationships. Food and wealth are indirectly related, since in the process of the exchange, food may be converted into wealth. Thus the relationship of food, wealth, and high status form a single system.

Suttles develops his argument by considering the environmental setting of native culture in regard to food—variety, local variation, seasonal variation, and yearly fluctuation, and then comparing that to the exchanges of food that take place at the potlatch. But “the potlatch is a part of a larger socio-economic system that enable the whole social network, consisting of a number of communities, to maintain a high level of food production and to equalize its food consumption both within and among communities.” This data comes from work done with informants of the Straits tribes and of the Katzie and Musqueam. He does not indicate whether this work was done by him or if he is using data collected by other.

This article presents the data in a way such that each new set of information builds on the previous data offered. The argument is logical and specific. This article will be of interest to those who study American Indian tribes [Native Americans in the U.S. or First Nations in Canada] of the Northern Pacific group. Some of the conclusions could be used when studying any culture, since food, wealth and prestige are part of most all cultures found throughout the world.

CLARITY: 3

Peggy Billian University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Suttles, Wayne. Affinal Ties, Subsistence, and Prestige among the Coast Salish. American Anthropologist GNI A5 1960 Vol. 62.2: 296-305.

Wayne Suttles’ article states the significance of “ties established through inter-community marriage” and the exchange of gifts among families. These are important factors “in the socio-economic system” of Northwest Coast tribes in Coast Salish. Suttles supports this theory by giving several examples about the selection of participants in marriages, their roles in society, and their relationships among all members involved. The emphasis is on how influential marriage is on families’ status within their communities. Suttles also defines the process that includes the selection of the bride, contribution of food, and converting food to wealth. The result of this well established process ultimately leads to high status.

Although member of villages are connected by a common language, belief system, and shared customs; marriage and kinship are most crucial in Northwest Coast Tribes. Marriage is not only the joint of two persons, but of two families in a community. Suttles initiates with an explanation of individual “social classes.” However, his examples and concentration are of the “high class,” who are the majority. The “low class” is persons who are not recognized in claiming valuable resources of the region and have no hereditary rights.

Families of similar social/economic levels (i.e. upper class) arrange the marriages of their children. The groom’s family initiates negotiations that include the exchange of properties of the two families. The new couples normally live with the groom’s family, but the two families continue to exchange gifts for the continuation of the marriage. The relationships of the children stretch to the extended family, such as cousins. As a result, various levels are established among family members based upon age and relationships. They are distinguished as junior and senior levels among descendants.

Other factors that influence a high status are food and wealth. It is clearly stated that high status comes from sharing food and from directing food production. However, it is necessary to emphasize the power that wealth carries among many social structures. All contribute to the exchange of resources between families, which can be a very competitive process. The exchange of food and wealth is not restricted to co-parent-in-law either; it could be between father-in-law and son-in-law or between brothers-in-law or even cousins.

This is an interesting article for people who are exploring the culture of the Northwest Coast tribes, particularly the social-economic aspects of this region. In this article, Suttles provides specific details about marriages and kinship and their connections. It carefully defines relationships, statuses, roles, and expectations of individuals, and the effects of food and wealth on high status. It also specifies that this is only a general interpretation of the culture as a whole, and its details may not even apply to the Coast Salish. More research is needed to have more clarity and particulars about a specific region within the Northwest Coast.

CLARITY RANKING-4

RICARDINA IWANYSHYN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

C.F. Voegelin’s article explores the meaning of a Hopi term used to describe the suffering of babies and husbands during the pregnancy of a woman, specifically their mother and wife respectively. While interviewing a Hopi woman, Voegelin discovered the term, with which he was unfamiliar and encouraged the woman to put the word into Hopi sentences so he could understand the context and meaning of the word. The word translates into English as “child in couvade” or “husband in couvade”.

The context into which the word was put was that of a girl looking for her parents, and in doing so she asked her grandparents where they were. Her maternal uncle responds, saying that her father is “in couvades”, which is a favorite joke in the Hopi culture for adults because typically children do not understand it. The informant told Voegelin that the word can be used as a noun (as it was in the pun told to the girl) but also as a verb. For the verb, a suffix is employed, so that it would be used as “suffering couvade sickness”.

Evon Vogt examines the way American anthropologists approach cultural anthropology, which he argues is a Marxist type of approach and interpretation. He argues that American anthropologists seek economic and/or ecological determinants, and as a result, they are unable to satisfactorily observe changing social and cultural systems.

Vogt suggests two reasons for the inability to clearly conceptualize process. American anthropologists assume social and cultural systems either: (1) maintain equilibrium unless strained by an outside force, or (2) tend to change, rather than rest at equilibrium. Vogt argues that one must differentiate between short-term and long-term processes in social and cultural systems. He calls these “recurrent processes” and “directional processes,” respectively.

Vogt goes on to describe in detail directional processes and the five stages of socio-economic growth as stated by Rostow: traditional society, pre-take-off, take-off, maturity, and durable goods and services. The author illustrates these concepts by applying them to Navaho ceremonialism from the time of their Apachean ancestors to the present.

Vogt concludes the article by suggesting ways in which American anthropologists can alter their fieldwork so as to use these new concepts to obtain better results in their cultural research.

CLARITY RANKING  3

LINDSAY SHAFER  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Fred W. Voget’s essay examines the concepts of man and culture and four interpretations held by anthropologists from 1860 through the mid 1960’s. These anthropological interpretations include: 1.) psychogenic evolutionism; 2.) historical interactionism; 3.) culturalism-functionalism-holism; and 4.) synthetic interactionism. Voget seeks to demonstrate that these interpretations have changed rather than explore the rationale for said changes. He draws relationships between them and identifies problems within each concept. Additionally, Voget attempts to illustrate that the shifts between these four concepts and their interpretations illustrate anthropology’s interconnectedness with psychology, biology, and sociology.

Voget begins his examination with psychogenic evolutionism, the 19th century interpretation that made assumptions rooted in philosophical rationalism and theories of the earlier philosophes such as Rousseau, Locke and Condorcet. The philosophers asserted that man coupled with “historicity was able to evolve beyond the cultural experience, or primitive survival, to achieve a more sophisticated level of knowledge. Voget seeks to point out that the early evolutionists’ embraced the notion of man transcending from unconscious to conscious through discoveries in the human mind.

The historical “interactionism” interpretation suggests that the man and culture relationship evolves from a scientific perspective expanding the psychogenic realm to include biological and ecological factors. While this interpretation presents a more complex view of man and culture, Voget makes the point that historical interactionism falls short inasmuch as it proffers that man and culture were the result of an “accidental” process rather than a culturally determined society.

With the culturalism, functionalism and holism interpretation, Voget examines the theories of Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown and others that would break off into new directions focusing on the function of authority, education and the family relationships by which this education is garnered. Culturalism-functionalism-holism delves into social needs, roles and the respective action of each person’s role within a culture such as that which occurs in the process of getting food for the family. With the onset of acculturation applied anthropology and Freudian theories on personalities the more recent interpretation of synthetic interactionism and complexity introduces a more innovative focus (of the time) on that of the individual.

While all four interpretations may be viewed as scientific, Vogel points out the problems in each and argues in favor of providing clarification through a more unified approach, citing “reality” for instance, as this unifying element. The interpretations fall short of this cohesiveness failing to focus on a larger, more encompassing view of man in relationship to culture.

Vogel’s essay will be of interest to students of anthropology and other social sciences especially with respect to the ongoing discussion on humanity and its relationship to culture. The article provides a broad overview and perhaps an initial glimpse into the early beginnings of the field of anthropology and its development.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

LAUREL GRADY University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvin Hammarberg)

Voget, Fred. Man and Culture: An Essay in Changing Anthropological Interpretation. American Anthropologist December, 1960 Vol. 62(6) 943-965.

In “Man and Culture: An Essay in Changing Anthropological Interpretation” Fred Voget describes shifts in Anthropological concepts of man and culture from the 19th century to the time of his article in 1960. Voget discusses how changes in frameworks for culture, man, and the interaction of the two, have necessitated reciprocal adjustments over time. He is concerned that the concept of human nature’s influence on human behavior has often been oversimplified, or not addressed due to the theoretical focus of the day, while the questions suggested by this vital interaction continue to arise. Ultimately, Voget feels that recent changes make developing “an integrated science of man” possible. This combination of social sciences, humanities and psychology would be better equipped to thoroughly explore human reality than the individual disciplines are due to constraints of theory and identity.

Voget presents four key understandings of man and reality, each associated with a specific period of anthropology: psychogenic evolutionism (1860-1900), historical interactionism (1900-1925), Culturalism-functionalism-holism (1925-1940) and synthetic interactionism (1940-1960). As the third category’s title demonstrates, Voget’s conceptualizations are not necessarily specific to individual schools of anthropological thought but instead focus on what Voget takes to be their understanding of the “man-in-culture reality”.

In his discussion of each approach, Voget highlights the assumptions about humans and culture, and commitments to ideas implicit in these models and points out ways each has enriched the study of humanity but also theoretically limited the possibility for a more comprehensive understanding. He does this by describing how various anthropologists over time have approached their work and how their approach was invariably related their understanding of both their subjects and their field.

While Voget’s call for a unified approach to human studies does not seem so urgent, perhaps because of the amount of time since the publication of this article, perhaps because the fields in question have become more cooperative, his presentation of different anthropological understandings of the basic nature of humans and culture are very interesting. Voget discusses the assertions various anthropological theories make on these themes, which are intimately related to anthropology, but are not frequently discussed or addressed directly, likely because they are such large questions with problematic implications.

Clarity: 4

Christine Beardsley University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

CARL PFENDNER  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).

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