American Anthropologist
1960

Baal, J. Van. Erring Acculturation.  American Anthropologist   February 1960  Vol. 62 (1): 108-122.

Baal begins his article with a definition of acculturation, which occurs when isolated cultures first come in contact with western civilization. When the process of acculturation is harmful to the culture then according to Baal it’s “erring acculturation.”

Baal goes on to describe two cases of erring acculturation in New Guinea. The first example is of the Cargo Cults whom prophesize the coming of the ancestors by boat or plane to New Guinea to spread fabulous riches among the faithful. Obviously these cults have resulted from contact with Europeans and further result in envy, greed and jealousy amongst their followers.

The second example is of the ever-increasing bride price, which has changed currencies from traditional goods to European money. In this transition the new couple ends up settled with debts, which take years to repay rather than a newfound independence.

Baal also spends some time discussing the Indonesian term “merdeka” and whether it translates literally into English as freedom or independence or whether it embodies both terms. This discussion examines how old terminology is adapted to new situations, such as democracy and independence from colonial rule in Indonesia.

Finally, Baal discusses how to have positive acculturation and what other anthropologists have said on the topic. Baal finishes by emphasizing the importance of education in the acculturation process.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

MOLLY GUNN   University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Barnes, J.A.  Marriage and Residential Continuity.  American Anthropologist  October, 1960  Vol. 62 (5):850-866

The title of this article is slightly misleading.  It is a lengthy exposition of the significant issues involved in describing marital locality over time, within kinship structures, and within different disciplines of study.  

Barnes begins by declaring that the standard terms “matrilocal” and “patrilocal” are insufficiently descriptive for the purposes of describing post-marital residential patterns.  He suggests instead a replacement of these terms with the terms uxorilocal and virilocal (matrilocal and patrilocal, respectively) without making it entirely clear how this set of terms is superior to the former.  Barnes further expounds upon the various other systems of nomenclature employed by other anthropologists (Fisher, Murdock, Adam, etc…) and concludes by declaring them all to be too general for the purpose.  He does not, however, offer a solution to the problem of his own invention, but does seem to advocate the Murdock system, which he neither clearly defines nor adequately discusses, but instead presupposes an understanding of this system on the part of his reader.

Barnes goes on to discuss the problems associated with defining kinship residency terms and patterns by actual native “practice” rather than anthropological “rule.”  This difficulty he does not adequately resolve, but does discuss at some length the ambiguity of Murdock’s position on this point.  

Furthermore, Barnes dedicates some amount of space to the discussion of the significance of “place” to the definition of residential kinship patterns.  He raises the issue of inter-cultural differences in the significance of proximity in living as a major concern in developing an adequate model for residential terminology.  For example, he contends that in many cultures there may be only a small physical move of residence after marriage, but the subsistence duties of a new husband or wife may suddenly shift from the native to the new family.  

The last issue Barnes raises is that of continuity over time in residential patterns within a culture and the subsequent issues associated with the attempt to develop a consistent model that can account for this change.  The marital locality of a particular tribe may be different at the present time than it had been 50 or 100 years ago, and it is necessary to compile reliable genealogical information for as long a period as possible to attempt to assess the continuity over time of kinship patterns.  

This article would be of particular value to those interested in the methodology (particularly the nomenclatural science) of anthropological study as well as those interested in studying kinship locality in depth, over many times, cultures, and places.  While it does not offer a comprehensive answer to the many problems with such study, it does raise many issues that it would be valuable for anyone with the abovementioned interests to take heed of.

CLARITY RANKING 3

EDWARD CHATELAIN  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Befu, Harumi and Chard, Chester S.   Preceramic Cultures in Japan.   American Anthropologist   October 1960   62(5):815-849.

In the introduction of this paper, the authors make the point that the study of preceramic Japanese archaeology is a more than worthwhile endeavor, despite the prevailing western attitudes, as the information divined from Japanese excavations can be applied to continental Russian and Chinese history since the amount of primary research being done in either place is severely lacking due to communist control. Indeed, even Japanese archaeology, due to the prevailing theory of the sterility of the lower strata are of little help in uncovering their buried past.

The authors then provide a brief history of the excavations carried out in Japan. Special attention is paid to the difficulties encountered in Japanese study either from political elements or from prevailing scientific ideology. The authors also provide a very helpful and seemingly comprehensive survey of the lithic typologies employed in Japanese archaeology, as well as probable locations for significant Neolithic sites.

The authors then move on to recount the various industries encountered in Japan. Some degree of attention is paid to the geographical distribution of the various industries as well.

The authors go on to attempt to provide a reliable chronology for the preceramic Japanese sites and industries previously described. This is extremely difficult because of the general lack of reliable stratigraphic data at most points on the Japanese islands. The central island does contain some reliable stratigraphy, mostly of volcanic origin, although the other islands do not, and it is difficult to accurately translate this stratigraphic information from one island to another. Nonetheless, they suggest a moderately reliable chronology for the material presented.

The authors conclude with brief discussions of the possibility to apply Japanese chronology and archaeological record to other world cultures and a very brief discussion on the nature of the switch from preceramic to Jomon culture in Japan. They conclude on this matter that little can be said until all further classification and typological activity is completed, and that large amounts of research still need to be completed before the preceramic Japanese world comes to life.

This article provides an excellent survey of the corpus of preceramic Japanese culture pre-1960. The material would be useful to anyone interested in Japanese archaeology or the possibility of applying foreign conclusions to native archeological soil.

CLARITY RANKING  5

EDWARD CHATELAIN   University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Befu, Harumi and Chard, Chester S. Preceramic Cultures in Japan. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62: 815-847.

Befu and Chard’s article examines the origins of tools and industries in preceramic Japan in an attempt to improve upon what they believe is a dearth of information regarding this era. They attempt to draw conclusions about both the origin of initial preceramic Japanese (“pre-Jomon”) industries, and the relationship between such preceramic cultures and succeeding “Jomon” times. They describe the misleading nature of research before 1949, and cite overly facile conclusions since 1949. The article is useful in that the authors convince the reader of the need for future study and outline the direction for future research in the field. They argue that a renewed investigation of preceramic Japan will have relevance on both the study of Jomon times, as well as the New World.

Befu and Chard begin with an explanation of the formerly held belief that the Jomon culture began in a hitherto uninhabited archipelago at the beginning of the post-Pleistocene era. These assumptions were challenged after an excavation in 1949 found that the land was indeed inhabited in what they would subsequently call the pre-Jomon or preceramic era.

Befu and Chard begin their research by defining the major tool types in preceramic Japan. Using these tools as evidence, they attempt to group several industries in preceramic Japan, organized roughly into three regions: Central Japan, The Inland Sea and Hokkaido. While Befu and Chard seek correlations among the industries in preceramic Japan, they cite inadequate information to draw conclusive parallels.

Among the challenges to this field is the need for more stratified excavation of preceramic sites in Japan, noting that in most cases only two levels are available for study. From the limited stratigraphic information the authors cite possible chronologies within the three regions, admitting that any conclusions are tenuous at best. They claim that other archaeologists’ attempts to draw historical connections between the tools found in preceramic Japan and other areas of Asia have resulted in facile conclusions.

Finally, Befu and Chard discuss the question of the transition from the pre-Jomon (i.e., preceramic) era to the Jomon era. In each of the three regions, they cite insufficient evidence to draw direct links. Befu and Chard argue that the existing evidence does not conclude if Jomon culture was of external origin, from the preceding (preceramic) influence, or a combination of the two.

Befu and Chard do a commendable job of conveying to the reader the need for continued rigorous study of preceramic Japan. Using abundant examples of previous research, they show the lax “conclusions” made by previous scholars. By highlighting the incomplete nature of previous methodologies, they provide both a caveat against easy conclusions, and incite a call to action for future study by showing the far-reaching effects that a conclusive study of preceramic Japan will have on subsequent eras and surrounding regions.

CLARITY: 4

AMY GIUFFI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Bennett, John W., and Leo A. Despres.  Kinship and Instrumental Activities: A Theoretical Inquiry.   American Anthropologist   April 1960   Vol. 62(2): 254-268.

Bennett and Despres’s article is a theoretical inquiry into kinship and instrumental activity based on a systematic inquiry into four representative types of kinship systems. With a goal to provide a framework that will be adequate for explaining sociocultural changes and modernization phenomena in the non-Western societies, Bennett and Despres defines as their objective to see how cultural variables such as kinship and ideology, and behavioral variables of political and economic activities, can be integrated into a more systematic analysis that allow for theoretical implications.

After an initial observation, the authors distinguish two axes of ideology and activity, and examine kinship systems of Japanese oyabun-kobun, Hindu jajmani, Philippines, and southern Bosoga in East Africa, in relation to those two components they identified. in the Philippines bilateral kindred and Uindu jajmani system, they find that a reciprocal relationship between culture and instrumental action exist: Culture is used as a means to instigate instrumental action such as organizing political factions or economic activities, while instrumental action also is used to reinforce traditional culture. in the case of oyabun-kobun system and Bugosa in East Africa, they see that a non-reciprocal relationship exists: Culture is used to organize instrumental activities whereas activities are directed toward reinforcing economic and political power rather than culture itself The comparison of these four cases lays the ground by which an argument that all types of kinship systems around the world are suitable for organizing instrumental activities is made.

Bennett and Despres succeeds in arguing against static notions of structural properties and the unidirectional causality between compositional features, as the four cases reveal the dynamics between kinship ideologies and instrumental actions. However, the data and the analysis presented here falls short to provide an adequate future implication as to how non- Western societies use kinship relations as a result of, or in response to, sociocultural change and modernization, as the authors hoped to do in their concluding remarks. As to their data and findings, it is also questionable as to whether the variables of culture and social action can be neatly separated.

CLARITY RANKING  4

KYUNG-NAN KOH  University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).

Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist November, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794.

Gerald Berreman's article examines the concept of culture area and the process of cultural drift, revealing the ways in which distinct localized subgroups emerge among peoples who share generally similar cultural, linguistic, and historical traditions. The author makes an effort to reveal more explicitly the requirements, patterns, and consequences of the processes of these concepts, and to suggest the usefulness of their relationship to one another as a descriptive and analytical tool. Berreman acknowledges that cultural change comes about as a result of variation, selection, and transmission, but argues that the additional condition of isolation must be a present component in order for drift or divergent change to occur.

In order to demonstrate such processes and the resulting phenomena, Berreman carries out research in populations in and around the village of Sirkanda, located in the lower Himalayan mountains of North India. The author investigates the cultures and dynamics between the subgroups that collectively form the area's larger population more broadly referred to as the Pahari. The cultural group of the Pahari is loosely compared to populations in the larger regional area, but more specifically, the subgroups of the Pahari are compared to each other. By looking at the similarities and differences in such features as dialect, ceremonial forms, deities worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, range of castes, and rules of marriage, a highly localized cultural variability is revealed. More importantly than the nature of the common or divergent practices that exist, Berreman seeks to demonstrate the dynamics and processes through which these variations are established. Through detailed comparative description of the customs of the cultural area and its subgroups, as well as of the extent and intensity of interaction among them, Berreman establishes that the degree of isolation correlates with the degree of cultural divergence or drift.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in various cultural practices of populations of the lower Himalayan mountains between western Kashmir and eastern Nepal in North India. More broadly, it clearly and competently demonstrates the concepts of cultural commonality and change, the components necessary to establish those processes, and the value in examining, understanding, and describing populations and their relationships to one another from these perspectives.

CLARITY RANKING-5

JEN KOLLAR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Berreman, Gerald. Cultural Variability and Drift in the Himalayan Hills. American Anthropologist October, 1960 Vol. 62 (5): 774-794.

Gerald Berreman’s article examines the cultural variability in the people who live in the Himalyan Hills in India. The Parhi, meaning “of the mountains”, share basic cultural patterns but Garreman looks to emphasize cultural differences including dialect, ceremonial forms, dieties worshipped, house styles, dress and ornamentation, among others. Gerreman seeks to explain the cultural variations in this group, which in some instances are more evident than others.

Gerreman explains the culture of the people who live in the mountains and shows that those who live in these communities rarely leave those areas and therefore have little opportunity to interact with others outside of their own communities. This allows for little divergence of the culture. Seclusion can be a reason for culture changes in a community. There are few occasions where high- and low-caste people are treated differently in the Parhi culture. Because of their seclusion, these groups primarily interact within their own group.

He compares the communities of Parhis in the mountains to those people that live in the plains. In the mountains the terrain is rough and inhabitants are unable to travel far from their villages. The plains afford inhabitants greater opportunity to move about freely. Those who live there are able to associate more often with others from towns that are more easily accessible due to better terrain and methods of transportation. The plains culture also has more caste rules and is affected by greater change than the Parhi communities.

Gerreman shows that change within culture area is affected in numerous ways. The isolation of the Parhis prevents their culture from significant change. The Parhis are isolated from neighboring areas by geographical and linguistic barriers. Societies that provide more opportunity for interaction with outsiders tend to change more frequently.

The author used observation and others’ research in similar areas to evaluate the similarities and differences within the Parhi culture and established it as different than the culture of those that dwell in the plains. This article could be useful for individuals who are studying specific culture areas and how they change over time, as well as for those studying cultural areas with India.

CLARITY: 3

JOEY MCCOOL University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Blalock, H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences.
American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4): 624-631.

H. M. Blalock’s article seeks to illustrate the benefits and drawbacks of employing a mathematical model created by H. A. Simon in 1954 to make causal inferences based on limited intercorrelational items. Blalock uses Simon’s method in an analysis of data concerning North American Indian tribes presented by Driver and Massey (1957: 427-434) to highlight the method’s uses.

Blalock uses Simon’s method to illustrate that it is possible to infer which models are correct by examining the relative magnitudes of the correlation coefficients. Blalock applies this method to Driver and Massey’s North American Indian data which sought to establish the relative merits of evolutionary theories of culture, as contrasted with diffusionist theories, by analyzing various intercorrelations among culture traits for 280 North American Indian tribes. The author examined the study’s data concerning four variables: division of labor, postnuptual residence, land tenure, and descent. In this particular analysis, Blalock demonstrates that Simon’s method allows for better predictions based on the available data.

Despite the successful application of Simon’s method to the Native American Indian data, Blalock devotes ample text in highlighting the potential flaws in the mathematical model’s use. He indicates that by interpreting results of a causal analysis using Simon’s method, one can never actually prove the correctness of any given model since there will usually be several models which predict exactly the same empirical results. One must, therefore, rely on theoretical reasoning, knowledge of time sequences, and common sense when choosing between particular models. Blalock also indicates that in this particular application of Simon’s method another model might have been more appropriate had another variable been introduced. Other practical limitations of Simon’s method include its assumption of an interval-scale level of measurement involving equal units, and its inappropriateness for use with ranked data or classifications involving three or more categories. Additionally, the author points out that the method yields no practical solutions unless more than half of the possible causal arrows in the model can be ruled out, and since the method does not allow for a sampling error, the number of cases on which the analysis is based must be large.

Despite its flaws, Blalock encourages the use of Simon’s method to note the direction and magnitude of deviations from predicted values thereby suggesting how additional variables should be brought into the theoretical system.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

JUSTIN MAZUR University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Blalock Jr., H. M. Correlational Analysis and Causal Inferences. American Anthropologist August, 1960 Vol. 62 (4):624-631.

This paper deals with the issue of whether or not it is possible to predict correlations between variables in a social science study through making causal inferences. To do this, Blalock implements the mathematical solution proposed by Simon (1954) to determine the level of correlation between variables both directly and indirectly related by linear means. Depending on the causal links between variables, Blalock shows how to construct an algebraic formula to predict the correlation of the variables being studied. As an illustration, he applies Simon’s formula to Driver and Massey’s (1957) study of intercorrelations among 280 North American Indian tribes. According to Blalock, practical limitations of these mathematical models include: the necessity of working with an extremely large sample size (to reduce fluctuations and sampling error), using equal units of measurement among the variables, and ruling out at least half of the possible causal links between variables. In the face of these restrictions and a general hesitation he sees among social scientists to use quantitative analysis, Blalock offers this method as a way to both discover and extend models of causation. The article assumes a familiarity with statistical analysis and its drawback regarding anthropology and other social sciences. Therefore, it would probably be most helpful to an audience sharing the same familiarity with the subject matter.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

CHARITY FOX University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chance, Norman A. Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example. American Anthropologist, December 1960 Vol. 62 (6): 1028-1044

Norman Chance’s article, through a detailed focus on the Eskimos of Kaktovik, Alaska, attempts to argue the long-held belief that the rapid encroachment of the modern world upon isolated civilizations leads to disastrous results. Furthermore, Chance intends to prove that, when given the right circumstances, culture and tradition can remain anchored, and a civilization actually prosper from the rapid change around it.
Chance’s trip to Kaktovik brings him to a village whose people once based economy, social structure, and to an extent, religion on the sometimes month-long hunt for seals, whales, and other animals of the region. In the 1940s, military personnel, surveyors, and later, workers and officials from the Distant Early Warning line (DEWline) arrived in the area, encouraging all those in distant hamlets and solitary family units to congregate into a village-Kaktovik.For nearly all of the regions Eskimos, this was the first introduction to white men.

The DEWline, a series of radar systems stretching 3,000, needed a workforce to both build and maintain the chain. Chance found that in the summer of 1958, 75 percent of the village men earned $600 per month, full-time. This drastically affected the ability to track and kill seals and teach the skill to younger males in the village. Cash replaced seal oil as the main commodity as timber-frame homes, traditional American clothing, and modern amenities all took their place in Eskimo culture. The small few who maintained the “hunter” lifestyle, were considered unemployed.
These drastic cultural changes would affect the Eskimos in the following order: economic system, family system, religion, education, and social control, or the ability to freely maintain cultural identity despite modernization.
Chance however, found that Eskimos of Kaktovik, accepted the change and smoothly adapted to the troubles their new surroundings brought them. Several traits inherent in this particular group, helped them through this change, namely the Eskimos’ adaptability, their participation as a group with a strong family support system, the ability to maintain social control over village life, and the fact that the goals of this change were positive.

It is important to note that the white men involved in Kaktovik’s change, found the Eskimos to be “friendly, good humored, and hard-working” and allowed the group to change at it’s own pace without deliberate interference, something rarely seen in the annals of history and exploration.

Chance’s study would be of great use to merely observe the habits and norms of older civilizations, considering nearly every corner of the earth has been affected by white men. To study how that group reacted to change, in the physical and mental capacity, Chance’s look at Kaktovik is a rarity and an important case study that examines a culture that, for the meantime, melded into the modern world without leaving behind all that had once made it separate.

CLARITY RANKING-4

JASON NARK University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chance, Norman A.   Culture Change and Integration: An Eskimo Example.   American Anthropologist   December 1960   62(6):1028-1044.

Norman A. Chance's article concerns societies undergoing rapid change, and the assumption made in anthropological theory that such societies are prone to disruption and disorganization. An aim of this article is to better qualify this assumption through an examination of the Eskimo village of Kaktovik, Alaska. These Eskimos are experiencing rapid change through new employment and increased contact with whites at the DEWline radar station nearby.

The village of Kaktovik only became permanently settled in the 1940s; prior to this the Eskimos lived scattered and isolated along the coast, and had very little contact with whites. This picture changed with the DEWline radar station, completed in 1957. Chance expected that this social change would have resulted in an increased aspiration for material goods among the Eskimos, as other anthropologists have shown to happen in acculturation studies where a previously isolated group is introduced to western material values. However, he observed a situation where culture change was not be accompanied by the expected disruption.

Certain large cultural changes in everyday life did take place in work, housing, food, and medical care. However, the Eskimos also attained certain goals, such as a full-time native Eskimo teacher, and a post office. Social norms have remained fairly constant during these changes, indicating a positive adjustment. Possible reasons for this situation in Kaktovik include: small village size with close interpersonal relationships, maintenance of traditional kinship system, attainment of desired goals, effectiveness of traditional Eskimo leader has not been diminished, Eskimos maintained independence in the dependent economy of the DEWline, and the fact that men of all ages have opportunity for equally salaried employment.

Chance then examined the Kaktovik example in comparison to other societies undergoing change, such as Mead's study of Manus. The societies in both cases had an inclination towards change. Chance set up a table for the analysis of two cultural change values, to determine which categories the institutional systems in the Kaktovik example fall under. Institutions analyzed include: economic, educational, and social control (extensive and rapid changes), and family and religion (not extensive and slow change). There were no examples of uneven change.

The article concludes that the assumption that rapid social change results in disorganization is not always true, noting once again the possible reasons for this listed above. Chance's article will be useful to those interested in the process of acculturation, and in particular, the factors that make a changing society disorganized or not disorganized.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LARA ROMAN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Chandler, Tertius.   Duplicate Inventions?   American Anthropologist   June 1960   62(3):495-499.

Chandler explores the observation by anthropologist A.L. Kroeber, which essentially posits that difficult and outstanding achievements have been made by two or more innovative individuals unaware of each other in history.  He wonders if these innovations were made independently and outlines inventions and inventors while questioning their relationships to each other.
The best-known examples of a theory that was undeniably influential to many theorists, who in turn influenced each other include Darwin’s theory of evolution, which was inspired by numerous thinkers such as Empedocles, Malthus, Jahiz, Monboddo, Kant, and Cuiver among others, although Darwin usually takes the credit for it.

Other examples that have been proposed are related to quite minor matters. Examples include the telescope, which is credited to three Duchman separately in the same year, logarithms, the simultaneous and coincidental discoveries of nitrogen and oxygen, the theory of planetary disturbances (which is credited to two scientists but Chandler notes that credit really only belongs to one), anesthetics, the periodic table, the telephone, zero, and liquefied oxygen.  An interesting example is the invention of  (photography, which is one of the few genuine cases of simultaneous inventions according to Chandler. Niepce and Daguerre were inspired by lithography while their rival Talbot was inspired by Wollaston’s temporary-image star camera.  Photo negatives were also separately invented.  Kroeber notes also that when techniques reach a high level, further advances can be expected from others to build theory.

This article essentially explores a premise made by anthropologist A.L. Kroeber and outlines inventions that are mistakenly credited to many inventors as well as those that were genuinely discovered or created by multiple individuals simultaneously.

CLARITY: 5

WHITNEY CUMMINGS   University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archaeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62 (3): 363-393.

Coe presents evidence of a linkage between the cultures of Central and South America. He examines the commonalities of various pottery traits that are found in Guatemala, Ecuador, and Peru and discusses the tenuous proof in connecting these cultures with those in North America, referring to the Hopewell and Woodland. He elaborates on arguments put forth by earlier scholars who suggested there was a single source from which certain characteristics originated. Coe points out the complexities of cultural diffusion and that the assumptions made by previous research are invalid because not all traits in a given culture are adapted by another. Rather than focus on a single point of origin, Coe chooses to focus on the possibility that contact between Central and South America occurred via sea trade as a land-based route would have resulted in a filtering of traits.

He summarizes a number of his findings from La Victoria in Guatemala and compares these with information gathered from other sites found in Ecuador’s Guayas Basin and Peru’s northern coast. He asserts those similarities in pottery decorations such as iridescent painting, rocker-stamping, cord-marking, fingernail gouging, the general form and thickness of a particular type of bowl all point to a high degree of likeness too close to be anything other than contact between cultures. If these traits had passed overland, Coe suggests these traits would be more varied. He also provides evidence of several maize crops that are exotic to Guatemala originated in South America, yet only one of these types of maize are found in Columbia, an intermediate point between the two areas further supporting his theory of maritime trading. A number of diagrams and figures are included which outline the various cultural phases, their timeline, location to one another, and which depict the similarities between each culture’s pottery features.

CLARITY: 2

BELINDA WILSON University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vol. 62(3): 363-393.

Michael Coe’s article focuses on broad-scale interrelationships between Middle and South America that came about as a result of archeological excavations at La Victoria in southwestern Guatemala. The author examines the means and route of the interdiffusion of ideas and perhaps products in the area by asking the question, “…how did these conditions arise, and in what direction did the diffusional impetus flow?’’

Coe begins his study by reviewing existing material by other authors and then offering new support for a reformulation of hypotheses. He writes of the cultural succession at La Victoria and compares pottery patterns of the varying phases along with estimates of age or carbon dating data of the ceramics, when applicable. Evidence from other South American countries, such as Ecuador and Peru, is taken into consideration as well.

The article opens with an explanation of the “brilliant and controversial Archaic hypothesis” by Spinden, which describes Nuclear America as a single diffusion sphere, with agriculture and the ceramic arts spreading from a single point of origin. This early period, during which it had been assumed migration was responsible for the spread, has come to be known as the Formulative stage. Coe uses more recent evidence to refute this theory by showing that sea trade may have played a large part in relations on the Pacific coast of Guatemala.
Coe concludes by convincing the reader that during the Formative era, sea trade must have played a part in the life of residents of the La Victoria region. He admits “there is no doubt that the high civilizations of Nuclear America rest on a single Formative base.” He closes the article by presenting a puzzling development to readers concerning Ocós pottery and the Early Woodland cultures of North America, perhaps in hope of sparking readers’ interest in another interrelated subject.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

AMY WEINSTEIN University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D. Archaeaological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist June, 1960 Vo1.62(3): 363-393.

Norman McQuown’s article discusses the use of linguistics to explore the correlations between language and characteristics such as geography, development, culture, etc. of a given group. Specific examples are given from research into American Indian peoples such as the Maya and the Aztec. Particular consideration is given to the scholarship of Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt. The author provides a brief critical analysis of the progress and limitations of each work cited and the resources generally available to linguists.

McQuown begins with a general characterization of. Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt and their work in the field of linguistics. He credits both with stimulating research in American Indian languages and with furthering linguistic study in the Americas. McQuown proceeds to consider the various sources used by the brothers in their work, beginning with documentary sources. The restricted availability of original texts and the labor-intensive process of deciphering them are cited as an impediment to complete utilization of their cultural content. The work of Y.V. Knorozov in deciphering Mayan glyphs is acknowledged and evaluated.

The article continues with consideration of non-documentary, indirect techniques of reconstruction and inference. Various researchers, including the von Humboldts, are commended for tracking language through material culture and the location of present-day descendants. The works of Buschmann, Sapir, Whorf, and Trager are cited. McQuown gives numerous examples of the use of linguistic trends and the tracking of specific words in Mayan languages in understanding the cultural history of the Americas.

McQuown concludes with an argument on behalf of routinely incorporating linguistic analysis into the work of ethnographers and sociocultural anthropologists. He promotes the consideration of linguistic characteristics for their correspondence to societal elements such as kinship structure, marital rules, genetic makeup, trade patterns, etc. The value of such a linguistic perspective on studies of the Tzeltal and Tzotzil peoples is cited. The article closes with the promotion of the pursuit of linguistics in not only the Old, but in the New World as well.

This article illustrates various instances of linguistic research enriching cultural anthropology, as well as our understanding of history and geography. McQuown highlights anecdotal discoveries made by the von Humboldt brothers' research in the Americas, but on a larger scale highlights the potential contributions by linguistics to a broad range of fields.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in languages of the American Indians, specifically the Mayan languages. This article should also be of interest to all anthropologists, and generally all social scientists, who stand to benefit from incorporating linguistic studies into their pool of resources.

CLARITY RANKING: 3.5

NAOMI BERKOWITZ University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Dalton, George.   A Note of Clairification on Economic Surplus.   American Anthropologist   June 1960   62(3):483-489.

George Dalton explains that there are two basic meanings of an economic surplus, which are in an empirical sense in which it refers to a specified portion of material output which exceeds the norm. The second meaning of surplus derives from non-empirical definitions and is employed analytically, as is illustrated by nonfood producers and the concept of labor as a good.

The importance of material surpluses depends on how it came into being. It is significant for a society to understand how the surplus arose, to make sure that the surplus is indeed an excess and measured by operationally sound standards, in monetary terms, and that deliberately contrived surpluses can be created by social policy and technological innovation. Social policy may create a surplus through taxation while technological innovation can expedite the speed with which the goods are produced.

The non-empirical definition of a surplus is more analytical and conceptual. Dalton includes an excerpt from Childe and Herskovits, which explains that surplus can be defined as material goods acquired by nonfood producers (such as farmers providing food to priests). Karl Marx is cited for his theory that a surplus is the difference between labor cost and product price, and further it is significant to note that social participants do not recognize this conceptually defined surplus as apart from non-surplus outputs (in this case income). Another analytical use of a surplus concept in a market economy is derived from Ricardo. He makes the distinction between variable factors of production and those which are inelastic, or fixed in quantity and unresponsive to price changes or change in supply (for there is little change in supply). A competitive demand for a painting is such because it is scarce and even if the price fell, the supply would remain unchanged.

Dalton specifically notes that a unique aspect of market-determined surpluses emerges from the fact that the existence of a surplus depends on institutional criteria, such as market prices, rather than on a physical increase in quantities of goods produced. Especially in market economies it is possible to have a surplus even if the quantity produced is less than previous times. A shrinkage in demand would cause this.

This article describes the material and analytical (inspired by market economies) aspects of generating surpluses in society.

CLARITY: 5

WHITNEY CUMMINGS University of Pennsylvania  (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Eggan, Fred.   Stanley Stubbs: 1906-1959.   American Anthropologist   December, 1960   62(6):1045-1046.

This article is the obituary of Stanley Stubbs, who became Curator of Collections at the Laboratory and Museum of New Mexico in 1959, shortly before his death from a heart attack.  He had been with the University of New Mexico since graduate school, and continued with the University in various field, research, and curator roles.  Stubbs envisioned the Laboratory as a center for both ancient and modern Southwestern culture.  His acquired knowledge over the years largely went unwritten, and he had few publications because he could never satisfy his own high standards.  Some pieces he did pen are about the Pueblo and other Indian groups in the Southwest.  Stubbs' full bibliography can be found in El Palacio, December 1959, and also in American Antiquity, April 1960.  His friends and colleagues at the Lab will miss him.

CLARITY: 5

LARA ROMAN   University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Gallin, Bernard. Matrilateral and Affinal Relationships of a Taiwanese Village. American Anthropologist 1960 Vol. 62(4): 632-642.

Most anthropological studies of Chinese villages have focused upon interfamily relationships within small clan groupings. This paper examines aspects of social organization that bring about functionally important matrilateral and affinal relationships beyond the family and village borders. The study is based on field work done in the small Hokkien village of Hsin Hsing on the central western costal plain of Taiwan.

Though ancillary to kin or clan relationships, these external connections, referred to as ch’in ch’i, are quite significant to the villagers. Village life is characterized by a hierarchical structure and the least powerful of the kin groups tend to be anxious and feel obligated to maintain good relations with the more powerful groups. Thus, relationships made through marriages outside the village, adoption or through contacts on the maternal side can take on added importance.

Gallin observed three types of relationship behaviors at work in Hsin Hsing: 1) economic, 2) social and religious, and 3) political and mediatorial. All three types are dependent upon geographical proximity – that is the ch’in ch’i must live close enough that contact is possible without hardship, but preferably not within the same village.

From an economic standpoint ch’in ch’i are of great value to the individual and group as they diversify and buttress their means of support. Through the mutual sharing of labor, resources and capital the Hokkien villagers are able to efficiently plant and harvest their crops, arrange for small loans and achieve a level of stability that would otherwise be impossible.

Social and religious activities in the village are often intertwined. The two most important occasions are religious festivals called pai pai and marriage festivals where chi’n ch’i are typically the principal guests. The network of extended linkages described above allows for travel and visitation by even the poorest of village residents.

The final social category that Gallin discusses is political and mediatorial relations. When conflicts escalate within the village a neutral mediator is often required to settle the dispute. While an official or local elder is frequently called upon, it is not uncommon for this person to be a respected ch’in ch’i male who is known to the disputants. In elections that extend beyond the village level the chi’n ch’i are of unquestionable importance. They frequently constitute the most important source of backers throughout the countryside and their loyalty bestows prestige to the candidate.

Though subordinate to kin and clan based relationships ch’in ch’i are an important additional source of security for villagers. Their major limitation is that they are, by nature, short-lived and rarely last beyond a few generations.

CLARITY RANKING - 4.5

STEVE MINICOLA University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)