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Barber, C. G. Peyote and the Definition of Narcotic. American Anthropologist. 1959 Vol. 61:640-646 The article Peyote
and the Definition of Narcotic by Carroll G. Barber is a discussion
regarding whether or not peyote should be termed a narcotic. Barber
demonstrates the difficulty in defining the term narcotic and then
relates this to the difficulty in considering peyote a narcotic.
She shows how there are many definitions for the term narcotic, such
as medical definitions, legal definitions and cultural definitions. The article demonstrates
how even though peyote should perhaps be considered a narcotic for
medicinal purposes it should not be considered a narcotic when concerned
with legal matters. The reasons for this are the numerous cultural
contexts in which peyote is used as part of a ritual. The article discusses
the difficulties that anthropologists encounter when attempting to
understand such things. It also presents us with a "working definition" of
narcotic that perhaps peyote and other substances of the like will
fit into: "a narcotic is a substance which can alter or distort
the user’s perception of himself and the external world, and which
is taken or administered primarily for that purpose." This definition
is suitable for anthropologists. Barber presents
her arguments through a discussion of several different definitions
of the term narcotic and compares and contrasts them. She places a
lot of attention on Maurer and Vogel’s medical opinions. She also refers
to the U.S. Public Health Service hospitals, J. D. Reichard and Slotkin. CLARITY: 4 .gif){kind=small} Barber, Carroll G. Peyote and the Definition of Narcotic. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61: 641-645 In this article, Carroll G. Barber explores the notion of “narcotic” and how the word has been defined and subsequently used in society. “Narcotic” is a word whose meaning is unclear, and Barber explores this mysterious lack of clarity, particularly in relation to whether or not peyote should be classified as a narcotic. Originally, for medical purposes, “narcotic” meant a drug that “allays sensibility, relieves pain, and a produces profound sleep” (p. 641). In this sense, peyote cannot be classified as a narcotic, because its main effect is as a stimulant rather than a sedative. However, popular usage has altered the definition to include stimulants as well. Also, peyote cannot solely be classified as a stimulant, because it also contains some depressants. Barber from here
goes on to discuss the notion of “addiction,” usually an effect of
drugs commonly referred to as narcotics. Like “narcotic,” however, the meaning of “addiction” has
been altered in popular usage from its original medical definition. Originally, only physical dependence could
be referred to as addiction, but now addiction is more a function of
the personality. While peyote
is not “physically” addictive like heroin, there is some evidence that
continued use may build emotional propensity for the drug, as evidenced
by mescaline users in I don’t really understand why Barber is so intent on labeling peyote a narcotic. I personally believe that medical definitions carry more validity than popular definitions, and by medical definition peyote is not a narcotic. Labeling it as such would only confuse those interested in knowing the true effects of the drug, and would criminalize a substance whose long-term detrimental effects are relatively unknown. CLARITY LEVEL: 4 .gif){kind=small} Barnett, H. G. Peace
and Progress in Peace and Progress
in The article begins
with a familiarization period, where the reader is made more familiar
with the context of the paper. Most specifically, the audience is informed
of the many unique rituals and situations that come to bear in this
particular instance. Most important of all this information is the
identification of Kapala Parang, literally "head knives",
and the political power they wielded. Also important to this article
is how the Kapala Parang used the political power of being able to
kill others as a means to establish credit and create a market system.
Barnett establishes that the Kapala Parang were actually the moneylenders
of these people, and that they developed a system of credit so complex
that nearly everyone was in debt to someone else. The Dutch colonialists
sought to alter this for the benefit of the Ajamaroe peoples, but instead,
the Ajamaroe decided to do it themselves. One of the most
striking aspects of Barnett's article is the amazing situation that
faced the Dutch colonial government. Here was a group of people who
had developed their own ideas of commerce, and were loathe to part
with it in favor of Dutch capitalism. However, after World War II and
Japanese enslavement, many of the Kapala Parang were more than happy
to give up their old ways of living to ensure the new ones went smoothly. The overall significance
of this article is that it provides the audience with a sense of what
a colonial discourse is and how such a discourse takes effect. Also,
this article serves to reinforce the significance of the entire globalization
ideal, therefore redirecting much needed research into this particular
area of study. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Barnett,
H. G. Peace and Progress in H. G. Barnett investigated
the affects of Dutch colonization of The Dutch had two main objectives in terms of their attempt to civilize the Ajamaroe. First, the Dutch government sought to secure peace, to prevent the notoriously warlike, vigilant Ajamaroe people from continuing their pattern of warfare and homicide. The main individuals that the Dutch government sought to suppress the activity of were the men known as kapala parang. These men are individuals, as Barnett explains, who continually kill others due to an inescapable pattern of vengeance built into the Ajamaroe culture. When the Dutch limited the violent nature of Ajamaroe culture, they actually produced negative effects. When the “system of warrior capitalism,” as Barnett refers to it, finally subsided due to the Dutch efforts, other various forms of manipulation replaced the warfare economy. Basically, many petty capitalists developed and much time was spent settling and collecting debts, to the detriment of other more useful activities. The culture suffered: marriage rates decreased, age of marriage increased, etc. To rectify this problem, the District Officer attempted to alter the economic structure of the Ajamaroe, hoping that his efforts would jumpstart the economy. The effect that Barnett observed was initially, remarkably successful. More people moved into the villages, more people attended school, marriage rates increased, etc. The communities turned their attentions towards making connections with the world outside their secluded area. Barnett reveals that these positive affects did not last for long. The negative affects took precedent; the final affect of the Dutch interference in Ajamaroe practices, as Barnett notes, was the that “the Ajamaroe were caught in a spiral of doubt and fear.” The article sadly demonstrates the common affect of colonization, displaying that when outsiders interfere in the culture of those who they are colonizing, they often cause harm even though they had attempted to bring help. CLARITY: 5 SAMANTHA
SHAPIRO Barry, Herbert
III, Child, The authors used
scientific method to examine child training practices in relation to
subsistence economy. Their hypothesis suggested economic behaviour
was "an adaptation to the general type of subsistence economy".
Statistical analysis was employed to test the hypothesis using Murdock’s
(1957) classification of subsistence strategies. Ratings were determined
using ethnographic data on child training practices from 104 societies. Children (4-5 yrs)
were rated as either extremely high in accumulation of food resources
(predominantly pastoral or agricultural having an emphasis on animal
husbandry), intermediate in accumulation (having grain/root crops with
no emphasis on animal husbandry), or extremely low in accumulation
(relying on hunting or fishing). Data was rated separately for girls
and boys on six training practices examined: obedience, responsibility,
nurturance, achievement, self-reliance, and general independence training.
Each practice was rated on strength of socialization where a positive
ranking indicated reward given for behaviour and a negative ranking
when punishment occurred for the lack of the desired behaviour. Ratings
were compared only to other training aspects for each society, serving
as a means of internal validity. A positive correlation
between extremely high accumulation societies and high pressure on
responsibility and obedience training was found. Where animal husbandry
was significantly important, lower weight placed on achievement, self-reliance,
and independence child training practices was stressed less. Conversely,
in low accumulation or hunting/fishing societies, vice versa held true.
Certain training was sex-specific, ie. achievement, self-reliance,
and independence were more important for boys in low accumulation societies.
High accumulation societies pressured for compliance, while low accumulation
societies focused on assertion. It was also found
that cultural variables, other than behavioural requirements of adult
economic roles, affected child training. The relationship between these
cultural variables with assertion vs. compliance indicated a greater
correlation between them and accumulation (not compliance vs. assertion).
Findings suggest obedience and responsibility training would produce
adults who could ensure the continuation of their group in high accumulation
societies where food supply is safeguarded. Self-reliance and achievement
training would encourage less dependence on others for subsistence
in a low accumulation subsistence economy. Pressure on this training
would drive children to have more individual behaviour and personal
successes. "Findings are consistent with the suggestion that child
training tends to be a suitable adaptation to subsistence economy" (p.
62). CLARITY RANKING:
4 Barry, Herbert,
Irving Child, and Margaret Bacon. Relation of Child
training to Subsistence Economy. American Anthropologist February,
1959 Vol.61(6):51-63 Arising from their
interest in how child training influences the typical personality of
a people, the authors aim to relate economic situations to varying
types of Child training. Their assumption is that the kind of adult
behavior that is useful to society is likely to be taught to the children
of the society. This suggest that child training is developed out of
the behaviors and goals that are useful in the adult economy. The authors
researched many different societies and ranked each on six key aspects
of child training practices. These aspects were then compared to the
economy used by the respective societies. The main emphasis of the
economic aspect of the research was placed on the amount of accumulated
food resources a society amassed. The results show that societies which
have a high accumulation rate of these food resources tend to pass
on teachings of responsibility and obedience in child training. On
the other hand societies with lower rates of accumulation tend to emphasize
aspects of self-reliance and independence in child training. Thus compliance
is marked as a key personality trait taught to children in societies
holding high accumulation rates while assertion is emphasized in societies
with little or no accumulations of food resources. The influence that
a societies economic system has on the adults personality traits is
ultimately a strong factor in the emphasis being place on the training
of the youth in that society. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Brues, Alice. Selection
in Body Build. American Anthropologist September, 1959 Vol. 61(3):457-469. Selection in
Body Build, by Alice Brues, is a comprehensive essay concerning
the effects of natural selection upon early Man. Contrary to the
commonly held belief that man is physically unspecialized, Brues
delineates a number of ways in which the evolution of man has been
dictated by man’s own inventions and innovations, as well as his
environment. The original tool used by man for hunting was a blunt
instrument used to bludgeon the prey. The effectiveness of the bludgeoning
instrument depends upon two factors, the weight of the object and
the velocity that the object attains. The determining factor, in
terms of body structure of the user, will then be the total bulk
of muscle. Thus, larger builds were favorable, although there was
no preference in particular for leaner or stockier types. The next
innovation that aided man in the hunt for sustenance was the spear.
Maximum efficiency of the spear is attained in creating the greatest
speed possible as the spear leaves the hand. This provides for greater
range as well as an increased force of impact. Thus, the invention
of the spear favors longer limbed people. The longer, leaner build
allows the thrower to produce greater speed around the lever arm
or elbow joint. It is simple physics that provides the motivation
for natural selection. However, in order to be most effective with
the next significant advancement in hunting technology, the bow and
arrow, one must have short limbs and short muscles to increase the
power leverage, and increase the speed at which the arrow leaves
the bow. Therefore, once again Man’s own technology provided the
impetus for natural selective processes. Culture and man share a
reciprocal relationship in these instances. However, habitat also
has played an equally important role in the development and the resulting
polymorphism seen in the human body today. Remember that early Man
did not live in a world where other animals were "naturally" afraid
of them. Animals would attack humans, and humans had to be physically
equipped to deal with such an attack. Thus, in the plains, body types
that allowed for the fastest running speed were advantageous while
in the forests, body types that allowed one to climb and maneuver
around obstacles were advantageous. In these two arenas, Brues clearly
demonstrates how natural selection has influenced the development
of Man, which is the goal of her essay. CLARITY:5 Buettner-Janusch,
John. Natural Selection in Man: The ABO(H) Blood
Group System. American Anthropologist September, 1959 Vol. 61(3):437-451. In this article
Buettner-Janusch contends that natural selection is still active in
today’s civilized societies. While many believe that technological
advancements leading to disease prevention and economic policies that,
for the most part, limit starvation have diminished the role of natural
selection in human evolution. Buettner-Janusch believes that polymorphic
human populations imply that the forces of natural selection are still
at work. "Polymorphism is the condition that exists when two or
more discontinuous forms of a species share the same habitat and the
frequency of the least common of them is to great to be accounted for
by the effect of natural mutation"(Ford, 1940). Buettner hypothesizes
that it is natural selection that supports this polymorphism. In order
to support his original hypothesis, Buettner-Janusch puts forth an
argument based upon studies done on the ABO(H) blood group system.
The basic premise is as follows: 1.) There is a unique
distribution in the four different blood phenotypes in every population
group. 2.} The polymorphism
is balanced. For example, it appears that individuals of phenotypes
A and B are naturally eliminated at birth, while natural mechanisms
eliminate the O phenotypes at later ages. 3.) The frequencies
of the different genes appear to vary with geographical location. He supports his
claims with numerous statistics and data. One support for his argument
is the apparent ABO(H) compatibility problem. Specifically, there appears
to be a reduced number of A and B children among the offspring of O
woman in a large set of matings which were heterospecific with respect
to the ABO(H) phenotypes. Since there are more childless matings in
the heterospecific group, it appears that natural selection operates
against the A and B phenotypes. Another piece of research that indicates
the presence of natural selection is the correlation between disease
and the ABO(H) groups. There appears to be a strong relationship between
phenotype O and duodenal ulceration, between phenotype A and carcinoma
of the stomach, and between the secretor phenotype and resistance to
rheumatic sequelae of streptococcus infections. In these two ways,
Buettner-Janusch supports the existence of naturally selective processes
still at work in civilized society CLARITY:2 Carlson, Roy
L. Klamath Henwas and Other Stone Sculptures. American
Anthropologist February, 1959 Vol. 61 (8): 88-96. Carlson’s article
looks at three distinct types of sculptures found in historic Klamath
territory in south central The second type
of sculpture Carlson presents is freestanding sculptures. These consist
of small stone animal figures and one stone sculpture called the wind
rock. Ethnographic research has shown that the Klamath believe these
wind rocks can create wind in whichever direction you tap on the rock. The last type of
Sculpture that was presented by Carlson consisted of utilitarian and
decorated forms. These included manos, metates, mortars and bowls as
well as heating stones. Carlson’s aim then shifts towards developing
a special relationship between these Klamath sculptures as well as
age estimations. He compares and contrasts design and decorative features
of all the sculptures and provides a systematic analysis of this in
the form of an extensive Chart. In conclusion he offers a perspective
conclusion to the question of age and relationship to other ancient
sculptures of the area while also emphasizing another possible alternative
view which he feels deserving of further exploration. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Cole, Fay-Cooper
and Eggan, Fred. Robert Redfield 1897-1958. American
Anthropologist 1959 Vol.61:652-656 This paper is an
obituary which focuses on the life and successes of Robert Redfield.
Robert Redfield was born in Soon after, Redfield
returned to the University as an Instructor in 1927, he received his
Ph.D. degree the following year, and an appointment as Assistant Professor.
With the establishment of a separate Department of Anthropology he
was promoted to Associate Professor in 1930, and Professor and Dean
of the Social Science Division in 1934. Eventually, Redfield resigned
to become Chairman of the Department of Anthropology. In 1953 he was
appointed Robert Maynard Hutchins Distinguished Service Professor of
Anthropology (1959:653). Redfield participated
in many conferences which led him to begin his fieldwork on the relations
of tribal, peasant and urban cultures, but his work was cut short by
a serious illness and he again returned to During his active
life, he participated in many public activities and received many honours
such as the president of the American Anthropological Association,
he was a member of the Commission on the Freedom Press and many more.
On October 16, 1958 Robert Redfield died at the Redfield’s work
allowed us to obtain a more clear understanding of a community’s aspirations
and values in the process of cultural change. He attempted to see man
as a whole and to recreate unity. This obituary was very clear and
thoroughly written. As a result, it can be easily read and understood. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Cooper, Cole-Fay
and Eggan, Fred. The obituary of Robert Redfield. American
Anthropologist August 1959 Vol. 61 (4): 652-657 Originally trained
as a lawyer, WW I veteran Robert Redfield (1897-1958) re-entered academic
life to pursue studies in anthropology, particularly following his
strong interests in comparative cultures and civilizations, after a
trip to Primarily an academic
and intellectual rather than a field researcher, nevertheless Redfield
made many important contributions to anthropology and continued to
work arduously in his favored field of comparative civilizations. He
strived to achieve a synthesis between the social sciences and the
humanities that would better serve anthropology’s aims and purposes
at a time when anthropology was being transformed from historicism
to functionalism. Redfield is well known for demonstrating anthropology’s
paradigmatic function concept when he discovered that the Mexican Tepoztlan
community evaded traditional anthropological categorizations of the
primitive which led to Redfield’s call for the development of new concepts
and new investigational methods. Constantly broadening his intellectual
capacities, Redfield included in his methodological approaches the
historical dimension to better compare civilizations, which resulted
in his belief that civilizations are enduring historic structures as
systems that relate the larger traditions of urban and intellectual
elites with the smaller traditions of more tribal societies. Redfield’s
longest and greatest preoccupation was the comparative study of CLARITY RANKING:
5 Das, G.N. Obituary:
John Marshall (1876-1958) American Anthropologist 1959 Vol 61
Pg. 1071-1074 In the article about
John Marshall written by G.N. Das, the author discusses Mr. Marshall’s
impact on archeological work towards preserving, maintaining and discovering
India’s Heritage. During the 1900
Lord Curzon, Viceroy of India, sought to preserve India’s monuments
and to uncover new ones. At that time the country was divided into
five archeological circles with one Surveyor for each region who was
hired by the local government. Curzon felt that under these conditions
there was no unity amongst each Surveyor when the task of conservation
and repairs was needed, which needless to say resulted in further deterioration
to many famous monuments. In light of this information, Curzon submitted
a minute to the Secretary of State for Upon taking on this
position, Curzon was impressed
with what CLARITY RANKING:
4 Das, G. N. John Marshall. American Anthropologist, 1959 Vol. 61: 1071-1074. This is an obituary
of Sir John Hubert Marshall, C.I.E., Litt.D., F.B.A. (1876-1958). Das
heralds him as one of the “major architects” of “Indian archeology” (1071). In 1900, Lord Curzon, the Viceroy of India,
sent a report to the Secretary of State for In Das does recognize
that Marshall and his co-excavators were criticized for “not following
the system of stratified excavation already in vogue in the West” (1074). But
he defends him by asserting that he would “whole-heartedly” agree with
Lord Curzon’s words: ‘All I know is there is beauty in Marshall’s obituary,
put forth by Das, is very sympathetic and lauds Marshall’s exploits
in CLARITY: 5 BETSY
SUMMERS ( Davenport, William. Nonunilinear
Descent and Descent Groups. American Anthropologist August, 1959
Vol. 61 (4): 557-572. William Davenport’s
article examines the different types of social structures present in
different societies. The features that Davenport’s article
addresses the argument regarding descent and kinship systems. This
will be of interest to individuals seeking to gain more knowledge about
bilateral systems and non-unilinearity in general. This article will
hopefully encourage future researchers to have a more open-minded and
to avoid sweeping generalizations about how different societies are
structured. CLARITY RANKING-
4 Dunning, R. W. Rules
of Residence and Ecology Among the Northern Ojibwa. American
Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61: 806-816. Dunning looks at
residence patterns and how it is affected by ecological and economical
limitations. Dunning states that his purpose in entering the discussion
is to go "beyond the ethnographic facts." He mentions that
residence rules are important, especially in Algonkian groups. There
were conflicting data from his predecessors on whether certain groups
were matrilocal or patrilocal. He collected data from September 1954
to August 1955. Dunning goes into
the different marriage patterns, taboos, family patterns and seasonal
patterns. He shows some of his finding in charts. He states that with
the increase of outside factors, such as economical changes, the Northern
Ojibwa has increased in group size, where as before the groups tended
to be smaller and families would separate when the group was too big
for the land to support them. Dunning concludes
that only with further research could he conclude his findings. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Dunning, R. W. Rules
of Residence and Ecology Among the Northern Ojibwa. American
Anthropologist October, 1959 Vol. 61(5): 806-816. Dunning’s article
addresses Steward’s theory which suggests that demographic form and
social system depend on ecology. The article presents ethnographic
data that help to support Steward’s ecological theory. More specifically,
the data comes from studies done on the Northern Ojibwa. Dunning’s article
suggests the importance of resident rules for society. He describes
in great detail the resident patterns of the Ojibwa as he presents
much data from his studies. Residence for the Ojibwa change seasonally
as families move from the husband’s family’s domain to the wife’s or
vice versa. The data showed that the residence patterns were also changing
over time because there started to be a high proportion of uxorilocal
residence in a patrilateral hunting society with patronymic totem groups.
Dunning suggests the reason for this phenomenon rests in the fact that
in former times of small population concentrations and low male numbers,
uxorilocal residence was crucial to the survival of these trapping
bands. But further study
and data showed a change to almost complete virilocal residence. Dunning
offers government subsides as the impetus for the change as the provided
monies freed the Ojibwa from the rigid demographic control caused by
the environment. Dunning then goes
on to suggest that a great division exists between cross and parallel
relationships. Despite the marriage between cross-cousins, cross relationships
are intentionally avoided. Relationships between parallel members results
in more friendly, open interactions that those between cross relatives. Dunning’s article
seems only applicable to a small number of anthropologists. I feel
that the only students of anthropology that would find this article
relevant or interesting would be those interested in the Ojibwa. This
article just seems to provide some detailed facts about the Ojibwa
and fails to suggest anything about culture in general. Also, the paper’s
choice of words limits its potential audience. In order to actually
understand the paper, one would have to be quite familiar with residential
and anthropological terminology. CLARITY RANKING-3 Eisenstadt, S.
N. Primitive Political Systems: A Preliminary
Comparative Analysis. American Anthropologist April, 1959 Vol.
61 (2): 200-221. Eisenstadt's article
presents a new general approach to the comparison and analysis of primitive
political systems. He seeks to present this general approach using
only limited data for the express purpose of illustrating and analyzing
the approach method. Eisenstadt begins
by explaining the two main approaches used in comparative primitive
political society analyses. One is to differentiate between segmentary
societies and those with centralized political institutions. One problem
with this dichotomy approach is that it tends to focus on the social
units themselves rather than the political functions that they are
responsible for. The second approach is to demonstrate the existence
in all primitive societies of some basic mechanism of social control
to regulate and resolve conflict. The problem here is that conditions
under which the mechanism would function are not defined. This examination
of the foundations for the comparative study of primitive political
institution is instructive because Eisenstadt gives many examples and
references for each point of view, and then systematically points out
why these works are inadequate in more ways than one. He then goes
on to present some general information on political institutions within
a social structure before presenting his scheme for the analysis of
comparative political systems and their related social conditions. To illustrate his
approach, Eisenstadt selects several cases, including various types
of segmentary tribes, autonomous village-communities, and centralized
kingdoms. He draws distinctions between the groups in the degree to
which the major groups regulate their own affairs and the extent to
which the political sphere differs from local kin and economic spheres.
Using those criteria as a reference point, broad dissimilarities are
exposed, which then allows for the inquiry as to how aspects of social
structure are related to characteristics of political structure. Several hypotheses
are proposed; one of which is that the less able society is to regulate
their interrelations, the greater the development of political organizations.
Each hypothesis has good evidence to support it, and Eisenstadt develops
the argument in such a systematic way, that each hypothesis a sound
conclusion to the logical progression. In general, he found that in
a society, the emphasis on different types of political activities
depends on the goals and values of that particular society. Eisenstadt introduces
new variables with his new perspective on analysis, but also realizes
that data he presents is incomplete and will have to be modified through
application to a wider data array. He does, however, successfully illustrate
the feasibility of this attempt "to establish meaningful correlations
between different aspects of social structure and political organization." CLARITY RANKING-
4 Eisenstadt presents a new approach to the analysis of comparative political systems of primitive societies by using a new schema to analyze political systems in several types of primitive societies and the social conditions which are related to these types. Eisenstadt reviews previous studies and approaches that have laid the foundations for the comparative analysis of primitive politics, but concludes that these are not systematic and focus too much on groups that perform governmental functions, rather than on the functions themselves. He lays out some general characteristics of political institutions while also stressing the importance of two aspects of political systems: the regulation of power relations and the processes of social control in various groups and subsystems of a society. He then introduces new variables to better understand some of the differences between political systems: the degree with which political activities are emphasized and elaborated; the scope and nature of political struggle in a society; and the extent and nature of changes that are possible within a political system. Eisenstadt states that political systems can be distinguished by the extent to which different political functions are performed by specialized units and also the extent of organization of these functions in different types of political roles and organizations. These various political systems are broken down into types of “segmentary tribes, “associational” tribes, and “centralized chiefdoms,“ where an emphasis is placed on such dynamics and differences of role allocation, the extent of differentiation and self-regulation of political units, and the major goals and values of the different societies. In his hypotheses, an idea of how aspects of a societies social structure are related to the political structure are provided. The greater the differentiation of various groups within a society of regulating the relations between them, the greater the development of specialized political organizations. Less differentiated societies such as segmentary tribes have fewer special political positions, while the more centralized chiefdoms with strong universalistic orientations have a more complex system of political organization and centralized roles of political authority. Lastly, Eisenstadt emphasizes that different types of political activities depend on the goals and “value orientations” of a society, where more collective goals require a more centralized political system and more “party-politics” activity. CLARITY: 3 LUKE BORKENHAGEN University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Ember, Melvin. The
Nonunilinear Descent Groups of Melvin Ember’s article
examines the non-unilinear descent groups in Ember starts off
his argument by evaluating William Davenport’s paper on non-unilinear
descent. He adopts Davenport’s proposed term "sept" as the
corresponding term to "sib." He also defines terms such as "sept," "sub-sept," and
so on, which are crucial to understanding his study of Samoan kinship
system. He frames his investigation using the three structural features
namely membership, residential distribution and relationship to land.
He defines and describes three different descent groups present in Through careful
analysis of the descent groups in Ember’s article
provides evidence to the argument that non-unilinear descent groups
exist in several societies. This article supports Davenport’s argument
regarding the same issue as well. Ember also expresses the need for
increased awareness of different forms of social structures in existence. CLARITY RANKING-
4 Fallers, Fallers and Levy
argue that the study of "family deserves the same conceptual care
as is usually applied to the study of other aspects of society" such
as political systems (647). They contend that the term "family" should
be used to refer to any "small kinship- structured unit which
carries out aspects of the relevant functions" (650) as opposed
to the concept of "family" in the traditional sense (i.e.
family as single social units inherent in all societies). They prefer
to use the term to denote a series of family units in most societies. They feel that the
traditional concept of family is not suitable for comparative analysis.
Traditionally, it has been assumed that in every society a concrete
single social unit exists which is characterized by certain inherent
functions. The authors use political systems as an example of problematic
subjects of comparative analysis. The comparison reveals that universal
definitions cannot be expected to be applicable to every society (political
system in the "West" holds a very different meaning than
political systems in "other" places). Fallers and Levy
challenge arguments made by Murdock and Parsons and Bales. Murdock
presupposes that the nuclear family exists as a distinct and strongly
functional group in every society. Fallers and Levy refute this argument
by using kinship systems of societies that are familiar to them, such
as the Basoga, Chinese, and Hopi family structures. These particular
groups do not have the traditional familial structure that Murdock
presupposes. One of the main
arguments proposed by Parsons and Bales is the concept of family as
a single social unit which facilitates the "socialization function" and
which exists in every society. Again, Fallers and Levy challenge this
argument by looking at specific groups. In this particular case they
use the example of Chinese socialization processes to refute this oversimplification
of the function of the family. Chinese children are socialized by different
members of the group according to gender and the various stages of
their lives. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Fenton, William
N. The Obituary of John Reed Swanton. American
Anthropologist August 1959 Vol. 61 (4): 663-667 William Fenton’s
obituary of renowned American anthropologist, John Reed Swanton, presents
a biographical sketch drawing together the various professional and
personal aspects of Swanton’s character. This is a biography that encapsulates
for the lay reader important accomplishments and contributions of Swanton’s
to anthropology and its departments. Considered by Fenton
to be ethnohistory’s "greatest exemplar", he proceeds to
detail Swanton’s large influences upon ethnography, method, linguistics,
ethnological history, and folklore: Swanton created vast taxonomies
of many ethnicities that has been absorbed as fundamental tools to
ethnographic research; refining archeological and ethnographic methodologies;
compiled lexicons for five Native American tribes while contributing
to research of their kinship systems; various cultural theoretical
contributions such as his publication The Social Organization of
American Tribes; and collected large compilations of folk tales
(664). Of particular note
of Swanton’s achievements are his publications Indian Tribes of
the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico (1911), Source
Material on the History and Ethnology of the Caddo Indians (1942), "Evolution
of Nations" (1942) and "Are Wars Inevitable?" (1943).
The two latter publications were undertaken for the Smithsonian War
Committee during WW II, detailing the evolution of human society from
its primitive hunter-gatherer state to the modern nation-state and
presenting his findings that war is not an original human invention
but has been merely one way to settle disputes characteristic of even
primitive societies. Fenton rounds out
his portrait of Swanton by including personal aspects such as Swanton’s
devotion to his wife, children and grandchildren, his modest persona
in light of his overwhelming achievements, and his gentle and patient
demeanor when dealing with students and colleagues. Frequently ill
throughout his life, Swanton continued to work in his profession either
as an ethnographer or a teacher, eloquently extolling the young science
of ethnography at the time to his Harvard Class of 1896 as a "backward
extension of history…[that] has a leading part to play in international
and interclass rapprochements which are pressing fast upon us" (666).
Swanton was a leading advocate for creating what would become the American
Bureau of Ethnology. Swanton died on May 2, 1958 at the age of 85. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Friedl, Ernestine. The
Role of Kinship n the Transmission of National Culture to Frural
Villages in Mainland In this paper Friedl
aims to show that in Visiting of rural
kin members by the urban relatives is a common practice in Greek culture.
Fridel points out that a significant cultural exchange results from
these visits. This is seen by rural kin members adopting and incorporating
aspects of life that have been transmitted to them from urban kin members.
The rural kins motives behind this culture incorporation is voiced
as a means of showing social sophistication to neighbors in the rural
area. Friedl sees this situation surviving in Greek culture as a direct
result of the strong kinship ties that are held despite social ranking. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Frisch, John
E. Research on Primate Behavior in John Frisch’s Article
examines the behavioral patterns of monkeys throughout various parts
of Frisch, by noting
several examples, sets out to put to rest the notion of culture being
unique to man. He elaborates on some of the studies conducted by the The monkeys were
identified individually so that more in depth study of the group dynamics
and social structure would be possible. Itani observed that each monkey
could be categorized as a dominant male, subdominant male, juvenile
male, adult female, juvenile female, or child. Where a particular monkey
fell in this social structure dictated that monkey’s behavior in any
number of social circumstances from feeding, to mating, to child care.
He also noted the process of acculturation, that is, how a new behavior
is passed from one member of the group to another. Frisch also notes
that several other groups of the same species of monkey were studied
by the Frisch notes throughout
the article that the amount of time spent on the study of monkeys in CLARITY RANKING – 4 Geertz, Clifford. Form
and Variance in This article focuses
on the research of Clifford Geertz in Balinese villages in 1957. He
uses this article to record many of his findings from his time immersed
in the Balinese culture, as well as a variety of his conclusions drawn
from his experiences. Geertz is an able author, and in this article
he uses his literary ability to the fullest extent possible, perhaps
to ensure that the reader is aware of the larger issues at play. At
its heart, this discussion of form and variance is about the differences
between the Balinese culture and Western conventions of thinking. Geertz breaks down
the Balinese village into a number of categories. One of the most notable
categories is planes of social organization. He discusses how important
the social organization is to the Balinese people, and how their own
organization differs greatly from village to village and person to
person. He breaks this idea of social organization into 8 sub-categories,
each of which deals with a particular aspect of the society being studied.
Later in the article, Geertz uses examples from three separate villages
he studied while in Bala, to assist in understanding of the issues
of social organization that he raised earlier in his article. Finally,
Geertz provides his audience with some theoretical implications for
his research and what his conclusions seem to be after his extensive
time in the field. Perhaps the greatest
significance of this article is the manner in which it forces any anthropologist
to realize that there can be and often are significantly large differences
between peoples in the same cultures and countries. By discussing this
phenomenon of anthropological research, Geertz proves an invaluable
resource for up and coming anthropologists. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Geertz, Clifford. Form
and Variation in In this article, the author intends to prove that Balinese villages, although not containing a uniformity of structure between the many villages, all contain a set of common components from which the villages are constructed. Each village is a composite of similar discrete structural forms combined in distinct and different ways. First Geertz defines the seven primary organizational planes of significance, and then describes three villages and how these planes of significance interact. The seven planes are as follows: (1) shared obligation to worship at a given temple, (2) common residence, (3) ownership of rice land lying within a single water shed, (4) commonality of ascribed social status or caste, (5) consanguineal and affinal kinship ties, (6) common membership in one or another “voluntary” organizations, and (7) common legal subordination to a single government administrative official. He gives details of each of these commonalities and some examples of each. At the end of the article Geertz discusses the theoretical implications of his findings in these communities. Finally, he discusses what may be learnt from each of the communities he analyzes. Geertz writes quite well and clearly. His research is thorough and he excels in this article in the thick description he is known for. For a novice reader, however, his analyses grow somewhat intricate and complex near the end of the article. A reader can begin to understand the intricacies of village social structure vis-à-vis this article. All in all, this article stands in the group of significant analyses of the culture of the Balinese people. CLARITY: 3 ZOHAR SHAMASH Gluckman, Max. The
Technical Vocabulary of Barotse Jurisprudence. American Anthropologist
1959 Vol. 61 (5): 743-759 Max Gluckman’s article
focuses on the issue of whether a simple legal vocabulary necessarily
correlates with a primitive legal system. Through his analysis of the
technical vocabulary of the Barotse society in Gluckman begins
by delineating the structure of Barotse land-tenure. The term "mung’a" signifies "ownership." While
property is independently owned in many Western societies, it is actually
grounded in a complex, inter-woven network of hierarchical social relationships
in Barotse. Each social status has accompanying rights, duties, and
privileges, and it is the job of the legal system to ensure that the
obligations associated with each individual’s social role are fulfilled.
A king is the supreme "mung’a," with control over his property,
as well as those who live on it. Headmen follow, and they oversee the
individual villagers. Disputes over land are decided by social status.
While "mung’a" acts as a blanket term for all "owners," the
complexity of the Barotse social system yields a variety of owner-"leaser" relationships. In furthering his
argument that law is based on distinctions in social statuses, Gluckman
adds that the law also determines a property’s material value. The
duties of each participant in the owner-lessee relationship are linked
to two types of property distinctions: "tribute" and "kingly
things," which essentially deal with how much goods are worth
in relation to each other. As an example, Gluckman discusses the use
of cattle as a "bride-payment." The most important
part of Gluckman’s essay comes next, as he ties the interdependent
nature of social relationships to the structure of the legal system.
Kings might own the land as mung’as, but cannot produce food without
the work of the villagers. On the other hand, villagers could not own
land without the mung’a’s approval. The court system recognizes this
interdependence ensures that the obligations associated with the rights
and duties of each social group are upheld. Gluckman concludes by restating
his thesis--that the coupling of a generalized legal vocabulary (mung’a
symbolizes all owners) with a highly intricate legal system is essentially
grounded in the complexity of the social structure and the interdependence
of each level of society. This article will
have relevance for individuals with an interest in how social structures
relate to a society’s legal jargon and court policies. Gluckman’s erudite
style makes the article difficult to absorb quickly, but his reasoning
is well-organized, and his analysis is solid and meaningful. CLARITY: 3 The author focuses
on the development and history of Anthropology through the late 19th century
to the middle of the 20th century. He
draws on the different archaeological studies in According to Many of the leading personalities in archaeology of the pre-World War I era, had little or no formal training in archaeology. Many had training in other disciplines and shifted to archaeology-anthropology after exposure to archaeology. After 1920, there was a rapid growth of anthropology as an academic subject in higher education institutions. Because archaeology dealt with the prehistory of the Indian, American archaeology inevitably became associated with ethnological studies where contemporary Indians were found practicing some of the same behavioral patterns found recorded in the ground by archaeologist. There have been some implications with the relation between the archaeology and the ethnographical studies because there have been many false alignments of archaeological material to tribal and linguistic groups have been made and many archaeological reports have been interpreted in terms of ethnographic data of uncertain applicability. The major advancement
in the last 30 years has been the development of regional chronologies
in all the major areas in CLARITY: 3 ADIA REVELL
Griffin, James. The Pursuit of Archaeology in the United States. American Anthropologist June, 1959 Vol. 61 (3): 379-389. James Griffin's article delineates the history and development of the field of archaeology in the United States. His account is both a historical and regional overview of the dissemination and revolution of the discipline of archaeology in the United States. Griffin begins his investigative journey in the eastern United States; here he focuses on the study of the Mound Builders. Caleb Atwater and his work provide a window into the world of the Mound Builders, as well as into the early phases of the methodology of archaeology. For example, early techniques include the use of tree rings for dating and even Atwater's use of the Bible as a template for the Mound Builders' society. Griffin moves on to Cyrus Thomas' work in 1898, in which Thomas proclaimed that the best approach to prehistory was to study (in order) the monuments left behind by the culture, then the relics and remains, and finally the inscriptions and picture writings. Thomas also provided early methods for classification and fieldwork. Griffin's overview continues with his mention of Putnam, Wilson, and
Holmes. According to Griffin, the development of the Midwestern Taxonomic System marked a revolution in archaeology. It was a distinct advance over previous systems; it focused on the previously neglected reality that in most areas there exist a number of different industries and assemblages that implied that the cultures were not contemporary. Yet another significant advance was the alliance of field and laboratory work under the Federal relief program. All in all, Griffin's article provides a comprehensive overview of the history of archaeological study. According to Griffin, this field is one that is always evolving with the aim to discover and implement newer and better methods. CLARITY RANKING - 3 RICHARD LIUZZI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg) Harper, Edward
B. Two Systems of Economic Exchange in Village Edward Harper’s
article analyzes two systems of economic exchange in Harper begins his
discussion with a concise description of the Jajmani system, specifically
in relation to the distinction between occupational and religious caste
hierarchies. He states briefly, however, that his discussion will focus
only on occupational groups, for religious castes are only loosely
related to economic matters. In the next section,
Harper explores the various privileges, roles, and duties associated
with each occupational class in Totagadde, a village in Malnad, This article will
have relevance for individuals with at least a cursory knowledge of
the caste system in CLARITY: 4 Harris, Marvin. The
Economy Has No Surplus? American Anthropologist April, 1959 Vol.
61 (2): 185-199. The purpose of Harris'
article is to examine the prevailing economic surplus theory regarding
the origin of social stratification with respect to a more recently
suggested theory by Harry Pearson. Harris claims that because certain
aspects of Pearson's theory are irrefutable, his new theory is of concern
to anthropologists and should inspire new investigations into this
topic. Harris first attempts
to explain that because the surplus theory is so widely accepted among
anthropologists, it is regarded as an unquestioned truism. Among the
many who have presented work on the surplus theory are Boas and Childe.
However, Harris then presents Pearson's argument which concludes that
the surplus theory is an unsupported assumption because "man does
not live on bread alone." Harris points to this argument as the
one irrefutable grain of truth, which is that individuals in a society
do not simply stay alive, they partake in numerous other activities
like dancing, singing, fighting wars, and using small resources in
a variety of non-utilitarian ways. These activities constitute the "universal
pattern." Harris goes on to
carefully dissect further specific arguments from both the classic
economic school, and from Pearson. In Pearson's work, Harris notes
that there are some points which do not logically nor empirically hold.
For example, Pearson argues that one difficulty with the surplus theory
is that it is very difficult to establish a subsistence minimum for
one person, and therefore impossible to determine for an entire society.
Harris points out that under laboratory conditions, fairly precise
data could be established for individuals and groups. Though certain aspects
of Pearson's argument do not hold, Harris points to another issue which
may have contributed to a faulty surplus theory; that anthropologists
have never made explicit what constituted a surplus – and there are
many interpretations. But rather than throw out altogether the surplus
theory, as Pearson proposed, Harris believes that it need only be modified,
taking into account new assumptions. As things stand,
the basic assumption of the surplus theory is that an increase in productivity
provides the grounds for universal social evolution sequences. Harris
concludes that there is no reason for the assumption of a one-to-one
correlation between the degree of surplus and the degree of social
stratification. He calls for more consideration and further research
into the area of the productive process in order for a new and better
theory come about. CLARITY RANKING-
4
In this article, Marvin Harris responded to a publication edited by Polanyi, Arensberg and Pearson, of a chapter titled “The Economy Has No Surplus: Critique of a Theory of Development.” According to Harris, the author of the chapter who is an economist tried to destroy the surplus theory of social stratification. He did this by “showing that the concept of the surplus theory upon which it rests has neither logical nor empirical validity.” The author of the chapter argued that the origin of social stratification can still occur without an economic surplus because why would food producers want to produce more than they need, and how would they know when they have produced enough to give to others. Dividing this article in three parts, Harris began by saying that among anthropologists the surplus theory makes sense and explains the origin of social stratification perfectly. Harris reasoned that social stratification can’t occur without surplus and cites different anthropologists who accepted the surplus theory. One such anthropologist is Wax, who cited that surplus food caused an increase in population, leisure time, and occupations that are not needed for every day life. Another anthropologist, Bunzel wrote that surplus is significant in societies. In part two, Harris respond to the argument of why food-producers would produce more than they needed or know when they have produced enough. His argument is that there is no way of knowing since qualitative or quantitative work can’t be done on these people. We should modify the surplus theory not discard it. At last, Harris concluded that we can not disprove the theory current evidence. He also went to length to conclude that change in surplus will tend to lead to changes in economy, religion, and specialization, all associated with social stratification. This article was very hard to follow. One reason is because the article was unclear about how the second part ties with the first and how the third to the second. CLARITY: 1 MAI XIONG University of Minnesota Duluth ( Jennifer Jones) Henry, Jules. Culture,
Personality and Evolution. American Anthropologist April, 1959
Vol. 61 (2): 221-226. The purpose of Jules
Henry's article is to demonstrate a relationship between environmental
stress, physiological change, and human evolution. He first examines
two well-established results on the differences between lower animals
and Homo sapiens. First, in humans there is a large reduction
of genetically determined innate response mechanisms. And second, humans
have a large capacity to release impulses over various substitute "pathways." With these two factors,
Henry points to the great variability that he claims is necessary for
humans to create varying social structures depending on varying life
conditions. Likewise, humans must constantly revise their social structures
in order to adapt to change. Thus it logically follows that humans
continually are placed in the position of making choices that create
stressful situations. Henry investigates the idea that social tensions
resulting in serious stress affect reproduction, which would make the
psychosomatic problem an evolutionary one. Although Henry alludes
to some studies which evidence the association of amenorrhea, spontaneous
abortion, and infertility with personality disorder originating in
sociocultural stress, he does not present any hard evidence to support
his argument. He simply states that the reader must "accept the
assumption current in psychosomatic medicine." Using sociosymbolic
stress as a key factor, Henry organizes his argument by constructing
a model to formulate the evolutionary problem in a general respect.
The model states that the probability that the evolution of humans
is related to sociosymbolic stress as it interacts with genetically
determined individual variability in reaction to stress as affected
by life experience, and with individual variability in capacity to
displace activity as affected by life experience. Because these three
factors are in constant interplay with one another since the moment
of birth (or before), the problem of separating genetic contributions
from environmental factors is difficult to solve. Here, Henry sees
an important union evolving between cultural and physical anthropology.
Cultural anthropology will study sociosymbolic stress and subsequent
consequences for personality function and physical anthropology will
study the consequences of stress in terms of genetic and physiological
change. Henry's article
presents an interesting view on the study of human response to social
stress in terms of physiological as well as social terms. However,
the arguments are sometimes ambiguous and hard to follow, as they do
not adhere to specific data. Henry cites several studies, but admits
that much is still being hypothesized and researched. Much of his evidence
comes from a study in animal psychology. Nonetheless, Henry proposes
that the "genetic-life-stress problem" will be solved eventually
through a common enterprise of study taking into account physical and
cultural factors. CLARITY RANKING-
2 Herskovits,
Melville J. Past Developments and Present Currents in
Ethnology. American
Anthropologist, 1959 Vol.61: 389-398. In this article, Herskovits investigates the history of the science of anthropological thought, and discusses where anthropology stood in contemporary 1959. He describes the origin of anthropology, from classical evolutionism, and the general movements that led to the contemporary state of anthropological science. Herskovits argues that anthropology has developed into a discipline that has an increasingly broader area of use and interest to other sciences. As the science of anthropology has changed and developed through the introduction of new terms and concepts and the discarding of old anthropological methodologies, through debate and discussion, it is an ever-changing discipline that as been able to adapt itself to contemporary times. Perhaps it is for this reason that other social sciences have looked to anthropologists to provide greater insight into bodies of data not previously encountered. In contemporary times, there is a greater need to find cross-cultural understandings of patterns of motivation and values, which anthropology has helped to uncover. Herskovits argues that although different schools of anthropology exist there is essentially a fundamental unity to the field. Due to its origins from classical evolutionism, anthropology was cast as a discipline within a scientific framework. It has a theoretical and scientific foundation from which it has been able to advance. The development of anthropology, due to increasing numbers of anthropologists, has led to a diversity of interest in all modes of approach. However, after all, anthropology is the study of man and the increased diversity has extended the range of comprehension and modes of analysis. In the contemporary field of anthropology, it is necessary that anthropologists continue to maintain and extend the scientific character of the discipline. Especially as it has become increasingly clear that anthropologists are gaining a broader view of the contribution they can make in the study of human life, and as many from outside the discipline are looking towards the field of anthropology for aid in understanding aspects of their own fields. CLARITY: 2 MISHA
ROBYN Hoijer, Harry. Obituary
of Paul Radin. American Anthropologist October 1959 Vol. 61(5):
839-843. The life of Paul
Radin, succinctly described by Hoijer in this article, was one richly
lived in anthropology. Radin took on various roles, sometimes not extensive,
as a professor, department head, anthropologist, ethnographer and ethnologist.
The article touches on much of Radin’s work and provides commentaries
by many reviewers. The author mainly discusses his unique approach
to fieldwork, which was both praised and criticized. Most of Radin’s
work was in ethnology, and more specifically in religion and mythology.
Primarily, his work was done on the Winnebago culture and includes
ten monographs and many articles. The anthropologist had a strictly
empirical approach to his fieldwork. He treated the factual material
of culture with much respect and relied greatly on documents preserved
by his native subjects. His monographs on the Winnebago tribal society
contained these texts and his commentaries. The author goes
on to comment on Radin’s attempts to write general ethnologies, which
were affected by his ability or inability, according to Goldenwieser,
to separate himself from his subjects. According to Radin, a successful
ethnology is based on the author’s ability to separate discussion from
the record itself, which should be critically edited data obtained
from the tribe. Goldenweiser comments that Radin failed to be objective
(to stop being a Winnebago himself). Despite this, Radin’s
ethnological work greatly contributed to the field of anthropology.
He studied religion and mythology of primitive peoples. His concrete
discussions contributed to the understanding of primitive peoples,
in which he argued that primitive people had philosophy. He also played
the role of ethnohistorian for which he evaluated the records preserved
by the Nahua people of their historical legends. Radin changed hats
again when he did work in linguistics with the Winnebago texts: describing
patterns and the changing of patterns by individuals who violated,
transmuted, and altered the language. The author concludes
the obituary by listing the teaching positions he held at various institutes,
many of them being brief. Radin, according to the author, liked to
teach but disliked the "institutionalized role of the professor".
He appreciated the "student culture" rather than that of
the professor as he enjoyed sharing his vast knowledge of anthropology.
Goldenweiser states that Radin never quite succeeded in ceasing to
be a student. This article will
mostly appeal to anthropologists and anthropology students. Radin’s
inability to stop being a student is difficult in the world of anthropology,
especially cultural anthropology. Changing times and environments force
us, culturally, to be students rather than teachers as we are constantly
learning. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Hori, Ichiro. Japanese
Folk-Beliefs. American Anthropologist 1959. Vol. 61: 405-424. Ichiro Hori looks
at the relationship between social structure and religious organization
in historical terms. He believes that Japanese folk-beliefs is an amalgamation
of "little traditions" (blood or close community ties), and "great
traditions" (outside influences, such as, Confucianism, Taoism,
and Buddhism). The first section
is called Dozoku-system and its belief-system. Hori describes Dozoku
as "a family grouping of the main family (hon-ke) and branch
families (bun-ke) which are linked by patrilineal kinship." He
goes on to describe this type of family in greater detail and had diagrams
to illustrate the lineage. In this section there is also mention of
the different festivals and customs that all dozoku groups practice
(although it is not unique to them). It is then mentioned that certain
dead ancestors of the dozoku group become deified after 33 years, and
become village gods. And as one dozoku-group gained dominance so did
the beliefs they had; in this way, and with missionaries and invasion,
Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism became part of the Japanese folk-belief. Hori did his research
in 1947 on Hime-shima, an island near The next section
is entitled actual circumstances of Folk-Beliefs in Japanese rural
society. In this section he looks at Satoyamabe-mura, in The third section
in this article is entitled " Ancestral spirit worship, dead spirit
worship, and the conception of the ‘other world’." There are dual
locations for one shrine, the example Hori gives is a temple at the
foot of a mountain were people can go to for festivals and on at the
top of the mountain where not as many people go. He then goes on to
talk about the different shrines in The last section
is called "’Hito-gami’ (man-gods) and the religious beliefs and
traditions of itinerant missionaries" in this section Hori mentions
spirits, spiritual life and "magic", and what was done to
avoid evil spirits and magic. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Hori, Ichiro. Japanese
Folk-Beliefs. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 61 (3): 405-423. The purpose of Ichiro
Hori’s article, Japanese Folk-Beliefs, was to discuss rural
Japanese folk-beliefs and then explain how history shaped the beliefs
in the present. Hori believes that these folk-beliefs were formed through
the interaction of different beliefs systems. This formation occurred
through exposure to many different religions and traditions either
learned directly from missionaries or passed down from the people’s
ancestors. In this article he attempts to show that Japanese folk-beliefs
consist of many different elements that come from both native traditions
and highly developed religions. Hori starts his
argument by discussing peoples that follow a Dôzoku-system. Dôzoku
is the smallest family unit in rural To point to further
evidence for his argument he goes on to describe actual folk-beliefs
in rural Japanese society. He uses an average rural community that
has been studied through field research. He point out that the daily
lives of the peoples living in the community are greatly affected by
their folk-beliefs. Living in the village are 682 families all divided
into 13 large subvillage units and 33 subvillage sections. Within the
village there are a very large number of shrines. The peculiar thing
about them is they all seem to be in honor of a number of different
gods and in the name of a number of different religions and mythical
traditions. There is a Shinto shrine in the middle of the village and
all members have the duty and right to serve. In addition to this shrine
are many other shrines, including many Buddhist shrines and shrines
to honor ancestors. This all shows the intermingling of two major religions,
Shinto and Buddhism, with the traditions of honoring ancestors of the
main family. All of these three among other influences are what bring
about all of the folk-beliefs of these rural peoples. Hori goes on to
discuss the connection between the little traditions of the rural people
and the more developed religions and how they have combined to form
rural folk-beliefs. This is Hori’s main point in this article. He wants
to show this connection and show how it has led to many surviving folk-beliefs
in CLARITY RANKING-3 Hsu, Francis
L. K. Structure, Function, Content, and Process. American
Anthropologist October, 1959 Vol. 61(5): 790-805. Francis Hsu’s article
examines the Radcliffe-Brown structural approach in social anthropology.
This structural concept has grown into one of the major influences
in anthropological study and Hsu notes that some followers become so
attached to the theory that they confine their thoughts too narrowly.
In his paper, Hsu’s main goal attempts to expose the use and abuse
of the structure concept and thereby exterminate some anthropologists’ narrow
perspectives on the human social structure. Hsu begins by stating
that some studies overemphasize structure to such a large degree that
even when a part of society has no structure, authors still insist
on its presence. This approach then leads to the obscuring of facts
and results in poor anthropological theories. Hsu attempts to support
his argument by citing studies by Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown, which
Hsu claims both make weak arguments due to their overemphasis on structure. Rather than an overuse
of structure, Hsu proposes an introduction of two new concepts in the
anthropological study of social organizations. In order to learn more
about different societies and their unique ways of life, Hsu thinks
that anthropology needs the concepts of content and process. These
two concepts, according the Hsu, would cover areas of interest that
neither structure nor function could address. Content would describe
the characteristics that determine the interactions among people related
through social organization. And process would describe the way a social
organization functions for self-maintenance and for changes induced
by external or internal influences. Hsu utilizes his
new concepts in order to try and explain differences in four types
of people (New England Yankees, Eskimo, Chinese, and Tallensi). He
insists that neither structure nor function can describe accurately
the differences between the four societies, but that when they combine
with content and process, one is able to effectively explain the differences
among the types of people. This article will
appeal to those interested in the structural approach in social anthropology.
Yet at the same time, Hsu raises some important points for anthropology
in general. He suggests that an old, habitual way of thinking may not
always be the correct approach and in this article, he tries to evolve
the old custom of structure by extending it to two new concepts—content
and process. CLARITY RANKING-4 Hsu, Francis,
L. K. Structure, Function, Content, and Process. American
Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61: 790-805. This article is
written by an anthropologist in the hopes of explaining the concepts
of structure, function, content, and process in a different manner
than famous Radclife-Brown and his approach. Francis uses the works
of such famous and esteemed anthropological figures as E. E. Evans-Pritchard
and Fortes, and Radclife-Brown, and Bronislav Malinowski to examine
and critique each of the above-mentioned concepts. Within this article,
the author attempts to analyze each concept and gain an understanding
of its value to anthropology as a whole and to the individual researcher
in particular. He is very successful in this endeavor in spite of the
difficulty of isolating and establishing the 'true' identity of each
concept. For it is very true that each of these anthropological concepts
has taken on a life of its own, and as Francis points out, in some
cases this is a bad thing for the entire discipline of anthropology.
However, for the most part structure, function, content and process
continue to be of some effective use in the discipline of anthropology. In order to conduct
his study of each of these concepts, Francis uses a variety of examples
drawn from the very works he seeks to critique and better understand.
He uses the author’s own words to prove that in most cases they were
aware of what they were doing but did so regardless of the consequences.
Also, by using the more modern example of kinship similarities between
Eskimo people and Yankees from CLARITY RANKING:
3 Hunt, Edward
E. Anthropometry, Genetics and Racial History. American
Anthropologist. February, 1959, Vol.61(7): 64-87. Hunter presents
a look into the science of using anthropometric methods to produce
a worldwide picture of the genetic diversity of mankind. He uses known
genetic conditions along with anthropometric measurements to aid in
his study of historical reconstruction. He initially offers a description
of common methods for obtaining anthropometric measurements. Using
this data the anthropologist hopes to link genetic kinship ties and
uncover ancient racial migrations. He marks noted difficulty because
most early humans and primates are too heterozygous to be able to identify
a pure race. The Hybridization of unlike human groups has thus hindered
efforts towards building historical reconstructions of human evolution. Hunt then proceeds
to present a case study of almost 10,000 Irishmen. Using anthropometric
measurements and phenotype traits the study raised doubt weather typological
information actually adds to what we can learn from the history of
a given group. The last issue that he addresses is the presence or
absence of morphological traits from one individual to another in a
graded sequence. This approach shows the gradual evolutionary changes,
which develop from generation to generation. In conclusion Hunt
emphasizes how relations between early human groups has caused randomized
genetic evidence. Mutation, hybridization and random drift also are
noted for adding to the confusion of producing a historical evolutionary
account. In later research Hunt feels that genetic, social, and anthropometric
data will all be employed to obtain a more complete pool of results. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Kroeber, A. L. The
History of the Personality of Anthropology. American Anthropologist
1959 Vol. 61 (3): 398-404. The purpose of A.
L. Kroeber’s article, The History of the Personality of Anthropology, was
to show what separates anthropology from other social sciences. Kroeber
believes that sociology and anthropology both share the same basic
theory, but do not work in the same areas, do not use the same methods
for study, and they are motivated by different reasons. Despite similar
goals, anthropology and sociology are both very separate in their study.
Sociology completely neglects many fields that are basic to anthropology.
Some of these fields are biological anthropology, archeology, prehistory,
linguistics, general, descriptive, historical, cultural history, primitive
ethnology, and folk ethnography. Sociologists often use findings of
these fields to support their own findings, but they rarely make a
contribution to any of them. All anthropologists, however, study in
one or more of these fields. Anthropologists
seem to want to cover a very wide selection of fields, some of which
are already covered by other professions. The anthropologist profession
is not very large but they seem to take on a large job. They insist
on working in the field and want to have face-to-face contact with
the subjects they are studying. They are not just interest in the here
and now but in the past and how it will affect the future. They wish
to understand foreign and remote peoples of the world, while sociologists
attempt to understand local peoples in present time. Behind anthropology
and sociology is an attempt to discover why we do what we do as humans.
Sociologists tend to think of culture as imbedded in social phenomena,
but an anthropologist would attribute this social phenomenon to culture.
These differences in opinion are what largely separate the two fields. CLARITY RANKING-
2 Kroeber, A. L. Philip Haxall Bagby. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol.61:1075. In this article,
Kroeber honored Philip Haxxall Bagby, who passed away at the age of
forty on September 21, 1958. Bagby,
born in Kroeber finished by noting Bagby’s accomplishment of writing a book that clarifies and advances the difficult study of comparative civilizations. CLARITY: 5 TALI SWANN-STERNBERG LeVine, Robert A. Gusii Sex Offenses: A Study in Social Control. American Anthropologist, 1959. Vol. 61 (6): 965-990. The comparatively
high frequency of rape among the Gusii of southwestern LeVine first discusses sex antagonism in Gusii society. Because wives were traditionally imported from rival clans during blood feuds, a Gusii marriage constitutes a relationship between hostile groups. The enyangi ceremonial in marriage is an expression of these underlying interclan tensions, which cannot be vented at any other time. Most Gusii girls are ambivalent toward marriage, as revealed by the fact that coitus is essentially an act in which the man overcomes the woman’s resistance and causes her pain. LeVine concludes that legitimate heterosexual encounters among Gusii involve aggressive, forceful, and pain-inflicting behavior. LeVine next describes circumstances in which the performance of such behavior is not legitimate. He explains that there are three types of sanctions enforcing the rules of marital fidelity within a clan. The first is called amasangia, in which the presence of an adulterous wife in the same room as her ill husband may cause the latter’s death. The second sanction states that when two men of the same clan have intercourse with the same married woman, then a visit by one to the sickbed of the other will result in the sick one’s death. The third sanction is the discovery and disapproval of the elders. There are four other possible sexual outlets for unmarried Gusii males: masturbation, homosexuality, bestiality, and the annual occurrence of ogochabera. However, these practices (and thus the sexual activity of young males, in general) are severely limited. Because of all these restrictions, unmarried Gusii males turn to females of other clans. With respect to premarital sexual activity, LeVine distinguishes among three types of Gusii girls. The first type of girl is the omokayayu, or slut. The second type is one who is truly ambivalent about premarital sex. The third type is one whose hostility toward men and sex outweighs her heterosexual desires. Despite these differences, universal among Gusii girls is inhibition and anxiety about sexual intercourse. This common anxiety stems from the contrasting childhood experiences of girls and boys: Essentially, the father-daughter relationship in the Gusii family trains the girl to avoid and fear men, whereas the mother-son relationship encourages in males a positive attraction toward women. Female antagonism presents many obstacles to premarital sex. When it does occur, it will not be considered rape by Gusii standards unless the female refuses to acquiesce. In such a case, the typical rape is committed by an unmarried young man on an unmarried female of a different clan. LeVine distinguishes among three types of Gusii rape that may occur. The first is rape resulting from seduction. In this situation, a girl’s anxiety about discovery and her reputation, or her display of provocative behavior despite a lack of sexual motivation, might both turn a would-be seducer into a rapist. The second type of rape is premeditated sexual assault, in which one or more Gusii boys attack a single young girl before forcing her into coitus. The third type of rape is abduction, in which a man desperate for a mate enlists the help of his clansmen to abduct a girl from a different clan. This situation resembles a traditional marriage, except that it lacks the legitimizing bridewealth and the consent of the bride and her parents. LeVine next discusses bridewealth as a barrier to marriage in contemporary Gusii society. A legitimate Gusii marriage requires the transfer of cattle and goats from the father of the groom to the father of the bride. The bridewealth rate has a tendency to rise; this inflation, as well as a reduced availability of cattle, forces young men from cattle-poor families to postpone their marriages. A man in such a position may resort to abductive rape. In conclusion, LeVine identifies four factors that contribute to the high frequency of rape in Gusiiland. One factor is an absence of physical separation between the sexes. A second involves the severe restrictions on the nonmarital sexual relations of females. A third refers to the sexual inhibitions of females. And finally, a fourth factor points to the excessive bridewealth demands that prolong the bachelorhood of some men into their late twenties. LeVine also states that two variables ultimately play a role in the control of sexual behavior in human societies: structural barriers (physical or social arrangements which prevent the attainment of a desired sexual object) and socialized inhibitions (learned tendencies to avoid sexual acts under certain conditions). CLARITY RANKING: 4 NATALIE
SEARS Levy Jr., M.J.
and Fallers, Levy and Fallers
challenge the prevailing idea that the concept of "family" is
a kinship structure that can be equally applied to every society in
comparative analysis. The authors do not agree that this conjugal,
nuclear family kinship structure that is dominant in the West has equal
counterparts in other cultures, an argument that as the authors construct
it states that to believe there exists this cross-cultural fundamental
family unit actually compromises the validity of comparative analysis.
The authors believe that closer scrutiny must be paid in the roles
that certain kinship structures not equally translatable into the Western
model of kinship structures assume. The authors select
the process of socialization as their main focal point for arguing
the cross-cultural differences in kinship structures that undermine
previous beliefs that the Western nuclear family exists in every society.
While agreeing that every kinship structure can participate in socialization,
reproductive and sex-regulating functions, in general and without differentiating
between what specific aspects of a particular kinship structure performs
which of the aforementioned roles, the authors depart to compare actual
differences of socialization practices that exist, are documented,
among various non-Western societies. Their rationale is that socialization
processes are more relevant to revealing the basic kinship structure
in various societies, that previous processes such as economic functions
can be performed by other members of a kinship structure outside of
the conjugal pair (thus existing on another level as the authors state),
and even that some societies combine the functions of church, state
and firm whereas in Western societies there are divisions correlating
to those three entities and their functions. Citing the traditional
Chinese extended family, the authors clearly show that socialization
in this environment follows the patrilineal family unit, which does
not include the conjugal pair. In the same culture, the sexes are also
traditionally and nearly exclusively socialized by mothers and grandmothers
within that patrilineal extended family subunit until they reach a
certain age, when the sexes divide. The East African Basoga household
also includes individuals of extended family units, but because of
this particular kinship structure the nuclear family unit’s loyalties
frequently divide towards the patrilineal, and divorce can result which
in turn results in single-parenting socialization. These basic examples
indicate that socialization processes in non-Western societies may
be undertaken by various family subunits. The authors point
out within the limited space of their article inconsistencies in observed
and recorded research of some non-Western societies for whom the Western
concept of the nuclear family does not fit. While the authors are precluded
from fully expounding on their argument, they conscientiously speak
out against an ill-suited practice of research that should not be taken
for established knowledge when other research clearly indicates errors
in comparative analysis; also, by shedding light on alternate kinship
structures, the authors legitimate CLARITY: 5 Lomax, Alan. Folk Song Style. American Anthropologist December, 1959 Vol. 61(6):927-953 Alan Lomax addresses the correlation between musical styles and the social context from which such styles emerge. He argues that by linking music with its social and psychological context, we can not only better understand the music itself but also the culture from which it came. Lomax begins his article by commenting on the contemporary technology in reproducing music and how it has effected the quantity and quality of his data. He reasons that we cannot dissect music through the Occidental notation system. Instead, he suggests that we examine “musical style”, which consists of vocal technique, physical and emotional tensions, group participation, and social background. He points out that music depends much more on conformity to tradition that to character and variety, and as a result, is deeply rooted and does not change much with time. Lomax proposes a classification system for music style, admitting that it is rough and subject to change. He divides the music of the world into ten different categories as follows: I. American Indian, II. Pygmoid, III. African, IV. Australian, V.Melanesian, VI. Polynesian, VII. Malayan, VIII.Eurasian, IX.Old European, X.Modern European. He describes each style of music, some more at length than others, and admittedly his data is incomplete. Immediately following, he sets forth the criteria he used to make such classification. The article then
shifts from his more general discussion of music to the particular
musical styles in CLARITY: 5 Matthews, G.H.. Proto-Siouan Kinship Terminology American Anthropologist April 1959 Vol. 61:252-278 Matthews’ article is a systemic deduction, using the contemporary kinship terms of a couple of dozen Siouan tribes, “to reconstruct, according to theories of linguistic change, both the kinship terms and their uses for a proto-language postulated as the source of two or more known languages.” (page 252) The majority of the text appears to be gibberish to one unschooled in linguistics: lines of code and charts of symbols. I doubt that this article has any relevance to anyone outside of the field. Matthews makes a chart for each of the following kinships: 1) father, 2) mother, 3) son and daughter, 4) grandfather and grandmother, 5) brother and sister, 6) husband, wife, brother-in-law, and sister-in-law, 7) grandchild, son-in-law, and daughter-in-law, 8) nephew and niece, 9) mother’s brother, 10) father’s sister. The charts are explained with long lines of texts, which as far as I can gather, seem to follow the etymology backward from all of the contemporary terminology towards the suggested common proto-terminology. In his summary, Matthews makes some more references to other methods of discovering extinct languages and some commentary on phonetics. Although the assignment
did not request commentary, I can not help but quote the entirety of
the first footnote, attached to the title of the article: “1. This work was
supported in part by the US Army (Signal Corps), the US Air Force (Office
of Scientific Research, Air Research and Development Command), and
the US Navy (Office of Naval Research); and in part by the National
Science Foundation.” I would imagine that this research stemmed from military uses of esoteric languages, for example, the Navajo code-talkers of the Pacific campaign in WW2. CLARITY: 0 (Inappropriate for anyone unfamiliar with Linguistics) ERIC J. POSNER Matthews, G. H. Proto-Siouan Kinship Terminology. American Anthropologist April, 1959 Vol. 61 (2): 252-278. G. H. Matthews' article examines the intricacies of Proto-Siouan kinship terminology. Matthews' research is substantially comprehensive; likewise, the presentation of it in this article is extremely complex. He has created numerous charts delineating the various kinship terms and their meanings, as well as providing extensive etymologies throughout the article. However, while his research is impressive in its volume and detail, Matthews fails to present his material in a manner that is comprehensible to the common reader. Matthews begins by noting the basic facts concerning his research. According to Matthews, the kinship systems of the Siouan tribes are known for their diversity. There are four basic groups within the Siouan family: Missouri Siouan, Mississippi Siouan, Ohio Siouan, and Mandan. In order to reconstruct the kinship system of an extinct society, Matthews has used a method that presumes a proto-language which acts as the source for a number of known languages; this proto-language is developed by reconstructing the kinship terms and their uses. Matthews presents these terms in a multitude of charts and lengthy paragraphs used to determine their relationships to one another. At the conclusion of the article, Matthews introduces and explains the method of internal construction by which a pre-language can be reconstructed. This method is vital to Matthews's research, as the understanding of the development of a pre-language is necessary in order to reconstruct the intricacies of the proto-language, which evolved from its pre-language ancestor. While this article provides the reader with an abundance of information concerning Siouan kinship terms and systems, if one is not familiar with the vernacular of such linguistic studies, this is a difficult article to comprehend. Only those readers interested in an extremely sophisticated and detailed linguistic analysis of Proto-Siouan kinship terminology should consult this article. CLARITY RANKING - 1 RICHARD LIUZZI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg) Morris, H. S. The
Indian Family in This article is
a study of the Indian population in In traditional Hindu
families, patrilineage ensures the preservation of land in the family.
In Life in an industrial
city requires constant movement between jobs and homes, which makes
it hard or pointless to maintain a property that is far away from the
job site. Indians migrated to In summary, the
institution of joint family is only sentimental, but offers no practical
gains in the new situation that the Hindus find themselves in. CLARITY RATING:
3 Morris, H. S. The
Indian Family in H. S. Morris’s article
discusses the dissolution of the Indian joint family system in the
wake of the Indian migration to Morris begins by
contrasting traditional life in Through further
examples of differences between traditional Indian life and that in Morris concludes
his essay by answering his thesis question. While there might be some
minor factors that led to the dissolution of the joint family system,
the major causes are twofold; Ugandan law and the individualization
inherent in the Ugandan economy rendered the joint family network of
support functionally obsolete. Morris’s article
would be relevant for those interested in culture change through historical
contact, specifically in relation to the migration of certain individuals
from CLARITY: 5 Murphy, Robert
and Leonard Kasdan. The Structure of Parallel Cousin
Marriage. American Anthropologist February, 1959 Vol.61(2):17-29. Murphy and Kasdan
aim their efforts in this paper not at attempting to explain the origin
of the custom of parallel cousin marriage in the society Arab Bedouin;
rather they take this as a given and proceed to analyze the function
this practice has on the society. The authors use very specific terminology
related to types of marriage situations and kin systems which at times
can be fairly confusing although their thesis is rather clear. Their study shows
that cross-cousin marriage in the Bedouin society works to create multiple
bonds between a limited group of relatives and maintains these from
generation to generation. Such relationships tend to strengthen local
groups but also causes limited isolation from neighbors. They also
mark a function of this patrilineal marriage system of parallel cousin
marriage as maintaining and pooling family assets within the nuclear
family. This has also been noted to create fissions of agnatic lines
in the Arab society but is also seen as a necessary means to the persistence
of Arab society on the fringes of agrarian states. The authors point
out that this ability of the Bedouin society to fractionate into smaller
groups while maintaining the social structure of the society gives
them a quality of adaptability and resilience in times of adversity.
This has allowed for the Bedouin society to persist and in times of
crisis when larger linage based coalitions will come together in an
effective means of self-protection. This has been distinguished as
a reason why the society has endured for centuries despite environmental
and social hurdles. The Bedouin society
intrigues the authors because it exemplifies the belief that social
cohesion and integration do not have to be directly related as is commonly
expected in western ideology. With their arguments presented they suggest
a reevaluation of notions of solidarity and integration going hand
in hand with a structural equilibrium in society. Rather, they suggest
a more in depth look at societies corporate lineages before making
assumptions about social structure and its stability. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Oosterwal, G. The
Position of the Bachelor in the Oosterwal’s article
examines the The tribes of this
area are culturally different as far as clothing, ornaments, material
culture, relationship terms and structure, songs, dances and more.
Their means of obtaining food varies and this is sometimes a difficult
process due to the harsh natural conditions and minimum technology.
They mainly survive on sago and the acquisition of this staple often
determines the movement of the people (nomadic in varying degrees).
One common feature of the Tor tribes is the recent shortage of women
(due to decreased birth rate of females) and the bachelor society that
resulted. As young boys, starting
at the age of 14, they are housed together in the House of Fatrau (located
in the forest) for two months with little food, no heat and isolated
from the rest of their community. After this initiation they sleep
in the bachelor’s house and socialize together until they become men
at the great meal of sago and mengan. They form a kin group within
which they are all descendants from the same ancestor. Oosterwal goes on
to describe the dynamics the bachelor society. The most important role
of the traditional bachelor society is to organize ceremonies and festivities.
However, recently the bachelor society has become integrated in a changing
society and as a result their functions have altered. Barter and exchange
with other tribes has become exclusively a bachelor’s role. They can
travel through the whole territory and only they can pass tribal boundaries.
They control exchanges between tribes such as economic, family and
cultural relations. Their contact with Europeans has resulted in opportunities
to earn money and to acquire artifacts and a greater knowledge of the
world outside their tribal area. This has resulted in greater power,
prestige and authority for the bachelors. Bachelors even have a new
influence on public opinion. With their improved role in their communities
and their ability to travel, they are able to spread their culture
to neighboring tribes as well as adopt other cultural phenomena. Bachelors
can have premarital sexual intercourse with certain stipulations regarding
where it occurs. Due to the changing demographics of this area, intercourse
between a bachelor and a married woman no longer meets public disapproval. Oosterwal’s article
clearly illustrates how changing circumstances (e.g. natural disasters,
demographic shifts) affect a society and how the culture of the society,
in turn, adapts to these changes. The bachelors of this territory have
transmitted, integrated and changed their culture. The greater scope
of this article illustrates how our cultural "tool kit" provides
us with the ability to be flexible in a changing world. This article
will appeal to anyone concerned with culture change or who is interested
in acquiring knowledge of the various cultures of the world. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Opler, Morris E. Component, Assemblage, and Theme in Cultural Integration and Differentiation. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61: 955-964. As is indicated by the title, the main goal of this article is to identify “patterned behavior” within culture as a means by which to locate both cultural specificity and differentiation. Opler defines and explores a multitude of terms, most important of which are component, assemblage, theme, and nexus. By looking at the death practices and attitudes of the Jicarilla and Lipan Apachean-speaking tribes simultaneously, Opler aims to not only identify cultural themes as the motivating force behind culturally patterned behavior, but also to reveal the possibility for and benefit of cross-cultural analysis. Opler’s basic argument is that cultural themes and/or salient elements of cultural identity are the determining factors in the creation and maintenance of consistent patterns of behavior. Through a simultaneous deconstruction of death practices and attitudes within the Jicarilla and Lipan tribes, Opler claims to reveal an instance of cross cultural value-sharing as a means for promoting “sensitive cultural integration” in the future. Opler spends the majority of the article looking specifically at the differences and similarities between Jicarilla and Lipan death practices and attitudes. Beginning with similarities, it is obvious that Opler is setting the stage for his ultimate claim that cross-cultural comparison is both meaningful and valid. Even in his section on differences between the Jicarilla and Lipan, Opler informs the reader of the basic superficiality of the differences. Opler concludes that death in both cultures is greatly feared and therefore has a set of practices and rituals (components) that combine to formulate assemblages that are both repetitive and similar. He argues that this sort of ritualizing is not repeated in aspects of either culture that are not socially or foundationally salient (for example marriage). By highlighting death as thematically and consistently powerful in both Jicarilla and Lipan life, Opler posits that cross-cultural comparison and analysis is essential in identifying themes that link culture to cultural practices. Opler concludes his article by stating that the location of assemblages is not only fundamental to understanding what it means to be a member of a culture, but also to locating cross-cultural similarities that are worthy of comparison and exploration. His final sentences acknowledge the article’s incomplete analysis of the value of death attitudes and practices in the Jicarilla and Lipan tribes. He rather restates his intention of flushing out the concepts of component, assemblage, theme, and nexus as a means to a future end of dealing more “sensitively with cultural integration and dynamics.” While this article is clear in its intent, Opler does leave the reader with a sense that he considers patterned cultural practices to be revealing of the existence of an essential cultural identity among the Jicarilla and Lipan tribes. This too may be an assumption worthy of deconstruction and redress in future analysis. CLARITY: 5 CAROLINE
SAMPONARO Opler, Morris E. Component, Assemblage, and Theme in Cultural Integration and Differentiation. American Anthropologist, 1959 Vol. 61 (1): (955-964). Opler analyzes both the similarities and differences between the Jicarilla and the Lipan, two Apache tribes who share a common ancestry. Opler focuses on the strong resemblances their death and mourning rituals share. In addition to the close similarities, he differentiates between their customs, so as not to gloss over each tribe's personal individuality. Opler poses the question of where such differences in custom may have originated from. As a means of tying to obtain a sufficient answer, he involves his own processes and terms to better categorize the many examples he gives while analyzing the variations both tribes have for similar rituals. Opler’s main focus throughout the article are the areas where he pin-points specific similarities the Jicarilla and the Lipan share. Within each tribe’s culture, death is an event that triggers a cultural pattern and “elicits a body of ideas, symbols, artifacts and behavior” (Opler 962). This aspect of both cultures help to define Opler’s cultural terms and tribal examples of mourning within Apachean-speaking tribes. Opler bases the article on these terms. He argues that though both tribes share a common ancestry, they have aspects of their rituality that, according to Opler’s definitive terms, differentiate them from each other, such as: selective emphasis, extension, intensification, combination, placement, component, assemblage and theme. The article’s structure is logically sequenced so that the reader is given historical background on both tribes first, so as to set up for the many examples that account for their common ancestry and similarities in regards to ritual. His arguments are supported by detailed descriptions of the Jicarilla and the Lipan’s beliefs, such as the taboo of relatives preparing the corpse, and the association of owls and coyotes to ghosts and evil. Opler links his own terms to both cultures. Each paragraph introduces another Opler term, explaining further the ways in which each tribe has drifted from the original and universal customs both the Jicarilla and the Lipan once shared. Opler makes it clear
that his reasoning for focusing on only the death aspect of both cultures
is that it is the one event in which customs and rituals are made public. Unlike
other cultures, such as villages in CLARITY: 4 KIMBERLY
WEST Read, K.E. Leadership
and Consensus in a The purpose of K.E.
Read’s article, Leadership and Consensus in a New Guinea Society, is
express his view that within the tribes of New Guinea an autonomous
people are the most likely to gain and maintain a high position of
influence. Societies in The two major qualities
that are valued when choosing leaders in these tribes are strength
and equivalence. Strength does not necessarily represent the traditional
sense of strength as a physical quality. It refers to the personality
of a person shown through certain skills possessed and certain activities
they participate in. A "strong man" is very masculine. He
is an aggressive warrior. He is a good orator and can express his views
powerfully. Included in this definition of strength is wealth. A true "strong
man" will have much wealth, usually in the form of pigs. Many
activities including dancing and gift giving are also part of what
makes and man strong. A man possessing all these qualities of strength
has a good chance of achieving power within the tribe. Along with strength
is equivalence. Equivalence refers to all of the moral values members
of the tribe are supposed to have. A good strong leader much not be
stubborn in his ways and be able to listen to and take into consideration
other views. He must never hurt another member of his clan and be able
to apologize when he has wronged someone. He must treat other equally.
If he does possess power he must use it for the betterment of the tribe
and not for personal gain. Equivalence also applies to relations with
other tribes. When a football game is being played between tribes the
game is played until there is a tie, so that neither tribe will feel
superior to any other. They will always be equal. This quality of equivalence
is very important for a tribal leader to possess. In conclusion, Read
express his view that New Guinea’s tribal leaders are chosen due to
certain personal traits. The too major traits that are needed to be
a successful tribal leader are strength and equivalence. With out these
two a person will never rise to power in this society. CLARITY RANKING-
3 Reina, Ruben. Two
Patterns of Friendship in a Guatemalan Community. American Anthropologist February,
1959 Vol.61:44-50 In this article
Reina gives us an inside look at friendship patterns practiced by two
diverse groups, Indians and Ladinos, from the Guatemalan municipio
of Chinantla. The Indians distinguished as the natural descendents
of earlier inhabitants of Chinantla. The Ladinos identity is expressed
as those who are newcomers to the area and they hold different culture
views then those considered as local custom. Reina describes
the Ladino practice of friendship, know locally as cuello, as being
strongly related to social interests. In the cuello system Ladino people
will become friends with a number of people who have influence and
power in many realms of society. Therefore, the most desirable friends
for Ladinos are those individuals who have a superior status then themselves.
Reina offered a short case study that represented the Ladinos willingness
to end cuello relationships with others who no longer fulfilled the
obligatory actions expected in this relationship. To help a friend
in need is a primary value held by the Ladinos and to neglect this
would have devastating effects on a Ladinos perception and acceptance
by community members. Reina contrasts
the Ladino’s cuello friendship with that of the Indian’s camarada system
of friendship. A case study is offered by Reina that describes the
camarada relationship between two Indian boys of Chinantla. The camarada,
in strong contrast to the cuello, fulfills emotional needs. It exists
between members of the same sex and has been paralleled to some of
the characteristics of homosexual relationships in the western worldview.
Yet these relationships do not result in sexual encounters. Reina did
point out strong attachments and often jealousy and mistrust enters
into this tight interaction. In fact, he even points out instances
where suppressed sexual tensions lead to a breakdown of camaradas. Rein concludes by
stating that irreconcilable ideological views held by the Ladinos and
the Indians has created a situation preventing cross-ethnic friendships.
The Ladino’s utilitarian based system is just as foreign to the Indians
as the emotion fulfilling system of friendship is to the Ladino culture. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Reining, Conrad
C. The Role of Money in the Zande Economy. American
Anthropologist February, 1959 Vol.61(4):39-43. Reining’s article
aims to examine the role that money plays in the Zande subsistence
economy. The Zande are tribal people living in areas of Africa including To spend money on goods used as means of subsistence is thought to be a waste of money by the Zande. Their society still has the means to produce plenty of the subsistence goods necessary to live. What they do use money for is to meet social obligations. Since Money is easy to store and hoard Zande members often save money until they need to arrange a marriage, funeral or other large social event. But sometimes money is used in situations in place of traditional items of trade which have more symbolically cultural meaning. This is in effect causing a gradual deterioration of some of the Zande’s cultural identity. While Reining suggests that the subsistence economy of the Zande still is in use and that money is primarily used to meet social obligations he does worry about an increased reliance upon money in internal Zande trade. Reining expressed his concern that future increased use of money for intra-cultural trade may result in a weakening of the Zande’s subsistence economy and possibly even a transformation of it. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Roberts, John M., Arth, Malcolm J., Bush, Robert R. Games in Culture. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61(4): 597-605. The authors are attempting, in this paper, to lay the groundwork for a theory regarding games as they relate to certain aspects of culture in tribal societies. Specifically the authors break down games into categories of games of strategy, games of chance, and games of physical skill. They attempt to show illustrate how each type of game is related to a particular cultural phenomenon. They also begin by defining a "game" based on five criteria: 1) organized play, 2) competition, 3) two or more sides, 4) criteria for determining the winner, and 5) agreed-upon rules. Studies were conducted using Cross-Cultural Survey files on approximately 100 tribes. It was determined from these files that there was sufficient documentation of games from 50 of the tribes. The authors attempt to prove several hypotheses regarding each type of game. They hope to show that there is a correlation between games of strategy and complexity of social organization. The hypothesis regarding games of chance is that they are related to religious activities or belief in the supernatural. The hypothesis regarding games of physical skill is by the authors’ own admission, not a strong argument. They try however, to illustrate a relationship between games of physical skill and the environment in which the tribe lives. Through their studies the authors were able to conclude that, for the most part, their hypothesis regarding games of strategy was fairly accurate. The results of their studies show that more often than not, games of strategy are usually associated with societies who have complex social structures. The authors also were able to prove their hypotheses correct in most cases involving games of chance as they related to religious and supernatural beliefs. However, the authors concede that they were only able to gather minimal evidence regarding their theory on games of physical skill as they relate to environment. The article sets in motion the potential for a theory involving games as they relate to other aspects of culture. However much of the data is not in depth enough for any such theory to be stated at this point. A more thorough study of games is needed before an anthropological theory of games could be developed. CLARITY RANKING – 3 Tugby, Donald
J. The Social Function of
Mahr in Upper Mandailing, Tugby seeks to discover
the effects of Islamization as a process of social change in certain
societies. He focuses on Mandailing, Tugby focuses on the Mahr, which is a dowry paid from a man to a woman on the condition that they marry. The Mahr, although Islamic in tradition is quite similar to a custom the Mandailing population had in its pre-Islamic days, known as the adat system. The adat system involved two prizes given from the husband to the wife or her father/family. One was known as the “great gold,” which was in essence a debt that would never be repaid, and would therefore always leave a husband in debt to his wife and her family. The second payment is the “little gold,” which was an affordable amount paid by the husband to his wife’s father, who would usually spend the money on his daughter for the wedding. The author focuses on methods in which to reconcile these customs, the Mahr and the adat. He details three possibilities: One is that the great gold will be designated as the Mahr, while the little gold will still be paid in cash. The second is that the little gold will be designated as the Mahr and the great gold will remain as a debt. The third is that the mahr will be specified separately, neither along with the great or the little gold. Tugby concludes that the fact these alternatives exist is indicative of a much grater social change as well in Mandailing. For example, the villages in Mandailing had previously been dominated by clans rather than families, and with the onset of Islamism, the clan lifestyle is being eradicated and replaced by the nuclear family lifestyle, more Islamic than classic Mandailing. In addition, with the addition or adaptation or integration of the Muslim Mahr, the social roles of women in Mandailing are becoming more important and respected. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Shapiro, Harry L. Symposium on the History of Anthropology: The History and Development of Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61:371-379. In this article,
Shapiro explores the use and meaning of physical anthropology by explaining
its history and showing how it has slowly grown out of other scientific
fields. To show the importance and validity of physical anthropology,
Shapiro uses evidence of how the field has been used over time. According
to Shapiro, physical anthropology began as a field of study when humans
began classifying animals and plants. At the same time explorers were
just beginning to discover the With this background
in mind, Shapiro explains that physical anthropology has its basis
in anatomy, zoology, and medicine, with its link to anthropology coming
later. Shapiro infers that the relationship between ethnology and physical
anthropology began with the discovery of new types of people through
exploration. In support of this argument, Shapiro cites Forster as
an example of an explorer who studied the people he discovered, emphasizing
cultural, linguistic, and racial considerations. Ethnologists like
Forster soon took over the study of racial variation and thus began
delving into the field of physical anthropology. Soon after, physical
anthropology established itself as a recognized and respected discipline.
It continued to explore the issues of race and evolution and also began
investigating the relationship between humans and primates. In the years just
before this article were written, physical anthropology gained a lot
of ground in becoming an innovative and established field, especially
in the CLARITY: 4 Solien, Nancie
L. The Nonunilineal Descent Group in the
Caribbean and Nancie Solien discusses
non-unilineal kinship groupings in her article. She recognizes that
very little attention has been given to this type of kinship system.
Solien sees the relevance in studying this other type of grouping and
she emphasizes this by giving a description of non-unilineal descent
groups in the Caribbean and Solien begins her
discussion by quoting and referring to Goodenough’s study on non-unilineal
descent groupings. Goodenough based his study on a certain Polynesian
group and suggested a number of ways that restricting membership to
groups in Solien argues that
very little attention has been paid to this type of kinship system
because of unfamiliarity of the people about the concept. She then
suggests that Americans look carefully at societies that follow the
bilateral system. Non-unilinear systems are not as uncommon as the
public thinks, it is simply because it is an unfamiliar concept that
researchers often overlook it. Solien expresses the need for such carelessness
to be avoided and for researchers to recognize the characteristics
of the kinship system. CLARITY RANKING-3 Srinivas, M.N. The
Dominate Caste in Rampura. American Anthropologist February,
1959 Vol.61(1):1-16. M.N. Srinivas presents
a study of locally dominant castes in a rural Indian society. He centers
his study on the peasant caste in Rampura, who enjoy a decisively dominant
role over other castes in the area. Within the Rampura setting Srinivas
looks into issues of Numerical strength, economic and political power,
ritual status and western education and occupation to explain the situation
of dominance that is held by the Peasant caste of Rampura. Srinivas goes on
to explain how the dominant caste reaps the benefits of social and
political control over their village. Members of the non-dominant cast
are subjected to numerous hardships at the hands of the dominant caste.
These include physical beatings, underpayment for work, and even forced
sexual relations upon the women of a non-dominant caste. The dominant cast
is also crucial in the process of settling disputes in the community.
The dominant cast holds jurisdiction over all other castes in the village
and often times settles disputes between and within other casts as
well as their own. Since the pre-British days in Indian there has been
a grouping of villages called hobli. The council of the dominant caste
is positioned in the hobli capital where they settle disputes occurring
within and outside of the capital while also dealing with appeals from
other councils in the hobli. The structure and authority of these councils
have much to offer in the understanding of a dominant caste. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Tax, Sol. Obituary
of James Sydney Slotkin. American Anthropologist October 1959.
Vol. 61(5): 844-847. James Slotkin, as
told by Tax, was a man with a rich, liberal and scientific, academic
background, who studied and taught in various institutions, and was
an actionist and author. His life was very busy up until his suicidal
death at the age of 45, in 1958. He studied physics, classics, art,
philosophy, and logic in 1930 at the University of Slotkin went on
to teach at He thought of himself
as a social scientist even though he was quite prolific in the field
of anthropology. Slotkin envisioned the development of social science
to be similar to that of the development of the natural sciences. As
a social scientist, Slotkin was a systematic theorist, which is evident
in the three books he authored: Social Anthropology (I Statics; II
Dynamics) and Personality Development. These books received good reviews
by sociologists and psychologists around the world but were ignored
by American anthropologists. The author views
Slotkin as "completely intellectual", approaching issues
by only dealing with what was relevant. His contributions to the world
of science may prove even more worthy as we may one day come to more
greatly appreciate his systematic theory. This article will appeal
to anthropologists and social scientists. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Vayda, Andrew
Peter. Polynesian Cultural Distributions in New
Perspective. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol.61: 817-828 In this article
Peter Vayda offers his modifications and suggestions to the arguments
placed forward in a study released by Andrew Sharp. In that study,
Sharp deals with the distribution of the Polynesian culture among the
islands of the It was commonly
believed that pre-European Polynesians were able to maintain regular
links between the islands, which were very far apart from each other.
The view was that people set out on exploration voyages, and when a
suitable island was found, they returned to their home and took more
people with them. Sharp challenged that view saying that the islands
were populated by an accidental landfall of fisherman, outcasts or
war parties. He argues his thesis by examining the cultural traits
and transportation methods of the Polynesian People. He notices that
none of the observable traits are complex enough to require a large
population to carry them over to other islands, therefore a small group
of lost fisherman would be able to keep those traits alive. Going further,
he argues that there was no way for large exploration parties to keep
together during the long voyages, this could have been a necessity
if we believed that the migration was happening as a mass phenomenon. Vayda outlines Sharp’s
arguments, but in some cases he does not agree completely with them.
The similarities in traits that Sharp noticed could have been attributed
to late visitors to the islands, same thing can be said about inventions.
Therefore it can’ be assumed that there was no communication between
the islands. Vayda does, however, acknowledge the great work done by
Sharp in terms of opening up new horizons and possibilities. CLARITY RATING:
4 Vayda, Andrew
Peter. Polynesian Cultural Distributions
in New Perspective. American Anthropologist October, 1959 Vol.
61(5): 817-828. Andrew Peter Vayda’s
article deals with the cultural anthropology of Throughout much
of the article, Vayda discusses the notion of eastern and western Polynesian
culture and their origins on various islands. Vayda notes the difficulty
in labeling a trait eastern or western, but offers some theories on
the culture discrepancies among the Polynesian islands. He suggests
that random voyages to the various islands initially populated and
cultured the various islands. Small culture deviations then occurred
by internal innovations or outside influences. But culture changes
due to external factors were never large because external influences
were probably never physically and literally big enough to induce change
in an entire, established society. However, large and drastic culture
changes could occur in atolls, where societies were small and susceptible
to more significant dangers. Unlike people from the high-island areas,
atoll societies could be wiped out by tidal waves, droughts, or cyclones.
Thus, their small numbers, along with their high probability of being
eliminated, resulted in high vulnerability to external culture influences.
Random voyages to atoll lands thus contained sufficient amounts of
people and resources to cause drastic societal changes, which would
not be the case in a high-island area where populations were bigger
and less influenced by small bands of travelers. For the most part,
Vayda’s article displays good, interesting work. He gives arguments
in a clear, detailed manner and he supports his opinions well. Despite
this good scholarship, Vayda is sometimes confusing. In his introduction
and conclusion, he mentions points that seem absent in the body of
the paper. He spends most of the paper talking about the origins and
causes of culture change in CLARITY RANKING-3
White, Leslie A. The Concept of Culture. American Anthropologist April, 1959 Vol. 61 (2): 227-249. Leslie White's article debates the concept of culture. More specifically, White wishes to determine what new conceptualizations of culture have been introduced into the field of study in recent years as compared to the commonly held conception of culture that dominated the anthropological discipline for many years. White begins his analysis with a review of the uniform conception of culture (most notably provided by E.B. Tyler) that pervaded the study of cultural anthropology for much of the history of the field. White then uses this introduction to the culture concept as a segway into the conceptions of culture that have arisen more recently. According to White, conceptions of culture have varied and multiplied in recent years. The focus now is upon the distinction between culture and human behavior. Ultimately, White's aim in this article is to distinguish between the discipline of psychology and the discipline of what he calls culturology. White introduces to the reader a class of phenomena which science has yet to name. He calls this “symboling.” All things in the world are dependent upon symboling; it is how we identify, label, and understand the world surrounding us. White claims that symboling comes in two forms - when things and events dependent upon symboling are interpreted in terms of their relationship to human beings (in a somatic context), they are called human behavior (and thus the science of psychology); if such things and events are interpreted in terms of their relationship to one another (in an extrasomatic context), they are called culture (and hence the study of culturology). White continues by providing an interesting and helpful comparison for the reader. He compares the dichotomy between the fields of psychology and culturology as the same dichotomy as between language (la langue) and speech (Ie parole). This article will interest individuals who wish to familiarize themselves with modern conceptions of culture. White is straightforward and clear in his arguments, which are both well-formed and well-supported. This article provides the reader with a concise upgrade of the study of the concept of culture. CLARITY RANKING - 4 RICHARD LIUZZI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg) Leslie A. White. The Concept of Culture. American Anthropology 1959. New Series, Vol. 61, No. 2. (Apr., 1959), pp. 227-251. In this article, White addresses the issue of what is cultural and what should be considered culture. He also distinguishes between culture and cultural behavior and gives the reader a definition of culture that he believes is satisfactory for both biological and nonbiological anthropology. Before describing the concept of culture he gives a detailed history of the culture concept in anthropology from the late ninetieth through the early twentieth centuries. Starting in the ninetieth century, many anthropologists have had their own concept of culture. One that had a great influence was E.B. Tylor, who defined culture as “a complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” From the twentieth century, Kroeber and Kluckhohn defined culture as “an abstraction from concrete human behavior, but it is not itself behavior” but that since in the field of psychologists and psychologizing sociologists, behavior is the “first-hand and outright material of the science of psychology” then culture is behavior. White argued that culture can’t be defined as behavior because it leaves nonbiological anthropology with no subject matter. Thus culture and culture behavior are two different things. White’s solution to this problem is his diagram of “Things and Events Dependent upon Symboling (Symbolated)” where he categorized human behavior in Somatic context and culture traits in Extrasomatic. According to White, Symbolated is when emotion, action and events become symbolic. Somatic are emotions, actions, and events (things and event) that has to do with individuality and Extrasomatic are things and events that have to do with social groups. In this case, culture is things and events that happen within social context and culture behavior is things and events that happen individually. In this way, both the science of psychology and science of culture have a subject matter. The article was a little hard to read. At some points it gets confusing and long when he write at length on about the different kind of concept anthropologists through time have about the meaning of culture. The symbolated was also hard to understand but other than that the article was readable. CLARITY: 3 MAI XIONG University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Willson, Lawrence. Thoreau: Student of Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol.61(3):279-289 This article amounts
to being essentially a tribute to Thoreau. He is characterized as a
versatile man, and a scholar with an interest in anthropology. Over
a period of time, Thoreau had amassed a great deal of facts and opinions
about the Native Americans. It appears that he was trying to find out
where the Native Americans have come from, and what continent they
originated on. He looked into works by other scholars, works by the
first European explorers and conquerors who came to the Willson writes that
Thoreau was interested in history and believed that many inventions
and tools are not original, but had different incarnations in all societies.
He talked about how the farmers of He was apparently trying to find the roots of the Native Americans by studying their languages, and it seems that he made attempts at looking at Native American dictionaries and trying to compare the grammar across tribes and across human languages as a whole, in order to place the languages into some biological group. He made no conclusions in his research because he died before he could organize his notes, but he examined all viewpoints and looked into many different sources. Mostly however, he quoted other white people who all had their own opinion on the origin of Native Americans. He quotes people who say that the Native Americans are descended form the ancient Hebrews, the Chinese, the Tartars, and the Europeans. His own opinions remain unknown. It is hard to tell what Thoreau really thought on the matter, because we see only the portion of his work which Willson chooses to emphasize in his tribute, and we do not know if Thoreau had any other quotes in his notebooks which Willson could have overlooked. Overall, this article seems a rather opinionated piece. CLARITY: 5 LIZZA
PROTAS Willson, Lawrence. Thoreau: Student of Anthropology. American Anthropologist April, 1959 Vol. 61 (2): 279-288. Lawrence Willson's article deliberates the degree to which nineteenth century philosopher Henry David Thoreau should be considered a scientist, especially in the field of anthropology. In re-creating for the reader a fairly detailed account of Thoreau's research methods (specifically concerning his research of Native Americans), Willson highlights the contradictions in Thoreau's research. According to Willson, Thoreau's status as a scientist (and more specifically as an anthropologist) does not exceed that of an "intelligent dabbler," let alone that of an "expert." Willson presents his argument in defiance of the opinion of a number of other authors who claim, among other things, that Thoreau is "a true scientist in the modem sense of the word" (279). Willson disagrees with this sentiment, as he believes that while Thoreau may be competent when it comes to science and the literature of science, he is far from being an authority on anything scientific. To illustrate his point, Willson presents Thoreau's research of the origins of the North American Indians as evidence that as an anthropologist Thoreau has a long way to go. Willson includes the varying aspects of Thoreau's Native American research ranging from his interest in their cultural customs to the origins of their languages. The author is careful to point out that while Thoreau's research was exceedingly extensive, it was often contradictory, a fault around which the basis of Willson's argument is constructed. Willson's article is not an unjustified attack on the persona of Henry David Thoreau; this characterization is far from the truth. Willson displays his respect for Thoreau in his acknowledgement of Thoreau's tantamount conceptualization of history as "the foundation of the living present of which he was a part" (281). Nonetheless, it is the designation of Thoreau as an expert anthropologist that Willson objects to - in his own words, Thoreau "was not a trained anthropologist" (287). CLARITY RANKING - 4 RICHARD LIUZZI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg) Wolfe, Alvin
W. Man’s Relation to Man in Alvin W. Wolfe’s
article deals with the issue of man’s relation to man in Wolfe organizes
the Ngombe value system in terms of Florence Kluckhohn’s five "common
human problems". These are: What
are the innate predispositions of man? Florence
Kluckhohn’s model suggests there are three possible answers to each
of the five questions. The predispositions of man are good, evil, or
neither. Man can be subjugated to nature, part of nature, or over nature.
The significance of the time dimension means a culture can emphasize
the past, the present, or the future. A culture may value a personality
type based on being, being-in-becoming, or doing. There are three relationship
principles: lineal, collateral, or individualistic.
Zegwaard,
Rev. Gerard A. Headhunting Practices of the Asmat
of
He
divides his article into three parts: first, he gives the original
myth and describes the ritual; second, he describes the number of rituals
and customs attached to headhunting and third, he attempts an explanation
of the headhunting practice. In
conclusion, Zegwaard describes the headhunting practices with great
detail and his analysis brings the complexities of the Asmat people
to light. He concludes saying the objective is rites of passage but
the intentions revolve around revenge, prestige and perfect manliness.
Zelditch, Morris. Statistical Marriage Preferences of the Ramah Navaho. American Anthropologist September, 1959 Vol. 61(3):471-491. The
primary concern of Statistical Marriage Preferences of the Ramah
Navaho by Morris Zelditch, Jr. is the unsettled matter of Navaho
marriage preferences. Specifically, the essay refutes the previous
claims of Reichard’s Social Life of the Navaho Indians(1928),
who asserts that the "relationship existing between the numerous
wives chosen by one man or the relationship between the individuals
of intermarrying pairs" is the outstanding feature of Navaho
marriage. Reichard also states certain family and clan preferences
for marriage of an individual within the Navaho culture. An example
of a family preference is ego preferring to marry a group of sisters,
or a woman and her daughter of a previous marriage. There are three
clan preferences according to Reichard are marriage into Father’s
clan, marriage into FaFa’s clan, and marriage into MoFa’s clan.
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