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Barber, C. G. Peyote and the Definition of Narcotic. American Anthropologist. 1959 Vol. 61:640-646 The article Peyote
and the Definition of Narcotic by Carroll G. Barber is a discussion
regarding whether or not peyote should be termed a narcotic. Barber
demonstrates the difficulty in defining the term narcotic and then
relates this to the difficulty in considering peyote a narcotic.
She shows how there are many definitions for the term narcotic, such
as medical definitions, legal definitions and cultural definitions. The article demonstrates
how even though peyote should perhaps be considered a narcotic for
medicinal purposes it should not be considered a narcotic when concerned
with legal matters. The reasons for this are the numerous cultural
contexts in which peyote is used as part of a ritual. The article discusses
the difficulties that anthropologists encounter when attempting to
understand such things. It also presents us with a "working definition" of
narcotic that perhaps peyote and other substances of the like will
fit into: "a narcotic is a substance which can alter or distort
the user’s perception of himself and the external world, and which
is taken or administered primarily for that purpose." This definition
is suitable for anthropologists. Barber presents
her arguments through a discussion of several different definitions
of the term narcotic and compares and contrasts them. She places a
lot of attention on Maurer and Vogel’s medical opinions. She also refers
to the U.S. Public Health Service hospitals, J. D. Reichard and Slotkin. CLARITY: 4 .gif){kind=small} Barber, Carroll G. Peyote and the Definition of Narcotic. American Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61: 641-645 In this article, Carroll G. Barber explores the notion of “narcotic” and how the word has been defined and subsequently used in society. “Narcotic” is a word whose meaning is unclear, and Barber explores this mysterious lack of clarity, particularly in relation to whether or not peyote should be classified as a narcotic. Originally, for medical purposes, “narcotic” meant a drug that “allays sensibility, relieves pain, and a produces profound sleep” (p. 641). In this sense, peyote cannot be classified as a narcotic, because its main effect is as a stimulant rather than a sedative. However, popular usage has altered the definition to include stimulants as well. Also, peyote cannot solely be classified as a stimulant, because it also contains some depressants. Barber from here
goes on to discuss the notion of “addiction,” usually an effect of
drugs commonly referred to as narcotics. Like “narcotic,” however, the meaning of “addiction” has
been altered in popular usage from its original medical definition. Originally, only physical dependence could
be referred to as addiction, but now addiction is more a function of
the personality. While peyote
is not “physically” addictive like heroin, there is some evidence that
continued use may build emotional propensity for the drug, as evidenced
by mescaline users in I don’t really understand why Barber is so intent on labeling peyote a narcotic. I personally believe that medical definitions carry more validity than popular definitions, and by medical definition peyote is not a narcotic. Labeling it as such would only confuse those interested in knowing the true effects of the drug, and would criminalize a substance whose long-term detrimental effects are relatively unknown. CLARITY LEVEL: 4 .gif){kind=small} Barnett, H. G. Peace
and Progress in Peace and Progress
in The article begins
with a familiarization period, where the reader is made more familiar
with the context of the paper. Most specifically, the audience is informed
of the many unique rituals and situations that come to bear in this
particular instance. Most important of all this information is the
identification of Kapala Parang, literally "head knives",
and the political power they wielded. Also important to this article
is how the Kapala Parang used the political power of being able to
kill others as a means to establish credit and create a market system.
Barnett establishes that the Kapala Parang were actually the moneylenders
of these people, and that they developed a system of credit so complex
that nearly everyone was in debt to someone else. The Dutch colonialists
sought to alter this for the benefit of the Ajamaroe peoples, but instead,
the Ajamaroe decided to do it themselves. One of the most
striking aspects of Barnett's article is the amazing situation that
faced the Dutch colonial government. Here was a group of people who
had developed their own ideas of commerce, and were loathe to part
with it in favor of Dutch capitalism. However, after World War II and
Japanese enslavement, many of the Kapala Parang were more than happy
to give up their old ways of living to ensure the new ones went smoothly. The overall significance
of this article is that it provides the audience with a sense of what
a colonial discourse is and how such a discourse takes effect. Also,
this article serves to reinforce the significance of the entire globalization
ideal, therefore redirecting much needed research into this particular
area of study. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Barnett,
H. G. Peace and Progress in H. G. Barnett investigated
the affects of Dutch colonization of The Dutch had two main objectives in terms of their attempt to civilize the Ajamaroe. First, the Dutch government sought to secure peace, to prevent the notoriously warlike, vigilant Ajamaroe people from continuing their pattern of warfare and homicide. The main individuals that the Dutch government sought to suppress the activity of were the men known as kapala parang. These men are individuals, as Barnett explains, who continually kill others due to an inescapable pattern of vengeance built into the Ajamaroe culture. When the Dutch limited the violent nature of Ajamaroe culture, they actually produced negative effects. When the “system of warrior capitalism,” as Barnett refers to it, finally subsided due to the Dutch efforts, other various forms of manipulation replaced the warfare economy. Basically, many petty capitalists developed and much time was spent settling and collecting debts, to the detriment of other more useful activities. The culture suffered: marriage rates decreased, age of marriage increased, etc. To rectify this problem, the District Officer attempted to alter the economic structure of the Ajamaroe, hoping that his efforts would jumpstart the economy. The effect that Barnett observed was initially, remarkably successful. More people moved into the villages, more people attended school, marriage rates increased, etc. The communities turned their attentions towards making connections with the world outside their secluded area. Barnett reveals that these positive affects did not last for long. The negative affects took precedent; the final affect of the Dutch interference in Ajamaroe practices, as Barnett notes, was the that “the Ajamaroe were caught in a spiral of doubt and fear.” The article sadly demonstrates the common affect of colonization, displaying that when outsiders interfere in the culture of those who they are colonizing, they often cause harm even though they had attempted to bring help. CLARITY: 5 SAMANTHA
SHAPIRO Barry, Herbert
III, Child, The authors used
scientific method to examine child training practices in relation to
subsistence economy. Their hypothesis suggested economic behaviour
was "an adaptation to the general type of subsistence economy".
Statistical analysis was employed to test the hypothesis using Murdock’s
(1957) classification of subsistence strategies. Ratings were determined
using ethnographic data on child training practices from 104 societies. Children (4-5 yrs)
were rated as either extremely high in accumulation of food resources
(predominantly pastoral or agricultural having an emphasis on animal
husbandry), intermediate in accumulation (having grain/root crops with
no emphasis on animal husbandry), or extremely low in accumulation
(relying on hunting or fishing). Data was rated separately for girls
and boys on six training practices examined: obedience, responsibility,
nurturance, achievement, self-reliance, and general independence training.
Each practice was rated on strength of socialization where a positive
ranking indicated reward given for behaviour and a negative ranking
when punishment occurred for the lack of the desired behaviour. Ratings
were compared only to other training aspects for each society, serving
as a means of internal validity. A positive correlation
between extremely high accumulation societies and high pressure on
responsibility and obedience training was found. Where animal husbandry
was significantly important, lower weight placed on achievement, self-reliance,
and independence child training practices was stressed less. Conversely,
in low accumulation or hunting/fishing societies, vice versa held true.
Certain training was sex-specific, ie. achievement, self-reliance,
and independence were more important for boys in low accumulation societies.
High accumulation societies pressured for compliance, while low accumulation
societies focused on assertion. It was also found
that cultural variables, other than behavioural requirements of adult
economic roles, affected child training. The relationship between these
cultural variables with assertion vs. compliance indicated a greater
correlation between them and accumulation (not compliance vs. assertion).
Findings suggest obedience and responsibility training would produce
adults who could ensure the continuation of their group in high accumulation
societies where food supply is safeguarded. Self-reliance and achievement
training would encourage less dependence on others for subsistence
in a low accumulation subsistence economy. Pressure on this training
would drive children to have more individual behaviour and personal
successes. "Findings are consistent with the suggestion that child
training tends to be a suitable adaptation to subsistence economy" (p.
62). CLARITY RANKING:
4 Barry, Herbert,
Irving Child, and Margaret Bacon. Relation of Child
training to Subsistence Economy. American Anthropologist February,
1959 Vol.61(6):51-63 Arising from their
interest in how child training influences the typical personality of
a people, the authors aim to relate economic situations to varying
types of Child training. Their assumption is that the kind of adult
behavior that is useful to society is likely to be taught to the children
of the society. This suggest that child training is developed out of
the behaviors and goals that are useful in the adult economy. The authors
researched many different societies and ranked each on six key aspects
of child training practices. These aspects were then compared to the
economy used by the respective societies. The main emphasis of the
economic aspect of the research was placed on the amount of accumulated
food resources a society amassed. The results show that societies which
have a high accumulation rate of these food resources tend to pass
on teachings of responsibility and obedience in child training. On
the other hand societies with lower rates of accumulation tend to emphasize
aspects of self-reliance and independence in child training. Thus compliance
is marked as a key personality trait taught to children in societies
holding high accumulation rates while assertion is emphasized in societies
with little or no accumulations of food resources. The influence that
a societies economic system has on the adults personality traits is
ultimately a strong factor in the emphasis being place on the training
of the youth in that society. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Brues, Alice. Selection
in Body Build. American Anthropologist September, 1959 Vol. 61(3):457-469. Selection in
Body Build, by Alice Brues, is a comprehensive essay concerning
the effects of natural selection upon early Man. Contrary to the
commonly held belief that man is physically unspecialized, Brues
delineates a number of ways in which the evolution of man has been
dictated by man’s own inventions and innovations, as well as his
environment. The original tool used by man for hunting was a blunt
instrument used to bludgeon the prey. The effectiveness of the bludgeoning
instrument depends upon two factors, the weight of the object and
the velocity that the object attains. The determining factor, in
terms of body structure of the user, will then be the total bulk
of muscle. Thus, larger builds were favorable, although there was
no preference in particular for leaner or stockier types. The next
innovation that aided man in the hunt for sustenance was the spear.
Maximum efficiency of the spear is attained in creating the greatest
speed possible as the spear leaves the hand. This provides for greater
range as well as an increased force of impact. Thus, the invention
of the spear favors longer limbed people. The longer, leaner build
allows the thrower to produce greater speed around the lever arm
or elbow joint. It is simple physics that provides the motivation
for natural selection. However, in order to be most effective with
the next significant advancement in hunting technology, the bow and
arrow, one must have short limbs and short muscles to increase the
power leverage, and increase the speed at which the arrow leaves
the bow. Therefore, once again Man’s own technology provided the
impetus for natural selective processes. Culture and man share a
reciprocal relationship in these instances. However, habitat also
has played an equally important role in the development and the resulting
polymorphism seen in the human body today. Remember that early Man
did not live in a world where other animals were "naturally" afraid
of them. Animals would attack humans, and humans had to be physically
equipped to deal with such an attack. Thus, in the plains, body types
that allowed for the fastest running speed were advantageous while
in the forests, body types that allowed one to climb and maneuver
around obstacles were advantageous. In these two arenas, Brues clearly
demonstrates how natural selection has influenced the development
of Man, which is the goal of her essay. CLARITY:5 Buettner-Janusch,
John. Natural Selection in Man: The ABO(H) Blood
Group System. American Anthropologist September, 1959 Vol. 61(3):437-451. In this article
Buettner-Janusch contends that natural selection is still active in
today’s civilized societies. While many believe that technological
advancements leading to disease prevention and economic policies that,
for the most part, limit starvation have diminished the role of natural
selection in human evolution. Buettner-Janusch believes that polymorphic
human populations imply that the forces of natural selection are still
at work. "Polymorphism is the condition that exists when two or
more discontinuous forms of a species share the same habitat and the
frequency of the least common of them is to great to be accounted for
by the effect of natural mutation"(Ford, 1940). Buettner hypothesizes
that it is natural selection that supports this polymorphism. In order
to support his original hypothesis, Buettner-Janusch puts forth an
argument based upon studies done on the ABO(H) blood group system.
The basic premise is as follows: 1.) There is a unique
distribution in the four different blood phenotypes in every population
group. 2.} The polymorphism
is balanced. For example, it appears that individuals of phenotypes
A and B are naturally eliminated at birth, while natural mechanisms
eliminate the O phenotypes at later ages. 3.) The frequencies
of the different genes appear to vary with geographical location. He supports his
claims with numerous statistics and data. One support for his argument
is the apparent ABO(H) compatibility problem. Specifically, there appears
to be a reduced number of A and B children among the offspring of O
woman in a large set of matings which were heterospecific with respect
to the ABO(H) phenotypes. Since there are more childless matings in
the heterospecific group, it appears that natural selection operates
against the A and B phenotypes. Another piece of research that indicates
the presence of natural selection is the correlation between disease
and the ABO(H) groups. There appears to be a strong relationship between
phenotype O and duodenal ulceration, between phenotype A and carcinoma
of the stomach, and between the secretor phenotype and resistance to
rheumatic sequelae of streptococcus infections. In these two ways,
Buettner-Janusch supports the existence of naturally selective processes
still at work in civilized society CLARITY:2 Carlson, Roy
L. Klamath Henwas and Other Stone Sculptures. American
Anthropologist February, 1959 Vol. 61 (8): 88-96. Carlson’s article
looks at three distinct types of sculptures found in historic Klamath
territory in south central The second type
of sculpture Carlson presents is freestanding sculptures. These consist
of small stone animal figures and one stone sculpture called the wind
rock. Ethnographic research has shown that the Klamath believe these
wind rocks can create wind in whichever direction you tap on the rock. The last type of
Sculpture that was presented by Carlson consisted of utilitarian and
decorated forms. These included manos, metates, mortars and bowls as
well as heating stones. Carlson’s aim then shifts towards developing
a special relationship between these Klamath sculptures as well as
age estimations. He compares and contrasts design and decorative features
of all the sculptures and provides a systematic analysis of this in
the form of an extensive Chart. In conclusion he offers a perspective
conclusion to the question of age and relationship to other ancient
sculptures of the area while also emphasizing another possible alternative
view which he feels deserving of further exploration. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Cole, Fay-Cooper
and Eggan, Fred. Robert Redfield 1897-1958. American
Anthropologist 1959 Vol.61:652-656 This paper is an
obituary which focuses on the life and successes of Robert Redfield.
Robert Redfield was born in Soon after, Redfield
returned to the University as an Instructor in 1927, he received his
Ph.D. degree the following year, and an appointment as Assistant Professor.
With the establishment of a separate Department of Anthropology he
was promoted to Associate Professor in 1930, and Professor and Dean
of the Social Science Division in 1934. Eventually, Redfield resigned
to become Chairman of the Department of Anthropology. In 1953 he was
appointed Robert Maynard Hutchins Distinguished Service Professor of
Anthropology (1959:653). Redfield participated
in many conferences which led him to begin his fieldwork on the relations
of tribal, peasant and urban cultures, but his work was cut short by
a serious illness and he again returned to During his active
life, he participated in many public activities and received many honours
such as the president of the American Anthropological Association,
he was a member of the Commission on the Freedom Press and many more.
On October 16, 1958 Robert Redfield died at the Redfield’s work
allowed us to obtain a more clear understanding of a community’s aspirations
and values in the process of cultural change. He attempted to see man
as a whole and to recreate unity. This obituary was very clear and
thoroughly written. As a result, it can be easily read and understood. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Cooper, Cole-Fay
and Eggan, Fred. The obituary of Robert Redfield. American
Anthropologist August 1959 Vol. 61 (4): 652-657 Originally trained
as a lawyer, WW I veteran Robert Redfield (1897-1958) re-entered academic
life to pursue studies in anthropology, particularly following his
strong interests in comparative cultures and civilizations, after a
trip to Primarily an academic
and intellectual rather than a field researcher, nevertheless Redfield
made many important contributions to anthropology and continued to
work arduously in his favored field of comparative civilizations. He
strived to achieve a synthesis between the social sciences and the
humanities that would better serve anthropology’s aims and purposes
at a time when anthropology was being transformed from historicism
to functionalism. Redfield is well known for demonstrating anthropology’s
paradigmatic function concept when he discovered that the Mexican Tepoztlan
community evaded traditional anthropological categorizations of the
primitive which led to Redfield’s call for the development of new concepts
and new investigational methods. Constantly broadening his intellectual
capacities, Redfield included in his methodological approaches the
historical dimension to better compare civilizations, which resulted
in his belief that civilizations are enduring historic structures as
systems that relate the larger traditions of urban and intellectual
elites with the smaller traditions of more tribal societies. Redfield’s
longest and greatest preoccupation was the comparative study of CLARITY RANKING:
5 Das, G.N. Obituary:
John Marshall (1876-1958) American Anthropologist 1959 Vol 61
Pg. 1071-1074 In the article about
John Marshall written by G.N. Das, the author discusses Mr. Marshall’s
impact on archeological work towards preserving, maintaining and discovering
India’s Heritage. During the 1900
Lord Curzon, Viceroy of India, sought to preserve India’s monuments
and to uncover new ones. At that time the country was divided into
five archeological circles with one Surveyor for each region who was
hired by the local government. Curzon felt that under these conditions
there was no unity amongst each Surveyor when the task of conservation
and repairs was needed, which needless to say resulted in further deterioration
to many famous monuments. In light of this information, Curzon submitted
a minute to the Secretary of State for Upon taking on this
position, Curzon was impressed
with what CLARITY RANKING:
4 Das, G. N. John Marshall. American Anthropologist, 1959 Vol. 61: 1071-1074. This is an obituary
of Sir John Hubert Marshall, C.I.E., Litt.D., F.B.A. (1876-1958). Das
heralds him as one of the “major architects” of “Indian archeology” (1071). In 1900, Lord Curzon, the Viceroy of India,
sent a report to the Secretary of State for In Das does recognize
that Marshall and his co-excavators were criticized for “not following
the system of stratified excavation already in vogue in the West” (1074). But
he defends him by asserting that he would “whole-heartedly” agree with
Lord Curzon’s words: ‘All I know is there is beauty in Marshall’s obituary,
put forth by Das, is very sympathetic and lauds Marshall’s exploits
in CLARITY: 5 BETSY
SUMMERS ( Davenport, William. Nonunilinear
Descent and Descent Groups. American Anthropologist August, 1959
Vol. 61 (4): 557-572. William Davenport’s
article examines the different types of social structures present in
different societies. The features that Davenport’s article
addresses the argument regarding descent and kinship systems. This
will be of interest to individuals seeking to gain more knowledge about
bilateral systems and non-unilinearity in general. This article will
hopefully encourage future researchers to have a more open-minded and
to avoid sweeping generalizations about how different societies are
structured. CLARITY RANKING-
4 Dunning, R. W. Rules
of Residence and Ecology Among the Northern Ojibwa. American
Anthropologist 1959 Vol. 61: 806-816. Dunning looks at
residence patterns and how it is affected by ecological and economical
limitations. Dunning states that his purpose in entering the discussion
is to go "beyond the ethnographic facts." He mentions that
residence rules are important, especially in Algonkian groups. There
were conflicting data from his predecessors on whether certain groups
were matrilocal or patrilocal. He collected data from September 1954
to August 1955. Dunning goes into
the different marriage patterns, taboos, family patterns and seasonal
patterns. He shows some of his finding in charts. He states that with
the increase of outside factors, such as economical changes, the Northern
Ojibwa has increased in group size, where as before the groups tended
to be smaller and families would separate when the group was too big
for the land to support them. Dunning concludes
that only with further research could he conclude his findings. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Dunning, R. W. Rules
of Residence and Ecology Among the Northern Ojibwa. American
Anthropologist October, 1959 Vol. 61(5): 806-816. Dunning’s article
addresses Steward’s theory which suggests that demographic form and
social system depend on ecology. The article presents ethnographic
data that help to support Steward’s ecological theory. More specifically,
the data comes from studies done on the Northern Ojibwa. Dunning’s article
suggests the importance of resident rules for society. He describes
in great detail the resident patterns of the Ojibwa as he presents
much data from his studies. Residence for the Ojibwa change seasonally
as families move from the husband’s family’s domain to the wife’s or
vice versa. The data showed that the residence patterns were also changing
over time because there started to be a high proportion of uxorilocal
residence in a patrilateral hunting society with patronymic totem groups.
Dunning suggests the reason for this phenomenon rests in the fact that
in former times of small population concentrations and low male numbers,
uxorilocal residence was crucial to the survival of these trapping
bands. But further study
and data showed a change to almost complete virilocal residence. Dunning
offers government subsides as the impetus for the change as the provided
monies freed the Ojibwa from the rigid demographic control caused by
the environment. Dunning then goes
on to suggest that a great division exists between cross and parallel
relationships. Despite the marriage between cross-cousins, cross relationships
are intentionally avoided. Relationships between parallel members results
in more friendly, open interactions that those between cross relatives. Dunning’s article
seems only applicable to a small number of anthropologists. I feel
that the only students of anthropology that would find this article
relevant or interesting would be those interested in the Ojibwa. This
article just seems to provide some detailed facts about the Ojibwa
and fails to suggest anything about culture in general. Also, the paper’s
choice of words limits its potential audience. In order to actually
understand the paper, one would have to be quite familiar with residential
and anthropological terminology. CLARITY RANKING-3 Eisenstadt, S.
N. Primitive Political Systems: A Preliminary
Comparative Analysis. American Anthropologist April, 1959 Vol.
61 (2): 200-221. Eisenstadt's article
presents a new general approach to the comparison and analysis of primitive
political systems. He seeks to present this general approach using
only limited data for the express purpose of illustrating and analyzing
the approach method. Eisenstadt begins
by explaining the two main approaches used in comparative primitive
political society analyses. One is to differentiate between segmentary
societies and those with centralized political institutions. One problem
with this dichotomy approach is that it tends to focus on the social
units themselves rather than the political functions that they are
responsible for. The second approach is to demonstrate the existence
in all primitive societies of some basic mechanism of social control
to regulate and resolve conflict. The problem here is that conditions
under which the mechanism would function are not defined. This examination
of the foundations for the comparative study of primitive political
institution is instructive because Eisenstadt gives many examples and
references for each point of view, and then systematically points out
why these works are inadequate in more ways than one. He then goes
on to present some general information on political institutions within
a social structure before presenting his scheme for the analysis of
comparative political systems and their related social conditions. To illustrate his
approach, Eisenstadt selects several cases, including various types
of segmentary tribes, autonomous village-communities, and centralized
kingdoms. He draws distinctions between the groups in the degree to
which the major groups regulate their own affairs and the extent to
which the political sphere differs from local kin and economic spheres.
Using those criteria as a reference point, broad dissimilarities are
exposed, which then allows for the inquiry as to how aspects of social
structure are related to characteristics of political structure. Several hypotheses
are proposed; one of which is that the less able society is to regulate
their interrelations, the greater the development of political organizations.
Each hypothesis has good evidence to support it, and Eisenstadt develops
the argument in such a systematic way, that each hypothesis a sound
conclusion to the logical progression. In general, he found that in
a society, the emphasis on different types of political activities
depends on the goals and values of that particular society. Eisenstadt introduces
new variables with his new perspective on analysis, but also realizes
that data he presents is incomplete and will have to be modified through
application to a wider data array. He does, however, successfully illustrate
the feasibility of this attempt "to establish meaningful correlations
between different aspects of social structure and political organization." CLARITY RANKING-
4 Eisenstadt presents a new approach to the analysis of comparative political systems of primitive societies by using a new schema to analyze political systems in several types of primitive societies and the social conditions which are related to these types. Eisenstadt reviews previous studies and approaches that have laid the foundations for the comparative analysis of primitive politics, but concludes that these are not systematic and focus too much on groups that perform governmental functions, rather than on the functions themselves. He lays out some general characteristics of political institutions while also stressing the importance of two aspects of political systems: the regulation of power relations and the processes of social control in various groups and subsystems of a society. He then introduces new variables to better understand some of the differences between political systems: the degree with which political activities are emphasized and elaborated; the scope and nature of political struggle in a society; and the extent and nature of changes that are possible within a political system. Eisenstadt states that political systems can be distinguished by the extent to which different political functions are performed by specialized units and also the extent of organization of these functions in different types of political roles and organizations. These various political systems are broken down into types of “segmentary tribes, “associational” tribes, and “centralized chiefdoms,“ where an emphasis is placed on such dynamics and differences of role allocation, the extent of differentiation and self-regulation of political units, and the major goals and values of the different societies. In his hypotheses, an idea of how aspects of a societies social structure are related to the political structure are provided. The greater the differentiation of various groups within a society of regulating the relations between them, the greater the development of specialized political organizations. Less differentiated societies such as segmentary tribes have fewer special political positions, while the more centralized chiefdoms with strong universalistic orientations have a more complex system of political organization and centralized roles of political authority. Lastly, Eisenstadt emphasizes that different types of political activities depend on the goals and “value orientations” of a society, where more collective goals require a more centralized political system and more “party-politics” activity. CLARITY: 3 LUKE BORKENHAGEN University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Ember, Melvin. The
Nonunilinear Descent Groups of Melvin Ember’s article
examines the non-unilinear descent groups in Ember starts off
his argument by evaluating William Davenport’s paper on non-unilinear
descent. He adopts Davenport’s proposed term "sept" as the
corresponding term to "sib." He also defines terms such as "sept," "sub-sept," and
so on, which are crucial to understanding his study of Samoan kinship
system. He frames his investigation using the three structural features
namely membership, residential distribution and relationship to land.
He defines and describes three different descent groups present in Through careful
analysis of the descent groups in Ember’s article
provides evidence to the argument that non-unilinear descent groups
exist in several societies. This article supports Davenport’s argument
regarding the same issue as well. Ember also expresses the need for
increased awareness of different forms of social structures in existence. CLARITY RANKING-
4 Fallers, Fallers and Levy
argue that the study of "family deserves the same conceptual care
as is usually applied to the study of other aspects of society" such
as political systems (647). They contend that the term "family" should
be used to refer to any "small kinship- structured unit which
carries out aspects of the relevant functions" (650) as opposed
to the concept of "family" in the traditional sense (i.e.
family as single social units inherent in all societies). They prefer
to use the term to denote a series of family units in most societies. They feel that the
traditional concept of family is not suitable for comparative analysis.
Traditionally, it has been assumed that in every society a concrete
single social unit exists which is characterized by certain inherent
functions. The authors use political systems as an example of problematic
subjects of comparative analysis. The comparison reveals that universal
definitions cannot be expected to be applicable to every society (political
system in the "West" holds a very different meaning than
political systems in "other" places). Fallers and Levy
challenge arguments made by Murdock and Parsons and Bales. Murdock
presupposes that the nuclear family exists as a distinct and strongly
functional group in every society. Fallers and Levy refute this argument
by using kinship systems of societies that are familiar to them, such
as the Basoga, Chinese, and Hopi family structures. These particular
groups do not have the traditional familial structure that Murdock
presupposes. One of the main
arguments proposed by Parsons and Bales is the concept of family as
a single social unit which facilitates the "socialization function" and
which exists in every society. Again, Fallers and Levy challenge this
argument by looking at specific groups. In this particular case they
use the example of Chinese socialization processes to refute this oversimplification
of the function of the family. Chinese children are socialized by different
members of the group according to gender and the various stages of
their lives. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Fenton, William
N. The Obituary of John Reed Swanton. American
Anthropologist August 1959 Vol. 61 (4): 663-667 William Fenton’s
obituary of renowned American anthropologist, John Reed Swanton, presents
a biographical sketch drawing together the various professional and
personal aspects of Swanton’s character. This is a biography that encapsulates
for the lay reader important accomplishments and contributions of Swanton’s
to anthropology and its departments. Considered by Fenton
to be ethnohistory’s "greatest exemplar", he proceeds to
detail Swanton’s large influences upon ethnography, method, linguistics,
ethnological history, and folklore: Swanton created vast taxonomies
of many ethnicities that has been absorbed as fundamental tools to
ethnographic research; refining archeological and ethnographic methodologies;
compiled lexicons for five Native American tribes while contributing
to research of their kinship systems; various cultural theoretical
contributions such as his publication The Social Organization of
American Tribes; and collected large compilations of folk tales
(664). Of particular note
of Swanton’s achievements are his publications Indian Tribes of
the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico (1911), Source
Material on the History and Ethnology of the Caddo Indians (1942), "Evolution
of Nations" (1942) and "Are Wars Inevitable?" (1943).
The two latter publications were undertaken for the Smithsonian War
Committee during WW II, detailing the evolution of human society from
its primitive hunter-gatherer state to the modern nation-state and
presenting his findings that war is not an original human invention
but has been merely one way to settle disputes characteristic of even
primitive societies. Fenton rounds out
his portrait of Swanton by including personal aspects such as Swanton’s
devotion to his wife, children and grandchildren, his modest persona
in light of his overwhelming achievements, and his gentle and patient
demeanor when dealing with students and colleagues. Frequently ill
throughout his life, Swanton continued to work in his profession either
as an ethnographer or a teacher, eloquently extolling the young science
of ethnography at the time to his Harvard Class of 1896 as a "backward
extension of history…[that] has a leading part to play in international
and interclass rapprochements which are pressing fast upon us" (666).
Swanton was a leading advocate for creating what would become the American
Bureau of Ethnology. Swanton died on May 2, 1958 at the age of 85. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Friedl, Ernestine. The
Role of Kinship n the Transmission of National Culture to Frural
Villages in Mainland In this paper Friedl
aims to show that in Visiting of rural
kin members by the urban relatives is a common practice in Greek culture.
Fridel points out that a significant cultural exchange results from
these visits. This is seen by rural kin members adopting and incorporating
aspects of life that have been transmitted to them from urban kin members.
The rural kins motives behind this culture incorporation is voiced
as a means of showing social sophistication to neighbors in the rural
area. Friedl sees this situation surviving in Greek culture as a direct
result of the strong kinship ties that are held despite social ranking. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Frisch, John
E. Research on Primate Behavior in John Frisch’s Article
examines the behavioral patterns of monkeys throughout various parts
of Frisch, by noting
several examples, sets out to put to rest the notion of culture being
unique to man. He elaborates on some of the studies conducted by the The monkeys were
identified individually so that more in depth study of the group dynamics
and social structure would be possible. Itani observed that each monkey
could be categorized as a dominant male, subdominant male, juvenile
male, adult female, juvenile female, or child. Where a particular monkey
fell in this social structure dictated that monkey’s behavior in any
number of social circumstances from feeding, to mating, to child care.
He also noted the process of acculturation, that is, how a new behavior
is passed from one member of the group to another. Frisch also notes
that several other groups of the same species of monkey were studied
by the Frisch notes throughout
the article that the amount of time spent on the study of monkeys in CLARITY RANKING – 4 Geertz, Clifford. Form
and Variance in This article focuses
on the research of Clifford Geertz in Balinese villages in 1957. He
uses this article to record many of his findings from his time immersed
in the Balinese culture, as well as a variety of his conclusions drawn
from his experiences. Geertz is an able author, and in this article
he uses his literary ability to the fullest extent possible, perhaps
to ensure that the reader is aware of the larger issues at play. At
its heart, this discussion of form and variance is about the differences
between the Balinese culture and Western conventions of thinking. Geertz breaks down
the Balinese village into a number of categories. One of the most notable
categories is planes of social organization. He discusses how important
the social organization is to the Balinese people, and how their own
organization differs greatly from village to village and person to
person. He breaks this idea of social organization into 8 sub-categories,
each of which deals with a particular aspect of the society being studied.
Later in the article, Geertz uses examples from three separate villages
he studied while in Bala, to assist in understanding of the issues
of social organization that he raised earlier in his article. Finally,
Geertz provides his audience with some theoretical implications for
his research and what his conclusions seem to be after his extensive
time in the field. Perhaps the greatest
significance of this article is the manner in which it forces any anthropologist
to realize that there can be and often are significantly large differences
between peoples in the same cultures and countries. By discussing this
phenomenon of anthropological research, Geertz proves an invaluable
resource for up and coming anthropologists. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Geertz, Clifford. Form
and Variation in In this article, the author intends to prove that Balinese villages, although not containing a uniformity of structure between the many villages, all contain a set of common components from which the villages are constructed. Each village is a composite of similar discrete structural forms combined in distinct and different ways. First Geertz defines the seven primary organizational planes of significance, and then describes three villages and how these planes of significance interact. The seven planes are as follows: (1) shared obligation to worship at a given temple, (2) common residence, (3) ownership of rice land lying within a single water shed, (4) commonality of ascribed social status or caste, (5) consanguineal and affinal kinship ties, (6) common membership in one or another “voluntary” organizations, and (7) common legal subordination to a single government administrative official. He gives details of each of these commonalities and some examples of each. At the end of the article Geertz discusses the theoretical implications of his findings in these communities. Finally, he discusses what may be learnt from each of the communities he analyzes. Geertz writes quite well and clearly. His research is thorough and he excels in this article in the thick description he is known for. For a novice reader, however, his analyses grow somewhat intricate and complex near the end of the article. A reader can begin to understand the intricacies of village social structure vis-à-vis this article. All in all, this article stands in the group of significant analyses of the culture of the Balinese people. CLARITY: 3 ZOHAR SHAMASH Gluckman, Max. The
Technical Vocabulary of Barotse Jurisprudence. American Anthropologist
1959 Vol. 61 (5): 743-759 Max Gluckman’s article
focuses on the issue of whether a simple legal vocabulary necessarily
correlates with a primitive legal system. Through his analysis of the
technical vocabulary of the Barotse society in Gluckman begins
by delineating the structure of Barotse land-tenure. The term "mung’a" signifies "ownership." While
property is independently owned in many Western societies, it is actually
grounded in a complex, inter-woven network of hierarchical social relationships
in Barotse. Each social status has accompanying rights, duties, and
privileges, and it is the job of the legal system to ensure that the
obligations associated with each individual’s social role are fulfilled.
A king is the supreme "mung’a," with control over his property,
as well as those who live on it. Headmen follow, and they oversee the
individual villagers. Disputes over land are decided by social status.
While "mung’a" acts as a blanket term for all "owners," the
complexity of the Barotse social system yields a variety of owner-"leaser" relationships. In furthering his
argument that law is based on distinctions in social statuses, Gluckman
adds that the law also determines a property’s material value. The
duties of each participant in the owner-lessee relationship are linked
to two types of property distinctions: "tribute" and "kingly
things," which essentially deal with how much goods are worth
in relation to each other. As an example, Gluckman discusses the use
of cattle as a "bride-payment." The most important
part of Gluckman’s essay comes next, as he ties the interdependent
nature of social relationships to the structure of the legal system.
Kings might own the land as mung’as, but cannot produce food without
the work of the villagers. On the other hand, villagers could not own
land without the mung’a’s approval. The court system recognizes this
interdependence ensures that the obligations associated with the rights
and duties of each social group are upheld. Gluckman concludes by restating
his thesis--that the coupling of a generalized legal vocabulary (mung’a
symbolizes all owners) with a highly intricate legal system is essentially
grounded in the complexity of the social structure and the interdependence
of each level of society. This article will
have relevance for individuals with an interest in how social structures
relate to a society’s legal jargon and court policies. Gluckman’s erudite
style makes the article difficult to absorb quickly, but his reasoning
is well-organized, and his analysis is solid and meaningful. CLARITY: 3 The author focuses
on the development and history of Anthropology through the late 19th century
to the middle of the 20th century. He
draws on the different archaeological studies in According to Many of the leading personalities in archaeology of the pre-World War I era, had little or no formal training in archaeology. Many had training in other disciplines and shifted to archaeology-anthropology after exposure to archaeology. After 1920, there was a rapid growth of anthropology as an academic subject in higher education institutions. Because archaeology dealt with the prehistory of the Indian, American archaeology inevitably became associated with ethnological studies where contemporary Indians were found practicing some of the same behavioral patterns found recorded in the ground by archaeologist. There have been some implications with the relation between the archaeology and the ethnographical studies because there have been many false alignments of archaeological material to tribal and linguistic groups have been made and many archaeological reports have been interpreted in terms of ethnographic data of uncertain applicability. The major advancement
in the last 30 years has been the development of regional chronologies
in all the major areas in CLARITY: 3 ADIA REVELL
Griffin, James. The Pursuit of Archaeology in the United States. American Anthropologist June, 1959 Vol. 61 (3): 379-389. James Griffin's article delineates the history and development of the field of archaeology in the United States. His account is both a historical and regional overview of the dissemination and revolution of the discipline of archaeology in the United States. Griffin begins his investigative journey in the eastern United States; here he focuses on the study of the Mound Builders. Caleb Atwater and his work provide a window into the world of the Mound Builders, as well as into the early phases of the methodology of archaeology. For example, early techniques include the use of tree rings for dating and even Atwater's use of the Bible as a template for the Mound Builders' society. Griffin moves on to Cyrus Thomas' work in 1898, in which Thomas proclaimed that the best approach to prehistory was to study (in order) the monuments left behind by the culture, then the relics and remains, and finally the inscriptions and picture writings. Thomas also provided early methods for classification and fieldwork. Griffin's overview continues with his mention of Putnam, Wilson, and
Holmes. According to Griffin, the development of the Midwestern Taxonomic System marked a revolution in archaeology. It was a distinct advance over previous systems; it focused on the previously neglected reality that in most areas there exist a number of different industries and assemblages that implied that the cultures were not contemporary. Yet another significant advance was the alliance of field and laboratory work under the Federal relief program. All in all, Griffin's article provides a comprehensive overview of the history of archaeological study. According to Griffin, this field is one that is always evolving with the aim to discover and implement newer and better methods. CLARITY RANKING - 3 RICHARD LIUZZI University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg) Harper, Edward
B. Two Systems of Economic Exchange in Village Edward Harper’s
article analyzes two systems of economic exchange in Harper begins his
discussion with a concise description of the Jajmani system, specifically
in relation to the distinction between occupational and religious caste
hierarchies. He states briefly, however, that his discussion will focus
only on occupational groups, for religious castes are only loosely
related to economic matters. In the next section,
Harper explores the various privileges, roles, and duties associated
with each occupational class in Totagadde, a village in Malnad, This article will
have relevance for individuals with at least a cursory knowledge of
the caste system in CLARITY: 4 |
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