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American
Anthropologist
Adcock, Cyril
J. and James E. Ritchie. Intercultural Use of Rorschach. American
Anthropologist 1958. Vol. 60: 881-892. Adcock and Ritchie
argue against the cross-cultural use of the Rorschach test. They believe
that the test does not accurately portray the culture they are testing
because it uses Western meanings to the translation. They also argue
that the Rorschach symbols in the scoring come from the tester’s culture. The Rorschach test
is a test on physical and mental ability (the physical ability was
not looked at in this article). The mental component to the test is
a series of inkblots and the tester compares the answer the informant
gives to a chart, which analyzes the informants "intelligence".
Adcock and Ritchie warn that the test, if given to a group, in their
case the Maori in New Zealand, who don’t emphasize the imagination,
the test could be read in an unflattering way towards the Maori people.
Therefore, the test, if given at all, should be analyzed cautiously,
because there could be influences that are not present in Western beliefs. CLARITY RANKING:
4 CHRISTINA SAUNDERS York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Adcock, Cyril
J. and James E. Ritchie. Intercultural Use
of Rorschach. American Anthropologist October, 1958. Vol. 60
(5): 881-892. Rorschach tests,
often used in cross-cultural studies, are most effectively used in
conjunction with one’s own observations and data. They should be regarded
and used as collateral to interview material and as a personal manifestation
of a culturally patterned response. One problem inherent in the use
of these tests lies in the inseparability of the test and its interpreter.
To minimize problems and questions of validity, a researcher should
use them in one of four ways: (1) as verbal or behavioral data, (2)
as a check against interview and other data, (3) as another tool to
help to form a hypothesis and analysis, or (4) as a limited interpretation. Using Rorschach
cards presupposes cross-cultural universality in responses and situations.
Given that this is likely not the situation, this assumption becomes
invalid. Therefore, we studied the validity of Rorschach tests and
their concomitant assumptions to determine personality using two Maori
student groups (high school and college) and Caucasian New Zealand
student groups (high school and college). Both groups underwent the
same physical and psychological tests, which were then analyzed. The factorial analysis
revealed several important personality factors: imaginative thinking,
mature spontaneity, introversion, insecurity, and affective extraversion.
The biggest difference between the two ethnic groups, regardless of
age, lies in imaginative abilities; Caucasians displayed more creativity
and imagination, while the Maori tended to be more prosaic, more concrete.
However, this may not be the only major difference, as the Maori groups
worked with in this study may be more acculturated than the average
Maori, given that they attend Western-style schools. Since Rorschach
tests are often used to test imagination (in order to elicit material
to work with), and the Maori, as well as other Polynesian cultures,
have been analyzed as "non-imaginative," extreme caution
should be taken not to equate their results with intelligence. This
leads us to five conclusions: (1) one cannot assume the meaning of
a Rorschach test cross-culturally, (2) take the symbols and meaning
from the tester’s culture, (3) re-establish the meanings for each culture
studied, (4) use a factorial analysis, and (5) limit the use of results
from cross-cultural Rorschach research. CLARITY RANKING:
4 MARGARET ANN
GRILLO University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Anderson, Robert
T. Danish and Dutch Settlements on Amager Island: Four
Hundred Years of Socio-Cultural Interaction. American Anthropologist
August, 1958 Vol. 60 (4):683-701 This article was
very interesting for me. It outlines the history of Dutch occupation
on Denmark’s Amager Island, which began in the year of 1520. Robert
Anderson has done a very good job in giving us the developmental trajectory
of the settlers, which he groups into three successive phases. These
phases are one, the ethnic acculturation which lasted two centuries
(16th and 17th), phase two lasted two centuries
as well; the 18th and 19th and was known as the
era of "folk amalgamation" and finally, phase three, the
20th century became the time of "urban assimilation." Anderson cites as
the reason for this colonization’s beginning seems to have started
with a love affair. Apparently, the crown prince of Denmark, Christian
II, had fallen in love with an exiled girl from Northern Holland who
he later brought to Copenhagen along with her overbearing mother. The
writer believes that it was the mother of this girl that coerced Christian
II into inviting the Dutch to settle in Denmark in order to take advantage
of their considerable skill and "advanced techniques in agriculture
and dairying that would enable them to supply the court…with high quality
vegetables, butter, and cheese…" (683). During colonization,
the Dutch land was made private belonging to the settlers outright
while that of the existing Danish occupants remained leased from the
Royal Court. The Dutch settlers were also able to run their own local
area government while the Danes paid taxes to the Court. Over time, special
privilege allowed for great success of the Dutch settlers and eventually
the Danes became more and more like the Dutch by adopting their methods
in areas such as economy and farming technique. Anderson here states
that what emerged was a distinct cultural environment that was neither
Dutch nor Danish. The article was
interesting because it discussed the processes by which Amager Island
became a culture unto itself through occupation that was isolated from
Mainland Denmark thereby producing a new way of life for the Dutch
settlers and Danish immigrants that would foster a separate and independent
way of life. CLARITY RANKING:
4 CARIANNE SWANSON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Barker, George
C. Some Functions of Catholic Processions in Pueblo
and Yaqui Culture Change. American Anthropologist June, 1958
Vol. 60 (3):449-453 This article examines
the ways that specific religious processions were transmitted from
Spanish Catholicism to the Yaqui and Pueblo Native American groups.
These processions, according to Barker, served "as a means of
venerating the image of the organization’s patron saint," as well
as to "dramatize episodes from the Bible and the lives of the
saints" (449). The Spanish used
these processions to convert the Native Americans to Christianity.
Not only did the processions teach the Yaqui and the Pueblo about biblical
preaching, they also were viewed as a legitimate religious practice
to replace indigenous dances and ceremonies. The Native Americans,
however, accepted the processions by reinterpreting them into their
own traditional beliefs. Barker claims that
Spicer’s earlier article in this issue differentiates between the Pueblo
and Yaqui conversion processes. Spicer categorized the coexistence
of indigenous and Catholic ritual ceremonies as "compartmentalization" by
the Pueblo, and "fusion" by the Yaqui. Barker goes on to
examine whether these are two distinct patterns of culture change. Reviewing the evidence,
Barker finds that these are two separate processes. The Pueblo
follow Catholic Lenten practices inside the church, but do not have
any kind of public procession. The worship service itself is a prelude
to their annual Green Corn Dance, which asks the gods to send rain
to the crops, thereby renewing village life. This dance is entirely
indigenous, and separate from Catholic religious practices. The Yaqui, however,
combine native practices with Catholic Saint’s Day processions. Their
indigenous ritual dances are frequently intermingled with Catholic
ceremonies, most noticeably the Yaqui Easter ceremony. According to
Barker, "penitential and festive processions are among the chief
ritual vehicles of the ceremonial societies" for the Yaqui (452).
Thus, though Yaqui indigenous practices remain, they are completely
intermixed with the Catholic religious ceremonies. Barker posits that
the differences between the Pueblo and Yaqui adaptations to Catholic
religious processions illustrates the differing roles of Catholicism
in each society. The successful transformation of Yaqui indigenous
dances into Catholic practices, claims Barker, shows that such practices
met their needs, and aided in the transformation of Yaqui culture. CLARITY RANKING:
5 LINDA SIMON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Barker, George. Some
Functions of Catholic Procesions in Pueblo and Yaqui Culture Change. American
Anthropologist 1958 Vol. 60:449-455. George Barker’s
article investigates the "nature of cultural change" in supplanted
Spanish religious processions in American Indian groups of the Pueblo
and Yaqui. The article examines Fransican and Jesuit missionaries in
terms of the "conditions of the contact" to trace Spanish
influence to colonial contact. Barker’s hypothesis is simple: the functions
of catholic procession in each group reflect the cultural role of the
catholic religion. Cultural change
through Spanish influence in the Yaqui and Pueblo groups is centred
on two possible processes: autonomous integration by each; or unified
integration within different developmental fields. The Jesuit missionaries
applied catholic processions to similar elements of drama and ritual
in indigenous Yaqui ceremony. The Yaqui have few surviving indigenous
dances and themes are centred around catholic ritual drama. A psychological
need was filled and the result was an infusion of catholic procession
into the form and function of the existing indigenous ceremony. The
Pueblo however, maintained a distinct separation of indigenous ritual,
despite incorporating catholic elements. Distinctions was retained
through ceremony: church and plaza are engaged separately; catholic
saints are simply acknowledged respectfully; themes and dances remain
centred an indigenous ideology. The author supports
Edward Spicer’s evaluationof the co-existence of the two religious
ceremonial aspects through direct observation of both group’s ceremony.
Spicer’s study of the conditions of colonial contact led to his characterization
of Pueblo culture as "compartmentaliation" and Yaqui as "fusion". Barker’s extension
of Yaqui and Pueblo adaptation to Spanish influence is broadened into
a conceptual study of the nature of cultural change. He stretches Spicer’s "compartmentalization" and "fusion " beyond
describing conditions of change into frameworks that are useful in
studying cultural change in general or within other contexts. CLARITY RANKING:
4 SUSIE MORGADO York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Bohannan, Paul. Extra-Processual
Events in Tiv Political Institutions. American Anthropologist,
1958 Vol 60:1-12 This article focuses
on four "movements" or sequences of events of a sort which
Akiga writes about his own people, the Tiv of central Nigeria. These
movements swept the country in the half century before he wrote. It
is the purpose of this article to provide a more far-reaching analysis
of the movements which Akiga describes and to add the description of
another such movement which has occurred since he wrote. This article states
that there are certain institutions which are part of the social morphology
accepted and approved by the folk of a society. These institutions
are looked at as necessary evils. They also occur in primitive societies,
but their description has been relatively neglected and this is for
two reasons. The first is that the ethnographer must have enough time
depth to know what the normal process cycles of his institutions are.
Secondly, anthropologists have in the last twenty years shown an alarming
tendency to blame everything on culture contract. In other words, they
are put down as nativistic movements because they contain some bits
of European culture. These movements
are examples of the way in which the Tiv political action, with its
distrust of power, gives rise so that the greater political institutions-
the one based on the lineage system and a principle of egalitarianism-
can be preserved. Bohannan concludes
that in at least some primitive societies as in our own, both social
morphology and social process are marked by institutions and events
which are considered to be extra-constitutional, or which we might
call extra-processual. This article does
a good job at examining another cultures movements. However there are
certain highlights in the article that may be confusing or hard to
follow. CLARITY RANKING:
2 SHANE MATTE York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Bohannan, Paul. Extra-Processual
Events in Tiv Political Institutions. American Anthropologist
February, 1958 Vol. 60 (1): 1-11. Paul Bohannan’s
article examines the development of what he calls extra-normal activities
- phenomena or institutions that become part of society, not necessarily
accepted or approved, but which are necessary for a functioning world.
These "extra-normal" events are necessary for the "normal
events" taking place in society and are often necessary evils.
He integrates Akiga’s study of the Tiv of central Nigeria and the descriptions
of "extra-normal movements," discussing the tsav or "anti-witchcraft" movement.
The purpose of the article is to provide a more in-depth analysis of
the 1939 Tiv anti-witch movement, to examine its origins, its rituals,
and its significance relating to "extra-normal" events. Bohannan tries to
define tsav, who has it, how to acquire it, and what its purpose
is. Tsav is a power that man experiences in social relationships
with a clear distinction between institutionalized power (authority)
and simply power (not institutionalized). By exploring the culture
of the Tiv society, Bohannan realizes tsav is a natural growth
in people who have power: born leaders, but which can also be gained
through cannibalism and these men should not be trusted. This is the
dilemma: tsav is a power that allows for death, so men of tsav have
the power to kill, and power corrupts. Of course, men with tsav are
natural and necessary, yet those who overstep their boundaries are
considered dangerous. The investigation
traces the origin of the Nyambua cult, which offered protection from
the witches (this "anti-witchcraft" movement developed into
the "extra-normal" event). Governmental reports pinpoint
its origins to ceremonious rituals giving protection against the mbatsav or
witches. These mbatsav formed organizations where they would
rob graves and eat corpses trying to gain tsav. So tsav in
essence has two meanings: powerful people and a group of witches who
do evil things, a combination that gives rise to confusion. A further examination
of Tiv culture brings to light the reasons for the movement. The British
had set up an administrative authority after WWI in Tivland, but the
Tiv does not grant institutionalized political power to anyone. The
British officials would acknowledge "clan spokesmen" as Tiv
leaders, yet in the eyes of the Tiv these men held false power. The
article illustrates that the Nyambua sought to counter the power in
the British authority to "refortify aspects of Tiv authority,
which made the distinction between those who held legitimate versus
false power (8)." The Nyambua developed a local organization around
important cult priests who set out to protect graves from the mbatsav who
wanted to obtain false power. Bohannan quotes official reports of events
leading to the witch-hunt phenomena. They were seen as a direct threat
to the English, but Bohannan wants to make clear that the Tiv movement
was not anti-British, rather it was anti-authority against those with
false power. By the end of 1939,
there was a societal breakdown, which left a large part of a country
politically upset – this allowed for the Nyambua cult to catch on and
spread to other communities. It came down to this: anyone in Tiv who
gained too much power grows tsav - if the person handles it
in a constitutional manner, he is acknowledged to have real tsav.
But at the moment he oversteps his power, he is a counterfeit and the
necessary measures are taken against him. Using Akiga’s research, Bohannan
realizes that the anti-witchcraft movements resulted when men acquired
too much power illegitimately, which in the end resulted in a reconstructing
of the Tiv power structure. The Nyambua movement
depicts one example where a necessary evil (witch-hunts) gave rise
to a greater political institution based upon the lineage system and
egalitarianism. Those familiar with Akiga’s investigation will particularly
enjoy this article, but Paul Bohannan exposes a universal theme of "extra-normal" phenomena
that can be applied to every culture, where its development is a necessary
evil - a part of society’s process. CLARITY RANKING
- 3 TIMA BUDICA University
of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg).
Braidwood, Robert J. Vere
Gordon Childe 1892-1957 American Anthropologist August 1958 Vol.
60 (4):733-736 This obituary opens
by stating that V. Gordon Childe fell to his death while "studying
rock formations in the mountains of New South Wales on October 19,
1957" (733). From here the writer
takes us on a quick tour of Childe’s life and contributions from the
time he left his home in Australia in 1914 to study at Oxford to his
early retirement as Director of the Institute of Archaeology of the
University of London. The writer reminds
us of V. Gordon Childe’s unique ability to see "the Indian behind
the artifact" and that he had a natural gift for seeing "the
woods as well as the trees" (734). It was this stance in life
that made Childe a great humanitarian and revolutionary thinker and
that he extended his warmth toward all. It is evident that
Childe brought the whole of himself to his work and loved what he did.
His contributions will not be forgotten by those who knew and him and
his work. CLARITY RANKING:
5 CARIANNE SWANSON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg) Boggs, Steven
T. Culture Change and the Personality of Ojibwa Children. American
Anthropologist 1958 Vol.60: 47-58. Boggs’ article is
based on observations of acculturated groups who have undergone substantial
changes in their traditional structure, but whose individual personality
structures have remained intact. Boggs believed individual personality
structures remain unaffected as a result of a parents’ continual pattern
of interaction with their offspring. To test this hypothesis, he observed
the behavioral patterns of parents and children in the Ojibwa community,
specifically the Manitoba and the Wisconsin tribe. In formulating his
argument, Boggs’ describes the effect acculturation has on these groups.
He focuses on three different categories: labor by division of sex,
extended family, and religious orientation. He first describes the
effect of acculturation on these categories as it regards to the Manitoba
and then describes the changes in relation to the more extreme of the
groups, the Wisconsin. After he analyzes the effect of these changes,
he relates these changes to parental behavior in each society. The presence of
acculturation on the Manitoba is not as evident as it is in the Wisconsin.
Because Manitoba subsistence strategies are stable and constant, Manitoba
gender roles are more defined; men provide for the household, while
women tend to household chores and childcare. In Wisconsin tribes subsistence
strategies change constantly and often shift the role of the worker
to that of the female; this causes gender roles to be undefined. In
some instances women provide, in others male. The lack of specific
gender roles leads to neglect of the children. Some men refuse to take
care of the child while the wife is at work. In contrast, because of
the clear outline of gender role in Manitoba society, children are
not neglected because females who remain at home are traditionally
expected to take care of the children. The effects of acculturation
on the role of the extended family also affected parental behavior. Traditionally,
extended families were a means of subsistence and survival. After
acculturation the extended family was no longer dominant. Traces
of it however, are more evident in the Manitoba. The Wisconsin have
no traces of extended family; their family structure is predominantly
nuclear, which is a direct cause of constant change in their subsistence
strategies. The lack of the extended family too has its effects on
parental care. For example, if a child’s parent were to die in Manitoba
many relatives would adopt the child and provide for him; where as,
in Wisconsin, this would not be possible. While Boggs’ arguments are very concise and logical, he concludes
that his question remains unanswered based on the behaviors of the
Manitoba and the Wisconsin. Although acculturation has an effect
on parenting, there was no evidence of parenting having an effect
on the traditional introverted personality structure of the Ojibwa. CLARITY RANKING:
4 ELIZABETH PANTALEON Barnard
College (Paige
West) Bushnell, John. La
Virgen de Guadalupe as Surrogate Mother in San Juan Atzingo. American
Anthropologist 1958 Vol.60:261-265. John Bushnell argues
that emotional involvement of the San Juaneros in the worship of the
Virgin of Guadalupe stems from a need to release emotion and retain
a mother figure that will not abandon them. Many evidences are given
to support this position: the celebrations for San Juan, weaning practices,
kinship and the prominence of the worship of the Virgin in Mexican
Catholicism. Bushnell points
out that the celebration for San Juan, patron saint of the area, is
a very formal occasion and the rituals are "…carried through with
great formality" (Bushnell 261). Contrary to this, the celebrations
for the Virgin of Guadalupe constitute "weepy processions," and
addressing the saint as "Little Mother" (Bushnell 262). Bushnell
posits that the need for a surrogate mother is created in childhood
by the weaning process and purposeful distrust created in children
by their parents. Because of the "loss" of the mother (weaning)
and the taboo against a close relationship with the father, the San
Juaneros have to look elsewhere. Relationships with other kin and the
compadrazgo relationships are not close as they are governed by formality
and there is little trust shown in age-mate relationships or marriages.
Therefore, Bushnell determines that "…social relationships in
the community of San Juan represents a condition of affect starvation" (Bushnell
264). Instead of close relationships with other people, the San Juaneros
direct their emotions in a socially acceptable way towards the Virgin
of Guadalupe. In general, men are required to show little emotion.
Women are not as involved with the worship of the Virgin, as they assume
a motherly role early on and thereby have an identification with the
concept of motherhood. Bushnell concludes
that, although the amount of fervour in San Juan Atzingo is unparalleled,
worship of the Virgin is a large part of Catholicism in Latin America. CLARITY RANKING:
5 AMANDA JONES York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Bushnell, John. La
Virgen de Guadalupe as Surrogate Mother in San Juan Atzingo. American
Anthropologist April, 1958 Vol.60 (2):261-265. In the village of
San Juan Atzingo, the people there celebrate the fiesta of the Virgin
of Guadalupe. This celebration is quite unlike any other celebration
in this village. John Bushnell observed the differences between one
of the biggest celebrations, the San Juan celebration, and the Virgin
of Guadalupe celebration. He relates the occurrences of the latter
celebration to the deeper feelings of the people in the village concerning
the topic of the loss of a mother. During the fiesta
of the Virgin of Guadalupe, there is much emotion, especially shedding
of tears involved with men and women. To further acknowledge this depth
of feeling, Bushnell observes that even at funerals "men are rarely
given to tears." Bushnell analyzes the effect of the Virgin of
Guadalupe as a result to the need of a mother figure especially for
men. Bushnell hypothesizes that there is an early partial loss of the
real mother and hence the need to replace it with the Virgin of Guadalupe.
Although there are "close, warm, (and) affectionate ties" during
infancy, as they are weaned, these ties slowly break. As children growing
up, they are faced with sibling rivalry, taboos against open displays
of affection and the patriarchal status of the father. This deepens
the lack of trust and confidence in children that they once had as
infants with their close ties to their mothers. These feelings are
further exacerbated by distrust of relatives and even friendships made
that shows no evidence of "deep trust and loyalty." San Juan Atzingo
men replace this loss of their mother with the Virgin of Guadalupe.
This is what causes the depth of feeling that is unseen in other celebrations
or ceremonies at the village of San Juan Atzingo. The women are also
affected but the feeling is not as profound because even though they
experience loss, they quickly reclaim the mother figure by being one
themselves. In both cases, the people of San Juan Atzingo have "found
a mother who will never reject them." CLARITY RANKING:
5 PEGGY WANG University
of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Chang, Kwang-Chih. Study
of the Neolithic Social Groupings: Examples from the New World. American
Anthropologist April, 1958 Vol.60 (2):298-334. Chang is concerned
with how anthropologists have reconstructed social organizations of
the inhabitants of particular sites. He believes them to be incorrectly
done as they do not follow a specific orderly method or procedure.
Therefore, his main concern is providing an object procedure that anthropologists
should follow when attempting to restructure a site. He outlines his
procedure applying it to the subject of social groupings in the Neolithic
period. He does this in two steps. First he looks at and examines literature
about settlement and community in order to find a relation between
a settlement pattern of a dwelling site and the social groupings of
its occupants. Then he uses this information and applies it to specific
New World Neolithic societies in Mesoamerica, Peru and the Southwest
to see if they provide useful information for anthropologists. Chang tries to prove
his method by using various examples and detailing each site in accordance
to spatial identification, functions and symbolic aspects, composition
and pattern correlation of house grouping and kinship grouping of each
site. In addition, he provides supplementary notes such as defining
certain specific household dwellings and other terms that otherwise
might be confusing in trying to categorize certain characteristics
of a site. While he might appear
confident that his method and procedure is useful, he does acknowledge
some problems and glitches he encountered in his study. However, he
makes the important point that archeologists, when encountered with
a particular site, should first study social groupings in order to
interpret pre-historic societies. He provides numerous
and exhaustive examples of many sites and shows how certain aspects
of a particular site are connected to the social organization and groupings
of a specific society. His descriptive examples, according to Chang,
should provide a useful example in the way other archeologists and
anthropologists should carry out and describe their work. CLARITY RANKING:
4 TRACY OLIVEIRA York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Chang, Kwang
Chih. Study of the Neolithic Social Grouping:
Examples from the New World. American Anthropologist April, 1958
Vol.60 (2):298-334 Through this article
an attempt is being made to demonstrate how to reconstruct the social
organization of the people of an archaeological site. Chang presents
a method that includes a literature review which attempts to "find
some correlation between the settlement patterns of a dwelling site
and the social grouping of its occupants." With the review, he
applies what he has found to look at three Neolithic societies and
how well it fits into his theory of the social organization of groups
of people. In particular, he examines three regions-Mesoamerica, Peru
and the Southwest. Within his literature
review, he develops a structure of how to examine social groups. He
looks at local groups and divides it into three categories- household,
community and aggregate of community. For the first two he defines
them further by spatial identification, functions and symbolic aspects
and composition of the categories. For the third, he looks at territorial
dimensions, nature of aggregates, political, industrial and ceremonial
roles of communities, where the political authority is located and
the marketplace where groups of people can further interact. In this
part of the article is only a definition of these categories rather
than an application. After he has defined the categories, he applies
this structure and sees how well they fit into the three regions of
Neolithic societies. The methodological procedure he has outlined previously
shows how it identifies and characterizes the social groups of archaeological
culture. With this method, it better demonstrates what the groups were
like at the time rather than a general or broad culture that has usually
been applied to these sites in the past. Chang proposes that
instead of looking at archaeological sites as cultures or phases, they
must instead examine them as local social groups. The study he has
done can be similarly applied to other areas of the world such as the
Old World. He shows how community patterning study is possible and
should be something that is undertaken by archaeologists to further
the study of past societies. CLARITY RANKING:
5 PEGGY WANG University
of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Count, Earl W. The
Biological Basis of Human Sociality. American Anthropologist
December, 1958 Vol. 60(6): 1049-1081 The core of Earl
Count’s article is that he believes that man has not escaped from an
innate vertebrate biogram, i.e.: biogram is morphology of behavior
and characteristic way of living. Mr. Count states that if there is
morphology of the nervous system there must be one of behavior. Count
argues that despite man’s position in the hierarchy, culture is his
elaborate way of expressing his biogram and though it might have been
changed over time, it still exists. The author uses
examples from the social insects such as ants, where everything seems
to be "hard wired" or predetermined. The purpose of this
example is the opposite of an evolutionary biogram. He then steps a
little higher up the ladder and speaks to a vertebrate biogram. Schools
of fish and the non-reproductive phase and questions whether they are
a society or a congregation. The difference being, schools of fish
will turn when the leader alone turns due to danger. The animals react
to each other not to the external stimuli. He then proceeds to discuss
varying patterns of parenting among fish and lower life forms. He suggests
all vertebrates follow a particular pattern of behavior during the
mating phase. Mr. Count makes
statements regarding vertebrate sexuality that I do not believe he
adequately backs up with scientific proof, i.e.: "all vertebrate
individuals are ambisexual". He believes nothing is more important
in this class of phylum than that. He then goes on to state "differential
hormonal patterning released a common neurological mechanism in such
a way resulting in a particular group of psychic symptoms which causes
species specific behavior symptoms". Is this true all the time?
Count causes me to question much of the correlation’s of his reasoning
oft times, it escapes me in terms of the larger picture and it’s relationship
to his thesis. Throughout this
reading, he uses multiple examples of different animal kingdom details
that he cannot and does not seem to correlate over to man. In what
took him roughly 13,000 words to write, he set out to prove that humans
are biologically determined and that there is heredity. This article
was poorly written with no clarity, obscure references and often times
incoherent. CLARITY RANKING-1 AARON GOLDBERG University
of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Count,
Earl W. Biological
Basis of Human Sociality. American
Anthropologist 1958 Vol.60(6):1049-1081 The aim of the article
by Earl Count is to show that the nature of man was predetermined and
could be predicted by looking at the biogram or the “way of life” of
the predecessors. The
article starts of with the simplest organisms and progresses into more
complex until it gets to the human race and attempts to answer the
posed question. Insects,
being the simplest organisms described in the article are discussed
first. According to Earl
Count insects are more primitive because they do not posses a lot of
relationships between themselves; insects do not have any kinship ties,
they do not share experiences, do not train their offspring, do not
interact between themselves. They
resemble robots that are organized according to caste – “social role
is genetically predetermined”. Next
the author moves up the ladder of biological evolution and discusses
the way more advanced organisms such as fish and birds interact and
behave. Both groups appear
to be more advanced, for each of them has developed reactions to members
of their species and not only to the environment. When
the leading rank of the fish senses danger the rest of the fish start
to swim away without encountering the actual danger. This
is reminiscent of the flock of birds that could harmoniously maneuver
in the air as if an imaginary rope ties them to each other. While discussing the more advanced organisms Earl Count comments
on how each behaves during mating as well as during non reproductive
phases of life, courting rituals, the roles of males and females in
offspring life, interactions with each other. At
the end of the article the author get to humans and discusses how their
behavior is more advanced because o f the more powerful brain and greater
cerebral development. Earl Count’s article
reminds of a chapter on evolution in a biology textbook. His
focus is narrowly centered on the biological processes as well as on
the pattern of evolution. His
overly biological description and technical terms diverts the attention
of the reader from the main point of the article. Earl
Count gives a lot of examples to explain the evolutionary processes
that he discusses, yet this only leads the reader away from the paper. More
than half of the paper is spent on describing organisms that led up
to humans and when the author finally gets to humans, he doesn’t spend
a lot of time discussing the issues. The
end of the article seems very confusing and leaves the reader wondering
what was the conclusion that the author reached. CLARITY: 2 LENA PANOK Barnard College (Paige West)
Dart, Raymond
A. Bone Tools and Porcupine Gnawing American
Anthropologist August, 1958 Vol. 60 (4):715-724 Raymond Dart begins
his article by quoting Jolly’s theory about the discovery of fossilized
bone chisels that he has considered were made by prehistoric man and
then quickly brings us an argument against this statement by presenting
the reader with Singer’s opinion which is that the bone chisels thought
to be crafted by prehistoric man are actually the work of small carnivores
who chewed the bone fragments which were then left subjected to years
of weathering making them appear very much like those tools made by
ancient man. Dart then moves
on to reiterate this point by stating that, specifically, the gnawing
of bone that is done by porcupines produces extremely "sharp edges
on smooth surfaces" which he argues allows for the possibility
of mistaking "porcupine artifacts for tools." What, in fact,
is most interesting is that he believes the biggest problem with the
interpretation of the artifacts/tools is that when they are found in
an area of both ancient human and porcupine occupation it is virtually
impossible to determine if they were man made or the result of porcupine
(or small carnivores) gnawing. He also includes the inevitable possibility
that man made tools that were discarded were later gnawed upon by porcupines
making them the man made tool and also the porcupine artifact. In the end, he notes
that there are, of course, cases in which the artifacts found were
man made and this conclusion is based upon the fact that certain objects
required specific bone-splitting techniques that not have possibly
been accomplished by animals or any sort. Overall, the article presents
us with a problem in analyzing tool artifacts of ancient man. It seems
that the analysis in some cases might never see a definitive answer
as to whether or not the objects discovered are man made, animal gnawed,
or quite possibly – both. CLARITY RANKING:
4 CARIANNE SWANSON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Dart. A, Raymond. Bone
Tools and Porcupine Gnawing. American Anthropologist. 1956 Vol.
60: 715- 724. Raymond Dart, author
of the article "Bone Tools and Porcupine Gnawing," ponders
the role of porcupines in the process of bone collecting. Dart rejects
the previous research conducted on bone collection, presented by the
anthropologist Jolly who claimed that raw animal bones were used to
create tools (e.g., stating that in former South African cultures,
metacarpal bones of a horse were used to create chisels, etc). The
research conducted by Jolly was carried further by the work of anthropologist
Singer and his discoveries that the bones and fossils in question had
tooth marks , which signified that animal gnawing lead to the production
of tools that resembled chisels, cleavers, etc. Therefore, both Jolly
and Singer believed that "there can be no doubt" that the
tools, which were thought to be made by man, were actually bone fragments
chewed by carnivores and then subjected to weathering (pg. 717). The
illustration of a porcupine used to gnaw bones used. Further, Dart
questions the work produced by Singer and argues that that "Singer’s
illustrations have not demonstrated that porcupines and carnivores
did all the sharpening" (pg. 717). Dart attempts to
disprove the research of anthropologists Jolly and Singer, presenting
three arguments. Throughout the article, Dart presents his sentiments,
as well as providing evidence to support his research. Firstly, Dart
accuses Singer and Jolly of neglecting to consider that using bones
as chisels was a human practice and not simply restricted to South
African, otherwise known as "primitive, " cultures. Secondly,
he believed that both neglected to include that Middle Stone Age man
used the same tools as those in South Africa. Thirdly, Dart discusses
that the conclusions made on porcupine gnawing of bones, in some way
exclude the notion that human beings were used to create tools. In
addition, Dart uses statistical data to support his arguments. For
example, when he was studying a Kalkbank site, out of 3619 osteodontokeratic
bone fragments, only 903 were gnawed by porcupines. Therefore, Dart
shows that since only 24.95 percent of the bones in a study were gnawed
by porcupines, the data does not prove that porcupines were the sole
architects of tools. Dart closes by discussing
the notion that one cannot presume that the creation of prehistoric
tools excluded the skill of mankind. CLARITY RANKING:
3 DIMITRA LAZAROU York
University: ( Naomi Adelson)
Dart, Raymond
A. The Minimal Bone-Breccia Content of Makapansgat
and the Australopithecine Predatory Habit. American Anthropologist
October, 1958. Vol 60 (5):923-931. Other bones found
with Australopithecine bones have often been attributed to bone-collecting
on the part of scavenging animals such as hyenas and porcupines. However,
bone-collecting habits have not been scientifically proved for any
animal other than humans. Furthermore, evidence of tool use, localized
fractures, and manipulation (e.g., a calcaneus thrust under a zygomatic
arch) do not support this hyena hypothesis. I propose that the hyena
hypothesis is untenable, and, instead, that Australopithecines are
responsible for this breccia deposit in Makapansgat. I estimate that
there are approximately 224,000 osteodontokeratic fragments in all
in this deposit. We will never know the total that once lay here due
to the lime mining business that extracted much of the material. In
1924 White Lime Company (later known as Limeworks) began to mine there.
The company’s manager was a confirmed Christian fundamentalist, and
he purposefully destroyed bones as he worked to thwart our research. I spoke at length
with Wilfred Eitzman, who first worked at the site. In 1922, two years
before the mining began, he saw the fossil deposits for the first time,
and he estimated about 300 tons of material to be there. If there were
in fact the case, then we should multiply our original estimate of
osteodontokeratic fragments by six. This site, a cave,
is known to have been inhabited by Australopithecines at three different
times. This leaves three distinct layers of breccia deposit in the
walls of the cave. This lends more support to the fact that Australopithecines
were responsible for the fossil deposit here. Finally, observational
data acquired from baboons and other carnivores that inhabit South
America about hunting proclivities can, perhaps, be extrapolated to
include the Australopithecines of ages ago. Hence, they would have
hunted much and accumulated a wealth of bones in their living quarters. CLARITY RANKING:
4 MARGARET ANN
GRILLO University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
D’Azevedo Warren
L. Structural Approach to Esthetics: Towards a
Definition of Art in Anthropology American Anthropologist August,
1958 Vol. 60 (4):702-713 This article presents
us with a dilemma which the author feels needs to be confronted, that
of the seeming lack of a comprehensive approach to art in the study
of anthropology. He emphasizes this point by noting that other disciplines
such as psychology and history have suitable lenses through which to
view and analyze the role of art in the social fabric of society. The problem, as
D’Azevedo perceives it, is in "…formulating a definition of art
relevant to the sociocultural frame of reference, and derived from
materials within range of observation by anthropologists" (704).
That to study the role of art in anthropological or archaeological
study, we must develop a working paradigm complete with the necessary
common terminology that all would share in the analytical procedure
and a common research perspective. To do this, he suggests that we
reevaluate the meaning and definition that we, in anthropology, currently
have of art. By redesigning the
role and interpretation of art in anthropology, we would be able to
see art in a completely different light. D’Azevedo suggest that art,
from the anthropological standpoint anyway, may be something more abstract
than painted surfaces or mobile artifacts but would possibly include
forms of speech and everyday or special day activities. He illustrates
his point by presenting examples from which this type of "art" may
be observed and taken into account. He concludes the article by outlining
the ways in which the transformation of our perceptions of art in anthropology
might be materialized and finishes by stating that this challenge is
one that asks us to consider "preconceptions about art" and
that "art must be considered in its manifold expressions in any
society" and by doing such we will be better able to give it the
anthropological attention it deserves. CLARITY RANKING:
4 CARIANNE SWANSON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Dorjain R. Vernon. Fertility,
Polygyny and Their Interrelations in Temne Society. American
Anthropologist 1958 Vol. 60: 838-860 This article considers
the relations between polygyny and reproduction in light of the Temne
cultural background. The author briefly describes some of the research
that has been done on human fertility before examining how it relates
to Temne society. The article then
begins to examine the attitudes of the Temne toward fertility as well
as polygyny. It is stressed that adults of both sexes explicitly express
the desire for children, and an individual is said to be "lucky" if
he has had many children. Because having children is seen as such an
important aspect of one’s life, a woman who fails to produce any children
is ridiculed and may sometimes even pretend to be pregnant in order
to escape such ridicule. A man who fails to have any children will
usually make an arrangement, in agreement with his wife, to impregnate
another woman so that husband and wife may pass that child off as their
own. This article also
examines polygyny. To have plural wives is an end toward which all
Temne work, except for a small minority who are Christian converts
and educated men. Polygyny is widely accepted in Temne society and
is not seen as a breach in the marriage contract. If a man marries
a woman who cannot produce many children for him, having another wife
will enable him to produce more offspring. This said, the author
concludes that polygyny does not mean higher fertility nor does it
mean that more children will be produced. Factors such as divorce,
sterility, age differences and abstinence patterns all play a role.
The data considered in this article indicates that polygyny does in
fact lower the overall fertility of the Temne population of Mayoso
Chiefdom. CLARITY RANKING:
5 LINDSAY GRANT York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Dorjahn, Vernon
R. Fertility, Polygyny, and Their Interrelations
in Temne Society. American Anthropologist October, 1958. Vol.
60 (5):838-860. Due to much disagreement
in past literature and studies, this ethnodemographic study was conducted
to consider the relationship between polygyny and reproduction in Temne
cultural background setting. Among the Temne, polygynous marriages
result in a lower fertility rate. A biomedical explanation of this
states that increased frequency of ejaculation (due to more frequent
intercourse) will decrease the number of active sperm per emission.
However, we lack evidence to prove that polygynous males have sex more
frequently than their monogamous counterparts. Temne culture lends
much importance to childbearing. Abortion and contraception are highly
sanctioned actions, and infanticide is a repulsive concept. Finally,
having a child will give prestige to both parents. It, then, makes
sense for an individual to have as many children as possible. One ostensible
way for men to do this is to take more than one wife. It seems that
polygyny increases the fertility for the husband, but decreases it
for the wives. First of all, pologynously
married men are more likely to have marital difficulties that lead
to divorce. Assuming a decrease in the rate of sex during times of
strain in a marriage will logically lead to statistically lower fertility
among polygynous households. Also, as a husband rotates through sharing
a bed with several wives, the others are much more likely to have affairs,
bringing venereal disease into the equation. This results in a higher
frequency of sterility and childlessness among plural marriages. Third, older men
are the only ones among the Temne who have acquired the requisite wealth
to take on more than one wife, so they monopolize the younger, most
fertile women. Younger men, then, marry older women who may not bear
them children towards the end of their fertile years. Finally, polygynous
marriages are most likely to abide by traditional postpartum abstinence
patterns, which last through the nursing period (1.5-2 years). Monogamous
marriages break this dry spell after an average of 6 months to one
year. This allows monogamous pairs to bear more children per woman.
In conclusion, polygyny decreases fertility in the overall population
of the Temne of the Mayoso Chiefdom. CLARITY RANKING:
2 MARGARET ANN
GRILLO University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Dozier, Edward
P. Spanish-Catholic Influences on Rio Grande Pueblo
Religion. American Anthropologist June, 1958 Vol. 60 (3):441-448 Dozier compares
the Yaqui and Rio Grande Pueblo cultures’ response to Spanish-Catholic
influences in this article. He claims that the two cultures provide
a good setting for comparison, because the time of initial contact
by the Spanish coincides, and because the two communities were roughly
the same size in geography and population. Despite these similarities,
however, the two cultures respond quite differently. Since Edward Spicer
examined the Yaqui culture in this edition’s previous article, Dozier
focuses on the Rio Grande Pueblo Native Americans. Though the Pueblo
and Catholic religions were quite separate, the Pueblo felt that both
systems had the same functions, that is rites were performed "for
the attainment of all good things in life for the individual as well
as for humanity" (442). Many Pueblo ceremonies
are kept hidden from outsiders, however. The Spanish-Catholic religious
officials were highly offended by some of the native practices, and
banned them. For this reason, the Native Americans learned to conceal
the most sacred rites that could potentially be prohibited. They concealed
these practices so successfully that many outsiders knew nothing about
their native religious system. Even after the Pueblo Revolt in 1680,
when the policies banning such indigenous ceremonies were relaxed,
the practices were still kept closely guarded. With the coming
of the white Americans in the 1800’s, rules banning native ceremonies
and religious practices were again implemented and strictly enforced.
The Americans even set up special boarding schools, similar to the
Spanish "missionary" program, for Native American children,
to "break" them away from their native culture. As a result of these
prohibitions against their indigenous ceremonial practices over hundreds
of years, the Pueblo are still cautious about revealing many of these
rituals. According to Dozier, "they had learned from bitter experience
that their aboriginal practices must be kept secret and that only those
ceremonies which did not offend…could be conducted openly" (446).
Thus the concealment of these practices, along with the centralized
character of Rio Grande Pueblo society, allowed for the preservation
of their native ceremonial practices. CLARITY RANKING:
5 LINDA SIMON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Dozier, Edward
P. Spanish-Catholic Influences on Rio Grande Pueblo
Religion. American Anthropologist 1958 Vol. 60 p.441-447 In this article,
Edward Dozier explains how the Rio Grande Pueblo Indians have developed
two coexisting cultures within the same community of people as a result
of the Spanish and later American influences. In this context, the
Indians have developed a system of rituals and practices, which derive
from Spanish Catholic religious practices and beliefs. Furthermore,
Dozier points out that there is a private, sometimes completely hidden
native system where rituals and ceremonies are held in close quarters
and completely away from any non-Rio Grande Pueblo Indians and visitors,
in particular white people. He concludes that the extremely restrictive
measures taken by colonial Spanish encomendadores (settlers)
and Catholic missionaries forced the Indians to develop clandestine
methods of preserving their culture and beliefs, resulting in a dual
cultural system where a ‘public Spanish-Catholic’ culture is openly
celebrated and a ‘private Native’ culture is practiced in the utmost
secrecy. Dozier states that
in both cultural systems, rites and practices serve a common purpose
of "attaining all good things in life for the individual as well
as for humanity" (442). He outlines four categories of ceremonial
practices, varying from sacred to profane, to explain this cultural
division. (1) Rites performed in connection with the masked kachina
cult and the secret societies. They deal with initiations and they
are the most secret and can only be viewed by community members and
novitiates. (2) The second type of ceremonies involves the whole pueblo
and takes place under supervision from a native priest. It again incorporates
the whole native community but this time white people are allowed to
watch the ceremony but not the preparation. (3) The third type is small-group
dances open to the public yet under supervision of secret societies.
They consist primarily of animal and war dances. These three types
of ceremony comprise the core of Rio Grande Pueblo ritualistic practices.
(4) The fourth type of ceremony is secular (profane) and is done solely
for entertainment. Troupes of dancers perform from house to house,
improvising and entertaining locals and visitors. This type also integrates
many Catholic components, such as saints; etc. as it creating the impression
that a conversion has taken place for the natives when, in fact, the
ceremony has no religious significance to the natives. The article explains
how the natives developed a dual cultural system as the colonialist
Spanish sustained a fierce policy of exterminating pagan practices
and substituting Spanish-Catholic patterns (445). The encomienda system
was intended to civilize Indians by converting them. This forced the
natives to having to conceal their practices and to develop new practices
compatible with Catholic beliefs. The result, however, had little to
do with conversion since the Spanish encomenderos were fundamentally
interested in furthering their own personal interests (wealth). Consequently,
attention diverted away from the Pueblos, facilitating the survival
of their culture and religious practices. CLARITY RANKING:
4 ERNESTO WULFF York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Duignan, Peter. Early
Jesuit Missionaries: A Suggestion for Further Study American
Anthropologist August, 1958 Vol. 60 (4):725-732 Peter Duignan is
discussing the degrees to which Catholic missionaries went to convert
pagan souls to Christianity. He states that with the rise of Protestantism,
the Church became more unyielding in its views of non Christians which
he claims formed a sort of a sharp division within the Church as to
just "how far" the missionaries should go in the compromising
of pagan beliefs and customs in order to obtain new followers. He argues
that it was the Jesuit missionaries that strove to convert pagan souls
by way of a more natural progression finding it necessary to maintain
some sort of cultural understanding of the people with which they came
into contact. The result seems
to have been an obsessive need by some missionaries to gain as many
new Christians as possible which Duignan says meant these missionaries
did not make the least effort in learning about the cultures which
they were so vigilant in converting and even ignored the very useful
practice of learning the language of those they were attempting to
change. Duignan claims that this went against the wishes of Gregory
I during the 16th century. As a result, rather than adapt
pagan religions to Christianity they [the missionaries] destroyed the
old [pagan] religions altogether. This led to further violations of
the instructions of Gregory to use existing pagan temples to practice
newly imposed Christian ceremonies as a way of bringing the new followers
into the fold so to speak. The damage here led to the sad destruction
of more than 500 Aztec temples, an unspeakable cultural loss for the
people of Mexico. Duignan speaks of
the Jesuits as being a more open-minded lot than some of the other
missionaries; that they "…became more tolerant and humble before
the diversity of man’s behavior" (728). They sought to gain new
followers by seeking commonalities between the Indian cultures and
Christianity, and that overall "…the Jesuits had a more flexible
system of moral philosophy and a broader concept of natural law than
did other Catholic missionaries" (729). As a result, Duignan concludes
his very interesting article by stating that much can be learned from
the Jesuit writings. That it is possible to find value "…in filling
gaps in our knowledge of early cultural contacts, showing not only
how they directed cultural change, but how they avoided ethical neutralism
without falling victim to ethical absolutism" (732). CLARITY RANKING:
4 CARIANNE SWANSON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Duignan, Peter. Early
Jesuit Missionaries: A Suggestion for Further Study. American
Anthropologist 1958 Vol. 60 : 725-732. In this article,
Peter Duignan is replying to an article by M. O. W. Jeffreys’. Jeffreys
implied that the Gregory 1 letter throughout the Church from 601 to
1683 operated continuously, but Duignan suggests that it is misleading.
He states the article overlooks the fact that there was a struggle
during the 16th and 17th centuries for the acceptance
of the Gregory 1 letter and also overlooks the Jesuits’ involvement
in revitalizing the Gregory principles. The Catholic Church,
through the Gregory instructions, developed an adaptable way of converting
non-Christians, but these ideals were not always accepted or in use.
The missionaries of the 16th century did not work with indigenous
cultures and just destroyed the pagan religion instead of adapting
it to Christianity. The Jesuits rediscovered and expanded the ‘policy
of accommodation’ of the Gregory 1 letter but with considerable opposition
from the Franciscans and the Dominicans. The Jesuits developed a practice
of accepting religious practices and than reshaped the existing practices
and beliefs to create a familiarity for conversion while others were
following a more ‘Conquistadorian’ approach. An example is China where
the Franciscans and Dominicans failed because of the uncompromising
approach taken, whereas the Jesuits’ flexible and adaptive approach
succeeded. The Jesuits succeeded
with the ‘policy of accommodation’ because of a relativism that was
created and used. They developed the ideal that ethics was not divine
but within man’s nature and different according to society. The Jesuits’ concept
of ‘natural law’ as awareness of normal human functions varying from
culture to culture was also helpful in their efforts of conversion. Duignan shows that
the Jesuits, as an important factor, were overlooked in Jeffreys’ article
and shows how they helped with cultural change. CLARITY RANKING:
4 JOHN PARENTE York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Epling, Philip
J. and Romney, Kimball A. A Simplified Model of
Kariera Kinship. American Anthropologist 1958 Vol.60:59-74. The article, A
Simplified Model of Kariera Kinship, by Epling and Romney, illustrates
kinship among the Kariera tribe in northwestern Australia. The authors
have commented on the complexity of Kariera’s social organization
in terms of their material culture and difficult environment. More
specifically, they examine marriage and the implications it has on
tribe members and the relationship it creates. Kariera tribesmen
mainly subsisted on hunting and gathering to support their community
and population of 750, prior to European contact. Name and defined
territory distinguished each tribe from the other. Radcliffe-Brown
reported that the tribes were divided between twenty to twenty-five
local groups and each person was placed into reciprocal relationships
within the territory they inhabited. Hence the land belonged to them
and they belonged to the land. Therefore, this implied that it was
impossible for men to leave their territory to inhabit another, although
it was possible for females to leave their territory. The authors
list two local groups as those that Ego may marry and those that
Ego may not marry, to illustrate their exogamy rule. This rule was
enforced by the physical distribution of Kariera tribesmen
into plots of territory, whereby each group was adjacent to another
into which they may marry. Another form of group distinction was
the way in which the terms horde and clan were used interchangeably. Horde referred
to residential groups and the clan was the birth group to which only
men belong. Members of the clan lived on the same territory throughout
life, while their sisters left and wives entered through marriage.
Clan groups created the possession of separate territory, totems
and a feeling of nearness. The authors list
the section system as another distinguishing factor among the Kariera tribe
since they were divided into four sections; Banaka, Burung, Palyeri and Kariera,
which represented social divisions among the tribe’s people. Two distinctions
are listed as being useful in understanding the relationship between
the section system and kinship system: kinship terms were used in address,
while section terms were used in reference and kinship terms were used
relative to the relationship between two people, while section terms
were assigned to each person at birth and were used throughout life. CLARITY RANKING:
3 NEKEISHA MOHAMMED York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Fischer, J. L. The
Classification of Residence in Censuses. American Anthropologist
June, 1958 Vol. 60 (3):508-517 Fischer states that
the purpose of this article is to generate a standard typology of residence
for use in census taking. They problem with current typology, according
to the author, is that many societies have individual variations to
the standard residence patterns. Conflicting residence classifications
among citizens of Romonum, Truk as done by Fischer and Ward Goodenough
is given as an example of how easily ambiguity can arise. Fischer proposes
the adoption of four standard rules to govern residence classification.
They include reporting the residence of all community members, not
just those who are married, and using the human composition of the
household at the time of an individual’s entrance into the household,
not at the time of the census. Fischer goes on
to explain each of these four principles, as well as the problems with
classification under any system. One problem that is mentioned is that
of adoption. Fischer says that adoption classification is made more
difficult by the fact that there are many different forms of it, depending
on when the child is adopted, and whether the birth parents are known. Another difficulty
in census classification is, "determining what constitutes ‘residence,’ as
opposed to ‘visiting,’" as Fischer puts it. "How long must
a visit last before it should be regarded as a change of residence?"(514).
The best solution here, in the author’s opinion, is to use the native
inhabitants’ definition of residence, as this will likely indicate
the location of greatest use and importance. Fischer acknowledges
that forms of classification such as these are imprecise at best. Such
classification can only describe an individual’s residence at a given
point in time, and places of residence frequently shift many times
in one’s lifetime. Furthermore, different individuals or couples often
follow different customs or rules regarding residence pattern. For
these reasons, says the author, two sets of terminology are needed:
one set to describe residence at a given point in time (likely the
present), and another set of terms to show the composite societal profile. CLARITY RANKING:
3 LINDA SIMON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Gabel, W. Creighton. The
Mesolithic Continuum in Western Europe American Anthropologist
August, 1958 Vol. 60 (4):658-667 I must admit straight
away that although I read this article nearly three times I am still
unsure what the writer’s point is. He seems, as best I can gather,
to be discussing the way in which environmental adaptations structure
the type of and use of tools, and that "form is a reflection of
material." On the whole, he
uses the Mesolithic as his primary example stating that Mesolithic
tools show up in other time periods such as the Neolithic and that
the term Mesolithic "serves to denote basically Paleolithic cultures
of early postglacial Europe, representing the period between the final
Upper Paleolithic and the introduction of agriculture" (658).
He states quite firmly that because the Mesolithic period is "ill-defined" we
must be careful to remember that the term Mesolithic describes the
time period and that Microlithic describes the tools. As a whole, I perceived
this article to be a dictation of some type of factual evidence presented
in the most complicated form possible making it impossible to grasp
detailed meaning. It describes tool production and the environment
and how they impacted each other and influenced the type of tools found
at specific areas. I could not really glean an argument here but I
see the problem as possibly being that there is a difficulty in trying
to state what period a tool may have originated in, which it dates
to, since tools seem to be the products of the geographic environment
and not the time period in which they were used. He notes that typing
the tools is difficult in that what arises is more along the lines
of "distinctions rather than similarities" and that this
begs further research. Again, a difficult
article to read especially if you are not blessed with a passion and
knowledge about ancient Europe. Despite my best efforts to understand
this reading, I could not put the information together in a comprehensive
manner and as such this review is not what it should be. CLARITY RANKING:
1 CARIANNE SWANSON University
of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)
Gabel, W. Chreighton. The
Mesolithic Continuum in Western Europe. American Anthropologist
1958 Vol. 60: 658-667. This article examines
the impact of Mesolithic culture on other contemporary and latter European
cultures. The period researched is the Paleolithic era (8000-2500 B.C.)
of early postglacial Europe, ending the Upper Paleolithic and introducing
agriculture. The author looks at evidence found throughout various
archaeological sites throughout Europe and North America as evidence
of Mesolithic influence upon other cultures. This is done by comparing
tools, weapons, clothing articles, art, etc; throughout various sites
and linking to a common Mesolithic ancestry. Gabel proposes that
the Mesolithic people were centred around or toward a coastal economy,
which lead to the development of agriculture. In this context, Gabel
focuses on the Baltic Mesolithic since their features remain practically
intact, thus providing further resources for research. This evidence
is then compared with evidence from other areas in Europe, from Scotland
to Russia, linking various Neolithic cultures to a common Mesolithic
ancestry. Although Gabel explains the Mesolithic had been eventually
conquered by the Neolithic, his research supports the view that the
developments of the Mesolithic period would greatly impact living standards
of other cultures. Key technological developments such as working tools,
art tools, and agricultural techniques would be present throughout
many Neolithic cultures. This article will
interest individuals researching cultural interaction in Europe prior
to the Roman civilization. Its lack of organization does not limit
the volume of information provided regarding basic tools, weapons,
stone carvings, etc; of the period. CLARITY RANKING:
1 ERNESTO WULFF York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Gardin, Jean-Claude. Four
Codes for the Description of Artifacts: An Essay in Archeological
Technique and Theory. American Anthropologist 1958 Vol.60: 335-357. Gardin explores
the efficacy of a system of coded punch cards to contain data collected
from archeological artifacts. The goal of coded punch cards is to have
more easily accessible all descriptive data for artifacts. Gardin begins
by examining metal tools, breaking them down into sections such as:
general tool, functional part, hafting part, connections, miscellaneous,
faces and sides. Gardin posits that most "…features are usually
described with only a few words…" (Gardin 336); therefore, one
can use these words and combinations of them to describe almost all
aspects of metal tools. Gardin gives each descriptive word a symbol
for easy identification. These symbols can be combined and arranged
in groups to give an accurate physical description of the tools "…one
card is made for each distinctive feature, and in punching various
squares on that card to indicate through their reference numbers all
tools which exhibit that particular feature" (Gardin 338). By
using said system one can describe 10,000 items on only 500 cards.
In order to add new features not previously noted one only has to incorporate
additional punch cards. Gardin explores
the use of this system with the description of containers. The sections
must be changed from those of tools to include: inclination of the
sides, shape of the sides, ratio of height to width, ratio of top to
bottom, junction between top and bottom and the opening. Using descriptive
words and these categories combined, 8,100 shapes can be described.
The amount of descriptive words required is less than 20. Ornament is described
using similar words, but once again changing the categories of description
to: polygonal, symmetrical, radical, linear, interlocking and intersecting.
Using the basic categories and descriptions there are "…600 ‘primary’ ornaments…most
of them can in turn undergo one or more additional operations which
determine 18,000 ‘secondary’ ornament categories…540,000 ‘ternary’ ornament
categories…" (Gardin 343). Gardin notes that this system is not
meant to evaluate aesthetics, it only encompasses geometrical physical
description. The final group
of artifacts Gardin explores is iconography. Order of descriptive words
as well as interpretation of the image present problems. Interpretation
of "known generalities of behaviour" (Gardin 346) create
issues, as different people of different cultures have varying norms
and associations to images. If one were to assign meaning to images
it would likely be Euro-centric. If one were to use this system with
iconography it would create a "mere approximation" (Gardin
352). In conclusion, Gardin
states "The language which was fit for the description of a static
representation then seems extraordinarily poor; a time reference brings
about scores of new perceptions…" (Gardin 354). If one is simply
describing an object with no interpretive value this coding system
is good; if one has to interpret meaning, the system lacks the ability
to represent the value of the image. CLARITY RANKING:
2 AMANDA JONES York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Gardin, Jean-Claude. Four
Codes for the Description of Artifacts. American Anthropologist
April, 1958 Vol.60 (2):335-357 When analyzing artifacts,
Gardin has recognized the difficulty of simply assembling all the data
that are in vast publications. In these publications are descriptive
details scattered in the text and illustrations that the students must
spend much time poring through this to get what they need. The descriptions
of the same objects can be found in various articles and the descriptions
are not standardized. He recognizes the value of constructing a standardized
category that is culture free and completing this method with mechanical
aids such as a punch card indices. There is already
this method of punch cards and standardization artifacts that was complied
by Jean Deshayes for metal tools. Gardin sketches the code that is
used for tools. First there is an elaborate discussion of all the features
of the tools. Then to use this description there are punch cards to
help sort them out. There are two approaches to punch cards. One way
is to have a card describe a single tool and to have it punched in
various positions to indicate the different features of the tool. The
second method is to make a card for a distinct feature and punch holes
to indicate all the tolls that have that feature. Gardin then uses
this method of describing features of containers, ornaments and iconography.
Lastly he examines the "basic issues of anthropological typology
and categories." Specifically he examines contemporary linguistic
theory in relation to the codes that is produced for artifacts. Gardin is attempting
to popularize a method to assist in frequently laborious research.
He discusses a method of standardization of description of objects
and a method to use this information effectively. He also applies the
method to various objects to demonstrate the applicability of the approach
as well. This method can effectively save much lost time in the assembling
of data for research and allow for more time for analysis. CLARITY RANKING:
5 PEGGY WANG University
of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Garn M. Stanley
and Lewis B. Arthur. Tooth-Size, Body-Size and "Giant" Fossil
Man. American Anthropologist 1958 Vol. 60: 874-880 This article was
inspired by the fact that over the past several years there had been
repeated discoveries in Southeast Asia of very large fossil teeth.
These teeth were said to have come from "giant apes". The
author felt it worthwhile to explore the relationship between tooth-size
and body-size in recent man and hominidae. Throughout the article,
the author looks at the degree of relationship between tooth size and
body size in different species, the possibility of a relationship between
tooth dimensions and different races and finally the relationship between
tooth size and body size was investigated on an individual basis in
a contemporary white population. According to the
author, the compilations, comparisons, and correlations made in the
present study yield no indication that tooth size is predictive of
body size in recent man, in Homo, or in probably-related forms
currently in taxonomic limbo. He states that there is no evidence to
support the notion that the big-toothed forms from South China were
giants. The teeth that were
found probably belonged to a species that needed that type of teeth
in order to grind nutrients and calories from tough vegetables because
they were without the gastro-intestinal adaptations of herbivores.
The author concludes by stating that the most economical explanation
is that the big-toothed forms were simply big-toothed forms. CLARITY RANKING:
5 LINDSAY GRANT York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Garn, Stanely
M. and Arthur B. Lewis. Tooth-Size, Body-Size
and "Giant" Fossil Man. American Anthropologist October
1958. Vol.60 (5):374-880. In Southeast Asia
very large fossil teeth have been found and attributed to Gigantopithecus
and Meganthropus, both of which are either giant hominoids or giant
protohominids. The point of this study is to determine if there exists
a direct correlation between tooth and body size. To date evidence
does not support the existence "Gigantopithecus." In this study, the
largest molars belong to those of short stature (in South Africa).
By contrast, the largest stature individuals (Caucasians from Ohio)
have the smallest dentition. Therefore, these data establish a negative
correlation between tooth and body size. Moreover, within Homo sapiens,
interracial variation with regard to dentition lends no support either.
Like some canines, it seems that tooth and body size are independent
of each other. Finally, individual variation (as determined from a
Caucasian population) yielded the same lack of support. Therefore, the Southeast
Asian owners of those large fossilized teeth were most likely small,
not large, in body size. All three of the above tests indicated either
no correlation or a slightly negative one. Looking, next, to
adaptation for an answer, early hominids possessed larger teeth to
extract more nutrients from uncooked, tough food. An example of this
lies in the difference in tooth size between herbivores and carnivores.
Another possible explanation is that there might have been a biochemical
condition that we do not yet know about. There is, however, nothing
to even hint at this possibility. The most plausible
explanation, then, is that a big tooth is simply a big tooth. We should,
instead, look for the a correlation between these teeth in Southeast
Asia and those belonging to very short (by modern standards) South
African dwellers. We must also find out how the owners of these big
teeth are related to us. CLARITY RANKING:
4 MARGARET ANN
GRILLO University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)
Gearing, Fred. The
Structural Poses of 18th Century Cherokee Villages American
Anthropologist 1958 Vol.60: 1148-1157 In this piece, the
author’s main objective and overall concern is to describe and expand
on how the social structure of a human community is not a single set
of roles and organized groups, but is rather a series of many roles
and groups that seem to appear and disappear all according to the tasks
at hand. He attempts to expand on this notion by making effective references
to a Cherokee village. The article’s basic argument is evident through
his use of the examples with the Cherokee village. One example proves
that human communities typically rearrange themselves to accomplish
their various tasks. Gearing effectively constructs his argument by
providing examples on those within the Cherokee village. To show, he
strongly feels that there are four structural poses. Within each, different
groups operated singly or in combination. The first of the four structural
poses saw the Cherokee village was an aggregate of independent households
(1958:1149). This would take place normally during hunting. He goes on to explain
the second structural poses as the village as a punishment of a killer.
The third, which involved general councils, saw the village as a unit
organized by clans and the body of elders. And lastly, the fourth structural
poses involved offensive war; whereby the village is a unit organized
by the clans, the body of elders, and the war organization. Gearing
does an excellent job at informing the reader that community patterns
vary depending on what has happened and what is required. By thoroughly
explaining all four of the structural poses, Gearing is able to successfully
convince the reader that social structure of a human community is truly
not a single set of roles and organized groups, but instead is a series
of many roles and groups that appear and disappear according to the
demanding people. CLARITY RANKING:
4 ANGELA ADU York
University (Naomi Adelson)
Gearing, Fred. The
Structural Poses of 18th Century Cherokee Villages. American
Anthropologist December, 1958 Vol. 60 (6): 1148-1157. In his article, Fred Gearing argues for a revised conceptualization of social structures in order to better understand both the societies and the individuals within them. He feels as if society is composed of various layers of structural poses that must all be considered when trying to analyze a human community. Gearing focuses on the structural poses within an 18th century Cherokee village that change and evolve through |
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