Adams, John Boman.   Culture and Conflict in an Egyptian Village. American Anthropologist April, 1957 Vol. 59 (2):225-235.

In this article, Adams attempts to examine the implications and factors involved in the social revolution in Egypt through the context of an Egyptian village in the Delta area. He hopes to show how the social cleavages expressed in the national revolution by describing the change in government at the village level.

Adams moves on to describe the leaders of the revolution and their opposition. He likens villagers to poets in interpreting the content of communications from the government. The villagers, Adams describes, judge the content of communications by the speaker’s tone, friendliness or hostility, and sincerity or lack thereof.

Peer groups, Adams writes, are increasingly gaining influence upon youth and importance in villages. Peer groups, egalitarian in nature, are rebellious and hostile to authoritarian institutions and have increased significance in the arena of social revolution. Adams explains that the leaders of this revolution, rebels against authority, were heavily influenced by peer groups in their respective villages. Their ideologies, the use of "we" instead of "I", and concern for mankind, and propaganda justify whatever hostility is necessary to achieve their political goals.

Taking into consideration communication and interpretation in villages, whatever government comes into power in Egypt must stress friendly communication with villagers. Villagers, Adams concludes, are not likely to settle for compromises; they favor absolutes, and government must appeal through villagers using absolutes to obtain the loyalty of villagers.

This article was written in the midst of the social revolution in Egypt. It is therefore not comprehensive, nor does it provide a detailed account of what was taking place at the time. Yet Adams still provides a cursory description of the events in Egypt at the time and the corresponding effects on villages there.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

NEHA SHAH University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Adams, J.    Culture and Conflict in an Egyptian Village. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59:225-235

In this article, the author H\John Adams addresses the significances of the existing social evolution in Egypt and its effects on a single village in the Delta are. Adams demonstrates how "the social cleavages expressed in the national revolution by the change in government appeared at village level." He discusses how there were many factors involved and shows the aspects of approval and condemnation towards the "government’s propaganda and communiqués."

Adam basic argument is to show the existing conflict between the officially established with new ideals and the traditional institutions that are unwilling to change their concepts. He shows how these differences have "socially frustrated the young men of the community." Adam argues that in order for these issues to change the government must communicate with the villages.

The argument is constructed through a discussion of the situations within the village and an explanation of how oppositions were formed. Adams then explains the views of each side. He discusses how on one side the leaders Omdah and Sheik Mohammed accepted and supported the propaganda of the revolutionary government in order to change some of the existing traditional methods of the society. He also shows the opinions of the leaders on the other side. He refers to Sheiks Hamid who was "opposed to any traditional way, was revivalistic in his reaction to new" and Sheik Farid who "wanted to maintain structure of tradition but realized the need for change when problems rose."

CLARITY RANKING: 3

SARAH RICHARDSON York University, Toronto, Ontario (Naomi Adelson)

Bohannan, Paul.    An Alternate Residence Classification. American Anthropologist February, 1957 Vol. 59:126-131.

Traditional residence classifications of newly married couples, by anthropologists and sociologists, have been singularly defined as patrilocal when the couple lives in the locality of the husband’s parents, or matrilocal when the couple lives in the locality of the wife’s parents. This traditional method of classification, however, is regarded by some as too limiting and sometimes misleading.

The main argument of this article is that expressions traditionally used to explain kinship ties upon marriage do not reflect the dynamics of relationships and shared values and norms on which residences are actually managed. The author reviews a number of systems in which classifications are not based solely on the residence location of the married couple vis-B-vis their kinsmen ties, but rather on "families and households."

Bohannan suggests that two alternate areas should be considered while assessing residence classifications:

First, that it is under one relationship, chosen from among Murdock’s eight primary relationships within the nuclear family, that all others function: (1) husband-wife, (2) father-son, (3) father-daughter, (4) mother-son, (5) mother-daughter, (6) brother-brother, (7) sister-sister, and (8) brother-sister. The author further supports that the state of those relationships, particularly those in conflict, are responsible for how the domestic groupings are arranged in any given society. For example, he cites Hausa of Northern Nigeria, where the new husband would seek to set up his own house as soon as possible, so as to avoid potential resentment by his new wife over work expected of her by his family (1). In such conflicts between new wives and their in-laws, however, the Tiv in Central Nigeria take a direct opposite line with the son almost always siding with his father (2).

Secondly, the author asserts that norms and values can been seen as arising from the organization of household economy such as the care of children, management of land, and/or distribution of food. For example, in the Hopi of Arizona, "a man considers his sister’s house his real home and he leaves his ritual objects there when he takes his mundane property to the house of his wife."

The author concludes with a suggestion that all classifications must be supported by quantitative data; however, that exactitude as seen in traditional classifications would contribute to dissatisfaction amongst anthropologists.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

ALISON PENTLAND-FOLK York University (Naomi Adelson)

Buettner-Janusch, John.    Boas and Mason: Particularism versus Generalization. American Anthropologist April, 1957 Vol. 59 (2):318-324.

This article examines an exchange of the viewpoints of Franz Boas and Otis Tufton Mason on ethnological theory. The author suggests a link between the theoretical positions of scientists and the social context in which these scientists exist.

The author begins by making references to a series of letters between Boaz and Mason regarding the relation of particulars to generalization published in 1887. These selected letters illuminate the reason behind the theoretical emphasis of anthropology in the first quarter of the twentieth century. Selected excerpts from the letters focus on the two scientists’ opposing viewpoints on exhibition of ethnological specimens, ethnological research methods, and scientific law.

Boas’ attitude towards science, taking a stand against informed opinions, and passion for individual phenomenon is highlighted in these letters. Boas’ opinions make clear the movement of anthropology away from the methods of science. His personality and idiosyncrasies as well as those of his colleague William James, contributed to the rejection of science in early twentieth century anthropology.

The author then categorizes scientists into to major categories: generalizers or theory builders and empiricists or particularists. The thrust behind the argument of the latter group rests on the idea that generalization of man and culture is never valid because there are always exceptions to theories. The success of this view in the field of anthropology is due to the sociological forces that favors the rejection of predictable, scientific patterns in the history of mankind.

The excerpts from letters of prominent scientists add to the historical value of the article. The purpose of this article, an examination the history of ethnological theory in anthropology, is clearly and succinctly achieved.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

NEHA SHAH University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Buettner-Janusch, John.   Boas and Mason: Particularism versus Generalization.   American Anthropologist 1957:318-324.

This essay is an investigation of the development of anthropological science.  Buettner-Janusch uses a written dialogue between Mason and Boas to point out problems he perceives in Boas’ approach and understanding of science.  He then uses this as an example of a need for study of the causes of trends within the anthropological field.  Buettner-Janusch ends with a revival of Mason’s contested analogy of culture as an organism, and an articulation of his own desire to study the development of anthropological thought following the evolutionary model.

The correspondence in question centers around a report by Mason describing his theory of “like causes producing like effects” and that therefore cultural artifacts could be arranged in the museum according to their similarities.  Boas responded to this by stating that exhibitions should be arranged according to the tribe or culture that produced the objects, and that only in this way could the exhibition hope to represent that people’s “physical and ethnical surroundings.”  Buettner-Janusch states that Boas is confused about the nature of the inductive method, that he has forgotten that scientific method always takes the limitations of generalization into account and that he has mistaken generalization for analogy.  Buettner-Janusch rejects Boas’ desire to “treat each ethnological datum as discrete.”  Buettner-Janusch then gives an account of Powel’s response to Boas, in which Powel calls Boas’ system of ethnological and geographical classification contradictory and sides with Mason.

Buettner-Janusch concludes that Boas’ position went against the “informed opinion of most anthropologists and eminent social scientists of his day” and that it is “antiscientific” (322).  Buettner-Janusch then states that his main purpose is to question why anthropology and most of social science followed Boas’ thought.  This shift in the field of anthropology, he concludes, was in fact caused by a backlash against current groundbreaking scientific theories such as entropy and natural selection that favored determinism and materialism.  The acceptance of Boas’ position by the anthropological and social science community, therefore, was an articulation of an ideological entrenchment of “naïve and optimistic mythology proposed by the Mosaic cosmology and the Protestant theologians of the day” (323).  Buettner-Janusch upholds the validity of generalizations on the order of scientific laws in the examination culture.

(Thankfully, this position is now generally regarded as untenable.)

CLARITY: 3

PHILLIP MATRICARDI Columbia University (Paige West)

Burgh, Robert F.    Earl Halstead Morris.  America Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59 (3): 521-523.

Earl Halstead Morris (1889-1956) began his professional career in 1912, although he was interested in archeology for sixty years. At the end of his life, he stood in front of New World archeologists. Earl Morris received a bachelor’s degree in psychology and matured as a professional archeologist while still an undergraduate. He then pursued his M.A. also from the University of Colorado. The following year Morris undertook an excavation of the Aztec Ruin in New Mexico. In 1923, Morris married Ann Axtell, who later became an archeologist, and they had two daughters. After the death of his first wife, Morris remarried Lucile Bowman.

Earl Morris received many distinguished awards for his archeology work. His professional achievements are noteworthy both for comprehensive range and for exceptional quality. Some of his excavations included the Aztec Ruin, Temple of the Warriors, the La Plata district, Mesa Verde region, Durango rock shelters, and countless other excursions in New Mexico and the Greater Southwest and Central America. Although Morris was not always able to actively participate in professional organizations, he gave wholehearted support and was a master of the principles of research. He balanced his imagination, talents, and curiosity in order to give scrupulous presentation and interpretation of archeological evidence.

The work of Earl Morris is characterized by his preoccupation with "hard" evidence, his informal discourse, and his own personal style and experiences that contributed to his studies. Morris is remembered for his unfailing thoughtfulness, habitual courtesy, humor, innocence of pomp.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

ERICA STONE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Burridge, Kenelm O. L.    Disputing in Tangu. American Anthropologist 1957  Vol. 59:763-780

The author’s objective is to describe how equivalence and amity play an important role among the Tangu, and how if equivalence is not achieved, significant problems may arise. There is a co-operative relationship between Tangu in their more significant relationships, with their strongest ties to their immediate family. Managers are those individuals who form relationships among some of the other households in order to create alliances. "Normally, in each community, alliances are forged at the beginning of each horticultural cycle so that the participating households form two approximately equivalent groups in a mutual exchange relationship." Trouble begins, however, when these exchanges are not equivalent. This often leads to feelings of anger, which often result in the use of sorcery. A "br’ngun’guni… is a mechanism for initiating, continuing, containing, or resolving disputes, and it is a vehicle for political management". Rather than go to court, the Tangu use the "br’ngun’guni" as a means of allowing relationships to work themselves out and for re-establishing the equivalence so they may once again reach amity.

The author describes the circumstances leading to dispute among these people as well as the results of such arguments. The reasons for the "br’ngun’guni" are discussed, as well as what the "br’ngun’guni" actually entails. The author uses several case studies to illustrate these concepts further.

The author achieves his objectives in this article through detailed explanations of the Tangu response to equivalence and amity. The case studies add further insight into the Tangu culture, and these make the concepts all the more personal.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

DAYLE J. BEKIER University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Burridge, Kenelm O. L.    Disputing in Tangu. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol.59: 763-780

Burrige’s article deals with the techniques used by the Tengu people to resolve conflicts among themselves. He emphasizes that for Tengu, it is absolutely necessary to live in a state of equilibrium, free of any conflicts that would disturb that state. However, disputes are frequent and, when they do occur, Tengu use a system of rituals designed to bring the village back to normality. The main idea behind those rituals is to allow each side of the conflict to express their grievances towards each other without causing damage to the household.. Burridge argues that the basic and most important social and economic unit for Tengu is the household. Therefore it is the household’s duty to resolve the problem so that it will continue to exist in unity.

The main ritual, and the one most described in the article, is called br’ngun’guni. In this ritual, the parties involved state their cases by standing up in a circle and shouting out their grievances towards the other party. Large-scale physical movements, designed to make the point more influential, usually accompany the shouting. The purpose of this display is not to place blame on one of the parties, as a western court would do, but to bring back the state of amity (peace) to the household. A central figure usually acts as a medium between the two- the article calls them "managers". They have the delicate role of ensuring equivalence, but they also must not allow themselves to look like they are in a position of power over others. Solutions to most problems involve the exchange of foodstuffs or an invitation to a dance. However, when the two conflicting parties do not agree, threatening the state of amity, the managers may decide to send both parties out to the bushes for few a weeks. This ensures that the angry parties do not contaminate the rest of the household and that the situation does not reach a point of no return.

To illustrate his observations, Burridge writes about four cases in which the ritual of br’ngun’guni was used to resolve complicated situations. Each time order prevailed and amity was sustained.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LUKASZ DZIEDZINSKI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Codere, Helen.    Kwakiutl Society: Rank without Class. America Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59 (3): 473-486.

Franz Boas’s conclusions based on his extensive study of the Kwakiutl Society were questioned by many critics soon after his report was published. Boas argued that the Kwakiutl Society possessed a system of social rank but lacked definitive social classes. Others claim Boas’s was in error; these claims if validated would not only devalue Boas’s work but destroy his reputation. According to the author, Boas was correct in his deductions and the article is intended to support Boas’s theory that the Kwakiutl Society was a "classless society in which social rank was the organizing principle."

A social class is defined as a segment of the community in which the members maintain a degree of unity and a form of homogeniety among its members. The Kwakiutl society is classified by ranks and places more importance on primogeniture than nobility. Since these ranks are subject to change at any time and have no distinguishing identities or subcultures, they cannot be categorized as social classes. Individuals may move from a commoner’s position to a potlatch position or chief position and vice versa several times throughout their life.

The Kwakiutl recipes are a main source of information regarding Kwakiutl social organization. They are more than mere instructions for dishes; actually, they specify minute details of the social procedures and personnel involved in the acquisition, preparation, serving, and social meaning of food. Since this material is in text and covers such a wide range of social situations, it is ideal for testing whether Kwakiutl social organization is along class lines. In an overwhelming majority on recipes, a man from any rank may be the host and invite guests from any other rank to join him and his family. Hospitality rules apply and no class lines, behaviors or distinctions exist. Often persons in low and high in social position are entertained together. All people used the same manners and had access to the same means of learning these social graces; thus, indicating a non-class society.

Boas is careful to make direct references to specific incidents in order to prove his theory that the Kwakiutl society is a society with distinctive social ranks but no class divisions. His conclusions are fully supported by the data he used and cited directly and consistent with other reports and outside resources.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ERICA STONE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Codere, Helen.    Kwakiutl Society: Rank without Class American Anthropologist 1957 59:473-485

Through the early 1900s, Franz Boas stayed with the Kwakiutl people, studying their society and ways of life. In this article, Helen Codere attempts to prove, using the ethnography by Boas, that the Kwakiutl people lived in a classless society. Citing various sections of Boas’ works as well as Kwakiutl recipes, she does so very successfully.

Starting with Boas’ early writings, Codere describes the social ranking system of the Kwakiutl and its constant change. An excellent example is the one of the younger brother of "common" parents. Although he has no birth-given status (a status which did not exist in Kwakiutl life), he has earned a form of power due to his strategic giving of potlatches. Due to this strategy he earned himself a seat. Later in life, he passed his seat to a man not related to him thus giving his status to a man who previously was a "commoner." The younger brother, on the other hand, gave up his seat and in a matter of minutes became a "commoner" once more. Boas’ writings are full of instances similar to this, situations in which power is transferred like a small irrelevant gift.

Codere then writes about Kwakiutl recipes and how most of the recipes of the Kwakiutl were written with a specific audience in mind. Recipes for hosting a large party involving people with large amounts of power, recipes for hosting a small party from another village, as well as any other situation imaginable. In all of the recipes found, only one contains the word for "commoner." This implies not that commoners weren’t welcome at these feasts, but that few people were regarded as commoners. It is much too likely that a current commoner could have just yesterday been a very high status member of the tribe, or will tomorrow become an important figure. Class did not exist in the Kwakiutl society because it was all too likely to change at a moment’s notice.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

MICHAEL FILLITER York University, Toronto (Naomi Adelson)

Coe, Michael D.    Monuments in Middle America: A Reconsideration. American Anthropologist 1057. Vol. 59: 597-611.

Michael D. Coe looks at the Long Count dates of the Maya and questions if, in fact, Mayans created the Ling Count date system? He looks at Morley and Thompson to determine if other groups before the Mayans used the Long Count system. Coe prefers Thompson to Morley; Thompson "opposed acceptance of monuments which seem to bear Long Count dates prior to any recorded by the Classic Maya."

The Long Count method is a dating system that the Maya used; it involves a series of lines and dots that indicate Baktun, Katun Tun, Uinal, Kin, and Day in Calendar Round. These dates are usually found on monuments. The monuments he looks at are Stela C, Tres Zapotes; Stela 1, Piedra Labrada; and Stela 1, El Baul. Coe uses diagrams to illustrate his examples and each monument is described in great detail.

Coe concludes by saying that unless there is more evidence, "the lowland May did not originate the Long Count or the practice of erecting dated stone monuments." He believes that the La Venta Olmecs invented it.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

CHRISTINA SAUNDERS York University (Naomi Adelson)

Coe, Michael D.     Cycle 7 Monuments in Middle America: A Reconsideration. American Anthropologist. 1957 Vol. 59:597-609.

Coe analyzes Classic Maya civilization culture, by reviewing information on early monuments. Coe references several controversial monuments, which, according to Thompson, the author of The Dating of Certain Inscriptions of Non-Maya Origin, are insignificant for five solid reasons.

Thompson dismisses one of these monuments, Stela C, Tres Zapotes, as insignificant because the dates seem incorrect, although Coe argues the monument is legitimate because of its characteristically Cycle 7 stylistic context. Coe suggests that Stela C is perhaps the earliest contemporary Long Count date yet discovered. Coe argues that another monument, Stela 1, Piedra Labrada, offers symbolic carvings, which can be studied for further Cycle 7 monument information. The Stela 1, El Baul also sparked much controversy over the legitimacy of its categorization as a Cycle 7 monument, but Coe believes it is indeed a significant component of the Long Count. The final monument Coe discusses, Stela 2, Colomba, has unknown archeological context, although it is stylistically related to the earliest Maya art, and thus Coe believes it too must be in the 7^th Cycle of the Long Count.

Essentially, Coe delivers a well-researched counter-attack to Thompson’s novel, stating that all the monuments Thompson denied as 7^th Cycle of the Long Count actually are.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ALISON SILBER University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Coe, Michael D.  Monuments in Middle America: A Reconsideration.  American Anthropologist May,1957 Vol. 59(4): 597-611.

This article addresses the question of whether or not the Classic Maya civilization created the Long Count method of dating.  Coe categorizes the lives of a people as organized around a certain aspect of their culture.  He states that this method of counting did not originate from the Mayans, and that one may not categorize Maya civilization with the Long Count dating system.  Coe asserts that this system instead originated in the lowland region of Veracruz, amongst the Olmec-La Venta people.  To prove his argument, Coe rejects the statements of his colleague, Thompson.  Thompson says that the monuments found outside of the Classic Maya territory, with some form of dating system inscribed into them, do not display the Maya Long Count symbols.  Coe testifies that these monuments are indeed older than the oldest Mayan artifact, the Leyden Plate, and that they do contain Long Count dates.  By proving this statement correct, Coe would also prove that the Long Count dating system did not originate with the Maya.

To provide evidence for his theory, Coe looks at three distinct monuments found outside of the Maya region.  These monuments are the Stela C from Tres Zapotes, the Stela 1 from El Baul and the Stela 2 from Colomba.  For each of these monuments, Coe refutes the arguments presented by Thompson with his own counter arguments.  For example, to respond to Thompson’s assertion that the Stela 1 is similar to monuments from the San Juan phase, Coe attacks Thompson’s excavation techniques.  The San Juan phase is a later period of monument dating.  Coe claims that Thompson bases this assertion on taking a sample of rock near to where the monument was found, but that the rocks may have shifted in the meantime.  This back and forth analysis defines the paper.

Overall, this paper is far from convincing.  Coe presents Thompson’s published results and then attempts to pick them apart.  Coe often uses other people’s theories in replace of his own arguments, instead of presenting actual research.  One of Coe’s paragraphs even attempts to quote Thompson admitting that he (Thompson) is wrong about the dating of the monuments (608).  After picking apart Thompson’s works on the three monuments, Coe sums up his paper by saying that since there is currently no other evidence, the monuments must have come from outside of the Mayan region.  His conclusion that the Long Count dating system must have originated in some other culture remains yet to be supported by any of his own data.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

JULIA NAGLE    Columbia University  (Paige West)    

Cole, Fay-Cooper.    Frederick Webb Hodge.  America Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59 (3): 517-520.

Frederick Webb Hodge (1864-1956) was intimately interwoven with the origin of the American Anthropological Association and its journal. Born in England but raised in Washington D.C., Hodge graduated from Columbian (now George Washington) University. After a brief experience in a law office, he became secretary of the U.S. Geological Survey and Bureau of American Ethnology. Hodge temporarily left his latter position and became secretary to the Hemenway Archeological Expedition. This was his first encounter with Southwestern culture which later became his field of interest. From 1901-1910 Hodge conducted field work among the Indians of Arizona and New Mexico and aided in the production of the Handbook of American Indians.

During this time, several groups amalgamated to form the American Anthropological Association, of which Hodge was founder and publisher of its journal. For several years, Hodge was also the editor and in 1915 he was elected President of the AAA. Hodge appeared as chairman of a couple committees and was a member of several others. Another involvement of Hodge’s was in working with the committee to establish strong anthropology departments in colleges and universities. Throughout this time, he was still pursuing his interest in North American Indian cultures and became director of excavations at a site in the Southwest.

Hodge received honorary degrees by the University of New Mexico, Pomona College, and the University of Southern Carolina. He continued to join and establish other anthropological organizations into his later life, while maintaining his own field work in the Southwest. The accomplishments and achievements of Frederick Hodge are recognized in societies both here and abroad.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

ERICA STONE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Cole, Cooper.    Frederick Webb Hodge. American Anthropologist. 1957 59; 517-520

Throughout this article, Cole illustrates the life of Frederick Webb Hodge and lays out the achievements he has made throughout his successful life.

Hodge was born in England in the year of 1864 and was raised in Washington D.C. He attended Columbian University which is now known as the George Washington University. Later in his life, Hodge was awarded honorary degrees by the University of New Mexico, Pomona College and the University of South California. Hodge became secretary of the U.S Geological Survey and the Bureau of American Ethnology after same brief experience in a law office. As part of the staff for the Bureau of American Ethnology, Hodge went to the Southwest to conduct fieldwork among the Indians of Arizona and New Mexico.

Hodge became an executive officer of the Smithsonian Institution in 1901 and held that post till 1905. In 1910, Hodge gathered data and edited materials for the handbook of American Indians which was viewed as a landmark to the advancement in American anthropology. He was the editor of the American Anthropologist through the years of 1902-1914. He was not only the editor, but also the business manager, literary critic, proof reader, collector of news items and his own office boy.

Frederick Hodge was also chairman of the committee that dealt with the Linguistic Families North of Mexico. He was a member of the Committee on Archaeological Nomenclature and on the Committee of Policy. Hodge associated with anthropologist such as Boas and other known anthropologist that changed had a hand in the advancement in anthropology though and theory.

In 1917, Hodge resigned from the Bureau of American Ethnology to be involved in the newly founded museum of the American Indian were he became the director of the museum in 1932. Hodge held that position till 1956 where he became Director Emeritus. Throughout his career, Hodge had a number of monographs and articles in scientific and historical publications and in addition Hodge had more than 350 published literature pieces. Hodge was interested in presenting facts and raising problems rather than just dealing with theory.

September 29, marked the end of a great role model of Anthropology. Thirty days short of his ninety-second birthday, Dr. Frederick Hodges passed away.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

TAMAR PAPISMEDOV York University, (Naomi Adelson)

Collier, John.    Photography in Anthropology: A Report on Two Experiments. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59:843-859

The author’s objective is to examine "practical ways in which photography could widen the field of scientific recognition and accelerate the processes of research". This article presents "an application of photographic surveying and… a more or less controlled experiment on the aid of photography in interviewing", to achieve this goal. Photography is generally used for purposes of illustration and does not play a role in actual research. Researchers do not trust a camera to record anything more than a superficial observation. The dynamics of an environment are lost.

The author begins with an application of photographic surveying. During the course of some fieldwork, researchers experienced difficulty in rating and comparing housing units. Each field worker came from a different cultural background and had his/her own standards for housing, which influenced the researcher’s basis of comparison. For this reason, the group decided to use photography to display all the homes up for comparison at once. Thus, the researcher could support his/her findings with ever-present images. The result of this was the coordination in defining a set standard for the group. This experiment proved successful. The following experiment tested the effects of photography in interviewing. This experiment demonstrates how informants become more involved and focused when images are presented. The pictures stir an informant’s memory, and play a role in explaining what the researcher is attempting to understand.

Through his presentation of these experiments, the author achieves his objective in understanding possible ways in which photography could aid in research. "We look upon the use of photographs as an interview aid, rather than an infallible technique".

CLARITY RANKING: 5

Dayle J. Bekier University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg )

Collier Jr., John.    Photography in Anthropology: A Report on Two Experiments. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol.59:843-859.

Photography is a very useful tool in anthropology for analyzing data and comparing viewpoints. Photography can give a visual account on a subject with many sociological opinions. The public does not realize the further benefits that are associated with using a camera in anthropological fieldwork. Anthropologists have generally used pictures solely to support their findings by illustration. Collier sets out to prove that the camera is a useful tool for experiments.

Photography in anthropology is reported by means of two instances: (1) an application of photographic surveying and (2) a more or less controlled experiment on the aid of photography in interviewing. In the first area of analysis, a housing survey was conducted to present the distribution of affluence and poverty in an area. The houses were rated good, average or poor by field personnel based on the size of the house and the conditions of physical substances. When the field workers returned to compare notes, their findings were very inconclusive and widespread because they tended to let their own personal judgments of housing affect their work. The best solution to resolve this problem of human impression was to use photography. The houses then became easier to critically examine based on visible characteristics and accessibility of the photos.

The second area of analysis involved a study of migration of French-Acadians to the English industrial town of Bristol. Four families altogether were interviewed altogether. The Plenn and the Chiasson family were in the first group of comparison. One interview employed photographs whereas the other focused on verbal communication with the last step being a "check" to see if the introduction of photos affected the study. Both families originated from similar occupations and class. The Chiasson family was interrogated verbally. They appeared to become bothered by the notebook that was used to record their comments. In the Plenn family, this did not take place because the photographs were focused on. They removed some of the one-on-one conversation that can be so awkward. The pictures also compelled the Plenn family to stay on track in the line of conversation. On the other hand, the answers of the Chiasson family were very broad. Eventually, the Chiasson family asked to view pictures as well when they heard that the Plenn family had this luxury in their interviews. When this occurred, they seemed more interested in the experiment and open about their feelings. Photos trigger responses that can sometimes be hidden in verbal interviewing.

The second group of families compared, which was the Dumas and Campeau families, basically reiterated the results of the study from the first group. Photos actually sparked an appeal from each family member to participate in the study.

Photographs permitted more precise conclusions based on the following categories: Work, People, Community, Family, Migration, Religion, Pleasure, Ethnic Relations, Interaction and Associations. Graphic images can assist both the interviewer and the people being studied in explaining the topic and obtaining accurate results. Photographs represent reality and stimulate interest that could not otherwise be gained.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LISA ARGENTINI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Crowley, Daniel J.    Plural and Differential Acculturation in Trinidad. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59:817-824

The author’s objective is to "show some of the means by which Trinidadians of diverse origins have managed to adjust to their complex social situation without losing their subcultural identities". The author begins by discussing the dynamics of Trinidad. Many subcultures can be found in Trinidad, such as: "Creoles", the descendants of Indian indentures, "European-African Coloreds", "whites", "Chinee-Creoles", "Dooglas", etc. The author then gives a brief background on these subcultures and the hierarchy they compose. "Although ideally each group mates endogamously, there are many casual sexual contacts between members of different groups which result in children". Thus, some Trinidadians claim to have "six or more racial and national strains in their ancestry" and are proud of it.

The author discusses the similarities between the groups and the role language plays between these groups. Many Trinidadians speak English, as well as languages used in schools, or in that particular region and its borders. However, these groups do not lose their cultural identities. For example, an individual of several different backgrounds will follow the customs of whichever culture is present at that time. "Nearly every Trinidadian is affiliated with at least one organized religion, but he commonly attends services of other denominations". Thus, while there is large amount of interchange between the subcultures of Trinidad, they still retain their identities. "Each member of each group accepts or rejects these alien ways in varying degrees to suit particular needs and situations, which we may call differential acculturation".

The author accomplishes his objective through numerous examples, with attention to detail.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

Dayle J. Bekier University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Cunnison, Ian.    History and Genealogies in a Conquest State.  American Anthropologist February, 1957 Vol. 59 (1): 20-31

The author begins his article discussing the work of Fortes in his first volume on the Tallensi and how he contrasted the historical notions of the Tallensi to those societies who have royal dynasties. Fortes writes that the political and social structure including governing values directly shapes the ideas of time and history amongst a people. The author of this article considers the relationship between history and social structure in a nonsegmentary and heterogeneous society. To do this, the author mainly focuses on genealogy, history, and the concept of time. By history he means simply what is in the past of a society. In this article the author shows that the form of history in a segmentary society is much different than that of a kingship. He demonstrates both types of societies and compares them to one another.

In this article the author uses tribes such as the Shila, Lungu, and the Bwilile to demonstrate his points. The author writes that historically a society is made up of layers of immigration, each bringing its own political, economic, ritual, and other customary relationships. These different aspects are all represented in the history of a people. The author writes that through time multiple groups merge to form one society that is made up of the different social parts due to these immigrations. The author writes that if genealogy supports history, then history will support genealogy. Also, if genealogies do not form a system, also do not form a framework for a history that is the case for some segmentary societies.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

Greg English University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Cunnison, Ian.    History and Genealogies in a Conquest State. American Anthropologist February, 1957 Vol. 59(1):20-31.

In this article Ian Cunnison considers the relationship between history and social structure in a nonsegmentary and heterogeneous society. He emphasizes the genealogical aspects of its social structure when pointing out the comparison with segmentary societies. Cunnison’s discussion is based on a "comparison of the histories and genealogies of the king, Kazembe, and his Lunda overlords, which comprise his subjects."(21) The valley of the Luapula is the home of the Central Bantu groups under the domination of a Lunda group.

Cunnison discusses four main categories of inhabitants whose ancestors migrated to the Luapula Valley. They are listed from the earliest to the latest. The four main categories are Bwilile, Shila, Lunda and immigrant groups. The author discusses the Bwilile and the Shila together because the lineages have historical forms, which correspond to genealogical forms. Which are also of the same kind for both groups.

In the article Cunnison compares three kinds of histories and genealogies. The first two categories are Bwilile and Shila. These categories have four-to seven-generation lineages and are telescoped at the top. Some lineages of the same clan are joined by perpetual kinship links in a way that they seem to be of equal genealogical status. While others are linked to lineages of other clans in the same way. The third category discussed is the immigrants who have genealogies of about the same depth, but telescoping has not taken place. According to the author "they have the same institutions of positional succession and perpetual kinship which order relations both inside and outside the lineages." (29) Later in the article Cunnison mentions segmentary societies. He concludes by stating that a lineage of whatever kind has an internally consistent system with regard to genealogical, historical, and temporal relations.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

DAGMARA ROMASKA York University (Naomi Adelson)

D’Azevedo, Warren, L.    Washo Peyote Songs. American Anthropologist August, 1957 Vol.59(4):615-641.

In their article, "Washo Peyote Songs," Warren D’Azevedo and Alan Merriam discuss the importance of singing within the Washo culture, located in Nevada and California. Before focusing on the singing aspect of the Washo culture, D’Azevedo and Merriam provide some important historic information in regards to this topic. An important factor that D’Azevedo and Merriam examines when presenting the Washo history is the difference between Washo and Peyote community, which is a tribe that is closely connected to the Washo descendants. The rest or the article concentrates on the studies of significance of singing within the Washo community and how it is integrated with the Peyote language.

The concept of Washo music within the article is divided into different sections, making it easier to understand the complexity and broadness of this particular topic. D’Azevedo and Merriam first addresses the importance of the drum and the rattle, which are the only instruments that are used when the Washo community sings a song. The second factor of the Washo music that D’Azevedo and Merriam examines is the type of song this is sung. When explaining the song types D’Azevedo and Merriam notes that the Washo community often uses other tribal Indian languages for their songs. The use of Peyotism language in Washo songs is important to know because the rest of the article often refers to this factor. The rest of the article is used to show the general value of Washo songs it terms of its tone, tempo, style, melody and its structure. By addressing the numerous aspects of Washo music and indicating it’s significant connection with the Peyote culture D’Azevedo and Merriam tires to indicate that most Washo songs are often sung in the Peyote language.

Clarity Ranking: 4

SARAH CEREZO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Devereux, George.    Dream Learning and Individual Ritual Differences in Mohave Shamanism. American Anthropologist. 1957. Vol.59:6, 1036-1045

In this article Devereux uses Freudian psychology to pick apart Mohave Shamans’ claims to having dreamt entire texts of healing song cycles and myths. He strives to prove that in fact, these dreams are pressured by Mohave society, and when dreamed at all, are dreamed in a condensed and allusive form. Devereux’s first step to proving this is latching onto the Mohave model of a "catch phrase" with broad mythical meaning.

There are three ways of interpreting catch-phrases: semantic, meta-semantic, and exegetic—these levels of translation make available a plethora of cultural meanings to a single dreamed catch-phrase. In fact, the very substance of the dreams is learned in waking life and then re-experienced through allusive dreams. This means that any lengthy myth, rife with significance, can be reduced to a catch-phrase, as can be an entire song cycle or dreamt myth. Furthermore, Devereux claims that "Mohave ritual itself provides a model for its simplification and ultimate obsolescence: the menstrual rite is a greatly simplified version of the puberty rite, and therefore provides a living example for stripping the rite down to its essentials." If all rituals are basically the same, then the conflict between shamans arises from "the narcissism of small differences" between competitors. Each shaman overvalues his specific version of the myth (even if it is just a semantic difference that breaks his version from the norm). Finally, Devereux argues that this broad shamanistic pattern is a social solution available to young, potential shamans who experience "type conflicts" related in substance to the unconscious group personality.

The article is interesting in a historiographic context. While it seems a sore misdeed of academia to use "revolutionary" psychology to aim to disprove the foundation of an entire culture, we can now recognize that the content of this article is no longer relevant, and use it instead as a foray into the history of the profession of anthropology.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LENYA BLOOM University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Devereux, George.    Dream Learning and Ritual Differences in Mohave Shamanism. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol.59:1036-1045

In Mohave society, Shamanism is the key religion that is characterized by belief in spirits, myths and dream interpretations. A shaman priest bases substantial emphasis on his own dreams and meanings in comparison with that of other shamans. The overall problem is whether or not knowledge is gained through a dream or whether it is learned before and then refined in a dream.

Devereux sets out to prove that the reason why so many shamans have similar spiritual beliefs is because they are derived from previous knowledge of myth and not because they stem from personal experiences. The actually dreamed material is elaborated through addition of information about myths, songs, and rituals acquired when the person is awake. Songs of students in Mohave culture have greater meaning not only for the shaman, but also for the audience. Two words can convey an extended significance than that which they actually say. This is called the "halo meaning." There are three different translations of these two words – the semantic, the meta-semantic and the exegetic. A basic feature of Mohave supernaturalism is that it is greatly offensive if another shaman offers another version of a myth or song opposing his own, especially during ailment practices. Devereux proposes to show that the reason why there exist multiple versions of the same myth, song or ritual is because they are condensations of the genuine one myth. Curing power is derived from the actual myth rather than the song composed by the shaman containing hints of the myth. A shaman retaliates against an opposing priest with different views by using witchcraft. Psychoanalysts call this the "narcissism of minor differences," which is a tendency to attach great meaning to one’s own version of a myth and challenge others who offer a different point of view.

The Mohave shaman religion is, in truth, a social defense against internal struggles. Shamans use dreams and their meanings in a spiritual sense to reveal their inner conflicts. Knowledge is, in fact, obtained during daily life and not in dreams.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LISA ARGENTINI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Dittman, Allen T. and Moore, Harvey C.     Disturbance in Dreams as Related to Peyotism among the Navaho. American Anthropologist. 1957 Vol. 59:642-649.

In this study, Dittman and Moore study Navaho respondents’ dreams and judged them for signs of disturbance, yet departs from the typical use of dreams in ethnographical research since most other studies used dreams to analyze one, independent subject’s personality. The general hypothesis is that disturbance would be greater among people who adhered to the Peyote cult than those who did not.

The data was collected in three different communities in northern/eastern parts of Navaholand during the summer of 1952. Choice of respondents was restricted by time issues; however, there was a conscious attempt to securely stratify by age, sex, economic condition, clan membership, and religious affiliation. Essentially, interviews were conducted, where the respondents were asked three questions: if they dream, if it’s a bad dream, and if it’s a good dream.

After varied methods of analysis, conclusions were made. First, no relationship was found between age/educational background of the respondents and disturbance in dreams. With respect to health and illness, the peyotists did report a far greater proportion of bad dreams. In the economy category, there were also more disturbing dreams for peyotists than non-peyotists, and in the denial category the reverse was true.

Although this study did yield new findings and discoveries, the authors remark that one of the most important observations is that dreams are still hugely useful as a source of information in social anthropological research.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ALISON SILBER University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Dittmann, Allen T. and Moore, Harvey C.  Disturbance in Dreams as Related to Peyotism among the Navaho.   American Anthropologist 1957.  Vol. 59:642-649.

Dittmann and Moore’s theory about the Peyote Cult used Navaho respondents as a basis for their research.  The Peyote Cult followed Peyotism, a hybrid of Native American and Christian ideas, with its followers believing that eating the peyote cactus caused communication with God. Dream data was not used for ethnographic research; rather, it was used to highlight personal and cultural differences between the Peyote Cult as a Navaho subculture and the Navaho tribe as a whole.  The preliminary hypothesis was that disturbance dreams occur more often with people associated with the Peyote Cult than non-Peyote people.  The definition of disturbance was broken down into major categories such as “good” and “bad” dreams.

David F. Aberla and Moore did the actual field research about the Peyote Cult, studying Navaho peyotism as a whole. The source of the core beliefs came from the Plains Indians.  Factors associated with Navaho Peyotism had to be clarified, as well as discovering covert and overt problems and discovering real and imagined solutions.  Open ended questions formed the interview schedule—“What is a bad/good/do you believe in dreams?”  It had to be elucidated that the interviewer had no inherit bias and believed that dreams were prophetic signs.  Of the fifty-nine responses, only forty-eight were dreams and eleven were denials.  Denial answers were found to be direct and intellectual, without any references to specific dreams or classification of good or bad dreams. Only twelve respondents identified themselves as Peyote Cult members and they were set aside.  Their general status, such as age, sex, and educational level was temporarily discarded.

Results showed that the dreams were mostly about illness and economic trouble.  Economic troubles included loss of money, stock, and hard times and illness dreams were largely about surgery and general well-being. Instances of death and recurring dreams about illness were given twice the amount of weight. Good dreams wee mostly about getting gifts, most coming anonymously, some from white men, good health and happiness.  When statistics about the Peyote Cult members were brought in, there weren’t any relation of dream content to age and educational level. No significant Navaho community differences could be seen, but the mean for disturbance dreams for Peyote Cult members were slightly higher than non-members.  As a whole, most of the dreams (Peyote and Navaho combined) were bad, with a ratio of 4:1.

CLARITY: 4

SUE ANN NELSON    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Dittmann, Allen T. and Moore, Harvey C.   Disturbance in Dreams as Related to Peyotism among the Navaho.   American Anthropologist, 1957.   Volume 59: (642-649). 

In this article, Dittmann and Moore examined the dreams of Navaho Indians and used these dreams to judge whether or not an individual was psychologically disturbed.  This data was then used to determine if disturbance had a higher occurrence among people who were a part of the Peyote Cult, a cult-like religious movement that sees consumption of the peyote cactus as a way of coming closer to God.  As they began research, Dittmann and Moore thought that disturbance would be more common among members of the cult than among non-members.  This is mainly thought because membership in the cult is looked down upon by most Navaho communities, and Dittmann and Moore assumed that this might imply that disturbed individuals would be more likely to join it.

Dittmann and Moore began their study by selecting a diverse group of Navaho and interviewing them.  They asked questions about dreams, as well as other things, and conducted fairly open-ended interviews.  They interviewed 66 people, 59 of whom gave usable answers.  Of these 59, 48 reported their dreams, while 11 denied having them.

Their responses were put on cards, with nothing to identify the respondent’s identity or status, so as not to influence judgments.  They selected three individuals, with varying educational backgrounds, to judge disturbance among the respondents. They used a five point rating scale, and the judges had a reliability rating of .51.  They felt that this was due to the difficulty of judging dreams from another culture.  As a result, they broke the dreams down by content so that rating them would be more simple.

The dreams were broken down into areas of health-illness, economic difficulty, and the supernatural.  The dreams were “weighted” by their content, and the more disturbed a dream was, the higher its weight was.  Three judges worked on this part of the study and their reliability ranged from .73 to .80.  After the judgments had been made, they compared the findings to age and education of the respondents.  They found no relationship between either.  They then compared the findings to the Peyote Cult.  Only 12 of the 59 people they interviewed were members, and they found that although Cult members tended to be slightly more disturbed than non-members, it was hard to differentiate the two.  More non-Peyotists denied their dreams than did Peyote Cult members.

CLARITY: 4

NICOLE MCMILLAN    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Donahue, John D.    An Eta Community in Japan: The Social Persistence of Outcaste Groups American Anthropologist 1957 Vol.59: 1000-1017

Though through the Eta compromise a significant proportion of the Japanese population were "liberated" in 1871, they remain socially subordinated and are considered inherently inferior to the rest of the Japanese. The Eta are distinguished by living in segregated and isolated communities. Donahue gives a brief historical background in which he pinpoints the popularity of Buddhism in 645 A.D. As the trigger for this social phenomenon, Buddhists believed that taking life led to human impurity and thus the guilds whose livelihood depended upon animal slaughter were cast from legitimate society as morally inferior. These people became the Eta class. Donahue’s study is centered in an Eta community near Toyoda in N.E. Japan.

Donahue's first discussion is of attitudes and beliefs of the non-Eta people in Toyoda. He finds that discrimination is propagated by "disgust," "fear," and rumors and legends about the sexuality of both Eta men and women. Following this survey is a description of Shin-Machi, the Eta district, where Eta people live in poverty and poor hygiene. However, Eta have high occupational stability since each household practices the same occupation through generations. Shin-Machi also demonstrates a great deal of community organization and social solidarity through town meetings, drinking sprees, and religious celebrations. Yet there are class separations even in the Eta community from which stem varying degrees of social tension. But Japanese normative systems frown upon migration and thus those born in communities like Shin-Machi, remain. Finally, because of vested interests in the economic success of Shin-Machi, community leaders and upper-class Eta members are further motivated to remain.

This article is very informative and well thought out. It has a good balance of social history and ethnographic analysis. Donahue is also successful in distributing explanation away from simple discriminatory attitudes of non-Eta Japanese and focusing on the Japanese scarcity-economy and other traditional social factors.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

LENYA BLOOM University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Doob, W. Leonard.    The Effect of Language on Verbal Expression and Recall.

American Anthropologist February,1957 Vol. 59 (1): 88-100

The author of this article asks the question, is the opinion of people influenced by the language in which an issue is expressed? The author writes that acculturation people learn culture and values that are recalled in the same language or in a different language. Because of this the author wonders if the memory is affected by the difference in language and does this affect learning or recall. Her goal of her research is to explore the limits of linguistic problems by using carefully selected controls.

To conduct this experiment the author got a large number of informants who were randomly assigned to different groups. The author used three different samples of African students for her study from secondary schools in the East and South of Africa. Each different sample gave twenty statements. These statements were translated into the native language and being translated back into English tested the accuracy of these translations. Half of the statements were in English and the other half in the native language. After the statements were given the children were asked to recall as much of the material given to them as they could and to state which language they remembered it in.

The results of this experiment show that language can have an effect on the psychological processes. More statements were recalled in the native language than in English. This is possibly due to the fact that recalling events are depend on one’s recall of past events which are mostly in the native language. This gives proof that the opinion and recall of a people is effected by the language in which the issue is expressed.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

Greg English University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Doob, Leonard W.    The Effect of Language on Verbal Expression and Recall. American Anthropologist February, 1957 Vol.59 (1): 88-100.

Since English has become widespread and accessible in many parts of the world, it is not uncommon to find the English language being taught in schools to many young children and even adults. Of course with this issue of bilingualism there appears to arise many problems and issues. Bilingualism can impact society in many ways, such as influencing values, beliefs and social interactions amongst different diverse people.

Doob sets out to investigate the contexts in which English and native languages are used and to see if certain opinions are influenced and formed by a specific language. Furthermore, he seeks to answer the question of how and if memory is influenced by a specific exposure and recall language.

He proceeds to investigate these concerns through a number of experiments involving four groups of East and South African students. The experiment involves a series of written and oral tests using both English and native languages to see if students agree with statements written in their native language or with English statements and which of these statements could be remembered.

Doob clearly describes all aspects of his experiment including providing information about his informants, attaching a copy of the statements used and presenting his results in charts based on mean averages. He further discusses certain other factors of both exposure and recall that could have affected the general outcome of results.

Throughout the experiment, Doob makes several important assumptions that may have affected the results of his initial experiments; these include the issue of unclear translations and how certain outside social contexts and events could have caused students to identify more with statements written in their native languages and to deny those statements written in English. In addition, Doob also deduces that information can be accumulated and recalled without being influenced by the language of contact. Finally, he acknowledges that verbal expression of attitude is not always expected to be influenced by a certain exposure language; rather, it is highly varied and unpredictable.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

TRACY OLIVEIRA York University (Naomi Adelson)

Driver, E. Harold and Schuessler, F. Karl.    Factor Analysis of Ethnographic Data. American Anthropologist, 1957 Vol 59:655-662

The main objective of Driver’s and Schuessler’s article is to arrive at an objective classification or typology from square tables(matrices) of correlation coefficients. They demonstrate the advantages of factor analysis over cluster analysis for certain kinds of ethnographic data. In order to do this they must use the same data that Clements and Driver used on northwest California Indian cultures. Clements and Driver were responsible for sketching the history of the application of correlation concepts and coefficients to ethnological data.

Until 1935, numerical correlations were few and far between. With the appearance of high speed electronic calculators over the last ten years (when this article was written), the calculations that would have taken the greater part of a year can now be done within a couple of hours. Problems which were viewed as formidable in the past have now become simple routine.

Cluster analysis and factor analysis attempt to simplify a correlation matrix, but they proceed along different lines. Cluster analysis merely groups the variables in clusters, whereas factor analysis determines how many common factors are needed to account for the correlations between variables. Comparison of the two techniques indicate that factors are normally less numerous than clusters, and therefore more summary in character. They also feel that factor analysis is more objective and that it is a more precise technique that leaves fewer arbitrary decisions to the researcher. Both of them, however, are applicable and useful to apply to any problem of typology to determine such things as the culture areas in a continent.

They also look at the two types of errors that can take place in these types of analysis, which are observational and sampling. The article then examines Q-Technique and R-Technique, which refer to the corellations of individuals with their performances on a series of tests and correlations between various abilities or test results respectively.

Finally, Driver and Schuessler look at the factors among the 16 northwest California tribes. By doing this, they illustrate that factor analysis can become a valuable classificatory tool in all fields of anthropology where large numbers of variables are intercorrelated.

This article is good for people who are interested in Factor analysis of Ethnographic data, but it is very complicated and hard to understand.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

SHANE MATTE York University (Naomi Adelson)

Driver, Harold E. and Schuessler, Karl F.     Factor Analysis of Enthographic Data. American Anthropologist. 1957 Vol. 59:655-664.

The chief purpose of this article is to demonstrate the advantages of factor analysis over cluster analysis, both of which are valid for any problem of typology. Factor analysis is also applicable to the data of comparative linguistics and helps produce sophisticated linguistic typologies which exist today.

This article first analyzes observational errors, and finds the reliability coefficients between the responses of 16 local groups in Northwest California. Sampling errors are discussed, essentially the possibility that the study did not adequately represent a larger totality. Also mentioned are Q-technique, the correlation of individuals with respect to their performances on tests, and R-technique, the correlation of between various abilities. Factor loadings, as displayed in two tables, are additionally analyzed.

After this analysis and analysis of analysis, the article concludes that "we believe that factor analysis can become a valuable classificatory tool in all fields of anthropology where large numbers of variables are intercorrelated."

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ALISON SILBER University of Pennsylvania (Dr. Melvyn Hammarberg)

Driver, E. Harold and Schuessler, F. Karl.   Factor Analysis of Ethnographic Data. American Anthropologist, 1957   Vol. 59: 655-662.

In this article, Driver and Schuessler plan to arrive at an objective classification from square table of correlation coefficients. They also want to explain the differences between factor analysis and cluster analysis, and how factor analysis has more advantages over cluster analysis in some ethnographic data. They use the evidence on the northwest California Indian culture. Up until 1935, numerical correlations and methods to solve problems were so few. As the numbers of variables and correlations increase, the table becomes so big that it could not be solve in a short period of time. Methods in reducing the huge table to small units for easy computation are needed. In the last ten years, calculations are faster and easier with the presence of high speed electronic calculators that problems can be solved in a few hours compared to a part of a year in the past. Complicated problems in the past now become simpler.

Cluster analysis and factor analysis proceed different ways in simplifying a correlation matrix. Cluster analysis groups the variables together in a cluster, and factor analysis determines how many common factors are needed to account for the correlations between variables. Factor analysis is more objective than cluster analysis, and it is more precise in calculations which do not leave researchers with illogical answers. Both cluster and factor analysis can be applied to any problem of typology. Factor analysis can also be applied to other subjects such as to the data of comparative linguistics and to archeological data. Northwest California “tribes” study serves as factors in clarifying their definitions of factor and cluster analysis.

Driver and Schuessler talk about two main kinds of errors that can be seen in factor and cluster analysis: observational and sampling. Observational error is the accuracy of reliability coefficients. Sampling error is the representiveness of data and of correlations arises from them. After observational and sampling errors are the descriptions of Q-technique and R-Technique. R-Technique refers to correlations between different abilities or test results. Q-Technique refers to correlations of individuals performances of a series of tests. The last point this article talks about is factor. The authors use the study of 16 northwest California tribes to describe the variation and classification of the tribes.

In concluding, the authors bring up their belief that factor analysis is a useful tool in classifying large numbers of variables and make them intercorrelated.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

ANH NGUYEN    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Edmunson, Munro S.    Kinship Terms and Kinship Concepts. America Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59 (3): 393-433.

This article presents the results of an examination of kinship terminology in Europe and Southwestern North America. The analysis includes conceptual variations in kinship terms comparatively in relation to cultural diffusion and patterning. It is possible to represent all the varieties of terminologies of close kinship in two areas. The elements of analysis are the numbered persons of kinship, relationships between the persons (generation, mating, and accidentals), and attributes of the persons (age and sex). A kinship set is established as a category of relatives defined by one or more relationships, and a kinship element is a subdivision of the former qualified by person and attribute. A kinship term is a single linguistic form applied to one or more kinship elements.

Additionally, there are two typological constructs: a set-type which the configuration of elements within a set; and a term-type which is the configuration of kinship elements that define a kinship term. These set-types and term-types were compared for similarity between languages for evidence of the concluded structure of terminology and for the existence and impact of this terminological structure. A percentage index was used to show these comparisons among languages. Researchers concluded that kinship systems are subject to change at varying rates and times although they maintain a level of internal consistency.

Upon conclusion of the external relationships among languages using the established terminological system, the internal structure was examined. The existing typology only included a part of the symmetry of the arrangement of terms, so it was suggested to use a system that incorporated general concepts shared by related languages. All of the European languages and the majority of the Southwestern languages were found to display conceptual symmetries. The concepts of kinship found in the areas studied are as follows: lineal in western Europe and Tiwa; tri-generational in northwestern Europe; five-generational in southern and eastern Europe; concentric in Yuman, Piman, and Apachean; relative in Tiwa; and sex of reference in Germanic areas.

The description of conceptual regularities in kinship systems may clarify some of the confusion in this field of study. This study used wide geographic areas as the basic unit for analysis. It explained the anomalies of the kinship classification system and stressed the crucial need for accuracy of reporting the kinship field.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

ERICA STONE University of Pennsylvania (Melvyn Hammarberg)

Edmonson, Munro S.    Kinship Terms and Kinship Concepts. American Anthropologist 1957 Vol. 59: 393-415.

This article focuses on the use of Kinship terms and concepts amongst different cultures and geographical areas. It does not focus solely on one segment of time or one location, but instead makes the attempt of tying together multiple terms and concepts and looking at their uses. Numerous diagrams, including an entire appendix, are provided to aid the reader in following the discussion of kinship terms and concepts. Examples of a number of historical cultures that many people want to study in modern times, such as the Romans, etc., are included. The primary area of examination is Europe and the American Southwest, comprising a total of 31 European and 35 American systems.

They proceed by defining the situation and terms and then moving on into analysis of terms and situations. They then explain how to use the kinship system to focus attention and understanding on certain essential characteristics, notably numbers of kin terms in a given culture and how they are used. A hypothesis of constant rate of change is used to provide some context to the actual usage of terms and concepts and their survivability into the modern era. Also, this article examines other hypotheses such as the independence of sets, universal patterning, and typological consistency. Finally, the article uses the information and tools it imparts to analyze the kinship terms and concepts of a large group, the European and Americans. This analysis provides an interesting insight into the nature of kinship in the modern counterparts of these regions.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

JAMES STREET York University (Naomi Adelson)

Firth, Raymond.     Siegfried Frederick Nadel. American Anthropologist. 1957 59; 117-122

This article is an obituary of the late Siegfried F. Nadel. The article examines his life achievements and illustrates the great influence his work had on the discipline of anthropology. Nadel was born in Vienna, where he later wed his wife Elizabeth and proceeded to study musicology. In addition to music, Nadel saw an interest in philosophy and psychology from where he graduated as Dr. Philosophy in November of 1925. In 1930, Nadel published a book on musical typology. He joined the team of two other students with the aim of studying the musicology of primitive peoples at the Phonogrammarchiv in Berlin. During the same time Nadel began the study of African languages at the University of Berlin.

The Rockefeller Fellowship, which enabled Nadel to have post graduate training in anthropological field research in Africa, was awarded to him in 1932. Nadel studied at the London School of Economics under the guidance of Malinowski, and was labeled as one of the Mandarins, those that brought experience as well as intellectual animation to the seminars. Nadel began his fieldwork in Nigeria in 1933 and received his Ph. D in anthropology from the London School of Economics. Nadel enlisted in the Sudan Defense Force in 1941 and later during that same year transferred to the British army were he was positioned as the Secretary of Native Affairs as well as the Deputy Chief Secretary, Nadel held these positions till his release from the army in 1944.

The first chair of anthropology at the University of Australia was appointed to Nadel in 1950. Nadel was found throughout the world lecturing his experiences of war and his field research done in Nigeria and Sudan. Nadel hoped to examine the foundations that brought about the knowledge that we had of all societies. Nadel had stated that anthropologist needed to leave their own surroundings and study more in depth the areas that were outside of their surroundings.

Nadel died in 1956 in the midst of developing an innovative theoretical perspective for the field.  His work is still much respected - decades later.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

TAMAR PAPISMEDOV York University (Naomi Adelson)

Fischer, J. L.    Totemism on Truk and Ponape. American Anthropologist April, 1957 Vol. 59 (2):250-265.

In this article, Fischer addresses the differences that exist between two genetically related high island cultures, Truk and Ponape. These two cultures, separated by nearly 400 miles of open sea, are similar in that they both have customs and beliefs about animals, known as totemic. However, while the Ponape culture exhibits classical sib or clan totemism, the Truk culture exhibits something more of an individual totemism. Both cultures have exogamous matrilineal sibs, yet there exist significant differences between the totemism among the two cultures. Truk totemism is connected with curing, while the connection of animals with medicine and disease is generally weak on Ponape.

Fischer examines the cultural basis of these differences. First, sib totemism prevalent on Ponape is probably due intense conflicts of individual and lineage duties and privileges. Also noteworthy is the relatively strong conflict concerning maternal dependence in childhood on the Ponape. On the Truk, medicinal totemic emphasis is compatible with intense conflicts of interest between older and younger generations. While these types of conflicts may not be unique to only one culture, the emphasis or intensity of the conflict in one culture is most likely the primary factor explaining the differences in totemic practices.

Fischer ends the article by emphasizing the need to look beyond cultures with exogamous sibs or with intense childhood conflict over parental dependence for classical sib totemism. Instead, factors intensifying the conflict for members of the society between their interests as individuals and their inter