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© Center for a Public Anthropology,
Robert Borofsky (2001)
All Rights Reserved

American Anthropologist
1956

Adams, Richard N.   Cultural Components of Central America. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58 (5): 881-907.

Adams is attempting to provide a "…systematic identification and classification of Central American peoples and culture" and in doing so hoped to contribute to the general knowledge of populations of the world. This article is not so much an article, but an essay detailing the various cultures and class systems as they pertain to the various regions of Central America. Adams looked for the similarities and differences between the population in question and found that the cultures of the regions often dictated class and often occupation, if any.

Adams used previous writings about the myriad peoples of the regions studied and has included and extensive bibliographies and also provided a few monographs. Adams also proposes a new system of classification of the population components of Central America. To this end, he takes into account the geography and history of the regions as well as the contemporary culture of the peoples in those regions. Adams goes into great detail in describing these disparate groups and is critical of his predecessors for not be as meticulous.

His main criticisms are that his predecessors’ system of classification does not include all of the population components present. Also that the "…Murdock and Wagley and Harris systems suffer from the lack of comparability of categories." The third criticism Adams has is that each of the previous classifications is based on different criteria and only one, Gillins’, is clear due to its generality. Overall Adams concludes in this respect that the data collected is insufficient because it was not collected for the purposes of classification but for other purposes.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

CRIS CORCORAN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Adams, Richard N.    Cultural Components of Central America. American Anthropologist October, 1956 Vol. 58(5): 881-907.

Adams aim is twofold; first he provides a descriptive sketch on the distinct and numerous cultural traditions that exist in Central America, and consequently he provides an outline in which other archaeologists and anthropologists should follow when attempting to identify and classify a site or cultural region. He is therefore concerned with the issue in improving methodology when it comes to classification and identification in anthropology.

He attempts to prove this by first outlining his new method, then using it to describe cultural components that exist in Central America and finally by comparing it with previous works done on the issue.

Classification, according to Adams, must take into account numerous recognition’s that include distinct historical traditions, processes of assimilation, existence of cultural differences, and existence of differences and similarities in social and economic relationships.

He does this by first trying to decipher and define certain concepts and ideas found when dealing with classification of a specific area; these include population components, regional variants, cultural components, cultural traditions as well as regional traditions.

Adams makes clear the notion that when classifying characteristics into population components, cultural components, or cultural tradition it is important to realize that these notions are always open to change and variations.

Using his theory on classification he then uses it to organize the cultural components that exist in Central America. His primary concern is with the culture components that appear in culture traditions; these include characteristics of geography, history and contemporary culture. His work is very detailed and well structured because of his use of maps and charts and provides informative information on Central American cultures and a general classification of all cultures found in within that area.

By furthering to prove his method of classification he then attempts to compare his work with other studies and points out specific problems that the others had. He concludes that the other studies lacked the notion of population component and did not presume the notion of culture variability, variation or difference within areas.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

TRACY OLIVEIRA York University (Naomi Adelson)

Albert, Ethel M.    The Classification of Values: A Method and Illustration. American Anthropologist 1956, Vol. (58)2: 221-245.

This lengthy article outlines the classification of values, using Ramah Navaho Society as an example. Ethel Albert first explains the theory and method of classification. Albert outlines the categories for describing a value system and cultural world-view, which are as follows: metaphysics, logic and epistemology, psychology, and the value system.

Albert systematically goes through each of these categories with explanations and examples within the Ramah Navaho. Albert explains that for the Ramah, their metaphysical concepts explain that the universe is very interconnected, and is full of dangers for the heedless, but is also full of opportunities. The author notes that Ramah logic states that ideas must be demonstrated physically within the world. For the Ramah, speculative ideas without a demonstrable connection in the world do not exist. She also elucidates that Ramah epistemology, the theory of knowledge, states that unless experienced first-hand, an event is merely a hypothesis. Basic human nature, in accordance to Ramah psychology, states that humans are a combination of good and bad.

Within the value system, Albert notes that there are several subcategories. The categories for the classification of cultural values within the value system are: value premises, focal value, directives, character, and valued and disvalued entities. For the Navaho, the value system is composed of realism and ‘practical ideas’. Their society is focused towards this world instead of the next one. The focal values of the Ramah, explains Albert, are based mostly on "family, knowledge, health, possessions, and enjoyment of life" (p. 235). The Navaho have a general model as to what a prime character would be. Albert outlines this character as a "knowledgeable, well-spoken, agreeable, industrious, responsible person", with an attractive appearance (p. 238). There is a myriad of other valued and disvalued personal characteristics that fit into one or more of these a fore mentioned characterizations. As for valued and disvalued entities, Albert explains that these may take the form of material goods, such as clothing, jewelry, and automobiles, skills, including technological skills and ceremonial skills, or non-material goods, like songs, rituals, and wisdom.

Albert’s article is very informative and highly fascinating. However, as a professor at Harvard University, Albert’s language is highly sophisticated. Some passages may need to be read several times before the meaning is grasped. Once the language barrier is crossed, nevertheless, the article makes some very good points.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ERIN QUINN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie).

Albert, Ethel. The Classification of Values: A Method and Illustration. American Anthropologist, 1956 Vol. 58: 221-248

Albert presents one method of reconstructing the cultural value system of the Ramah Navaho group through classifying values according to their level of generality. Combination studies, which brought together concepts and methods of contemporary philosophy and anthropological data for clarification of scientific and philosophical issues, were used to invoke knowledge of cultural value systems. The scheme presented for classifying was constructed to organize data relevant of the values of five cultures in the American Southwest (Navaho, Zuni, Spanish American, Texan and Mormon) and was collected over a period of five years. The author tapped into philosophical and behavioral science sources for methods, concepts and terminology. The definition of value that was used in the article was derived from Kluckhohn (1951:395, 403-409): in which values, positive and negative, are elements in the effective definition on the situation of action that designate desirable and undesirable modes, means and ends of action. Much attention was given to discourse containing value terms.

The conceptual framework and terminology of ancient Greece was useful in dealing with the philosophies and values of the Navahos and Zunis.  The categories proposed for describing a cultural world-view and value system were metaphysics, logic and epistemology, psychology and the value system. The category that was proposed for the classification of cultural values as elements of a value sys are value premises; focal view; directives; character; and values and disvalues entities. The categories are in descending order of generality, with directives and character at the same level. He concludes by clarifying that the research presents one method for reconstructing a cultural value system through classifying values according to their level of generality. Much evidence led to the belief that the way of the Old People still remains in large part the model by which behavior is governed and the way the good life is defined.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

AMBER IQBAL    Barnard College, Columbia University  (Paige West)

Albert, Ethel M.   The Classification of Values: A Method and Illustration.   American Anthropologist, 1956.   Vol 58: 221-244

Albert’s article touches on the philosophical and scientific discourse of cultural value systems, with particular focus on the Ramah Navahos.  She attempts to delineate the theory and method of classification of the value system, as well as the philosophical context of the value system of the Ramah Navahos, and explores the possibility of using this discourse for further studies on value systems.

Albert draws on a classification scheme that was formulated to consolidate data on values of five cultures in the American Southwest which includes the Navaho, Texan and Mormon cultures.  She first sets out to define “values” as elements that can “designate desirable and undesirable modes, means and ends of actions”, and concedes that such classification of values may be subject to change with changing culture and perceptions.  Albert notes that while the individual may not subscribe to the prevalent culture value, there is a societal consensus on the value system.  She describes the following categories used in describing various values in a value system: a) the Metaphysical values, b) the Logical and Epistemological values, and 3) the Psychological values. 

Albert provides a schema for the structure of a value system.  This schema is made up of discrete categories in which the cultural values can be organized.  The structure comprises the value premise (or rationale of a value system), which give rise to focal values (core values), that in turn promulgate directives to instruct and character traits to describe what is or is not valuable.

The article then proceeds to classify the Ramah Navaho system in terms of the aforementioned classification and schema, in particular focusing on the Navaho’s emphasis on temperance and moderation.  Albert provides a list of characteristics that are either valued or disvalued in Ramah Navaho culture, and elaborates on specific aspects of the culture in terms of their value premise, focal values, directives and character traits.  She then concludes her article with the note that the study of values is essential to cross-cultural and comparative studies.

CLARITY: 3

DARREN ZHOU    Columbia College  (Paige West)

Apple, Dorrian.    The Social Structure of Grandparenthood. American Anthropologist 1956(58) Vol.4:6:656.

Dr. Apple analyses the relationship that grandparents and grandchildren share in different societies with specific patterns of authority in the family. She is expanding on the work done by Nadel (1951: 234-236) on the relationship between grandfather and grandson in ten Nuba tribes. In this paper, there are two hypotheses. The first deals with a grandparental generation maintaining a sense of authority over the parental generation after grandchildren are born. Apple suggests that this would result in a non-friendly relationship between grandparents and grandchildren. She states the opposite would be true if there was no authority held over the parental generation when grandchildren were born. The second hypothesis deals with the difference in authority between paternal and maternal grandparents over the parental generation. The grandparents that don’t share a friendly relationship with the grandchildren will be those related to them through the side of the family with more household authority. She proves these hypotheses by using ethnological fieldwork on 75 societies, 54 of which are in the Yale Human Relations Area Files and/or gathered by Murdock (1949). For the first hypothesis, Apple evaluates each society and places it in one of the four constructed groups. Either Grandparental authority over parents is present or absent, and either a friendly equality between grandparent and grandchildren is present or absent. For the second hypothesis, some of the societies are removed from the total on behalf of overrepresentation of societies being too similar. Apple removes certain societies if they have had independent existence for less then six generations or if they did not have self-definition as a separate people. With the remaining societies, she groups them according to where the household authority is found, either mother’s side or father’s side, and also if the household demonstrates less friendly equality with the paternal grandparents or maternal grandparents.

Dr. Apple points out a bias with her research, in that the case studies are not representational of all societies. She realizes that such continents like Africa are over represented in her samples and that South America is under represented. However, she states that one can make generalizations "only on plausibility, not probability". To deal with this issue, she conducted a statistical analysis of each tested area to demonstrate that no single area significantly effected the data pool. Throughout the paper, the data is visually displayed in easy to follow tables which facilitate the reader’s comprehension of the sometimes confusing subject matter. Key terms are also defined, and the groups used are defined according to what is considered to be a grandparental generation. Many other works are cited in this paper, such as work done by A.R. Radcliffe-Brown and S.F. Nadel, who share different anthropological backgrounds. This demonstrates that other fields of study were influential or important to the subject matter being dealt with in this paper. It shows that it is a complex and significant anthropological study.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

MARK BELL University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Apple, Dorrian  The Social Structure of Grandparenthood, American Anthropologist, 1956, Vol. 4 (6): 656-663

The article begins by responding to what Apple views as an unfounded generalisation by Radcliffe-Brown on the relationship between grandparents and grandchildren. Radcliffe-Brown had suggested that “friendly equality” between grandparents and grandchildren was a response to tensions between parents and children. Apple prefers Nadel’s belief that this “friendly equality” is related to “patterns of authority” within the family but wishes to take this idea further. Apple complicates this discussion by looking not only at cases where grandchildren and grandparents are on good terms but also at cases in which grandchildren have closer relationships with one set of grandparents.

Apple sets out to prove two hypotheses, the first looks at societies in which grandchildren have the same degree of closeness to both sets of grandparents. It suggests that the degree of closeness or informality relies on the level of authority the grandparents play with in the family and the society as a whole. The second hypothesis suggests that in relationships in which the grandchild is closer to one set of grandparents the grandparents will hold different degrees of responsibility. To prove these hypotheses, data collected form societies throughout the world was divided into categories and then tabulated. In this way both these hypotheses were proven to be correct. Apple then created a third hypothesis based on these findings. This hypothesis suggests that the degree of formality in the relationship between grandchild and grandparent is influenced by the degree of authority the grandparents hold in the family. This hypothesis was also tabulated and proven correct.

The processes and findings in this article are presented in a strictly scientific manner, relying on numeric comparisons to draw its conclusions. Apple clearly states which societies were included in this study in the tables provided. He also explains how the data collected was then divided into categories, defining each of these categories in detail. In fact more space seems to be given to explaining how the conclusions were reached than exploring what these conclusions were.

CLARITY: 3

ALICE KENTRIDGE    Columbia College  (Paige West) 

Arieti, Silvano.   Some Basic Problems Common to Anthropology and Modern Psychiatry.  American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(1):26-39.

Arieti declares that anthropology and modern psychiatry share three main problems, the first of which focuses on the real or assumed existence of paleologic thought.  Inferior to our normal way of thinking (Aristotelian), paleologic (primitive) thinking, which is a different kind of thinking, easily causes erroneous conclusions to be formed.  A normal person who thinks in an Aristotelian manner “accepts identity only upon the basis of identical subjects,” whereas primitive thinkers “accept identity based upon identical predicates.”  Thus, similarity leads to identification.  Furthermore, a part is usually identified with the whole; for instance, a room (a) that is part of a certain house (a+b+c) is identified with that house (a = a+b+c). 

Paleologic thinking appears in nature under several conditions, the two most controversial of which are stated below.  It existed as the form of thinking in pre-sapiens.  Currently people think paleologically when in certain situations as a result of culture, not biological forces; as individuals they retain the capacity to think in an Aristotelian manner.  Some native cultures demonstrate paleologic thinking to such a great extent that anthropologists claim that they are primitives and inferior.  However, Arieti illustrates that the primordial human passes through a paleologic stage during the process of becoming hominized and evolving into a Homo sapien.  The individual progresses faster than the culture, and some cultures may be slower to lose paleologic thinking than others.

A second common problem involves the method of studying culture and personality.  The scientific method strives to determine the laws that govern a culture, whereas the historical approach examines the sequence of events in the culture.  The former is the method used by psychiatrists and the latter by anthropologists.  After numerous failed attempts by psychiatrists to strictly follow the scientific method, Freud began the historical method in psychiatry.  It examines the process of development as well as the environment that the individual is exposed to.  Realizing that psychiatry is both a study of the history of the individual and a scientific examination of the world that the individual is exposed to, thus both history and science, Arieti stresses the use of both methods for a full understanding of culture or personality; Kroeber advocated that anthropology is both history and science, and it is from him that Arieti forms his idea.

A third issue that continues to be debated is the origin of personality and culture.  The main principle of the Freudian approaches is that personality and culture are mainly formed by the instinctual needs of man.  The “sociopsychological approach” considers man to be mainly the product of his environment or culture.  There are two main contacts between the individual and culture.  The first requires the use of certain biological equipment to understand the environment and to satisfy needs, and is psychological.  During the second contact the individual obtains things from culture that enables him to be different from infrahuman animals.  Individual and culture coexist and are mutually dependent; they belong to a dynamic process in which the individual contributes to culture and vice versa.  At some point in history, before which only the individual existed, a mutation occurred in some primates so that the formation of culture was possible.  The potentiality eventually became a reality, and both individual and culture progressively grow and become enriched.

CLARITY:  4

CORINNE VANBEEK    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Barth, Fredrik.   Ecologic Relationships of Ethnic Groups in Swat, North Pakistan. American Anthropologist 1956   Vol. 58 (1):1079-1089

In this article, Fredrik Barth discusses three of the ethnic groups found in the Swat region of Pakistan: the Kohistanis, the Pathans, and the Gujars and describe their respective niches. He states he will use an ecologic approach to the development of each group’s niche. Barth, therefore, includes a lot of description of the land itself in this region. He describes each group’s livelihood—how each group uses the land they live on in this mountainous area surrounded by two large rivers. Included in this article is a page with a map of the Swat region on it to show where each group lives or the paths along which they seasonally migrate. Barth focuses mainly on the Gujars in his discussion in this group, arguing that their role as herders and fieldworkers allows them to inhabit more of the land in this region than can either one of the other groups. However, the Gujars are militarily weaker than the Pathans and Kohistanis and are therefore unable to displace them from the land. Barth looks at the way these three groups complement one another ecologically as a method of explaining how they can coexist relatively peacefully in the same area. He tried to link this explanation or contrast it with the different ethnic groups among the Native Americans and how they got along. This link got somewhat obscured, though, by all the information he provided about the landscape and the subsistence of the ethnic groups in Pakistan and the omission of sufficient similar information about Native Americans. Barth’s article provided many facts about the ethnic groups of the Swat region of Pakistan, but seemed to aspire to another goal apart from simply the transmission of this information.

CLARITY: 3

SARA LUDUEÑA    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Bruner, Edward M.    Primary Group Experience and the Process of Acculturation. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58 (43): 605- 623

Bruner wrote this article in order to help identify the factors involved in acculturation. His focus was on the residents of the village of Lone Hill in the United States. This was a group of Native American’s of mixed tribal backgrounds. This particular village was used because it was highly isolated and self- sufficient for its time. He defined acculturated families as those that no longer regularly attended the traditional dances and participated in the donation ceremonies there. By this criteria fourteen of the families in the village were acculturated and not regularly attending the traditional ceremonies, and thirty-four families were unacculturated and regularly attending the ceremonies. Bruner hypothesized that an important factor in the rate of acculturation was whether or not these families were descended from a white parent, grandparent, or great- grandparent. Furthermore, this white relative had to stay and take an active role in his/her native family. Therefore, a biological parent who left and had no involvement in raising the children would not count. Bruner argued that this was important because the isolation of Lone Hill meant that most of its residents had no meaningful interactions with white people. This fact would be changed by the presence of a white family member.

Bruner tested this hypothesis by tracing the ancestry of each of the forty-eight nuclear families in Lone Hill. He discovered that, of the fourteen families that he had defined as acculturated, every one of them had a white family member within the last four generations. Of the thirty-four unnacculturated families, only three had recent white ancestors. His hypothesis was further supported by the fact that one family had a white ancestor who left without participating in their family life and that family remains unacculturated.

Bruner’s writing style is quite clear. He also includes in his article information on the values and perceptions of the acculturated versus unacculturated families and further explanation of the role of isolation and language in all of their lives.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

KATHERINE ANDERSEN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Bruner, Edward M.    Primary Group Experience and the Process of Acculturation 1956 Vol.58: 605-623.

The following article explains and describes the degree of acculturation among the Mandan-Hidasta village of Lone Hill. As well, the author sets out to prove the process by which acculturation takes place among the Indian’s of Mandan-Hidasta village, thereby analyzing the broader social context in which acculturation occurs.

Bruner looks at the history of the Indian people living in the Lone Hill region prior to the arrival of the missionaries and white people and after contact. He writes, "Viewed historically, contemporary Indian culture is mixed"(Pg. 606). By this he suggests that certain Indian ways of life have not stayed in isolation and thus, they have changed as a result of "changing conditions of life." Thereby, Bruner’s conclusions are drawn from the study and comparison of group differences present among the village people. He categorizes the village people based on the extent of acculturation observed in their way of life. Burner’s studies suggest that of forty-eight nuclear families present in Mandan-Hidasta village, thirty-one of those families that have not had a white model in their household are "unacculturated". As well, another three families with white models present are, "unacculturated". Meanwhile, the other seven families that have had a white model figure are in between or "marginal", and another seven with white model present in the household have been acculturated. The acculturated families will not attend Indian ceremonial dances and reject traditional Indian ways, customs, and behaviours. These forms of rejection have been brought forth as a result of the process of acculturation.

Bruner, writes that an individual becomes acculturated, as a result of the presence of a white model through intermarriages and through the attempts of the parents to train their children to adapt to white or American cultural ways. These are evident in the linguistic, religious and social patterns of the acculturated nuclear families. Thus, acculturation in the Lone Hill will continue to be dependent upon social learning in small family groups.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

AZADEH ZARE-MOAYEDI York University, (Naomi Adelson)

Cammann, Schuyler.    Exhibit of the Month. American Anthropologist. 1956. 3(58): 540-543.

This article was written about a unique concept of how to display objects in a museum. Specifically, it goes into detail of how Cammann replaced the idea of emphasizing the object and focused on the idea(s) in which the object represented. Cammann wrote this article while she held her position at the university museum in Philadelphia. The museum was faced with decreasing viewers while it was partially closed. Even though many museums have had ‘exhibits of the month’, Cammann introduced the concept of focusing on the idea behind the object. In his exhibits, Cammann would place one, or a few objects that were related, together and compare and contrast them to present day objects. By doing this, viewers would learn interesting facts about other civilizations and how they worked. He gave many examples of what types of displays were done by the University Museum in Philadelphia. These included exhibits on walrus ivory, jade, animal and bird products, horns, feathers, cards, chess and knives to name a few. Cammann not only found that these presentations increased the number of viewers but they also demonstrated other cultures and new ways of using old and/or familiar objects. These exhibits helped introduce cultures that were not normally displayed in the main showcases therefore diversifying the museum. To create some of these exhibits private collectors would come forward and lend never before seen objects. By creating this unique way to display the objects Cammann found that people had a new and better understanding of other cultures. This article was well constructed making it easy to read.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

JODY WERT University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Cammann. Schuyler.    Exhibit of the Month. American Anthropologist. 1956 Vol.22: 540-543

The article entitled "Exhibit of the Month" describes the ways in which a museum in Philadelphia was able to gather many patrons despite the fact that the museum was undergoing renovations. A showcase titled "Exhibit of the Month" was created to attract people. The goal of the exhibit was to teach old and new audiences, and to add something new and fresh into the mix. The article describes in detail the methods of implementation of this exhibit. It involved placing a desk in the front foyer of the museum and arranging many objects on the desk all signifying a common theme. Labels were used on the artifacts in such a way that it forced visitors to really think about the exhibit and get the most out of it.

The author goes on to describe the few exhibits that were extremely popular. One exhibit involved different displays of walrus ivory. Artifacts included "Chinese chopsticks, Persian and Indian dagger hilts, and a Hawaiian necklace-hook" (540). Another exhibit that proved to be popular was about "Jade around the world" (541). This exhibit was so popular that it lasted for three months instead of just one. Although the exhibit functioned to promote various cultural artifacts, it also served to introduce new cultures not previously present in the museum. A particular exhibit that aroused much interest was about different types of knives around the world. The author adds that it "aroused such public interest that it inspired us to arrange a much larger weapon show which filled an entire gallery" (541). Not only did the museum garner many visitor, it also gained attention from the media. A nightly news program had a few segments about the exhibits in the museum. In addition, the ideas generated by the exhibits were used in other areas around the city. One of the downtown banks borrowed some objects and created a display of it’s own. Further, information about the exhibits were written about in such magazines as "Bulletin" and Nature Magazine" (543). The article concludes with the author describing how good it felt to have created the displays despite the hard work and time it took up. He states that they felt to much satisfaction from knowing that their exhibit-helped people gain a new understanding of different people around the world.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

LAURA DOBROVICKIY York University (Naomi Adelson)

Carlyle May, L.    A survey of Glossolalia and Related Phenomena in Non-Christian Religions. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58: 75-96

The focus of this paper is Glossolalia, which is a form of speech phenomena also known as the tradition of speaking-in-tongues. Glossolalia and similar speech-phenomena occur in various forms during shamanistic rites of the New and Old World. Since the author believes that speaking-in-tongues may have its roots in the ancient religions of Asia Minor, other cultures are compared to Christian glossolalia.

To make the definition of glossolalia a little clearer, many specific examples, especially from Eastern and African cultures, are provided with general timeframes. People may speak a different language that they don’t even know, when put into some sort of spiritual trance or in a state of emotional ecstasy. There are different symptoms such as hypnotism, hysteria, and nervous instability.

The author discusses religious and non-religious examples and compares it to the Christian religion and discusses a variety of hypotheses. According to Lomard, it may also be in a form of infantile linguistic pattern, where there seems to be a need for vocalization but without the need to convey meaning. According to Cutten, a person is in an emotional state where the controlling part of the mind is not functioning and the subconscious comes to the surface.

Lombard recognizes four main types of glossolalia. The first is phonations furstes, which is characterized by incomprehensible sounds like groaning. The second is pseudo-language. Sounds can be recognized as fragments of words. The third is when words may contain particles of foreign phonemes and this is called verbal fabrication. Xenoglossie or speaking a foreign language is the fourth kind. In most cases the person has had previous contact with the language although they cannot speak it when in a conscious state.

It is widely believed that it may be the language of the spirits or is a sacerdotal language. Examples are extracted from Indonesians, Alaskan, Haitian, African, and Oriental experiences. The author therefore shows that the phenomena of glossolalia is widespread and very ancient.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

RAGHBIR SINGH York University (Naomi Adelson)

Carlyle May, L. A survey of Glossolalia and Related Phenomena in Non-Christian Religions. American Anthropologist May,1956 Vol.58: 75-96

May’s focus is on glossolalia the practice of speaking in tongues. May asks; Where did speaking in unknown languages originate and does it have Christian roots? Some examples of glossolalia throughout history were brought up within the article.

May discusses the studies of Lombard, Cutten, Moisman and a few other anthropologists. He suggests glossolalists speak in tongues while being in high emotional states (Pg 76). According to Cutten, the person participating in glossolalia is in an emotional state where the controlling part of their mind is not functioning, meaning they are using their subconscious. Moisman states that glossolalia occurs when "speech organs come under temporarily control of the reflex centers" (pg77).  Lombard states that speaking in tongues is a "form of regression"(pg77).

According to May, Lombard organized glossolalia into four types. Unrecognizable sounds such as mumbling, fragments of words, native and foreign phonemes, and speaking foreign tongues .

May continues by discussing two different types of language used speaking in tongues. The first is called the "Language of the Spirits". An example is when the Hudson Bay Eskimos speak from the trickling water, rushing wind or roar of a bear. In this language the ‘shaman’ becomes the person who the spirits speak through. The second is "the Language of Animals", which is when the ‘shaman’ is transformed into an animal by making the same sounds as the animal. This allows the shaman to travel the world and be a spirit, or non human being.

May  gives many examples of tribes that have experienced differant types of glossolalia within their culture, including tribes all around America, Africa and Asia.

May concludes that glossolalia is widespread.  May lists some areas of the world where glossolalia might have occurred and even where it might have begun.

CLARITY: 5  

KATHERINE A ASELAGE University of San Diego (Denise Couch)

Caudill, William and George De Vos.    Achievement, Culture and Personality: The Case of the Japanese American. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.56(6):1102-1125.

As the title suggests this article discusses the influence of culture on achievement and even personality. Caudill and De Vos focus specifically on Japanese Americans living in the Chicago area and the compatibility of their value systems with those of the American middle class. It is argued that due to an increased desire to achieve and a generally higher level of education it was possible, regardless of racial visibility, for Japanese Americans to acquire white collar and skilled labour jobs post war. Discussed throughout the article are the Issei – Japanese immigrants of America in the early part of the century; and Nisei – American born children of the Issei; these groups are compared with each other as well as with lower and middle class non-Japanese Americans. Many examples and charts are provided comparing these 4 groups. Explanations of analysis in both achievement and personality are also provided. Although some of the analytical techniques that were employed in this study are outdated, such as the IQ test, there is detailed and extensive support for the arguments made by Caudill and De Vos.

The authors argued that the personality of a Japanese American possessed a greater desire to achieve than did a non-Japanese American. The data presented in the article supports this thesis, however the argument would be more convincing if all classes of non-Japanese Americans were used in contrast with Japanese Americans, rather than only the upper-lower and lower-middle class. Perhaps if more inclusive ratios were considered the authors’ conclusions would have been altered or less definitive than is presented in this work.

Caudill and De Vos provide an interesting and intelligible read, despite the length. Scholarly journals and their views of Japanese Americans at the time are discussed throughout. Those concerned with post war treatment of Japanese Americans would find this article fulfilling. The many examples, descriptions and comparison charts encourage a coherent argument while holding the reader’s attention.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ELIZABETH OLSON-GLOVER University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Caudill, William and De Vos, George.  Achievement, Culture and Personality: The Case of the Japanese American. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.56(6):1102-1125.

This article explores the cultural and personal differences between Japanese Americans in Chicago and their American counterparts for an explanation in their differing levels of success.  Caudill and De Vos begin with the premise that a lot of literature regarding achievement bases assumptions on very quantitative analysis, such as the IQ test.  Though these tests can help in explaining the success of different individuals, Caudill and De Vos argue that it does not take into account other relevant factors in personality that exist between individuals.  As their example they use Japanese Americans, specifically Japanese born immigrants and their American born children, to show how average intellect can translate into above average achievement.  The author’s use analytic data to show that Japanese American are more favorably viewed than their American peers, and have a much higher level of success than would be expected from their IQ scores alone.

Caudill and De Vos focus specifically on a group of Japanese Americans living in Chicago after Word War II.  They begin the analysis by presenting data comparing the education levels of first generation Japanese, their children, and American’s from Chicago in the lower-middle and upper-lower classes.  The educational data suggests that the Japanese had a much greater level of ambition, having a higher percentage of their population graduate from high school and college, when compared to Americans in the Chicago area.  This higher education relates directly to the higher level of employment the Japanese were able to secure.  Here the author’s show how the first generation Japanese who migrated from Japan held mostly semi-skilled occupations, but within only one generation they were able to elevate themselves and secure jobs as white-collar workers.

Despite having similar opportunities and intelligence, the Japanese were able to excel in their new environment, when compared to Americans in the same area.  The reasons for this, Caudill and De Vos explain, are the different expectations and motivational levels that exist amongst the Japanese.  To show this, they performed Thematic Apperception Tests and Rorschach’s to evaluate the personality dynamics that most relate to achievement.  They concluded the Japanese were more self-motivated, had a more positive view of situations they were confronted with, and a desire to improve themselves.  It was these factors, and not IQ, that ultimately contributed to their success.

CLARITY: 5

NICHOLAS MAISANO    Columbia University  (Paige West)

Codere, Helen.    The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch and the Play Potlatch. American Anthropologist, 1956 Vol 58(2):334-351.

Codere re-examines previous studies of the Kwakiutl, a group of people from the North West Coast of British Columbia, done by Ruth Benedict and Franz Boas. Her main objective is to show aspects of light-heartedness and friendliness in the Kwakiutl institution of potlatching, specifically through examples of what she terms "play potlatching". She finds it significant that playfulness exists within the potlatch, as it is a very serious institution that is integral to Kwakiutl society.

The author begins with displaying the contrast between Benedict and Boas’ portrayal of the Kwakiutl culture. Benedict has characterized the Kwakiutl to be a society entirely focused on notions of rank, wealth, and superiority. The hymns of self-glorification sung at potlatches provide an example of their preoccupation with superiority. With the leading drive in Kwakiutl life being the "pursuit of gaining social prestige" (p 335), Codere states that it is easy to overlook amiable qualities of the Kwakiutl people. With this in mind, she begins to discuss Boas, and his response to Benedict’s interpretations. Codere explains that Boas is in agreement with Benedict in terms of the dominant ambition of the Kwakiutl people being the achievement of high prestige. However, Boas wants to examine the amiable qualities of the people that Benedict failed to mention.

Codere gives multiple examples of amiable features in Kwakiutl living, again drawing on Boas’ research. She illustrates Boas’ account of relations between a grandfather and his grandchildren. Their relationship is of interest because the grandfather was of high rank, and the grandchildren played with him as if there was no difference in rank, or age; their relationship was egalitarian. She argues amiable features present in the potlatch by providing multiple "clear instances of funmaking" (p 338). She describes events in a potlatch where the chief behaves in a way clearly contradictory to the concept of self-glorification described by Benedict. She describes potlatches given in a humorous frame of reference, and a ceremony where laughter is supernaturally induced. Codere dismisses the idea that they are only a form of "comic relief" at a tense time during the serious potlatch, because there is no pattern to their timing. Her final example is a detailed explanation of play potlatching, which "made use of heavy themes of potlatching to create fun, nonsense, and congeniality" (p 342). A play potlatch is either the first potlatch for a child, or a woman’s potlatch held at the same time as the man’s potlatch, during which they insult the serious potlatch. She states that the same people who did the serious potlatching also engaged in play potlatching, sometimes with their rivals. Codere concludes by expressing the hope that the new evidence presented in her article may lead to a more humanized view of the Kwakiutl.

This article will interest individuals who are familiar with the potlatch in general. Codere convincingly illustrates her main point that there are amiable features to the potlatch.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JENNIFER SMITH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Codere, Helen.   The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch and the Play Potlatch. American Anthropologist 1956   Vol.58: 334-351. 

Codere explores the importance of potlatch and play potlatch among the Kwakiutl in Fort Rupert where they are highest in social rank.  Fort Rupert has the highest activity of potlatch and the most accounts of play potlatch.  This is used as a means to understand the Kwakiutl on a more humanistic level through evidence of the importance of potlatch in their lives. 

Other anthropologists, such as Boas, merely characterize the Kwakiutl way of life as a mean to show oneself as superior to one’s rivals, the quest for social esteem and self gratification.  Codere disagrees that this is the only aspect of importance to the Kwakiutl.  Through observing play potlatch scenarios, Codere found that a warm, casual, equalitarian relationship exists between old and young, and the healthy and infirm that would be inconceivable in Western society.  Codere does not deny that self gratification is a prevalent concept, especially through speech, but in skits performed as play potlatch she observed that there is none of the expected pursuit of personal honor or glory.  The same people who are involved in the serious distribution of potlatch participated in the play potlatch versions. 

Play potlatch uses the same themes of the serious potlatch but in a fun and humorous fashion.  Being that a battle of the sexes mentality was common, grown women would often use a play potlatch to mock the men’s interest in potlatch itself although this was accepted by the men, who did not participate or watch this, as good fun.  Everyone, except possibly the very young, took part in and enjoyed these play potlatches where small items were distributed like soap and handkerchiefs. 

Codere relates detailed but incomplete accounts from villagers of play potlatches due to their spontaneous nature as opposed to the dependable structure of the serious potlatch. Play potlatches as a central demonstration of Kwakiutl culture, punctuate that there are positive characteristics as well as the negative characteristics that have been presented. 

CLARITY: 4

SHIRA ZINBERG Barnard College (Paige West)

Codere, Helen.   The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch and the Play Potlatch.   American Anthropologist, 1956   Vol. 58(2):334-351.

Codere provides a reexamination of characterizations of the Kwakiutl people, an ethnic group studied by eminent anthropologists Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict.  Through a discussion of potlatching and play potlatching, Codere systematically argues against the portraits of the Kwakiutl sketched by Boas and Benedict. 

Benedict described the Kwakiutl as ‘paranoid and megalomaniac,’ fixated on self-glorification and superiority, to the point that all of their institutions—social, economic, and political—were organized around these goals.  In response, Boas characterized the Kwakiutl as ‘atrocious but amiable,’ fixated on rank and superiority, but capable of being amiable within a familial setting.  Here he critiques Benedict’s overarching concept of culture in terms of a ‘dominant character or leading motif,’ contending that a culture is not defined by one singular concept or character. 

While Boas does allow the Kwakiutl a more diverse character, Codere argues that his view remains narrow, and that his evidence supporting the ‘amiability’ of the Kwakiutl was rather sparse.  She proceeds to reexamine his study, illustrating flexibility and geniality within the rank system.  She then presents more recent evidence showing amiability of the Kwakiutl in a public as well as private settings. 

One public setting in question is potlatching, a Kwakiutl ritual usually associated with self-glorification and rank.  Codere describes the play potlatch in various instances where laughter takes the role previously held by self-glorification.  She goes on to contest the notion that these light-hearted moments are simply ‘comic relief’ from the seriousness, because they do not reliably occur at significant or poignant moments.  She then discusses play potlatching, during which the serious ceremony is lampooned, often by the same figures who performed the original serious event.  Moreover, she states, the play potlatch functions irrespective of rank, again refuting Benedict’s assertion of the Kwakiutl as paranoid megalomaniacs obsessed with status. 

Codere concludes that cultures ought not to be described by one single characterization, but should be regarded as ‘integrated wholes,’ and ties her argument to the configuationist-functionalist debate.  While Boas added another dimension to his study of the Kwakiutl, he does not provide an integrated model.  Lastly, Codere advocates examining cultures with an eye towards reality, rather than toward a model, which has the potential pitfalls of a utopian ideal. 

CLARITY RATING: 5

CATHERINE ISAACS    Columbia College  (Paige West)

Dart, Raymond A.    The Myth of the Bone-Accumulating Hyena. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(1):40-61

A collection of bones was discovered in a lair near York City, but who or what could have placed it there? Dart's objective was to disprove the long-lasting explanation by Dean William Buckland, who stated the South African Hyena was collecting, accumulating, and depositing large amounts of bones in lairs. By using imaginative and logical points, from literature to historical and scientific information, Dart offered a strong argument in favor of his own interpretation: Buckland told a myth, and the behavior of the bone-collector was more related to a human ancestor, the Australopithecine, than the hyena.

Dart began with stating how the story of Garden of Eden says that man was, by nature, a fruit-eater instead of a flesh-eater. He acknowledged this ‘mistaken idea’ for the continuous blame on carnivores as scapegoats for human behavior. Speaking specifically of the hyena being accused for what was possibly a human ancestor accumulating the bones, Dart went back through evolutionary history and illustrated how our ancestors were indeed flesh-eaters. The most prominent and convincing argument, however, was the behavior of the South African hyena. Encyclopedia definitions, and scientific observation showed that the hyena does eat flesh, but it usually crushes the bones to extract the fleshy marrow. Therefore, complete bone remains would not be present at all. In Buckland’s den, later investigators found no evidence of hyenas or bone fragments.

Buckland hypothesized three other possibilities: the hyenas could have suddenly entered a cavern to die, they possibly "fell" into the lair, or a flood deposited their carcasses there. Dart sarcastically brushed these ideas off, and concluded that Buckland's original explanation had disguised the importance of human ancestors being carnivorous, bone-collecting creatures, such as had deposited bones in the York City lair. Dart prepared a thorough, clear, and coherent thesis to prove the bone-accumulating hyena was none other than a myth.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

NIKI KUX-KARDOS University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Dart, Raymond A.    The Myth of the Bone-Accumulating Hyena. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:40-61.

The author of this article, based on his research of hyenas and their habitats, claims that two deductions about hyenas and man can be made. Firstly, the author claims that the prevalent view of hyenas as being bone-gatherers is a myth. Secondly, bone accumulations that have been excavated in caves are the work of Australopithecinae, and not hyenas. This, therefore, points to evidence of primary skills not previously attributed to primitive humans.

This author’s argument is threefold. To begin, he provides a history of the myth of the bone-accumulating hyena including examples from the Bible, Greek mythology, fairy tales and finally the scientific literature of Dean William Buckland at the University of Oxford in England in 1823.

Furthermore, he discusses the common belief that early man was by nature a fruit eater. This belief, in part, has been responsible for blaming the hyena for large bone deposits found around the world. In contrast, according to the author, the carnivorous habits of early man are well known.

Finally, the author writes about his own research of bone deposits at an Australopithecine cave in South Africa where ten tons of bone breccia were excavated. The author claims that this large amount of bone is significant because no comparable deposit of broken bones has been reported from the lairs of living hyenas.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

LESLIE WARREN York University (Naomi Adelson)

Dobzhansky, Theodosius and Gordon Allen.    Does Natural Selection Continue to Operate in Modern Mankind? American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58 (13): 591-603.

This article examines the validity of the assertion (made in medical, biological, and sociological writings) that natural selection has been relaxed or done away with in modern mankind. This field may gain some clarity through a re-examination of the concepts of natural selection and adaptation, as they apply to man. Re-examination is needed, as these concepts have not remained stable since Darwin advanced them.

The article gives an in depth look at the different aspects that affect natural selection. There have been many evolutionary changes and genetic variants. Humans, along with other species, have become adapted to their environments to guard against degenerative changes. This also includes when humans become adapted to the environment, their genes change as well as their culture.

The "struggle for existence" and "survival of the fittest" are terms often used when thinking of who will continue to exist. The struggle for existence is noted as being environmental issues such as scarcity of food, disease, unfavourable weather, and predators. Survival of the fittest is more of a genetic issue such as being physically fit, intelligent, resistant to weather, getting along on little food, and being able to escape disease, parasites, and predators.

Key issues of natural selection such as reproductive success, the environment, the relaxation of selection, adaptedness, whole genotypes, and evolutionary processes accentuated by civilization are also carefully examined by Dobzhansky and Allen. They conclude by stating that biological species are constantly subject to natural selection and that it cannot pre-adapt them to future environments.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

PATRICIA A FALCONI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Dobzhansky, Theodosius and Gordon Allen.   Does Natural Selection Continue to Operate in Modern Mankind?   American Anthropologist, 1956.   Vol. 58(1): 591-604.

The authors of this article address the question of whether Darwinian natural selection still operates in the human species or whether it been relaxed or completely eradicated by the effect of modern industrial civilizations.  The concepts of natural selection and adaptation to the environment are re-examined as they apply specifically to man in modern times.

The authors argue that natural selection most certainly still affects mankind.  However, its effects are mitigated by modern medicine and other cultural factors that may allow not only for the “survival of the fittest” but also for the survival of any “fit” individual who can cope with the environment even if only with the aid of technological means.  Dobzhansky and Allen employ the science of population genetics in their argument.  They state that mutations provide the raw materials for evolutionary change.  They further argue that man is able to adapt to his environment not only by selecting for certain genes like other species, but also by altering his cultural adaptations.  The general biological laws still operate, however, the effect of modern medicine has interfered with this process to some extent thus, modifying the results of natural selection. 

Utilizing the principles of population genetics, the authors argue that natural selection will cause gene frequencies to be altered from one generation to the next.  Selection is influenced by the ability of an organism to pass on its genes to its progeny.  The authors further support their argument that natural selection is still operating in humans by explaining that once selection stops the proportion of genotypes to surviving offspring would remain constant from one generation to the next.  Since mutations continue to arise, the gene frequencies are modified causing selection to occur.

The authors bring out another interesting point when they state that natural selection is an opportunistic process that assists the species’ survival in the current environment but cannot guarantee success if the environment changes in the future.  In general, higher genotypic fitness consistent with the Darwinian model does lead to a higher rate of successful reproduction, which is favored by natural selection.  Although this is not a perfect correlation, the authors argue that it still operates in the human species despite mitigating factors such as advanced medical technology, as well as social and cultural patterns.  The importance of physical strength in man is relatively diminished in relation to the importance of mental health when comparing selection in modern man as opposed to primitive man, respectively.  

CLARITY: 5

MICHELLE KAPLAN    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Eggan, Fred and Warner, W. Lloyd.    Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown 1881-1955. American Anthropologist Feb, 1956 (58)3:13 pp544-547

An obituary by Fred Eggan and W. Lloyd Warner provides a look in the life and times Professor A. R. Radcliffe-Brown. Colleagues from his time in Chicago, Eggan and Warner praise the works and anthropological disciplines of Radcliffe-Brown, which offered a great importance in growing anthropology during 1955. Eggan and Warner demonstrate the development social anthropology through Radcliffe-Brown’s contributions to literature, education and field research.

Born in England in 1881, Radcliffe-Brown suffered with tuberculosis as a young child, leaving his lungs impaired and ultimately contributing to his death. Educated at Trinity College in Cambridge, he first made his impact on social anthropology studying under Rivers. Stimulating the interests of fieldwork, Radcliffe-Brown took to researching abroad, only to expand his influences in such roles as Director of Education for Tonga. As Eggan and Warner point out, Radcliffe- Brown organized many extensive programs for field research before settling down in Chicago, where he was free of administrative burdens and able to concentrate on writing and teaching. Creating his notions concerning social anthropology into a series of lectures and seminars, Eggan and Warner note how Radcliffe encouraged the integration of social anthropology into the societies of the West and the Far fast.

According to the authors, retiring at the age of 65 had no effect on the contributions Radcliffe-Brown made to the anthropological society. The editing of ‘African Systems of Kinship and Marriage"(1950) is only one example provided by Eggan and Warner demonstrating Radcliffe-Brown’s continuing importance. Distinguishing his last couple years, Eggan and Warner describe how Radcliffe-Brown "was his old self"(546) until his death.

Ending the brief biography, the authors slightly confuse the reader by noting that the obituary was not an assessment of Professor Radcliffe-Brown’s contributions to anthropology. Eggan and Warner continue to commend the work of Radcliffe-Brown from a professional and personal point of view, and entitle him an "anthropologist’s anthropologist"(546). Making note of the various awards received by Radcliffe- Brown, Eggan and Warner commemorate him for " the breaking down of provincialism in anthropology"(547) and reducing the gap between American and British anthropology.

Clear and informative, the obituary composed by Eggan and Warner provides their readers with a complete summary of Radcliffe-Brown’s life and achievements.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

MEGAN WEST University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Leslie Young)

Faron, L. C.    Araucanian Patri-Organization and the Omaha System. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(3):435-457.

Faron is interested in the organization of the Araucanian society, and how it was before the Conquest and how it has evolved since then. He suggests that Araucanian society was patrilineally organized before the Conquest, but that the Omaha system of kinship was a more recent development to the Araucanians.

He identifies the two assumptions of Araucanian societal evolution that were prominent at that time: 1) that Araucanian society was matrilineally organized at the time of the Spanish invasion in Chile, and that aspects of matrilieanlity survived into the eighteenth century and 2) that there has been considerable change in Araucanian kinship since the early 1600’s and that the latter-day patrilineal organization is reflected in the Omaha system. Faron disproves the assumptions by studying Latcham’s argument, which upholds the assumptions, and saying that Latcham’s data is "inconclusive" and "uncritical", and furthermore that the situations Latcham uses as his proof are adopted practices from the Inca and Spanish.

Faron then proceeds to prove that 1) Certain features associated with patrilineal organization and important in the development of the Omaha pattern (e.g. polygyny; disregard of generation seen in cross-generational marriage and in the inheritenance of the avuncular role) have roots in the beginnings of recorded Araucanian history and 2) a trend toward a fully developed Omaha system seems to have been arrested in most of Araucania – perhaps because of some of the very pressures often cited to explain emergence of stronger patrilineal organization (e.g., warfare and enhancement of the male role in regard to warfare; group solidarity in time of hostilities).

Faron’s research allows us to understand the evolution of the Araucanian people, and how anthropological ideas about the Araucanians have changed over the years, while giving us an idea of how those same ideas may be changing today.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ANDREW THOMPSON University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Faron, Louis.    Araucanian Patri-Organization and the Omaha System. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 435-456

The thesis of Faron’s paper is that the Araucanian society is patrilineally organize since the time of European conquest, while the appearance of the Omaha system is very recent development and not fully representative of the Araucanian society. In his discussion of the Araucanian societies, Faron argues that there are basic assumptions about the development of kinship and social organization. In addition, Faron also examines the historical kinship terminology. Central to his analysis are documented fieldwork from 1953 and other current data of the time, which allows him to interpret the development of Araucanian social organization on the basis of historical material and the present patterns of distribution.

The Araucanian’s are the native inhabitants of Chile, They have withstood years of large-scale colonization. Know locally as the "Mapuche", they live bordering Argentina and the Nahualbuta Mountains. Today only the Mapuche remain as a large social group. Many of the other indigenous people were rapidly acculturated during the early colonial period.

Little information regarding kinship remains intact. Even more so, little direct information about kinship terminology remains. Nonetheless, Faron believes the key to understanding patriarchal organization is found within the nomenclatures and lexicons of the remaining inhabitants. Faron also draws from the past historical analysis to bas his conclusions about the Araucanian Indians. Faron suggest that there are two main assumptions. One, that the Araucanian society was matrilineally organized at the time of Spanish invasion, and two, that there has been a considerable change in the Araucanian society, reflected in the patrilineal organization of the Omaha tradition.

Through an extensive analysis of kinship terminology, past historical practices, and recent fieldwork, Faron concludes that the Araucanians first lived in ‘multilineage farming settlements where descent was in the male line. Residence may have been either patrilocal of bilocal, but marriage was within a specific group as required by custom of law. Therefore, this did not warrant the women leaving their community. With the onset of war and economic exploitation, many of the settlements broke up, creating instability with kinship groups, consequently leading to stricter patri-organized societies. However, there was also new importance in regards to sororal polygyny, hinting at a matrilineal organization.

Eventually, a new stability was achieve, in part to an increase in the status of kinship head, land titles, and the elaboration of social and ceremonial customs. As a result, the male role and patrilineal line were exalted. Consequently, the Omaha patri-organized tradtion permeated the Araucanian society.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

ROBERT WASYLYK York University (Naomi Adelson)

Freeman, Linton C. and Merriam, Alan P.    Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology. American Anthropologist.  1956 Vol. 58: 464-471.

According to the authors of the article, Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology, most statistical studies employed in cultural anthropology up to 1956 have been relational and used correlational techniques to determine the degree of association between two cultural variables. Linton C. Freeman and Alan P. Merriam feel these studies are too simplistic. They purport that these past correlational techniques can be "extended to deal with problems of classification"

(p. 464). They feel that this extension takes the form of statistical techniques that provide the researcher more precise estimates of the relationship between the objects being classified together than correlational techniques can. In addition, they see that statistical techniques provide an exact measure of the difference between various classifications.

Overall, they see that statistical techniques provide accuracy when constructing and comparing types of classification.

The cultural variables that the authors use to prove the value of statistical technique, is the music of the Brazilian Ketu and the Trinidad Rada. Freeman and Merriam use interval counts of Ketu and Rada music as the statistical technique used to determine a difference between these two styles of music. The reason these two styles of music are being studied is because they are both different variations on one regional style of music. The authors studied twenty songs of each style of music and made interval counts as well as determined the frequency of major seconds and minor thirds. They also established the total intervals for each song.

Freeman and Merriam feel that the use of statistical techniques greatly increased the probability of the proper classification of these two styles of music. They state: "this study demonstrated that classification may be systematized and improved through application of a statistical technique" (p. 471). Although the goal of this article is clear throughout, which is to use statistical techniques to improve the classification of variables in cultural anthropology, it is hard to understand the statistical results of their study without former knowledge of musical terminology and method. Freeman and Merriam do not describe what interval counts, major seconds and minor thirds are so it is therefore difficult to understand why these measurements are used or what significance they have to the study of Brazilian Ketu and Trinidad Rada music.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

CRYSTAL TRACY University of Alberta, Heather Young Leslie

Freeman, Linton C.    Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology. American Anthropologist 1956 58: 464-472

In this paper, Linton Freeman identifies a growing interest in the application of statistics to cultural anthropology. He believes that proof of the importance of this growing trend, can be found in the fact that an entire section of the 1954 meeting of the American Statistical Association was devoted to ‘The use of statistics in anthropological studies’. Freeman acknowledges that most statistical studies in cultural anthropology have been ‘relational’, and that anthropologists have attempted to determine the degree of association, which exist between two or more cultural variables via techniques of correlation. Freeman states, however, that correlational techniques may be extended to deal with "problems" in relation to classification, and that this is precisely the subject, which his paper is concerned with.

Freeman believes that the process of distinguishing among classes of objects on the basis of a set of measurements of their properties can only be accomplished by using a specialized statistical technique. Thus, he introduces a technique developed by R.A. Fisher in 1936, known as the ‘discriminant function’.

Freeman recognizes that although his