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American
Anthropologist Adams, Richard
N. Cultural Components of His main criticisms
are that his predecessors’ system of classification does not include
all of the population components present. Also that the "…Murdock
and Wagley and Harris systems suffer from the lack of comparability
of categories." The third criticism CLARITY RANKING: 1 .gif){kind=small} Adams, Richard
N. Cultural Components of Adams aim is twofold;
first he provides a descriptive sketch on the distinct and numerous
cultural traditions that exist in He attempts to prove
this by first outlining his new method, then using it to describe cultural
components that exist in Classification,
according to He does this by
first trying to decipher and define certain concepts and ideas found
when dealing with classification of a specific area; these include
population components, regional variants, cultural components, cultural
traditions as well as regional traditions. Using his theory
on classification he then uses it to organize the cultural components
that exist in By furthering to
prove his method of classification he then attempts to compare his
work with other studies and points out specific problems that the others
had. He concludes that the other studies lacked the notion of population
component and did not presume the notion of culture variability, variation
or difference within areas. CLARITY RANKING:
2 .gif){kind=small} Albert, Ethel M. The Classification of Values: A Method and Illustration. American Anthropologist 1956, Vol. (58)2: 221-245. This lengthy article outlines the classification of values, using Ramah Navaho Society as an example. Ethel Albert first explains the theory and method of classification. Albert outlines the categories for describing a value system and cultural world-view, which are as follows: metaphysics, logic and epistemology, psychology, and the value system. Albert systematically goes through each of these categories with explanations and examples within the Ramah Navaho. Albert explains that for the Ramah, their metaphysical concepts explain that the universe is very interconnected, and is full of dangers for the heedless, but is also full of opportunities. The author notes that Ramah logic states that ideas must be demonstrated physically within the world. For the Ramah, speculative ideas without a demonstrable connection in the world do not exist. She also elucidates that Ramah epistemology, the theory of knowledge, states that unless experienced first-hand, an event is merely a hypothesis. Basic human nature, in accordance to Ramah psychology, states that humans are a combination of good and bad. Within the value system, Albert notes that there are several subcategories. The categories for the classification of cultural values within the value system are: value premises, focal value, directives, character, and valued and disvalued entities. For the Navaho, the value system is composed of realism and ‘practical ideas’. Their society is focused towards this world instead of the next one. The focal values of the Ramah, explains Albert, are based mostly on "family, knowledge, health, possessions, and enjoyment of life" (p. 235). The Navaho have a general model as to what a prime character would be. Albert outlines this character as a "knowledgeable, well-spoken, agreeable, industrious, responsible person", with an attractive appearance (p. 238). There is a myriad of other valued and disvalued personal characteristics that fit into one or more of these a fore mentioned characterizations. As for valued and disvalued entities, Albert explains that these may take the form of material goods, such as clothing, jewelry, and automobiles, skills, including technological skills and ceremonial skills, or non-material goods, like songs, rituals, and wisdom. Albert’s article
is very informative and highly fascinating. However, as a professor
at CLARITY RANKING: 4 Albert,
Ethel. The Classification of Values: A Method and Illustration.
American Anthropologist, 1956 Vol. 58: 221-248 Albert presents
one method of reconstructing the cultural value system of the Ramah
Navaho group through classifying values according to their level of
generality. Combination studies, which brought together concepts and
methods of contemporary philosophy and anthropological data for clarification
of scientific and philosophical issues, were used to invoke knowledge
of cultural value systems. The scheme presented for classifying was
constructed to organize data relevant of the values of five cultures
in the American Southwest (Navaho, Zuni, Spanish American, Texan and
Mormon) and was collected over a period of five years. The author tapped
into philosophical and behavioral science sources for methods, concepts
and terminology. The definition of value that was used in the article
was derived from Kluckhohn (1951:395, 403-409): in which values, positive
and negative, are elements in the effective definition on the situation
of action that designate desirable and undesirable modes, means and
ends of action. Much attention was given to discourse containing value
terms. The conceptual framework
and terminology of ancient CLARITY RANKING:
4 AMBER
IQBAL Albert,
Ethel M. The Classification of Values: A Method and
Illustration. American
Anthropologist, 1956. Vol
58: 221-244 Albert’s article
touches on the philosophical and scientific discourse of cultural value
systems, with particular focus on the Ramah Navahos. She attempts to delineate the theory and
method of classification of the value system, as well as the philosophical
context of the value system of the Ramah Navahos, and explores the
possibility of using this discourse for further studies on value systems. Albert draws on
a classification scheme that was formulated to consolidate data on
values of five cultures in the American Southwest which includes the
Navaho, Texan and Mormon cultures. She
first sets out to define “values” as elements that can “designate desirable
and undesirable modes, means and ends of actions”, and concedes that
such classification of values may be subject to change with changing
culture and perceptions. Albert
notes that while the individual may not subscribe to the prevalent
culture value, there is a societal consensus on the value system. She
describes the following categories used in describing various values
in a value system: a) the Metaphysical values, b) the Logical and Epistemological
values, and 3) the Psychological values. Albert provides
a schema for the structure of a value system. This schema is made up of discrete categories
in which the cultural values can be organized. The structure comprises the value premise
(or rationale of a value system), which give rise to focal values (core
values), that in turn promulgate directives to instruct and character
traits to describe what is or is not valuable. The article then
proceeds to classify the Ramah Navaho system in terms of the aforementioned
classification and schema, in particular focusing on the Navaho’s emphasis
on temperance and moderation. Albert provides a list of characteristics
that are either valued or disvalued in Ramah Navaho culture, and elaborates
on specific aspects of the culture in terms of their value premise,
focal values, directives and character traits. She
then concludes her article with the note that the study of values is
essential to cross-cultural and comparative studies. CLARITY: 3 DARREN
ZHOU Apple, Dorrian. The Social Structure of Grandparenthood. American Anthropologist 1956(58) Vol.4:6:656. Dr. Apple analyses the relationship that grandparents and grandchildren share in different societies with specific patterns of authority in the family. She is expanding on the work done by Nadel (1951: 234-236) on the relationship between grandfather and grandson in ten Nuba tribes. In this paper, there are two hypotheses. The first deals with a grandparental generation maintaining a sense of authority over the parental generation after grandchildren are born. Apple suggests that this would result in a non-friendly relationship between grandparents and grandchildren. She states the opposite would be true if there was no authority held over the parental generation when grandchildren were born. The second hypothesis deals with the difference in authority between paternal and maternal grandparents over the parental generation. The grandparents that don’t share a friendly relationship with the grandchildren will be those related to them through the side of the family with more household authority. She proves these hypotheses by using ethnological fieldwork on 75 societies, 54 of which are in the Yale Human Relations Area Files and/or gathered by Murdock (1949). For the first hypothesis, Apple evaluates each society and places it in one of the four constructed groups. Either Grandparental authority over parents is present or absent, and either a friendly equality between grandparent and grandchildren is present or absent. For the second hypothesis, some of the societies are removed from the total on behalf of overrepresentation of societies being too similar. Apple removes certain societies if they have had independent existence for less then six generations or if they did not have self-definition as a separate people. With the remaining societies, she groups them according to where the household authority is found, either mother’s side or father’s side, and also if the household demonstrates less friendly equality with the paternal grandparents or maternal grandparents. Dr. Apple points
out a bias with her research, in that the case studies are not representational
of all societies. She realizes that such continents like Africa are
over represented in her samples and that CLARITY RANKING: 3 Apple,
Dorrian The Social Structure of Grandparenthood,
American Anthropologist, 1956, Vol. 4 (6): 656-663 The article begins
by responding to what Apple views as an unfounded generalisation by
Radcliffe-Brown on the relationship between grandparents and grandchildren.
Radcliffe-Brown had suggested that “friendly equality” between grandparents
and grandchildren was a response to tensions
between parents and children. Apple prefers Nadel’s belief that this “friendly
equality” is related to “patterns of authority” within the family but
wishes to take this idea further. Apple complicates this discussion
by looking not only at cases where grandchildren and grandparents are
on good terms but also at cases in which grandchildren have closer
relationships with one set of grandparents. Apple sets out to
prove two hypotheses, the first looks at societies in which grandchildren
have the same degree of closeness to both sets of grandparents. It
suggests that the degree of closeness or informality relies on the
level of authority the grandparents play with in the family and the
society as a whole. The second hypothesis suggests that in relationships
in which the grandchild is closer to one set of grandparents the grandparents
will hold different degrees of responsibility. To prove these hypotheses,
data collected form societies throughout the world was divided into
categories and then tabulated. In this way both these hypotheses were
proven to be correct. Apple then created a third hypothesis based on
these findings. This hypothesis suggests that the degree of formality
in the relationship between grandchild and grandparent is influenced
by the degree of authority the grandparents hold in the family. This
hypothesis was also tabulated and proven correct. The processes and
findings in this article are presented in a strictly scientific manner,
relying on numeric comparisons to draw its conclusions. Apple clearly
states which societies were included in this study in the tables provided.
He also explains how the data collected was then divided into categories,
defining each of these categories in detail. In fact more space seems
to be given to explaining how the conclusions were reached than exploring
what these conclusions were. CLARITY: 3 ALICE
KENTRIDGE Arieti,
Silvano. Some Basic Problems Common to Anthropology
and Modern Psychiatry. American
Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(1):26-39. Arieti declares
that anthropology and modern psychiatry share three main problems,
the first of which focuses on the real or assumed existence of paleologic
thought. Inferior to our normal
way of thinking (Aristotelian), paleologic (primitive) thinking, which
is a different kind of thinking, easily causes erroneous conclusions
to be formed. A normal person
who thinks in an Aristotelian manner “accepts identity only upon the
basis of identical subjects,” whereas primitive
thinkers “accept identity based upon identical predicates.” Thus,
similarity leads to identification. Furthermore, a part is usually identified
with the whole; for instance, a room (a) that is part of a certain
house (a+b+c) is identified with that house (a = a+b+c). Paleologic thinking
appears in nature under several conditions, the two most controversial
of which are stated below. It
existed as the form of thinking in pre-sapiens. Currently people think paleologically when
in certain situations as a result of culture, not biological forces;
as individuals they retain the capacity to think in an Aristotelian
manner. Some native cultures demonstrate paleologic
thinking to such a great extent that anthropologists claim that they
are primitives and inferior. However,
Arieti illustrates that the primordial human passes through a paleologic
stage during the process of becoming hominized and evolving into a Homo
sapien. The individual progresses
faster than the culture, and some cultures
may be slower to lose paleologic thinking than others. A second common
problem involves the method of studying culture and personality. The
scientific method strives to determine the laws that govern a culture,
whereas the historical approach examines the sequence of events in
the culture. The former is the method used by psychiatrists
and the latter by anthropologists. After numerous failed attempts by psychiatrists
to strictly follow the scientific method, Freud began the historical
method in psychiatry. It examines
the process of development as well as the environment that the individual
is exposed to. Realizing that
psychiatry is both a study of the history of the individual and a scientific
examination of the world that the individual is exposed to, thus both
history and science, Arieti stresses the use of both methods for a
full understanding of culture or personality; Kroeber advocated that
anthropology is both history and science, and it is from him that Arieti
forms his idea. A third issue that
continues to be debated is the origin of personality and culture. The
main principle of the Freudian approaches is that personality and culture
are mainly formed by the instinctual needs of man. The “sociopsychological
approach” considers man to be mainly the product of his environment
or culture. There are two main
contacts between the individual and culture. The
first requires the use of certain biological equipment to understand
the environment and to satisfy needs, and is psychological. During the second contact the individual
obtains things from culture that enables him to be different from infrahuman
animals. Individual and culture
coexist and are mutually dependent; they belong to a dynamic process
in which the individual contributes to culture and vice versa. At
some point in history, before which only the individual existed, a
mutation occurred in some primates so that the formation of culture
was possible. The potentiality
eventually became a reality, and both individual and culture progressively
grow and become enriched. CLARITY: 4 CORINNE
VANBEEK Barth,
Fredrik. Ecologic Relationships of Ethnic Groups
in Swat, In this article,
Fredrik Barth discusses three of the ethnic groups found in the Swat
region of CLARITY: 3 SARA
LUDUEÑA Bruner, Edward M. Primary Group Experience and the Process of Acculturation. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58 (43): 605- 623 Bruner wrote this
article in order to help identify the factors involved in acculturation.
His focus was on the residents of the Bruner tested this hypothesis by tracing the ancestry of each of the forty-eight nuclear families in Lone Hill. He discovered that, of the fourteen families that he had defined as acculturated, every one of them had a white family member within the last four generations. Of the thirty-four unnacculturated families, only three had recent white ancestors. His hypothesis was further supported by the fact that one family had a white ancestor who left without participating in their family life and that family remains unacculturated. Bruner’s writing style is quite clear. He also includes in his article information on the values and perceptions of the acculturated versus unacculturated families and further explanation of the role of isolation and language in all of their lives. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Bruner, Edward M. Primary Group Experience and the Process of Acculturation 1956 Vol.58: 605-623. The following article
explains and describes the degree of acculturation among the Mandan-Hidasta Bruner looks at
the history of the Indian people living in the Lone Hill region prior
to the arrival of the missionaries and white people and after contact.
He writes, "Viewed historically, contemporary Indian culture is
mixed"(Pg. 606). By this he suggests that certain Indian ways
of life have not stayed in isolation and thus, they have changed as
a result of "changing conditions of life." Thereby, Bruner’s
conclusions are drawn from the study and comparison of group differences
present among the village people. He categorizes the village people
based on the extent of acculturation observed in their way of life.
Burner’s studies suggest that of forty-eight nuclear families present
in Mandan-Hidasta village, thirty-one of those families that have not
had a white model in their household are "unacculturated".
As well, another three families with white models present are, "unacculturated".
Meanwhile, the other seven families that have had a white model figure
are in between or "marginal", and
another seven with white model present in the household have been acculturated.
The acculturated families will not attend Indian ceremonial dances
and reject traditional Indian ways, customs, and behaviours. These
forms of rejection have been brought forth as a result of the process
of acculturation. Bruner, writes that
an individual becomes acculturated, as a result of the presence of
a white model through intermarriages and through the attempts of the
parents to train their children to adapt to white or American cultural
ways. These are evident in the linguistic, religious and social patterns
of the acculturated nuclear families. Thus, acculturation in the Lone
Hill will continue to be dependent upon social learning in small family
groups. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Cammann, Schuyler. Exhibit of the Month. American Anthropologist. 1956. 3(58): 540-543. This article was
written about a unique concept of how to display objects in a museum.
Specifically, it goes into detail of how Cammann replaced the idea
of emphasizing the object and focused on the idea(s) in which the object
represented. Cammann wrote this article while she held her position
at the university museum in CLARITY RANKING: 5 JODY WERT Cammann. Schuyler. Exhibit of the Month. American Anthropologist. 1956 Vol.22: 540-543 The article entitled "Exhibit
of the Month" describes the ways in which a museum in The author goes
on to describe the few exhibits that were extremely popular. One exhibit
involved different displays of walrus ivory. Artifacts included "Chinese
chopsticks, Persian and Indian dagger hilts, and a Hawaiian necklace-hook" (540).
Another exhibit that proved to be popular was about "Jade around
the world" (541). This exhibit was so popular that it lasted for
three months instead of just one. Although the exhibit functioned to
promote various cultural artifacts, it also served to introduce new
cultures not previously present in the museum. A particular exhibit
that aroused much interest was about different types of knives around
the world. The author adds that it "aroused such public interest
that it inspired us to arrange a much larger weapon show which filled
an entire gallery" (541). Not only did the museum garner many visitor,
it also gained attention from the media. A nightly news program had
a few segments about the exhibits in the museum. In addition, the ideas
generated by the exhibits were used in other areas around the city.
One of the downtown banks borrowed some objects and created a display
of it’s own. Further, information about the exhibits were written
about in such magazines as "Bulletin" and Nature Magazine" (543).
The article concludes with the author describing how good it felt to
have created the displays despite the hard work and time it took up.
He states that they felt to much satisfaction
from knowing that their exhibit-helped people gain a new understanding
of different people around the world. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Carlyle May,
L. A survey of Glossolalia and Related Phenomena
in Non-Christian Religions. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:
75-96 The focus of this
paper is Glossolalia, which is a form of speech phenomena also known
as the tradition of speaking-in-tongues. Glossolalia and similar speech-phenomena
occur in various forms during shamanistic rites of the New and To make the definition
of glossolalia a little clearer, many specific examples, especially
from Eastern and African cultures, are provided with general timeframes.
People may speak a different language that they don’t even know, when
put into some sort of spiritual trance or in a state of emotional ecstasy.
There are different symptoms such as hypnotism, hysteria, and nervous
instability. The author discusses
religious and non-religious examples and compares it to the Christian
religion and discusses a variety of hypotheses. According to Lomard,
it may also be in a form of infantile linguistic pattern, where there
seems to be a need for vocalization but without the need to convey
meaning. According to Cutten, a person is in an emotional state where
the controlling part of the mind is not functioning and the subconscious
comes to the surface. It is widely believed
that it may be the language of the spirits or is a sacerdotal language.
Examples are extracted from Indonesians, Alaskan, Haitian, African,
and Oriental experiences. The author therefore shows that the phenomena
of glossolalia is widespread and very ancient. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Carlyle May, L. A survey of Glossolalia and Related Phenomena in Non-Christian Religions. American Anthropologist May,1956 Vol.58: 75-96 May’s focus is on glossolalia the practice of speaking in tongues. May asks; Where did speaking in unknown languages originate and does it have Christian roots? Some examples of glossolalia throughout history were brought up within the article. May discusses the
studies of Lombard, Cutten, Moisman and a few other anthropologists.
He suggests glossolalists speak in tongues while being in high emotional
states (Pg 76). According to Cutten, the person participating in glossolalia
is in an emotional state where the controlling part of their mind is
not functioning, meaning they are using their subconscious. Moisman
states that glossolalia occurs when "speech organs come under
temporarily control of the reflex centers" (pg77). According to May, May continues by discussing two different types of language used speaking in tongues. The first is called the "Language of the Spirits". An example is when the Hudson Bay Eskimos speak from the trickling water, rushing wind or roar of a bear. In this language the ‘shaman’ becomes the person who the spirits speak through. The second is "the Language of Animals", which is when the ‘shaman’ is transformed into an animal by making the same sounds as the animal. This allows the shaman to travel the world and be a spirit, or non human being. May gives many
examples of tribes that have experienced differant types of glossolalia
within their culture, including tribes all around May concludes that glossolalia is widespread. May lists some areas of the world where glossolalia might have occurred and even where it might have begun. CLARITY: 5 Caudill, William and George De Vos. Achievement, Culture and Personality: The Case of the Japanese American. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.56(6):1102-1125. As the title suggests
this article discusses the influence of culture on achievement and
even personality. Caudill and De Vos focus specifically on Japanese
Americans living in the The authors argued that the personality of a Japanese American possessed a greater desire to achieve than did a non-Japanese American. The data presented in the article supports this thesis, however the argument would be more convincing if all classes of non-Japanese Americans were used in contrast with Japanese Americans, rather than only the upper-lower and lower-middle class. Perhaps if more inclusive ratios were considered the authors’ conclusions would have been altered or less definitive than is presented in this work. Caudill and De Vos provide an interesting and intelligible read, despite the length. Scholarly journals and their views of Japanese Americans at the time are discussed throughout. Those concerned with post war treatment of Japanese Americans would find this article fulfilling. The many examples, descriptions and comparison charts encourage a coherent argument while holding the reader’s attention. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Caudill,
William and De Vos, George. Achievement,
Culture and Personality: The Case of the Japanese American. American
Anthropologist 1956 Vol.56(6):1102-1125. This article explores
the cultural and personal differences between Japanese Americans in Caudill and De Vos
focus specifically on a group of Japanese Americans living in Despite having similar
opportunities and intelligence, the Japanese were able to excel in
their new environment, when compared to Americans in the same area. The
reasons for this, Caudill and De Vos explain, are
the different expectations and motivational levels that exist amongst
the Japanese. To show this, they performed Thematic Apperception
Tests and Rorschach’s to evaluate the personality dynamics that most
relate to achievement. They
concluded the Japanese were more self-motivated, had a more positive
view of situations they were confronted with, and a desire to improve
themselves. It was these factors,
and not IQ, that ultimately contributed to their success. CLARITY: 5 NICHOLAS
MAISANO Codere, Helen. The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch and the Play Potlatch. American Anthropologist, 1956 Vol 58(2):334-351. Codere re-examines previous studies of the Kwakiutl, a group of people from the North West Coast of British Columbia, done by Ruth Benedict and Franz Boas. Her main objective is to show aspects of light-heartedness and friendliness in the Kwakiutl institution of potlatching, specifically through examples of what she terms "play potlatching". She finds it significant that playfulness exists within the potlatch, as it is a very serious institution that is integral to Kwakiutl society. The author begins with displaying the contrast between Benedict and Boas’ portrayal of the Kwakiutl culture. Benedict has characterized the Kwakiutl to be a society entirely focused on notions of rank, wealth, and superiority. The hymns of self-glorification sung at potlatches provide an example of their preoccupation with superiority. With the leading drive in Kwakiutl life being the "pursuit of gaining social prestige" (p 335), Codere states that it is easy to overlook amiable qualities of the Kwakiutl people. With this in mind, she begins to discuss Boas, and his response to Benedict’s interpretations. Codere explains that Boas is in agreement with Benedict in terms of the dominant ambition of the Kwakiutl people being the achievement of high prestige. However, Boas wants to examine the amiable qualities of the people that Benedict failed to mention. Codere gives multiple examples of amiable features in Kwakiutl living, again drawing on Boas’ research. She illustrates Boas’ account of relations between a grandfather and his grandchildren. Their relationship is of interest because the grandfather was of high rank, and the grandchildren played with him as if there was no difference in rank, or age; their relationship was egalitarian. She argues amiable features present in the potlatch by providing multiple "clear instances of funmaking" (p 338). She describes events in a potlatch where the chief behaves in a way clearly contradictory to the concept of self-glorification described by Benedict. She describes potlatches given in a humorous frame of reference, and a ceremony where laughter is supernaturally induced. Codere dismisses the idea that they are only a form of "comic relief" at a tense time during the serious potlatch, because there is no pattern to their timing. Her final example is a detailed explanation of play potlatching, which "made use of heavy themes of potlatching to create fun, nonsense, and congeniality" (p 342). A play potlatch is either the first potlatch for a child, or a woman’s potlatch held at the same time as the man’s potlatch, during which they insult the serious potlatch. She states that the same people who did the serious potlatching also engaged in play potlatching, sometimes with their rivals. Codere concludes by expressing the hope that the new evidence presented in her article may lead to a more humanized view of the Kwakiutl. This article will interest individuals who are familiar with the potlatch in general. Codere convincingly illustrates her main point that there are amiable features to the potlatch. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Codere,
Helen. The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch
and the Play Potlatch. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58: 334-351. Codere explores
the importance of potlatch and play potlatch among the Kwakiutl in Other anthropologists,
such as Boas, merely characterize the Kwakiutl way of life as a mean
to show oneself as superior to one’s rivals, the quest for social esteem
and self gratification. Codere
disagrees that this is the only aspect of importance to the Kwakiutl. Through
observing play potlatch scenarios, Codere found that a warm, casual,
equalitarian relationship exists between old and young, and the healthy
and infirm that would be inconceivable in Western society. Codere
does not deny that self gratification is a prevalent concept, especially
through speech, but in skits performed as play potlatch she observed
that there is none of the expected pursuit of personal honor or glory. The
same people who are involved in the serious distribution of potlatch
participated in the play potlatch versions. Play potlatch uses
the same themes of the serious potlatch but in a fun and humorous fashion. Being
that a battle of the sexes mentality was common,
grown women would often use a play potlatch to mock the men’s interest
in potlatch itself although this was accepted by the men, who did not
participate or watch this, as good fun. Everyone,
except possibly the very young, took part in and enjoyed these play
potlatches where small items were distributed like soap and handkerchiefs. Codere relates detailed
but incomplete accounts from villagers of play potlatches due to their
spontaneous nature as opposed to the dependable structure of the serious
potlatch. Play potlatches as a central demonstration of Kwakiutl culture,
punctuate that there are positive characteristics as well as the negative
characteristics that have been presented. CLARITY: 4 Codere,
Helen. The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch
and the Play Potlatch. American
Anthropologist, 1956 Vol.
58(2):334-351. Codere provides
a reexamination of characterizations of the Kwakiutl people, an ethnic
group studied by eminent anthropologists Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict. Through
a discussion of potlatching and play potlatching, Codere systematically
argues against the portraits of the Kwakiutl sketched by Boas and Benedict. Benedict described
the Kwakiutl as ‘paranoid and megalomaniac,’ fixated on self-glorification and superiority, to the
point that all of their institutions—social, economic, and political—were
organized around these goals. In
response, Boas characterized the Kwakiutl as ‘atrocious but amiable,’ fixated on rank and superiority, but capable of being
amiable within a familial setting. Here
he critiques Benedict’s overarching concept of culture in terms of
a ‘dominant character or leading motif,’ contending
that a culture is not defined by one singular concept or character. While Boas does
allow the Kwakiutl a more diverse character, Codere argues that his
view remains narrow, and that his evidence supporting the ‘amiability’ of
the Kwakiutl was rather sparse. She
proceeds to reexamine his study, illustrating flexibility and geniality
within the rank system. She
then presents more recent evidence showing amiability of the Kwakiutl in a public as well as private settings. One public setting
in question is potlatching, a Kwakiutl ritual usually associated with
self-glorification and rank. Codere
describes the play potlatch in various instances where laughter takes
the role previously held by self-glorification. She goes on to contest the notion that these
light-hearted moments are simply ‘comic relief’ from the seriousness,
because they do not reliably occur at significant or poignant moments. She then discusses play potlatching, during
which the serious ceremony is lampooned, often by the same figures who performed the original serious event. Moreover, she states, the play potlatch functions
irrespective of rank, again refuting Benedict’s assertion of the Kwakiutl
as paranoid megalomaniacs obsessed with status. Codere concludes
that cultures ought not to be described by one single characterization,
but should be regarded as ‘integrated wholes,’ and ties her argument to the configuationist-functionalist
debate. While Boas added another
dimension to his study of the Kwakiutl, he does not provide an integrated
model. Lastly, Codere advocates
examining cultures with an eye towards reality, rather than toward
a model, which has the potential pitfalls of a utopian ideal. CLARITY RATING:
5 CATHERINE
ISAACS Dart, Raymond A. The Myth of the Bone-Accumulating Hyena. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(1):40-61 A collection of
bones was discovered in a lair near Dart began with stating how the story of Garden of Eden says that man was, by nature, a fruit-eater instead of a flesh-eater. He acknowledged this ‘mistaken idea’ for the continuous blame on carnivores as scapegoats for human behavior. Speaking specifically of the hyena being accused for what was possibly a human ancestor accumulating the bones, Dart went back through evolutionary history and illustrated how our ancestors were indeed flesh-eaters. The most prominent and convincing argument, however, was the behavior of the South African hyena. Encyclopedia definitions, and scientific observation showed that the hyena does eat flesh, but it usually crushes the bones to extract the fleshy marrow. Therefore, complete bone remains would not be present at all. In Buckland’s den, later investigators found no evidence of hyenas or bone fragments. Buckland hypothesized three other possibilities: the hyenas could have suddenly entered a cavern to die, they possibly "fell" into the lair, or a flood deposited their carcasses there. Dart sarcastically brushed these ideas off, and concluded that Buckland's original explanation had disguised the importance of human ancestors being carnivorous, bone-collecting creatures, such as had deposited bones in the York City lair. Dart prepared a thorough, clear, and coherent thesis to prove the bone-accumulating hyena was none other than a myth. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Dart, Raymond A. The Myth of the Bone-Accumulating Hyena. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:40-61. The author of this
article, based on his research of hyenas and their habitats, claims
that two deductions about hyenas and man can be made. Firstly, the
author claims that the prevalent view of hyenas as being bone-gatherers
is a myth. Secondly, bone accumulations that have been excavated in
caves are the work of Australopithecinae, and not hyenas. This, therefore,
points to evidence of primary skills not previously attributed to primitive
humans. This author’s argument
is threefold. To begin, he provides a history of the myth of the bone-accumulating
hyena including examples from the Bible, Greek mythology, fairy tales
and finally the scientific literature of Dean William Buckland at the Furthermore, he
discusses the common belief that early man was by nature a fruit eater.
This belief, in part, has been responsible for blaming the hyena for
large bone deposits found around the world. In contrast, according
to the author, the carnivorous habits of early man are well known. Finally, the author
writes about his own research of bone deposits at an Australopithecine
cave in CLARITY RANKING:
2 Dobzhansky, Theodosius
and Gordon Allen. Does Natural Selection Continue
to Operate in Modern Mankind? American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58
(13): 591-603. This article examines
the validity of the assertion (made in medical, biological, and sociological
writings) that natural selection has been relaxed or done away with
in modern mankind. This field may gain some clarity through a re-examination
of the concepts of natural selection and adaptation, as they apply
to man. Re-examination is needed, as these concepts have not remained
stable since The article gives an
in depth look at the different aspects that affect natural
selection. There have been many evolutionary changes and genetic
variants. Humans, along with other species, have become adapted to
their environments to guard against degenerative changes. This also
includes when humans become adapted to the environment, their genes
change as well as their culture. The "struggle
for existence" and "survival of the fittest" are terms
often used when thinking of who will continue to exist. The struggle
for existence is noted as being environmental issues such as scarcity
of food, disease, unfavourable weather, and predators. Survival of
the fittest is more of a genetic issue such as being physically fit,
intelligent, resistant to weather, getting
along on little food, and being able to escape disease, parasites,
and predators. Key issues of natural
selection such as reproductive success, the environment, the relaxation
of selection, adaptedness, whole genotypes, and evolutionary processes
accentuated by civilization are also carefully examined by Dobzhansky
and Allen. They conclude by stating that biological species are constantly
subject to natural selection and that it cannot pre-adapt them to future
environments. CLARITY RANKING:
2 Dobzhansky,
Theodosius and Gordon Allen. Does
Natural Selection Continue to Operate in Modern Mankind? American
Anthropologist, 1956. Vol.
58(1): 591-604. The authors of this
article address the question of whether Darwinian natural selection
still operates in the human species or whether it been relaxed or completely
eradicated by the effect of modern industrial civilizations. The
concepts of natural selection and adaptation to the environment are
re-examined as they apply specifically to man in modern times. The authors argue
that natural selection most certainly still affects mankind. However,
its effects are mitigated by modern medicine and other cultural factors
that may allow not only for the “survival of the fittest” but also
for the survival of any “fit” individual who can cope with the environment
even if only with the aid of technological means. Dobzhansky
and Allen employ the science of population genetics in their argument. They state that mutations provide the raw
materials for evolutionary change. They
further argue that man is able to adapt to his environment not only
by selecting for certain genes like other species, but also by altering
his cultural adaptations. The
general biological laws still operate, however,
the effect of modern medicine has interfered with this process to some
extent thus, modifying the results of natural selection. Utilizing the principles
of population genetics, the authors argue that natural selection will
cause gene frequencies to be altered from one generation to the next. Selection
is influenced by the ability of an organism to pass on its genes to
its progeny. The authors further support their argument
that natural selection is still operating in humans by explaining that
once selection stops the proportion of genotypes to surviving offspring
would remain constant from one generation to the next. Since mutations continue to arise, the gene
frequencies are modified causing selection to occur. The authors bring
out another interesting point when they state that natural selection
is an opportunistic process that assists the species’ survival in the
current environment but cannot guarantee success if the environment
changes in the future. In general,
higher genotypic fitness consistent with the Darwinian model does lead
to a higher rate of successful reproduction, which is favored by natural
selection. Although this is
not a perfect correlation, the authors argue that it still operates
in the human species despite mitigating factors such as advanced medical
technology, as well as social and cultural patterns. The
importance of physical strength in man is relatively diminished in
relation to the importance of mental health when comparing selection
in modern man as opposed to primitive man, respectively. CLARITY: 5 MICHELLE
KAPLAN Eggan, Fred and Warner, W. Lloyd. Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown 1881-1955. American Anthropologist Feb, 1956 (58)3:13 pp544-547 An obituary by Fred Eggan and W. Lloyd Warner provides a look in the life and times Professor A. R. Radcliffe-Brown. Colleagues from his time in Chicago, Eggan and Warner praise the works and anthropological disciplines of Radcliffe-Brown, which offered a great importance in growing anthropology during 1955. Eggan and Warner demonstrate the development social anthropology through Radcliffe-Brown’s contributions to literature, education and field research. Born in According to the authors, retiring at the age of 65 had no effect on the contributions Radcliffe-Brown made to the anthropological society. The editing of ‘African Systems of Kinship and Marriage"(1950) is only one example provided by Eggan and Warner demonstrating Radcliffe-Brown’s continuing importance. Distinguishing his last couple years, Eggan and Warner describe how Radcliffe-Brown "was his old self"(546) until his death. Ending the brief biography, the authors slightly confuse the reader by noting that the obituary was not an assessment of Professor Radcliffe-Brown’s contributions to anthropology. Eggan and Warner continue to commend the work of Radcliffe-Brown from a professional and personal point of view, and entitle him an "anthropologist’s anthropologist"(546). Making note of the various awards received by Radcliffe- Brown, Eggan and Warner commemorate him for " the breaking down of provincialism in anthropology"(547) and reducing the gap between American and British anthropology. Clear and informative, the obituary composed by Eggan and Warner provides their readers with a complete summary of Radcliffe-Brown’s life and achievements. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Faron, L. C. Araucanian
Patri-Organization and the Faron is interested
in the organization of the Araucanian society, and how it was before
the Conquest and how it has evolved since then. He suggests that Araucanian
society was patrilineally organized before the Conquest, but that the He identifies the two assumptions of Araucanian societal evolution that were prominent at that time: 1) that Araucanian society was matrilineally organized at the time of the Spanish invasion in Chile, and that aspects of matrilieanlity survived into the eighteenth century and 2) that there has been considerable change in Araucanian kinship since the early 1600’s and that the latter-day patrilineal organization is reflected in the Omaha system. Faron disproves the assumptions by studying Latcham’s argument, which upholds the assumptions, and saying that Latcham’s data is "inconclusive" and "uncritical", and furthermore that the situations Latcham uses as his proof are adopted practices from the Inca and Spanish. Faron then proceeds to prove that 1) Certain features associated with patrilineal organization and important in the development of the Omaha pattern (e.g. polygyny; disregard of generation seen in cross-generational marriage and in the inheritenance of the avuncular role) have roots in the beginnings of recorded Araucanian history and 2) a trend toward a fully developed Omaha system seems to have been arrested in most of Araucania – perhaps because of some of the very pressures often cited to explain emergence of stronger patrilineal organization (e.g., warfare and enhancement of the male role in regard to warfare; group solidarity in time of hostilities). Faron’s research allows us to understand the evolution of the Araucanian people, and how anthropological ideas about the Araucanians have changed over the years, while giving us an idea of how those same ideas may be changing today. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Faron, Louis. Araucanian
Patri-Organization and the The thesis of Faron’s
paper is that the Araucanian society is patrilineally organize since
the time of European conquest, while the appearance of the Omaha system
is very recent development and not fully representative of the Araucanian
society. In his discussion of the Araucanian societies, Faron argues
that there are basic assumptions about the development of kinship and
social organization. In addition, Faron also examines the historical
kinship terminology. Central to his analysis are documented fieldwork
from 1953 and other current data of the time, which allows him to interpret
the development of Araucanian social organization on the basis of historical
material and the present patterns of distribution. The Araucanian’s
are the native inhabitants of Little information
regarding kinship remains intact. Even more so, little direct information
about kinship terminology remains. Nonetheless, Faron believes the
key to understanding patriarchal organization is found within the nomenclatures
and lexicons of the remaining inhabitants. Faron also draws from the
past historical analysis to bas his conclusions about the Araucanian
Indians. Faron suggest that there are two main assumptions. One, that
the Araucanian society was matrilineally organized at the time of Spanish
invasion, and two, that there has been a considerable change in the
Araucanian society, reflected in the patrilineal organization of the Through an extensive
analysis of kinship terminology, past historical practices, and recent
fieldwork, Faron concludes that the Araucanians first lived in ‘multilineage
farming settlements where descent was in the male line. Residence may
have been either patrilocal of bilocal, but marriage was within a specific
group as required by custom of law. Therefore, this did not warrant
the women leaving their community. With the onset of war and economic
exploitation, many of the settlements broke up, creating instability
with kinship groups, consequently leading to stricter patri-organized
societies. However, there was also new importance in regards to sororal
polygyny, hinting at a matrilineal organization. Eventually, a new
stability was achieve, in part to an increase in the status of kinship
head, land titles, and the elaboration of social and ceremonial customs.
As a result, the male role and patrilineal line were exalted. Consequently,
the CLARITY RANKING:
1 Freeman, Linton C. and Merriam, Alan P. Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology. American Anthropologist. 1956 Vol. 58: 464-471. According to the authors of the article, Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology, most statistical studies employed in cultural anthropology up to 1956 have been relational and used correlational techniques to determine the degree of association between two cultural variables. Linton C. Freeman and Alan P. Merriam feel these studies are too simplistic. They purport that these past correlational techniques can be "extended to deal with problems of classification" (p. 464). They feel that this extension takes the form of statistical techniques that provide the researcher more precise estimates of the relationship between the objects being classified together than correlational techniques can. In addition, they see that statistical techniques provide an exact measure of the difference between various classifications. Overall, they see that statistical techniques provide accuracy when constructing and comparing types of classification. The cultural variables that the authors use to prove the value of statistical technique, is the music of the Brazilian Ketu and the Trinidad Rada. Freeman and Merriam use interval counts of Ketu and Rada music as the statistical technique used to determine a difference between these two styles of music. The reason these two styles of music are being studied is because they are both different variations on one regional style of music. The authors studied twenty songs of each style of music and made interval counts as well as determined the frequency of major seconds and minor thirds. They also established the total intervals for each song. Freeman and Merriam feel that the use of statistical techniques greatly increased the probability of the proper classification of these two styles of music. They state: "this study demonstrated that classification may be systematized and improved through application of a statistical technique" (p. 471). Although the goal of this article is clear throughout, which is to use statistical techniques to improve the classification of variables in cultural anthropology, it is hard to understand the statistical results of their study without former knowledge of musical terminology and method. Freeman and Merriam do not describe what interval counts, major seconds and minor thirds are so it is therefore difficult to understand why these measurements are used or what significance they have to the study of Brazilian Ketu and Trinidad Rada music. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Freeman, Linton C. Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology. American Anthropologist 1956 58: 464-472 In this paper, Linton
Freeman identifies a growing interest in the application of statistics
to cultural anthropology. He believes that proof of the importance
of this growing trend, can be found in the fact that an entire section
of the 1954 meeting of the American Statistical Association was devoted
to ‘The use of statistics in anthropological studies’. Freeman acknowledges
that most statistical studies in cultural anthropology have been ‘relational’,
and that anthropologists have attempted to determine the degree of
association, which exist between two or more
cultural variables via techniques of correlation. Freeman states, however,
that correlational techniques may be extended to deal with "problems" in
relation to classification, and that this is precisely the subject,
which his paper is concerned with. Freeman believes
that the process of distinguishing among classes of objects on the
basis of a set of measurements of their properties can only be accomplished
by using a specialized statistical technique. Thus, he introduces a
technique developed by R.A. Fisher in 1936, known as the ‘discriminant
function’. Freeman recognizes
that although his paper is concerned with the anthropological application
of the ‘discriminant function’ in relation to his studies of ethnomusicology,
it is not limited to the latter. He confirms that this technique can
be employed in other areas of anthropological study such as craniometry,
anthropemtry, linguistics, material culture (i.e. pottery), etc. In this essay Freeman
uses Fisher’s ‘discriminant function’ in a preliminary application,
in the field of comparative musicology. Freeman compares the use of ‘major
seconds’, ‘minor thirds’ and ‘total intervals’, in relation to songs
from the Trinidad Rada and Brazilian Ketu. He acknowledges that it
is possible to significantly differentiate between the music of the
aforementioned societies on the basis of the frequencies of ‘interval
use’, but concludes that his application of the ‘discriminant function’ "markedly
enhanced the probability of correct classification" (p471). He contends that
the study described in his essay has demonstrated that the accurate
systematization of classification can be improved using Fisher’s statistical
technique. He also suggests that further studies with ‘larger samples’ and ‘more
variables’ should be conducted, so that significant measures can be
isolated and classificatory problems solved, in an effort to reduce
errors, so that "questions of relatedness and derivation may be
systematically attacked" (p 470). CLARITY RANKING:
3 Friedl, Ernestine. Persistence in Chippewa Culture and Personality. American Anthropologist Febuary, 1956 Vol. 58, No.5 (4):814-825. From his studies of Chippewa culture, Friedl asserts the assumption that there is congruence between the psychological structure an individual develops from sociocultural conditions and the psychological structure from individual personality. However, he questions the assumption that as sociocultural conditions change, the personality of individuals in its environment is expected to show variation. He presents this argument that in the case of the Chippewa. In this case, expectations that human events will be ever changing have continued to persist throughout Chippewa history, and this expectation resulted in a constant psychological structure in personality structure among acculturated Chippewa. Friedl sites many reasons for this continuity from his study of Chippewa data. First of all, Chippewan environment and subsistence methods brought about expectations that the consequences of skilled activity were immediate and forthcoming. Secondly, each man derived his power from the manidos, or dreams. From his manidos, he would derive the power to achieve a definite and immediate result. The meaning of dreams were intricately linked to the actions a man must take and the consequences to follow. Thirdly, Early historical patterns of Chippewan leadership and authority illustrated that each new situation required new decisions and that each man made separate decisions. Consequences of the decision making process was unique for each situation and was therefore short-lived. The derivation of power from the spirit world meant that each man had an equal right to change the direction of his life and to turn to his own powers for guidance. One day, he could have a sudden acquisition of power or possessions, and the next day none. Actions were short-lived and subject to constant change. As a result of short-lived consequences, the Chippewa tend to be generous with their acquisitions. Friedl argues that efforts at great accumulations were never successful because of an individual’s assumption that he shares all that he accumulates. Friedl asserts that Chippewa personality structure is a consequence of Chippewa history. As contact with Europeans became more frequent, old subsistence methods and trading patterns broke down. Native Americans settled down in reservations, became dependent on government relief and odd jobs of wage labor. Their circumstances changed together with treaty policies between the natives and the American government. This further reinforced the Chippewa belief that decisions had immediate and short-term consequences and that situations were ever changing and unique. Friedl asserts that as more information and detailed life histories of Native Americans come to light, it will reflect further evidence for changing situations and shifting human contacts. He asserts that his paper opens up further fields of investigation into cultures that have undergone considerable change and that they may maintain continuity of some sort. In this article, Friedl has presented that Chippewa culture has functioned on such a degree of constant change that the resulting underlying Chippewa expectations of change retain their adaptive value. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Garigue,
Philip. French Canadian Kinship and Urban Life. American
Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58: 1090-1101. In this article,
Garigue addresses the belief that kinship loses significance in an
urban setting. He set up a study which would describe the importance
of kinship among thirty urban French Canadians. Garigue describes
the kinship structure with the nuclei being the parent-child and sibling
relationships of the domestic family. It then extends outward
with relatives first of similar age, and then throughout the next generations. It
can be generalized that women are more active within the kinship system
than men, giving women a good deal of influence over family. This study examines
the extent of the participants knowledge of
their relatives: number of generations and names, age, sex, family
affairs, activities, etc. From this, Garigue's major findings
included: closest kinship existed within similar generations, women
seemed to be more in touch with the family affairs and had greater
knowledge of kinship, women also seemed to establish closer emotional
ties with family and relatives, the frequency of services rendered
between relatives was high, and that most participants knew their family
tree at least three generations back. Based on the study,
Garigue concluded that The French Canadian urban kinship system did
not show a trend of insignificance as did as did the urban areas of
the CLARITY RANKING:
3 Gibson, Gordon D. Double Descent and Its Correlates among the Herero of Ngamiland. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58 (1:8): 109-139 Gibson uses a structural-functional approach in the analysis of double descent within the Herero tribe of Ngamiland. He proposes the idea that both patrilineal and matrilineal systems can occur simultaneously to produce a "relatively stable, though loose, organization" (p. 110). Ultimately, the conjunctive functions of the matrilineal system and the disjunctive functions of the patrilineal system complement one another, achieving an order and logic to the Herero’s kinship system. Gibson first summarizes the historical context of the Herero of Ngamiland. The Herero were divided into three geographically distinct tribes – the Herero, the Mbanderu, and the Himba. During the 1840’s, the Herero underwent a period of German invasion, resulting in a full-scale war in 1904. In Germany’s attempt to exterminate thousands of Herero, many fled to the area of Ngamiland, an area many Herero previously migrated in 1896. It has been shown that the Herero of Ngamiland have undergone very little change from their traditional form of social organization. The explanation of the system of double descent begins through an analysis of the Herero’s organization of local residence. The Herero homestead or "onganda" (p.112) is composed of clustered huts of different household groups. The onganda is an example of the patrilineal-based economic and social unit within the Herero. This homestead is run by a male "owner" (p. 112) and his younger brothers and their sons. Women only occur within this system as wives, relatives, guests, or servants. However, the huts within the homestead, the "onjuo"(p.112), are based upon a system of matrilineal descent. Huts are built and owned by the women. Each woman has a hut for herself and her children. All the residents within the household name their hut after their mother. Gibson explains in detail why the minor matri-lineages are wider in membership than the minor patri-lineages, and why kinship can usually be traced among the members of a minor matri-lineage but not among the members of wider matrilineal groups. Detail is also given to explain why the Herero are able to recount their patrilineal ancestors back ten to fifteen generations. Gibson’s in-depth description and explanation of the co-existence and intermingling of both systems gives credit to the fact that dual descent can occur successfully without creating instability. Gibson furthers his point through a comprehensive analysis of the patrilineal segmentation: the association between patri-lineages and priests, patri-clans, phratries, fire and cattle cults of the patri-groups, and the descent of priesthood and the fission of patri-lineages. Furthermore, Gibson thoroughly examines the matrilineal segmentation through descriptions of activities within the matri-lineages and matri-clans, details within the Herero kinship terminology, and the associated activities of the matrilineal descent. Gibson also provides detailed diagrams of the homestead layout (p.114), descent lines (p.115), and the Herero consanguineal system (p.131). Gibson’s use of diagrams, his thorough descriptions of both the matrilineal and patrilineal systems within the Herero society, and his extensive analysis of both the conjunctive and disjunctive aspects of both systems provides ample evidence to support the fact that "cultural uniformity and social cohesion" (p.136) can occur within a system of dual descent. Gibson’s explains that while the patrilineal system "divides the society into separate corporate bodies" (p.136), the matrilineal system "provides the channels for interaction between the segments of the patrilineal system" (p.136). Dual descent can provide a society with a functional and interconnected system. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Gibson G. D. Double Descent and Its Correlates among the Herero of Ngamiland American Anthropologist 1956. Vol. 58:109-139 Gibson’s objective
in writing this article is to discuss and debate the issue of the double
descent issue of the Herero of Ngamiland, which was due to migration,
and among other causes. He also points out the credibility of the research
done by other anthropologists such as S.F. Nadel. He gives many descriptions
of the kinship relationships among the Katuwi, as well as their functions
within the social group. In this article,
Gibson provides charts of the kin relationship of the local Katuwi
people as well as a rough mapping of their homestead to illustrate
how their relationship to each other was alike. He also provides a
rough diagram of the Katuwi’s homestead. A hierarchical chart of the
matri-clan is also provided. This article should
be read very slowly and carefully but the presence of the charts and
the hierarchical chart allows the relationships to be understood easier. CLARITY RANKING:
2 Goffman, Erving. The Nature of Deference and Demeanor. American Anthropologist 1956 Volume 58(3): 473-502. Erving Goffman investigated some of the senses in which an individual in our secular world is allotted a kind of sacredness that is demonstrated and confirmed by symbolic acts. Deference and demeanor are the two major concepts that are essential to his investigation. Deference refers to the part of the ceremonial activity while demeanor refers to that element of the person’s ceremonial behavior. Goffman’s position states that ancient religion can be translated into concepts of demeanor and deference, which facilitate people to grasp some aspects of urban secular world. This article provides insight into demeanor and deference in relation to ceremonial life. The term, rule of conduct, is defined "as a guide for action" and also "infuse[s] all areas of activity and is upheld in the name and honor of almost everything" (Goffman, p.473). Rules of conduct are imposed upon the person in two different ways either directly as obligations or indirectly as expectations. Goffman uses the mental hospital as examples throughout the article to describe the relationships between patients and nurses, and between doctors and nurses. The article also details how one would feel when rules of conduct are broken, and how these individuals would "transform both action and inaction into expression" (Goffman, p.475). He illustrated two classes of conduct, asymmetrical and symmetrical. Deference is part of the ceremonial activity. Goffman categorized deference into two broad groupings. Avoidance rituals, which specify what should not to be done. The other, presentational rituals, which specify what is to be done and also comprise of four common factors: salutations, invitations, compliments and minor services. Demeanor refers to that element of the person’s ceremonial behavior "conveyed through deportment, dress, and bearing, which served to express to those in his immediate presence that he is a person of certain desirable or undesirable qualities" (Goffman, p. 489). It was seen that "through demeanor the individual create[d] an image of himself" (Goffman, p. 489) although not intended for the individual’s eyes. Similar to deference, demeanor can be symmetrical or asymmetrical. In conclusion, individuals can appreciate ceremonial life by separating demeanor and deference. It is seen that ceremonial rules play their social function. The mental hospitals were used as examples in the article because they were "graded according to the degree to which they violate ceremonial rules of social intercourse" (Goffman, p. 497). Although the article is lengthy, it provides great insight on any person desiring to read about the nature of deference and demeanor. Goffman concludes that it is necessary for an individual to possess areas of self-determination when an individual acts with proper demeanor and shows proper deference. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Goffman, Erving. The Nature of Deference and Demeanor. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:473-501. In this article,
Goffman wants to explore why people display certain symbolic acts within
the community. In doing so, he supports Emile Durkheim’s notion that
a person’s actions not only represent the collective but is performed
for himself through deference and demeanor. Goffman argues that
there is a "rule of conduct" that people live by. Everyone
is aware that if they do not live by these "rules of conduct" there
will be severe social sanctions and repercussions. Many people perform
certain acts because they expect to gain something in return. The gain
may be unconsciously embedded in the brain but either way, Goffman
thinks that people do certain things to get the same treatment in return.
He explains that people do things to be the kind of person they want
others to see them as. He goes on to talk about deference and demeanor
separately. He defines deference as a symbolic act in which one conveys
appreciation to a recipient. Deference is something that a person needs
to get from others. No one is capable of giving deference to themselves,
therefore they seek it from others. Goffman says you give deference
to get deference. He then defines demeanor as being behavior conveying
to others that one either possesses desirable or undesirable qualities.
Demeanor is not something that can be verbally conveyed but done through
actions over a long period of time. Demeanor is a way in which a person
creates himself. Finally, Goffman examines how deference and demeanor
go hand in hand. By giving deference to a recipient, the individual
does it in such a way, portraying himself as a well or bad demeaned
individual. Also, willingness to conduct yourself in a well demeaned
manner is a way of showing deference to those around you. This is a very interesting
article because it forces the reader to look at everyday practices
that everyone participates in. It also forces the reader to carefully
examine what each of those acts mean. Consciously or subconsciously,
everyone does things and says things to portray themselves in a certain
way. We are all trying to create ourselves through deference and demeanor. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Gough, E. Kathleen. Kinship
in a This article focuses
on the kinship patterns of members of the Hindu caste Brahman, in Gough used the information from her extensive research to show how the ideas of moral value and social position affected the roles of women, aggression between family members, and the roles of non-blood kin (i.e. adopted children). The formal separation within the extended family of this patrilineal and patrilocal system and the specific naming for each member of this family is seen to acerbate if not cause the separation of the "lower" members of the group. The author uses examples of the treatment of women by their husbands and their families to show how the system of nomenclature and kinship traditions had affected them. As for the aggression between family members this was witnessed between siblings towards the eldest son. He was the only member of the family outside of the father with any say in decision making. The roles of non-blood kin were almost non-existent since adoption was not a respected practice and although adoption did take place these children could not carry on the familial line so they were not considered to be true kin. These problems are not found within the lower castes and it is thus concluded that the Brahman caste expectations were the determining factor in these problems. The Brahman caste naming system is very complex and although the author does provide an appendix to supplement the reading and aid in the descriptions of position within the caste it can be very difficult in understanding some of the terminology. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Gough,
Kathleen. Brahman Kinship in a Looking at the Tanjore
district of South India, Gough attempts to explain the major differences
seen between the different castes within this area. He
looks at the kinship system as a whole, size and generation depth of
the patrilineal family, the dwelling groups, and also the rules of
marriage and divorce. Gough shows what social as well as familial implications
these differences have within the castes themselves. Gough mainly describes
what sets the Brahmans apart from others. He is yearning to explain the reason for
their highest ranking within the caste system, yet also how this ranking
has allowed certain kinships to form. He
examines how time and the change in culture have slightly clashed with
tradition, especially when it comes to land and family decisions. For the most part,
Brahmans have become permanent landowners, and survive on the labor
of the lower class, known as the Adi Dravidas. Each lineage does not have a headman, but
does worship usually a god from a famous Brahman temple of the Tamil
area. These lineages are quite
united, but one only sees this characteristic at festivals, marriage,
and other ceremonies. Today,
it is important to note that lineage is not a proper corporate group
or anything of the sort; their unity is now only seen in ritual. Gough’s focus is
on the four dominant lineages within Kumbapettai. Their dominance has been the factor sustaining
tradition within an ever-changing society and world. He also explains the dwelling group and its
relation to the Brahmans, as well as marriage. With urban work gone and more and more people
moving out of the village, inheritance of land has changed, and family
ties are now preserved more in the emotional sense. The family is constantly changing, as different
steps within life occur. Gough
documents these changes and their importance. Between marriage and infancy, a child’s ties
to her/his parents are constantly changing. The mother and father, who each have certain
obligations, have very different relationships with their children,
especially sons, which change with each step of life. Each one of these
phases is described as Gough explains the importance of familial relationship
within the social and caste context. CLARITY: 5 Herman, Mary W. The Social Aspects of Huron Property. American Anthropologist. 1958. Vol. 58: 1044-1058. Herman outlines
an investigation of social settings in relation to property rights
within the Huron culture. She describes ownership of property in the "social
sense" as an "interrelated collection of culturally prescribed
rights, duties, and beliefs" (p. 1044). Her argument is developed
by discussing Huron trade in the 17th century and then she
introduces issues of communal responsibility, informal entertaining,
gift giving, diplomatic feasts and exchanges of presents, reparation
payments, gifts required for curing ceremonies, as well as burial gifts.
She documents the importance of wealth and social status, gambling,
and theft within Huron culture and concludes that movable property
was associated with communal responsibility, institutionalized gift
giving, and generosity. She also notes "social status accrued
to the liberal and wealthy man (p. 1057) and that ownership was stressed
in terms of the influences of communal pressures (not individual accumulation). The purpose of discussing
17th century trade was to give context and understanding
about who and what was traded. Herman identifies
communal responsibility as being an integral part of Huron life, such
that all individuals had rights to basic necessities and that specific
group obligatory expenditures were beneficial for the community at
large. Communal responsibility accommodated for special emergencies
such as fire, or curing ceremonies, where objects were required. According
to Herman, gift giving served as a means of developing relationships
and giving access to people. In this context, intention was emphasized,
not the actual gift. Hurons had specific rules of hospitality, depending
on the visitor and the context of the situation. When discussing
diplomatic feasts, the goal for Hurons was to secure smooth relations
with other groups and within their own tribe. In giving gifts at social
events, friendships were bound together and strengthened. As Herman
indicates, reparation gifts acted as a means to heal a wounded relationship
due to a crime committed. Theft commonly occurred in Huron society
but "was not considered a seriously anti-social act…and commanded
none of the communal action available in the case of murder" (p.
1056). Here Herman points out the absence of any serious sanctions
that would have served to protect the owners of property. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Herman,
Mary W. The Social Aspect of Huron Property. American
Anthropologist. 1956 Vol. 58: 1044-1058. Herman examines
17th century Huron property practices to demonstrate that the traditional
anthropological conception of property is inadequate. She argues that “not
only the form of ownership patterns, but their interrelationships with
other aspects of the culture” must inform our understanding of property,
and that “A full understanding of the institution of property therefore
requires an investigation of the social setting in which it functions.” Herman’s discussion
is based on historic accounts of the Huron by Samuel de Champlain and
on the reports of local Jesuit priests. She organizes her discussion
along the occasions at which major exchanges of property occur: informal
gift-giving, formal presentations (especially politics), curing and
burial ceremonies, theft, and gambling. Herman discusses the centrality
of gift-giving at all events, and how wealth was intended to be in
constant Herman is able to
argue that the traditional notion of property cannot encompass the
Huron’s alternative treatment of property, and that the traditional
notion must therefore be expanded or enhanced so as to be applicable
across many cultural conceptions. Herman’s own attempt to give such
an expanded definition of property is as follows: “Ownership in the
social sense can best be understood as a more or less interrelated
collection of culturally prescribed rights, duties, and beliefs concerning
property.” CLARITY: 5 AVERILL
J. LESLIE Hoijer, Harry. Athapaskan
Kinship Systems. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 309-333 In an attempt to
offer a less tentative reconstruction of the proto-Athapaskan kinship
system, Harry Hoijer, with help of Professor Kroeber and Mrs. Janet
Joel, carried out a comparative-historical study of kinship terms in
Athapaskan daughter languages. At the same time, building up on A.
L. Kroeber’s declaration that kinship systems are in part, sets of
words (1973), Hoijer tried to test if it was possible to gather information
about kinship systems through comparative linguistic studies. The procedure used,
involved bringing together cognate kin terms from each of the daughter
languages, enabling him to determine the meaning and form of the original
proto-Athapaskan word from each set of terms. Subsequently, a comparison
of the kinship categories represented in the daughter languages took
place and was summarized in tables, helping gather more precise information
about the kinship systems of proto-Athapaskan. The data assembled
led Hoijer to the conclusion that the daughter communities closest
in kinship to the proto-Athapaskan are all in the north, while less
related communities are on the The author nevertheless
recognizes that the conclusion must not be taken as absolute because
the data, on which is based, was both small and incomplete. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Hoijer, Harry and Beals, Ralph L. George Walton Brainerd, 1909-1956. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 908-912 This is an obituary
for anthropologist George Walton Brainerd. He was born in Brainerd began his
career in zoology -- receiving his B.S. in 1930 and teaching and then
teaching general biology for the next few years in In 1940 he became
the Archeologist to the Division of Historical Studies, Carnegie Institution
of Washington. This position ended in 1943 when he joined the Navy
as a lieutenant in World War II, serving in the Brainerd was interested in improving techniques of excavation, laboratory analysis and field survey, and made contributions in the quantitative study in these areas. This led to contributions in typology and classification, particularly in ceramic analysis and using ceramics to determine the time and regional variations of culture. Many students were attracted to his teaching in this field as he was also considered an enthusiastic and inspiring teacher. Few scholars were
as knowledgeable of paste, temper, pigments, and firing temperatures
as related to archeology. He also developed methods of sorting and
analyzing ceramics based on their style. His ceramic chronology of
the excavations in which he participated in His research in
ceramics contributed to his study of cultural change and its process.
This he applied to proving that the Toltec invasion of Brainerd also stimulated and guided a lot of local, non-professional research through the Southern California Archeological Survey Association. This obituary is concise and clear in its description of Brainerd’s work. It concludes with a bibliography of his published works. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Hoijer,
Harry and Beals, Ralph L. George
Walton Brainerd. American Anthropologist, 1956. Vol. 58: 908-911. In this article
Harry Hoijer and Ralph L. Beals focus on the professional achievements
of George Walton Brainerd. Hoijer
and Beals demonstrate Brainerd’ success as a scientist and researcher
by describing the variety of research projects that Brainerd successfully
completed during his life. One
common theme found in Brainerd’s work is his focus on the culture change
and its processes. He used ceramics
research and problems of chronology as two focal points in his study
of culture change. Like many other
anthropologists Brainerd began his studies and research in different
scientific field; he received his undergraduate degree in Brainerd continued
his archeological research, covering a broad range of geography and
methodology concerns. After
running into different problems of classification and methodology,
he developed a perfected form of ceramics analysis as a methodology
used to determine deviations of time and within regions of a culture. He
expanded his research field to comparative art of non-literate peoples,
working on systemization in the field of primitive art. His last project
focused on the “conviction that the Toltec invasion of Hoijer and Beals
end the article by focusing on Brainerd’s gregarious personality and
his dedication to his students. Brainerd
did not allow his research pursuits to take away from his students
at UCLA, nor did he allow his research to prevent him from guiding
nonprofessional workers in Archeological research. CLARITY: 5 JEEHO
LEE Hymes, D. H. Na-Déné and Positional Analysis of Categories. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(4):624-638. The focus of this article is on linguistic analysis and culture theory. Specifically, Hymes' research explored the disagreement amongst linguists as to the value of genetic linguistic classification in establishing cultural relationships and common ancestry. He used the question of Na-Déné as a test case. It was suggested that Na-Déné was a proto-language (predecessor) of a family of related languages of the Northwest Canadian natives: the Haida, Tlingit, and Athapaskan. These languages were proposed to be genetically related, which meant there was linguistic evidence that they had diverged from a common ancestral form. Therefore, this gives reason to believe that the ancestors of those who speak the Na-Déné languages were also genetically related. Though there was much debate among linguists as to the reality of Na-Déné, Hymes provided evidence for its existence and common ancestry using morphologic structure to analyze the languages' similarities. In addressing his topic, Hymes reviewed the background and status of the Na-Déné question. He addressed the role of morphologic data in genetic proof and applied the method of using morphologic structure to Na-Déné. Lastly, he commented on the implications for linguistic analysis and culture theory. The use of morphologic structure to identify language similarity had been an issue of debate among linguists. This method involved identifying common occurrences of systematic positional structures. This meant identifying the position of verbs in relation to nouns and comparing the positions to that of the proto-language. The languages were then assessed for similarities on more than one plane of language, form, or context in order to prove genetic connection. This meant identifying phonetic and semantic similarities. It was confirmed that there was evidence for the existence of Na-Déné: phonetic correspondences, parallels of morphophonemic alliteration, sound correspondences and similar positional structure. There was also evidence that the basic morphologic pattern was a stable sector of language and valuable for establishing relationship among languages. This article required deliberate concentration to grasp the concepts, yet the issue was well supported and discussed. The issue of Na-Déné is of interest not only to linguistics, but also to cultural anthropologists. For, where there was once linguistic unity, there may have been cultural unity. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Jeffreys, M. D. W. Some Rules of Directed Culture Change Under Roman Catholicism American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 721-731 Jeffreys' thesis in this article was that in studying directed culture change, one could gain insight into the mechanics of culture change and cultural interaction. What people understood about culture change could give us valuable insight into how people perceived culture. Jeffreys used Gillin's principles of successful culture change in comparison to the Roman Catholic Church's guidelines for culture change, along with specific examples of directed culture change under the Church. Jeffreys used a
variety of different sources to make his argument. A letter from Pope
Gregory I (circa 601 AD) urges a missionary not to destroy temples,
simply to put them to a different purpose. The author also used ordinances
issued by Father Merolla to correct the "abuses" he saw among
the natives of the The article is clear, concise and easy to read. Jeffreys did a good job of exploring culture change through an organisation that has been the driving force of culture change. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Jeffreys, M. D. W. Some Rules of Directed Cultural Change Under Roman Catholicism. American Anthropologist 1956 58: 721-731 Jeffreys discusses
methods of changing the customs and beliefs of peoples by Roman Catholic
priests. He discusses the various theories and practices of other anthropologists
and catholic priests respectively, summarizes them and formulates a
conclusion. Jeffreys believes
that the most powerful methods of converting people to Catholicism
must follow certain criteria set out by Gillin. Gillin described four
rules, which emphasized spiritual supply and demand, and gradual change.
Jeffreys uses several examples, one is a minor example involving the
conversion of the English pagans in the seventh century by Father Gregory.
Part of the success of this conversion, Jeffreys points
out, involves the fact that instead of destroying the temples of the
pagans, Father Gregory opted to use them, maintaining much of the outer
continuity of the religious community. He also mentioned that little
of the social structure was changed, making it easier for the pagans
to shift belief systems and increasing Father Gregory’s success. The other example
he uses is the major focus of his article. It is the conversion of
the Congo Negroes in the 17th century by Father Morella.
Morella used defamation to do away with the spiritual leaders who would
otherwise replace the priest’s role in society. Jeffreys constructs
his evidence about this conversion using a series of examples of "abuses" and "corrective
ordinances" documented by Morella and "notations" added
by himself. In these "notations",
Jeffreys points out how Father Morella could have made the conversion
more successful, if Gillin’s criteria were employed. For example, in
one of Jeffreys notations, he says that in
order to change the customs of Negro women from holding a sacred item
of their religion and confessing sexual transgressions during childbirth,
Morella should have introduced holding a cross and regular confessions
at the temples. Jeffreys states that certain
questions should be asked about such conversions: "How effective
has the cultural change been?" and "What social and spiritual
values do the new adherents place on the new religion?" In summary, Jeffrey’s
examines the methods of conversion to Roman Catholicism with special
emphasis on making cultural changes – changes in custom. His aim is
to better the methods of conversion, to make it as swift and complete
as possible. Jeffrey’s clearly has no regard for the preservation of
culture, his aim is to perfect the science of changing culture. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Kaut, Charles
R. Western Apache Clan and Phratry Organization. American
Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58: 140-146 When set against
clear-cut systems of other groups consisting of clans, the Navaho and
Western Apache clan and phratry systems can appear puzzling. The article
is a re-analysis of Goodwin’s data, who had
completed ten months of field work among the Western Apache. The author
suggests that, based on research by Goodwin, the Navaho and Western
Apache clans are related. Both have the same historical origin and
their social organizations are closely related as demonstrated by their
culture and language. Many comparisons
are made based on other clans and the activities that they performed
such as agriculture, hunting, and gathering. The territories, mobility,
and ceremonies are described in relation to the seasons, leading into
a discussion of relations and ancestors. Claims of descent and origin
are made and this is how further divisions in Phratries are made. The paper is centered
on clan-relationships from Goodwin’s point of view and describes, using
a figure and several examples in the text, of how clans are related
and inevitably describes marriage restrictions. Goodwin had described
three types of clans and three types of associations between these
clans. The Western Apache Clan is very organized and highly cooperative.
The clans had an individual economic and religious
activities but the clans and phratries were tied together by
social activities and marriage patterns. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Kaut, Charles R. Western
Apache Clan and Phratry Organization. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58 (1):140-146. The
general issue that is discussed in the article is the relationship
between the Western Apache clan, the Navaho clan, and other independent
groups in the Southwest. The more specific purpose of the article
is to describe the Navaho and The
author uses the studies of a man named Goodwin, who dies before he
was able to complete his research. The author takes his research
and makes generalizations based on that info. He admits that there
is a lack of factual history that explains the Navaho and Western
Apache clans. The information that does exist contradicts itself
and has therefore been proven unreliable. The author uses Goodwin’s
argument in the beginning of the article to provide a base for the thoughts he will
expand on throughout the entire article. CLARITY:3 Krader, Lawrence. A
Nativistic Movement in The article, "A
Nativistic Movement in In examining the criteria of a nativistic movement, one can learn that there must be a messianic element, an idealization of the past, a rejection of the foreign way, and a list of commandments. Throughout this article, the author provides evidence that the Burkhanism movement meets the required criteria. Firstly, providing evidence of the messianic element, the author presents the proclamation to Chot Chelpan. Secondly, the author incorporates the cultural and historical background information into the article to provide a reason for the Altai Turks to desire liberation from the Russian Regime. Lastly, the eighteen commandments for the new Altai religion are listed, interpreted, and described in detail. From the evidence presented, the author satisfies the definition of a nativistic movement with the components of the Burkhanism movement, therefore, he is able to successfully support his argument. In understanding
this article, a second reading is recommended. The author makes mention
of several names for the Altai people and the other groups living in
the The author supports his argument very well with the evidence provided throughout the article. In the conclusion, the reader is left with no question of whether this Burkhanism movement should be considered a nativistic one. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Krader, Lawrence. A
Nativistic Movement in Krader deals with
one of several responses of native peoples to the acculturative impact
of Western civilization. That response is called nativism which Krader
defines as rejection of the unfamiliar way, and the cult of the native
way. According to Krader, nativism arises from the problem of acculturation
of Western culture to native culture, and is revivalistic and mystic.
In nativism, natives seek to revive and relive a certain aspect of
their past that does not exist in their present culture. To achieve
this, natives employ realistic and or mystic approaches. Nativisim
reflects the native people’s way of trying to understand and cope with
the shocking changes resulting from acculturation. Thus, it can be
considered as a form of rejection. Krader further illustrates
nativism by referring to a nativistic movement that involve the
Altai Turks. In 1904, an Altai Turk named Chot Chelplan had a vision
of a being coming to free the Altai Turks from Russian ruling. Stemming
from this Chot Chelpan preached a new religion worshipping a new god
with the name Burkhan, and preached political unity governed by one
ruler. He created a prayer and had hundreds of followers. As a result
of his proclamation, the natives of the Chuya valley in the Altai left
their homes and went to a meeting place in the mountains that was carefully
concealed from the Russians and the Christianized Altai Turks. The
movement was partly religious and partly political, but totally a reaction
to acculturation. It was called Burkhanism. There is significance
in the Altai nativism because it contains several different cultural
influences. The Altai natives reside in a kind of refuge area which
had been involved in several political, religious and economic developments.
The empire which the natives aspired to revive was not their own, but
that of the Mongol Kalmuks, who in the eighteenth century had subjugated
the Altai Turks. There also exists Christian and Lamaist influences,
and northern Buddhism because Burkhan is the Mongolian name fore Buddha. In some parts of
Chot Chelpan’s proclamation, the idea of an innocent virgin female
is involved, and the existence of commandments of higher power is expressed.
This exemplifies the Christian influence of the nativistic movement.
There are eighteen commandments and they deal with personal habits
of the Altains, Lamaist influence of Shamanism, and anti-Russian prescriptions
and proscriptions. All eighteen commandments are singularly addressed
to illustrate parallels of the commandments to other cultural influences
and their contributions to rejection of an alien way, and cult of the
native way. The author concludes
with the thought that nativistic revivals fail to attain their purpose
because they do not realize how greatly influenced their social relations
and thoughts are by the invading culture. However, nativistic movements
do succeed in shaping definition of culture for people who have been
victimized by acculturation. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Krader, Lawrence. Recent
Studies of the Russian Peasant. American Anthropologist 1956
Vol.58: 716-719. The Russian peasant
became known to the west more so in the 19th century through
accounts of others. Information was gained through foreign travelers
as well as Russian novelists. Although there were
many people looking at the lives of Russian peasants at the time, Frederic
Le Play was a leader among them all. A founder of sociology, he studied
the peasant household of central and southern During the time
of the revolution up until the Second World War, the life of the Russian
peasant must be gained through other sources. There was a large gap
from 1917 up until postwar period. In 1953 it was pointed out by L.A.
Pushkareva, that it was also important to study the nonmaterial culture
of the Russian Peasant, not just the material culture. There is still a
lot to be explored and learnt about the Russian peasant. There have
been many changes with in the sections of the Russian peasant life,
and these need to be looked at. CLARITY RANKING
3.5 Krader,
Lawrence. Recent Studies of the Russian Peasant. American
Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(1):
716-719. This article is
a summary of the recent studies that have been conducted on the Russian
peasant. It discusses the different
trends that have occurred within the writing, describing which approaches
have been explored and which have been somewhat neglected. The author, Krader, does not present a very
strong argument in the article, rather a somewhat objective overview
of the “vast literature on the Russian peasant”. He
does outline which aspects of the ever changing Russian peasantry had
yet to be explored in the stagnant literature and suggest that the
writing ought to keep up with its subject. The
majority of the article, however, does not present evidence for the
necessity of change in the literature on the Russian peasantry. Instead, it summarizes the different types
of writing on the subject and gives examples of the authors and writing
in each category. Krader begins by
outlining the different types of people who have written on rural Russia,
listing Russian novelists, foreign “travellers”, including anthropological
writings, as well as extensive writing by other Russians. The
works by other Russians include many works by the Russian Geographical
Society. The article then outlines the different time
periods in the writing, delineating the twenty-five years in between
the revolution and World War II as a hole in the anthropological writing. The time after World War II is divided into
two eras, the second of which is largely criticism of the methods used
during the first. Krader outlines
the opinions of both the critics and the criticized while remaining
remarkably neutral, not giving any indication which side he believes
to be correct. He also points out that the majority of the
writing on the Russian peasantry concentrates on the material culture,
mostly ignoring the nonmaterial culture. Then,
again without indicating opinion, Krader describes the small amount
of writing that does analyze the nonmaterial culture, writing on the
changing role of women in the rural agricultural economy. He then addresses the lack of “interrelation” of
different types of research in the writing. However, keeping with his objective standpoint,
he does not call for a change. He
concludes by stating that the writing on the subject did not sufficiently
capture the direction of change in the culture and that the ultimate
fate of the Russian peasantry had yet to be investigated. CLARITY: 4 EMILY
KNOPF Kurath, Gertrude P. Choreology and Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58: 177-179. In the article "Choreology and Anthropology," Kurath argues that ethnology can benefit from the study of choreology. Choreology is the science of movement patterns and focuses on the forms of movement known as dance. Dance, as she advises us, is in some societies purely recreational; while in other societies, it is closely linked to religious and social aspects of life. She argues that there are certain questions to be addressed should an ethnologist or choreologist find himself or herself studying dance as it pertains to a certain society. Kurath indicates that it is important to first analyze the formal components of dance in order to gain an understanding of the structure. She then claims that we must examine the dance in terms of "the relationship of individuals to one another, the relationship of their activity to social organization, to economy, [and] to the world of supernaturals"(p.178). The inference that can be made is that by looking at these aspects of dance, we can learn a lot about social and political organization. Kurath suggests that once dance has been analyzed using these guidelines, the information should be used in a comparative analysis. We should compare features of the culture being studied with those of neighboring cultures or distant groups. We should consider three criteria - area study: "Which features are peculiar to the group? Which items are shared with other groups?"; intrusion and diffusion: "What feature appears alien? Where does this typical feature appear?"; and change: "During intrusions…what has happened to the local style?"(p. 179). Kurath concludes by arguing that many of these questions are asked about other aspects of culture, and that is because choreology has learned from more developed sciences. She argues that choreology can provide benefits to ethnology "…if the worker wants to see a rounded picture, …tribal organization, wants to blend visual with mental patterns, [and] wants reinforcing clues to authorities"(p.179). This article is very clear, concise, and easy to read. The language is recent enough to not confuse the reader, and the article is very basic in its argument. It is, in effect, a summary of a paper previously written by the author, and prior knowledge of that paper may provide some insight. However, on the whole, this paper is in itself understandable. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Lowie, Robert
H. Reminiscences of Anthropological Currents in Turn of the century Anthropologists and how they contributed to modern (1958) anthropology are examined in Lowie’s article. Lowie critically examines what these men contributed to anthropology, all of who used evolution and diffusion to interpret their studies. In his opinion it was the lesser-known men working in anthropology that made the greater contributions. He writes that men like Brinton and Cushing who were more widely known did made very little lasting impression on anthropology and that many of their theories were nonsense. The author then examines how different "extraneous sources" contributed to anthropology and how anthropologists used these sources in their work. Geography and psychology are looked at closely. He examines how anthropologists have argued over whether thought comes before behavior or vice versa. This article would be useful for anyone who is interested in anthropologists such as Cushing, Brinton, Powell, McGee, Bandlier, Fewkes, Holmes, Morgan, Meyer as well as several other well known and not so well known men from a colleague’s point of view. The article also provides a history of anthropological theory and the men behind it (though the author mentions that it is not a history). The article is written and laid out clearly, though it sometimes gets confusing about whom he is talking about because names will be mentioned consecutively and then no name will be mentioned at all. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Lowie, Robert
H. Reminiscences of Anthropological Current in Lowie states that
prior to 1900 ethnological theories were based on physical sciences
with their "truths" and their methodology; and the like the
sciences of before "…new facts are disclosed
, and shake the foundations of theories that seemed firmly established." [Boas
1898:3f.] While Lowie’s younger peers were said to criticize their
seniors for being "isolationist", Lowie demonstrates that
the concerns of that time and the individual experiences of scholars
in history, psychological, philosophy and physical sciences both shaped
and challenged, ultimately making way for transformation in American
anthropology. At the time of writing
this article author Robert H. Lowie was into his seventies and was
an anthropologist respected for his own contributions to the early
development of anthropological discipline. His 19-page article reads
like the Who’s Who of early American anthropology from both
an analytical and familiar perspective. Without reservation,
Lowie introduces anthropologists of the early 1900’s and combines discussions
of their individual contributions with the "intellectual movements" that
guided the evolution of anthropological theories. Specifically, Lowie
briefs us on the more familiar contributions of Frank Cushing (1857-1900),
Daniel Brinton (1837-1899), John Powell (1834-1902), William McGree
(1853-1912), and Adolphe Bandelier (1840-1914). Lowie also acquaints
us with lesser known, but in his opinion more significant contributors,
anthropologists Jesse Fewkes (1850-1930), Otis T. Mason (1838-1908),
Walter Hough (1859-1935) and Williams H. Holmes (1846-1933). An emphasis is placed
on how the scientific theories of evolution were challenged by through
shifts felt in other disciplines such as biology, history and in significant
contributions from psychology [Galton], sociology [Wundt] and geography.
Much of this interchange took place with the teachers, lecturers and
students of Lowie does not play
favourites with the anthropologists of this time, nor does he make
excuses for the mistakes made in the early establishment of cultural
anthropology. He seeks not to gives us a history lesson, but rather
to illuminate some of the scholarly currents that were meaningful at
the time. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Macwhite, Eoin. On
the Interpretation of Archeological Evidence in Historical and
Sociological Terms. American Anthropologist. 1956 Vol.
58: 3-23 In
this study, Macwhite mentions the difficulty of the archeological
interpretation especially in terms of the predocumentary periods.
He points out that the archeological reasoning based on the non-documentary
evidence tends to be not a fact, but merely interpretation (or representation)
by a historian. As the approach to correct “error in archeological theory” (4), this article refers to the levels of archeological interpretation with
detailed tables. The difficulty of interpretation concerning psychological
plane is stated, and he admits “that intuition (in the popular
sense of the word) often replaces
the more logical processes of deduction and reduction, which includes
induction” (6). In
terms of the problem of understanding the archeological culture,
he again indicated the tendency to regard only fragments as the whole
and this fact is often neglected. To deal with this problem, the
author suggests interaction of two ideas: “culture change
as a continuous stream to be segmented into types as this
best suits the archaeologist’s purpose” and “to conceive of types as once existent realities”,
both of which
should be supported by archeological evidence(11). The
author also argues the “invasions and acculturation” (16),
and “archeology and linguistic problems” (18),
both of which have the difficulty to set up the definition because of the subjective nature. He
concludes that to seek the absolute interpretation is never-ending
journey. CLARITY:
3 TAKUYA TSUNODA MacWhite,
Eóin. On the Interpretation of Archeological Evidence in Historical
and Sociological Terms. American
Anthropologist, 1956 Vol.58(1): 3-25. Archeology is related
to history in practice and theory; however in contrast to history,
archeology exists in limited proportions of material culture only at
the time of its discovery, and is impersonal since individuals cannot
be discerned. The field of archeology
has over time developed a system of reason that uses altered jargon
borrowed from other fields. Archeological
analysis varies with each person and object of study and thus prevents
the science of archeology from unification of interpretation methods. MacWhite’s
article is an examination of problems of archeological methods and
theory. His goal is to research tools that can be
applied universally and to identify weak points and potential sources
of error in archeological method and theory. In his study, MacWhite
finds problems and discrepancies in archeological interpretation, concept
of culture, and understanding of dynamic culture change and role of
linguistics in archeology. MacWhite
observes that there are varying levels of interpretation and patterns
of cognitional factors in archeology. Interpretation varies according to circumstance
of discovery, inherent factors of discovery, period, and geographic
and climatic conditions. Also
depending on level of interpretation, intuition can replace deductive
or reductive reasoning. MacWhite
finds that there is no single concept of what archeological culture
is. Generally, the term culture
is coined arbitrarily when patterns of groups and types are observed. He
warns not to forget that archeological culture is only a fragment of
a whole culture. After much discussion, MacWhite defines an
archeological culture “as a significant group of space-time units consisting
of possibly one but generally a number of phases, whose basic traits
belong to the same tradition” (16). MacWhite
notes that the role of linguistics in and natural evolution of culture
is hard to understand. In his article,
MacWhite suggests questions rather than supply answers concerning typical
errors of archeological method and theory. MacWhite calls for a fusion of European and
American archeological method and theory so that the field can be more
universal. CLARITY: 1 May, Carlyle L. A Survey of Glossolalia and Related Phenomena in Non- Christian Religions. American Anthropologists 1956 (58) 1:75- In this article, May, focuses on glossolalia or speaking in tongues. He focuses on the question: Where did speaking in unknown languages originate and does it have Christian roots? Examples of glossolalia throughout history were surveyed. May mentions the
studies of Lombard, Cutten, Moisman and a few others. May suggests
that the main conclusion is that glossolalists speak in tongues while
in high emotional states (Pg 76). According to Cutten, the person indulging
in glossolalia is in an emotional state where the controlling part
of their mind is not functioning, therefore
they are using the subconscious. Moisman states that glossolalia occurs
when "speech organs come under temporarily control of the reflex
centers" (pg77), and in a different manner, According to May, May goes on to discuss two different types of language used in speaking in tongues. The first is called the "Language of the Spirits". An example is when the Hudson Bay Eskimos speak from the trickling water, rushing wind or roar of a bear. In this language the ‘shaman’ becomes the person who the spirits speak through. Most of the time he does not remember what was said. It is normal to have different sounds in their voices and the unnatural sounds are said to be gods speaking through them. The second is "the Language of Animals", which is when the ‘shaman’ is transformed into an animal by making the same sounds as the animal. This allows the shaman to travel the world and be a spirit, or non human being. Even going to hell and heaven is a part of this. May cites documented examples from many different tribes of this type of ritual. May then expands
on two types of Lombard’s glossolalia: phonations frustes and xenoglossia.
He gives many examples of tribes that have experienced these types
of glossolalia within their culture, including tribes all around in
the In conclusion, May states that glossolalia is widespread and very ancient. He also explains that it mainly comes from Christian roots, and then he lists some areas of the world where it might have occurred and even where it might have begun. May also suggests that more research and field work needs to be completed to include more explanations of how glossolalia is learned and give a clearer picture of its history. Despite some complex terminology, this article was fairly easy to understand. CLARITY RANKING: 4 DEANNA L’ABBE Mayer, Adrian
C. Associations in This article by
Adrian C. Mayer attempts to study the rural areas of the colonies of The Cane Gang is
an association where a major crop, sugar cane is grown. Cane cutting
is organized by the CSR (Colonial Sugar Refining Company) to ensure
a steady flow of suitable cane. The hierarchy of authority within the
cane operations is discussed, including the description of the "Sidar" whom
is in charge of overseeing operations. There is no formal election,
per se, for the position of the "Sidar" because it is believed
to cause tension, division, and even favouritism within the structure
of a cane gang. The School Committee are those
within the community who maintain the buildings and who pay the salaries
of the teachers from monies collected from the parents. The teachers
are civil servants, under the control of the education department.
The election patterns is similar to that of the cane gang. Those elected
are those who have succeeded in the pre-election canvass. The issues
in the pre-election canvassing may be the discussion of disputes over
policies or differences involving culture and kin groups. The Settlement Associations
are composed of a group of people whose main purpose is to aid in the
organization of major ritual and social events and to be the arbitrators
in disputes that may arise within the community. Three major positions
are elected annually: a president, a secretary and a treasurer. Elections
are followed along the same lines as the two previous associations,
except only candidates that are publicly nominated are unanimously
supported. In essence, the
issue that encompasses all three rural areas of the colony of CLARITY RANKING:
2 CARLA DI GIANDOMENICO McQuown, Norman
A. A Linguistics Laboratory Serves Cultural Anthropology. American
Anthropologist 1956 Pg. 536-9 In this article,
McQuown discusses the emergence of the field of Linguistics as uncovered
by Benjamin Lee Whorf. During the 1940s Whorf published several articles
in Linguistics on its relation to other fields and the relation to
the worldview. His work served as an inspiration to further expand
studies on language and culture. Viewing language as a part of culture
brought forth the question of how to explore patterns of culture. The
two noted ways found that served to assist cultural anthropologists
were: The use of a local person/interpreter, translate via a "contact" language,
or have a test site within the community. McQuown does infer that some
consideration must be taken when observing Mr. Whorf’s publishing as
his theories were based on generalizations in regards to the relationship
between Linguistics and (formal) cultural activity, which results in
much misinterpretation. Whorf"s main premise is that "There
are connections but not correlations or diagnostic correspondences
between cultural norms and linguistic patterns" (McQuown 536).
Moreover, he argues that connections depend on ways of analyzing and
reporting experiences that have become a part of the "fashion
of speaking." McQuown indicates that Whorf’s early findings leads one to believe that language
acts as a vehicle and serves to open the door to cultural patterns.
McQuown provides further discussion indicating that language in itself
can be recorded (more concrete), describable, and dissected, but using
language to observe cultural patterns becomes complex. Mr. Whorf states
in determining the "value" of language in relation to cultural
patterns one of two areas must be met. First we need to become an expert
in techniques (language technician) and secondly, we need to have an
interpreter/translator. Upon Whorf’s early
discussion of "Linguistics as an Exact Science", Whorf foresaw
that there would be a time when "…well equipped laboratories of
linguistics…" (McQuown 537) would exist as a refined field of
expertise. McQuown provides insight into the financial problems that
may arise. In establishing a laboratory, trained persons in this field
are required in addition to equipment that would assist in data collection
and recording information. McQuown states that being able to establish
a laboratory can be beneficial and that it is important to "justify
expenditures" when seeking funding money from sources. CLARITY RANKING:
3 McQuowan,
Norman A. A Linguistics Laboratory Serves Cultural
Anthropology. American Anthropology, 1956 Vol. 58: 536-539 In his article,
Norman A. McQuown presents an argument supporting the necessity of
linguistic analysis in cultural anthropology facilitated by linguistics
laboratories. He begins his
article by referencing Benjamin Lee Whorf and his link between linguistics
and other fields of study. Eventually,
this established a standard view that language and culture are closely
related. In addition, language
can be seen as a vehicle of culture, however, McQuown brings forth
the issue that the “full implications” of the relationship are “seldom
explored” (McQuown 536). McQuown analyzes
Whorf’s statements regarding the relationship of language and culture.
Whorf claimed that culture and language are connected, but not correlated. “He
pointed out that the principal value of linguistic data is evidential” (McQuown
537). Then he presents his own views on language
as being a vehicle by which cultural patterns are transferred to not
only future generations, but also to cultural anthropologists. Furthermore,
he describes the various aspects of language that make it an ideal
method for cultural analysis. Language
is recordable and reproducible, as well as a form of communication,
thus, the anthropologist must be able to properly learn the language
in order to gain information. In order to facilitate
this learning, McQuown proposes a linguistics laboratory, which provides
the necessary linguistic elements and has materials submitted to it. Specifically,
he refers to taped recordings, which can provide insight, such as verbal
rituals; into the life the anthropologist is studying. To qualify his assertions,
McQuown presents several problems of the linguistics laboratory for
the linguists. For example,
besides lacking funds, labor can be scarce in analyzing and transcribing
the language. On the other hand,
McQuown also emphasizes many of the positive aspects of the linguistics
laboratory. For instance, the
laboratory would enhance the training of linguistic technicians. Finally, McQuown explains the methods involved
to make the laboratory a successful endeavor. CLARITY RANKING:
5 SHIMUL KADAKIA Mednick, Lois W. and Orans, Martin. The Sickle-Cell Gene: Migration Versus Selection. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(2): 293-295. In their article, The
Sickle-Cell Gene: Migration Versus Selection, Mednick and Orans
describe how the relevance of the sickle-cell trait has changed from
a strictly biological perspective to having an important role in
the ideas on racial migration. They present the new theories of the
time including Dr. Ronald Singer’s 1953 American Anthropologist report
and the work done by Allison in 1953/54. Dr. Singer’s article, "The
Sickle-Cell Trait in Mednick and Orans
then describe how the sickle-cell trait is not restricted to the Negro
populations of the world (as previously thought). They tell of findings
in parts of The key points of Allison’s work are examined in detail. His research on how the sickle-cell gene, when found in heterozygosity, can protect people from malaria is emphasized. This allows people in areas of the world with malaria to survive its effects and spread the sickle-cell gene to a wider population. The conclusions Allison draws from his findings are stated. He tells how the occurrence of the sickle-cell trait is true unbalanced polymorphism and how the presence of the gene relates to the amount of malaria in a region through gene mutation. Mednick and Orans supply examples of this research by providing the results of tests run in African nations. From the data attained, it is possible that all populations that have the sickle-cell gene are related due to the mutation rate allowing the people of a region to survive contact with malaria. Finally Mednick and Orans state that you cannot examine the sickle-cell trait in isolation as all other genes on the chromosome are affected by change in populations. They warn of the dangers of basing a theory on limited data. Many factors must be taken into consideration when looking at gene migration among populations. Selection plays an important role but must be considered along with migration when formulating a conclusion about the specific traits of a population. This scientifically complex article gives students the ability to look at the key theories of the past and see how they were developed using the sickle-cell trait as an example. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Mednick, Lois and Orans. Martin. The Sickle-Cell Gene: Migration Versus Selection. American Anthropologist 1956 vol. 58:293-295. This article discusses
distribution and frequency of sickle-cell trait in various populations.
Dr. Ronald Singer wrote an article in the 1953 issue of American Anthropologist
stating that the origin of sickle-cell trait in the This article takes
a look at the conclusions and research found in Singer’s article in
American Anthropologist. Before 1945, investigators thought sickle
cell was strictly a Negro trait (racial diagnostic). It seemed to only
be reported among African Negroes, or descendents. However, after 1946
and 1951 studies were performed, it was also found to be relatively
common in parts of Also discussed is
frequency inconsistency in that there is a high frequency of the gene
in separated locations. Allison (1954, 1955) gave an explanation for
this. He indicated that there might be a relationship between incidence
and frequency of the trait and the presence & severity of malaria.
A study subjected 30 men to malaria, 15 trait-carriers and 15 non-trait
carriers: 14 of non-traits developed malaria; only 2 of 15 trait-carriers
developed it, and cases were milder than the control group. Detractors
of this study were of course the small sample size, however unlikely
due to chance. The experiment indicates that heterozygosity for the
sickle-cell trait affords protection against or lessens the effects
of malaria (subtertian). Allison studied
life expectancy and relative fertility of those with the anemia; she
found that these (homozygous) people have 1 chance in 4 of reproducing.
This means that the loss of genes from death (due to sickle-cell trait)
would be so minimal that to balance it would require an almost-impossible
rate of mutation (some thousands of times greater than any estimated
for man). This means that instead of individuals dying from sickle-cell
trait, which would decrease its abundance, they are able to reproduce
and pass it on to other generations. Allison concluded
that the incidence of sickle-cell trait in only a proportion of a population
is due to two factors: 1) the severity of malaria in the region, which
tends to increase the frequency of the gene; and 2) and the rate of
elimination of the gene due to death from anemia. Sickle-cell mutation
would have a reasonable chance of survival in a malarial area. This theory of selective
advantage of the sickle-cell trait in a malarial environment casts
doubt on previous migrational theories. It is compatible with evidence
of the trait found in people with no Negro-admixture. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Miner, Horace. Body Ritual among the Nacirema. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58 3 : 503-507 Miner’s article
is a famous article about the well-known Nacirema people (i.e. Americans
spelled backwards). In this article, the author is attempting
to explain differences in behavior in terms of customs by way of example
showing how someone else might describe our own practices. The author
demonstrates that "attitudes about the body" have a pervasive
influence on many institutions in Nacirema society. In the article
readers get a thorough and exciting ethnographic account of the myriad
of taboos and ceremonial behaviors that permeate the everyday activities
of the members of a magic-ridden society. Focusing on secret rituals
that are believed to prevent disease while simultaneously beautifying
the body, Miner demonstrates the importance of ceremonial specialists
in directing even the most routine aspects of daily life among the
Nacirema. An important focus of this activity is the human body, the appearance and health of which is of major importance in the belief system of the people. They are incredibly concerned with the body and it’s natural tendencies (i.e.: disease, weight gain). The people believe that the mind is trapped in a diseased body, and the only way to avoid sickness is through the powerful influences of rituals and ceremonies. Some of the repetitive social practices that the Nacirema perform daily are representative of their beliefs in some higher being. The ceremonies and rituals that these people undergo are very intriguing and obviously quite painful. It is hard to imagine how the population of the Nacirema has remained alive, let alone growing under the circumstances that they impose upon themselves. The culture certainly has its own take on how to stay healthy and how to survive. According to Malinowski, the power and guidance of magic helped the early culture and population of the Nacirema advance to a higher stage of civilization. The rituals of the Nacirema, elegantly depicted by Miner, give shape to a culture that at first could appear quite foreign to most Americans; however, on closer examination, there is something familiar sounding to all this. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Miner, Horace. Body Rituals among the Nacirema. American Anthropologist 1956 v:58 p:503-507 Horace Miner believes
that exotic customs of different groups of people should not surprise
anthropologists as they are used to studying the extremes of human
behaviour. (In fact, he is using He follows Professor
Linton’s studies of the Nacirema peoples, a North American group originally
from the east, possibly living in the Each Nacirema household
has shrines for these ceremonies and their rituals are held privately.
Charm boxes, which hold "magic" potions and medicines, are
also sacred to the rituals. The society has specialized medicinal practitioners
for different rituals. For example, the Nacirema have a fascination
with the mouth, believing it to have a supernatural influence on all
social relationships. If not for the mouth rituals, everything in the
mouth would deteriorate and social relations would suffer. With the
mouth rituals come the ‘mouth-rite’ in which
hog hairs and "magic" potions are placed inside. The Holy-Mouth-Man
is described like a dentist with his tools but he performs torturous
ceremonies to the client. The purpose of his ministration is believed
to arrest decay and to draw friends. Any decayed holes in the mouth
are enlarged and if there are no holes they are created by gauging
out some teeth. Again, special "magic" potions are placed
inside these holes. Professor Linton
theorizes that sadism is possibly involved within the rituals, and
that much of the population shows masochistic tendencies. Another example
of a daily masochistic ritual for men is scraping and lacerating the
surface of the face with a sharp instrument. For women, four times
a year they bake their heads in small ovens for about one hour. For psychological
treatment there is another doctor. The "listener" helps the
Nacirema see "troubles going back to traumatic effects of their
own birth". Horace Miner uses
these examples to illustrate the exotic and diverse practices of people
that anthropologists choose to study through the traditional perspective. CLARITY RANKING:
4 LIVY FELDGAJER Movius, Hallam L. Jr. Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, S.J., 1881-1955. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58 (1): 147-149. The author’s main concern with writing this obituary was the "sudden death" (p.147) of Pierre Tielhard de Chardin, whom he describes as "one of the outstanding paleoanthropologists, Pleistocene geologist, and Cenozoic vertebrate paleontologists of our time" (p.147). The goal of the article is to demonstrate why Dr. Tielhard was so important to the fields in which he worked. The author shows, through careful reconstruction of his life events, how Tielhard de Chardin benefited the greater mankind. Movius begins the article by detailing the early years of Dr. Tielhard’s life, from his birth to his years of schooling. Tielhard was able to study hominids with Professor Marcellin Boule, and it was under Boule that he developed his interest in human evolution. Dr. Tielhard made his own mark on the subject of human evolution, from his discovery of the "tooth of Eoanthropus dawsoni "(p.147) to his many published works. Dr. Tielhard served his country during WWI, and received medals for his outstanding service. This supports the author’s claim that Teilhard was someone who did many important things for his fellow man. Movius details the
many awards and accolades that were bestowed upon Tielhard. This article
provides the reader with a brief synopsis into all the fieldwork accomplished
by Tielhard, which he did in both Asia and Movius then describes the man that Tielhard was, not simply in the scientific realm. He describes Tielhard as "both a great scholar and an outstanding scientist…a gentleman in a very true sense, and his passing deprives us of one who was essentially preoccupied with the totality of the human problem" (p.148). This is a very appropriate ending to this article, as it describes the essence and greatness of Tielhard, effectively accomplishing the author’s goal. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Movius,
Hallam L. Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, S.J., 1881-1955. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol
58: 147-150. This biographical
article focuses on the life and achievements of Dr. Pierre Teilhard de Chardin who was a paleoanthropologist,
Pleistocene geologist, and Cenozoic vertebrate paleontologist. According
to the article he was known as “Dr. Teilhard” and
studied in France at the Jesuit College of Mongré at Villefranche-sur
Saône. He also studied religion
in Dr. Teilhard
also served in the French army during World War I and for this he was
awarded medals and recognition. He
was also a Corresponding Member of the Academie des Sciences in Perhaps most important
is the description of Dr. Teilhard as a man of “humble manner” and “inspiring
teacher” who was dedicated to his work. It is clear that without his contributions
and research, the field of scientific research on evolution and fossils
would not be as advanced as it is today. CLARITY: 4 ABIGAIL ZAUSMER Movius,
Hallam L. Jr. Piere Teilhard de Chardin, S.J., 1881-1955.
American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58 (1): 147-149. In this article,
Hallam L. Movius, Jr., discusses the life of Piere Teilhard de Chardin,
a renowned paleoanthropologist, Pleistocene geologist, and Cenozoic
vertebrate paleontologist. Movius basically gives a biography of Dr.
Teilhard’s life and discusses why his death is such a great loss to
the anthropologic world. Movius starts out by describing the early
life of Dr. Teilhard. He was tutored by Professor Marcellin Boule,
who was Director of the Laboratoire de Paleontologie du Museum d’Historie
Naturelle in CLARITY: 4 JOHNNY
HESSLER Movius,
Hallam. Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, S.J., 1881-1955.American
Anthropologist, 1956 Volume 58: 147-148. This article is
an obituary where Hallam Movius reflects on the late Pierre Teilhard
de Chardin, a paleoanthropologist, Pleistocene geologist, and a Cenozoic
vertebrate paleontologist. Movius
not only gives a brief history of Chardin’s accomplishments and fieldworks,
but also comments on how Chardin had a passion and dedication for his
work, and was interested in the purpose and direction of human evolution. Chardin attended
the Jesuit College of Mongré and received his doctorate at the Sorbonne. He
held various positions including Director of the Laboratoire de Paléontologie
du Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris, and Professor of Geology at
the Institut Catholique de Paris. He
also worked under the Fieldwork was a
great part of Chardin’s life. He studied in the field in Somaliland, Abyssinia,
the Chardin also contributed
to connecting the geological ages of Pithecanthropus and Meganthropus and similar forms of fossil
man. He made sure to make his
views known, from his observations, on the evolution of the human species. Cardin is presented
as an example of an ideal anthropologist. He worked hard for his data and liberally
shared is found information with others. He
was a moving teacher and generously spread his knowledge to others. CLARITY RATE: 4 JOHANNE
HORNSLETH Murphy, Robert F. Matrilocality and Patrilineality in Mundurucu Society. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(3:3):414-433 This article focuses on the rare co-existence of matrilocality and patrilineality among the Mundurucu Indians of Brazil during the mid-nineteenth century. Murphy discusses how this organization was an adaptation to cope with the evolving environment and introduction of new inhabitants. The Mundurucu were
known as fierce warriors and gained attention during the 1700’s for
launching raids against white colonists and other native tribes in
the The roles of men and women were distinctly divided. Men even had their own residence, a large building separate from the smaller household units of the women. The fraternal bonds were advantageous for their warrior lifestyle. It was common for Mundurucu men from different villages to band together for fighting purposes. Men also worked communally during hunts and manioc cultivation. The routine of manioc flour, however, united the women because they were responsible for digging out the manioc from the ground and producing an end product of either manioc flat cakes or flour. Due to the nature of their role divisions, it was suitable for men to have more fluidity in their movements and for the women to remain in one geographical location. Therefore, when a marriage took place the man moved into the men’s house of his wife’s village. Relationships can be closely examined by Mundurucu kinship terms. Murphy describes in great detail the marriage rules, such as the encouragement of cross-cousin unions and the taboo of avuncular unions, due to clan, phratry and moiety organization. The Mundurucu system of descent is patrilineal because titles and statuses, such as that of chief, are inherited through the father’s line. Murphy’s description of the Mundurucus creates the impression that it is a male-dominated society, whereby most important decisions are made my men, who have higher status and privileges than women do. The main conflict within the social structure was that the chief’s sons remained with the chief, and were not obligated to move into the village men’s house when they came of age. This meant that they were usually unfairly exempt from the laborious project of manioc cultivation. Murphy concludes by speculating that the matrilocal nature of the Mundurucu evolved from a patrilocal society. He explains that the shift was probably due to the economic pressures of the trade of manioc flour with Brazilians, which increased the importance of maintaining the integrity and continuity of the female household work-group. Cultural patterns are adaptable to new situations and it is possible, for the sake of convenience, that the patrilineal descent line will eventually evolve into a matrilineal one. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Murphy, Robert F. Matrilocality and Patrilinity in Mundurucu Society. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 414-435 In this article,
Robert F. Murphy observes and comments on the rarity of patrilinity
in a matrilocal society such as in the case of the Mundurucu Indians
of central Economic pressures
stemming from the increasing trade of manioc flour with the Brazilians
caused a shift in Mundurucu society from patrilocality to matrilocality.
The heightened agricultural production of the manioc flour increasingly
maintained the integrity of what is considered to be women’s work by
the Mundurucu. Since all men in Mundurucu communities board together
in what is referred to as the "men’s house" the shift to
matrilocality was a fairly easy one. This shift to matrilocality
meant that men from different Mundurucu families and clans would all
be integrated and housed together in the same house. This cohesion
made it very easy for men to maintain relationships with each other
and thus easy for the different clans to feel a strong sense of community
as Mundurucu. This resulting intercommunity organization was excellent
for the interests of warfare and ceremony. There were no lapses in
horticulture since there were always enough people in the community
to help out where they were needed. Matrilocality for
the patrilineal Mundurucu was a success since it built their foundation
as a unified group in a society that maintained hostility towards outsiders
and harmony within. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Naroll, Raoul. A Preliminary Index of Social Development. American Anthropologist. 1956. Vol. 58(4) 8: 687-715. The report, written by Raoul Naroll, deals with the measure of social development. Naroll writes to prove the social development is based on a variety of indicators. The indicators mentioned, influence social development in different ways and to different degrees. The author admits that the results of his study are "tentative and inclusive," (p. 687). He does, however, hope that the information given will provide a basis for discussion. The importance of this report is that of "progressive differentiation of function," (p. 687). By this it is meant that society is extremely evolved with the highest amount of functional differentiation, either in the form of occupational specialization or organizational complexity. Naroll provides
some basic concepts, the first of which is social evolution. There
are two ends to a spectrum consisting of lower and higher civilizations.
A point brought up by several Naroll goes on to provide an index theory that generalizes the development of society and culture. He presents three indicators that consist of five characteristics. The three indicators which are, settlement size, craft specialization and organizational ramification, consists of several rules plus definitions and Naroll provides a discussion to explain the importance and uses of the indicators. Weighing of the three indicators has equal importance and all use the same regression formula. The report written by Naroll includes thoughts and work of past research, of both his own and several others such as, Redfield, Wright, Spencer, et al, to compare then from now. The definitions given provide a clear meaning of indicators used in the study. These definitions help us also determine the difference between the meanings of the different types of words used in the study that readers may not know. The rules enable the reader to determine what is acceptable or unacceptable and the way things work. The discussion helps the reader understand the given definitions and rules. It also includes advantages and disadvantages of specific indicators and reasons why these indicators are used. An evaluation is given at the end of the report, this provides assumptions, evidence, and answers to several questions. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Naroll,
Raoul. A Preliminary Index of Social Development. American
Anthropologist February, 1956 Vol.
58 (1): 687-715. The primary purpose
of Raoul Naroll’s article is to assess social development. He clearly
organizes his means of measurement by underlying basic concepts and
their significance. In discussing this social development, which for
centuries was deemed as a sequence of stages, Naroll addresses the
importance of both social evolution and urbanization and their intricate
relationship with one another. His tool in measuring social progress,
an index number, required him to present indicators that represented
social evolution and urbanization. These indicators, which according
to Naroll, are representations of distinct segments of the
total phenomenon being measured, are settle size (the urbanization
indicator), craft specialization, and organizational ramification. To assess an idea
is to lay out precise, organized rules and definitions of measuring
devices (indicators). The settlement size records the number of people
in this largest settlement of the particular ethnic unit. The craft
specialization, or occupational specialization indicator, refers to
the number of craft specialties present. The organizational ramification
indicator measures the complexity in social organization. Naroll succeeds
in clarity and organization, defining for example, settlement size,
building cluster, and building – components necessarily addressed
upon measuring the urbanization indicator. He presents his three indicators
in the same orderly fashion: giving definitions, guidelines and discussion
where he defends his reasoning in assessment. Rather than avoiding
drawbacks and disadvantages in his proposal, Naroll openly considers
the problems in his preliminary index. Although Naroll
mathematically and thoroughly explains the means of computing the weighted
scores, he offers a simple table where readers can simply use the index
and are saved from time and trouble in calculating the scores. He even
goes on to implement his index of social development on a sample, using
data measurements from thirty ethnic units, allowing readers to not
only read of its assessment tools but to see it work. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Y.
ALICE KIM Nissen, W. Henry. Individuality in the Behavior of Chimpanzees. American Anthropologist 1956 vol 58(3:2): 407-413. Henry Nissen’s article
on the chimpanzee, attempts to explain individuality within the species.
He is convinced that chimpanzees have unique characteristics that set
them apart from each other. His research was conducted in In the time before Nissen’s research, chimpanzees were classified along the lines of aesthetic characteristics such as skin pigmentation, size and hairline. Nissen wanted to change this classification scheme, so he began his research with chimpanzees. He noticed details of individuality through behavioral observation and analysis. Nissen lets the reader know before hand that all the chimpanzees are treated equally and humanely. He noticed how there were certain chimpanzees that walked on two feet and others that walked on all four. He stated that this difference was not due to any particular kind of experience. Other individual differences he speaks of are eating habits, grooming practices, rocking behavior, threshold of excitability, parenting and the most fascinating of all, the difference in intellect. This was demonstrated by using the case study of Jenny and Jojo, two female chimpanzees. They were the same age and were raised together in the nursery. The conditions for the two chimpanzees were exactly the same. Jojo showed extreme intellect in her superior use of tools. Her use of tools far exceeded Jenny’s. On the other hand, Jenny persevered in socializing with other chimpanzees while Jojo did not. Nissen also claims that in this case using the argument of nature vs. nurture is pointless, there is way too much support for the combination of the two playing a huge role in development. Genetics of chimpanzees at that time were a mystery because it was just way too risky; there were a small number of chimpanzees. The reproduction process is also very lengthy, much like human reproduction. Based on these arguments he was convinced of differences in chimpanzee individuality. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Nissen,
Henry. Individuality in the Behavior of Chimpanzees. American
Anthropologist 1956, Vol.58(1):407-412 This articles raises
the question of whether chimpanzees function as individuals rather
than as a homogenously behaving group of animals. Nissen puts forth
the argument that chimpanzees in fact do behave individual of one another
and that this observed behavior cannot be explained through age, sex,
or experience. The basis for Nissen’s argument is in his
own observations of chimpanzees, as well as other previous anthropological
and scientific discussions of this same topic. In his own observations,
he provided the same general treatment to all chimpanzees and made
environmental conditions uniform throughout his experiment. He noted
that fully-grown chimpanzees vary, on average, in weight within a range
of 100 pounds, and that their individual facial structures can be compared
to anything from an Asian "slant" in the eyes to the look
of an Irishman. In addition, grooming techniques, which is an unlearned
pattern of behavior, indicate individualistic tendencies, in the number
of fingers used and types of noises made. Eating habits and food preferences
vary arbitrarily as well. Among young chimps, Nissen noted that all
his subjects engaged in a rocking or swaying motion when they were
bored, tense, or frustrated. However, within this motion, chimps were "individually
consistent" in the particular way in which they would sway. As
with human beings, no two chimpanzees have the same fingerprints. Nissen was more
concerned with the individual nature of the behavioral traits, such
as intelligence, dexterity, skill, inventiveness, emotionality, drive,
persistence, aggressiveness, and timidity, in chimpanzees. He noted
that chimps and humans have the same level of recognizing their emotion,
and if anything, the level of recognition was more accurate among apes,
because they are direct and uninhibited. Levels of excitability varied
tremendously, from being constantly jumpy to being always calm. Nissen
also documented the myriad of phobias that he observed in the chimpanzees,
which he recognized six months into the chimpanzee’s life, therefore
suggesting that these phobias cannot be traced back to experiences.
Maternal instinct among chimps was also completely random, as some
mothers were very protective, while others were entirely unresponsive
to their kin. In terms of intelligence, chimpanzees were observed to
be gifted in different subjects. When tested on speed and performance,
they also varied significantly. Nissen highlights the case study done
in 1940 on half-sisters chimpanzees Jenny and JoJo. Jenny and JoJo
lived together and have the same upbringing all their lives. However,
JoJo was noted to have an uncanny ability to use tools, and to manipulate
twigs and branches into mechanisms. None of her other living mates
even tried to imitate these same talents. When given the same
twigs and branches, Jenny would chew on them and indicated no ability
whatsoever comparable to JoJo’s. Jenny, on the other hand, exhibited
more social intelligence and interaction, to the point where she lost
her virginity and became pregnant. JoJo remained a virgin. This case study,
along with the rest of Nissen’s research, was used to prove that chimpanzees
do in fact have the ability to behave independent of one another, and
have the capacity for individuality, both on physical and behavioral
levels. CLARITY:4 ELANA
JAFFE Powdermaker,
Hortense. Social Change through Imagery and Values
of Teen-Age Africans in This article addresses
the concern that when a society, such as what was then called Northern
Rhodesia, undergoes rigorous development, both social and technological
changes occur. Hortense Powdermaker examined the youth of Powdermaker provided
some background on CLARITY RANKING: 4 Powdermaker,
Hortense. Social Change through Imagery and Values
of Teen-Age Africans in Since 1925, the
European presence in The main point stressed
by the article is that the European presence in the country has changed
the way the children view themselves. She conducted this test by getting
boys and girls between the ages of 12 and 17 to write essays on various
questions. Most of the children did see themselves similar to the Europeans
but noting that there was a difference in skin color. The children
that were tested also felt that the Europeans lifestyle was not that
much different from their way of life. The influence that had the most
impact on all African children was education and family life. The children
felt that education was a great importance on future successes and
they wanted to marry those who came from an educated background. When
it came to settling down, most wanted to live the city life rather
than the country life that most were accustomed to. The article was
easy to read with the evidence laid out in a simple and precise manner
that was easy to understand. There is no confusion in the data with
the responses of the children supporting the arguments. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Quiqley, Carroll. Aboriginal Poisons and the Diffusion Problem. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol58(3:9):508-521 Carol Quigley’s, Aboriginal
Fish Poisons and the Diffusion Problem, conceive of tracing back
an ancient trail to determine the flow of waters and culture more
than two thousand years ago. In this case the trail chosen is surprising — she
is using the most recent (1956) research and statistics on the worldwide
distribution of aboriginal fish poisons rather than referencing older
publications. This work, she indicates, suggested that the New World
forms a single diffusion area spreading outward from a focus in northern Working much like
a geologist proving continental drift, she compares the presence of
plant life on the continents of Asia, Africa, Europe and Plotting the occurrence
of fish poisoning plants and speculating the passage of water, people,
and therefore culture, she makes her argument for a common diffusion
point in the Quigley makes her
evidence diverse, always well substantiated, and links it with all
that she has said before. As a reader, having never seen this fish
poison evidence before or even heard of its extensive use, this article
provides a whole new perspective with which to consider concepts like
cultural drift. Besides a refreshing area of research, she also provides
historians with evidence for prehistoric travel at least between African
and CLARITY RANKING: 5 Quigley, Carroll. Aboriginal Fish Poisons and the Diffusion Problem. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 508-523 This article examines
the diffusion of certain plants used in various parts of the world.
These plants contain poison used in the extermination of fish and are
referred to as piscicides. The article contains evidence and arguments
to prove that these piscisides originated from one single area of diffusion
in the Old World and are not the product of independent sources in Quigley maintains
that the origin point for the growth and use of piscicides is There is also botanical
evidence supporting Quigley’s theory, such as the fact that although
there are different names for piscicides in different parts of the
world, they are essentially the same plants genetically. This multiple
naming of the same plant can be blamed on human activity. The activity
of people causes a disruption of geographic intergradation, which accounts
for the accidental classification of new species. Any local inconsistencies
in the character of piscicides can be attributed to human cultivation. On the whole, Quigley
feels that floating plants, changing political borders and changing climates, and
human migration are the causes of the diffusion of piscicides from
one central point in the CLARITY RANKING:
4 Redfield, Robert. Robert Neil Pehrson - 1926-1955. American Anthropologist. 1956 Vol.58: 357-359 This article is
a brief obituary of Robert Pehrson, who died while working in the field
near The author begins
by outlining how Pehrson became involved in anthropology and by recognizing
his accomplishments. Pehrson, who was born in This brief article is easy to read and is successful in portraying the subject, Robert Pehrson, as a dedicated anthropologist who had much promise. Redfield effectively sums it up by saying, "I salute a life justified, a spirit bright and indomitable" (358). CLARITY RANKING: 5 Redfield, Robert. Robert
Niel Pehrson 1926-1955. American
Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58 (1): 357-558. This obituary briefly
describes the life of the late anthropologist, Robert Niel Pehrson,
who died at 29 years of age near He had initially
written to Redfield to ask if he could do some amateur anthropological
work while in Pehrson was fascinated
with nomadic peoples and their ways of life. Redfield says that while the young anthropologist
wrote specific descriptions of Lappish life, he always wanted to understand
the general nature of nomadism. This
broader question led him to begin his study of the Marri Baluchi in The article includes
information about the anthropologist’s education and studies. He
received his undergraduate and graduate degrees from the Redfield says that
Pehrson was intensely committed to his work and was to be one of American
anthropology’s finest researchers. He presents this young anthropologist as
a bright spirit that was tragically lost. CLARITY: 5 REBECCA JACOBS Rhodes, Willard. Toward a Definition of Ethnomusicology. American Anthropology September, 1956 Vol.58 (3:5): 457-463 When people think about types of music, they think of diversity and within countries, as it represents part of the culture. Country music represents the North American farmer with a guitar and hardship. Rap music represents modern black music and often, life in the hood or ghettos. However, if you look back to forty, fifty years ago, rap music does not exist. At that time it is mostly blues and mostly sung by black people as well. This is when an ethnomusicologist should step in and explain the reasons for such changes, because anthropologists alone are not capable to do so. The overall concern of the address is defining what ethnomusicology is and how significant it is to society, and especially anthropologists. The author sets out to prove that ethnomusicology is important and it cannot be taken lightly by defining the nature of Ethnomusicology. Ethnomusicology requires knowledge that "embraces the entire field of music study and acknowledges the interdisciplinary relationship to the collateral sciences, acoustics, physiology, psychology, logic, grammar, pedagogy and esthetic qualities of music." Ethnomusicology requires extensive studying in techniques and methods of cultural anthropology and musicology. It also requires an objective, scientific view of interpreting music from various cultures. When anthropologists study human culture, how can they neglect one the greatest products on human culture, music? Anthropologists need to study human culture as a whole. They should not simply neglect or disregard what they don’t know or consider being "on the side". In order to appreciate how human culture evolves, people need to know about the history of music as well. However, ethnomusicology has been limited by the fact that it is hard to find people both master anthropology and music as well. Therefore, despite the great amount of data collected, there are only a few ethnomusicologists qualified to analyze and interpret that data. Oriental art music, folk music of the world, and primitive music are waiting for ethnomusicologist to study. The writer had shown his greatest sympathy, by demonstrating how ethnomusicology has a real contribution toward Anthropology that has been neglect. Regardless of modern or primitives societies, they all have their own music. Anthropologists cannot neglect the products of all human culture (music). They have to go beyond musicology and Anthropology alone with the interdiscipline of ethnomusicology. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Rhodes, Willard. Toward a Definition of Ethnomusicology. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:457-463. This article deals
with questions regarding the significance of music as a study of man
and culture. At the time that it was written the study of music although
apparent was not considered a part of Anthropology or ethnography and
the author feels that it should be recognized as a critical piece to
the study of culture. He argues that while music and its impact is
recognized the spheres of study in musicology and ethnography have
not yet made the connection that they should and little attention has
been paid to making this so. He argues that although the term ethnomusicology
has been coined it is not so far being taken seriously nor has any
attempt been made at creating a discipline of ethnomusicology that
can be used and applied to greater theories within the field of Anthropology. Clarity Ranking:
3 Roberts, D. F. Industrial
Applications of Body Measurements. American Anthropologist 1956
58:526-535. With the advancement
of technology and the appearance of the Industrial Revolution, scientists
are working hard to develop machinery that would better suit the working
class. This article takes into consideration peoples’ height and weight
to better adapt machines, which will help the worker to become more
productive in the company, thus increasing the over profits for the
company. This occurs, since the employee is more comfortable in the
working environment and not exerting more energy, to do less work.
This also promotes better health for the employee, which increases
the output of the product based on the employee working to full capacity.
At the period that the article was written is was a breakthrough in
technology, since the thought of the worker was never really taken
into consideration. Not only did scientists research machinery and
the proportions to people, but furniture for school children, which
are potential investments for the work force later on. Also appliances
were examined, by making everyday life easier, it
gave people more free time to do other things, thus placing more money
back into the economy where it was needed most. CLARITY RATING:
3 Roberts, D. F. Industrial
Applications of Body Measurements. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(3):526-535. Anthropometry, the
measurement of the shapes and sizes of people, is used by physical
anthropologists to assess the nutritional state of human populations,
to compare different populations in different environments and to assist
in the construction of items that require a standard size. This latter
aspect is the subject of Roberts’ article. In his article, he described
problems, mainly in the design of machines for industry, in which the
use of anthropometric measurements would be valuable. In doing so,
he described an applied aspect of anthropology - real designers used
it to construct machines that were more comfortable for workers and
thus maximized their productivity. First, Roberts described
the sources from which anthropometric data could be obtained. These
included narrow small-scale studies, general large-scale investigations
of key measurements, standardized photographs and statistical manipulations.
He also indicated the shortcomings and gaps in the data gathered up
to 1956. Second, Roberts
described four types of problems in which anthropometry could be applied.
Although the four types of problems were not well defined, Roberts
illustrated examples of various problems. These included determining
the limiting height of necessary items, such as light switches, the
distance between the front and back seats of vehicles and the height
of tables. These types of problems involved only single dimension measurements,
such as average height. Anthropometry could also be used in more complex
problems requiring numerous measurements. The placement of controls
on a telephone switchboard and the placement of the controller’s seat
in relation to the board so as to be efficiently used by most controllers
was one such problem. This involved measurements such as the foot pedal’s
position relative to the seat, the height of the seat, and the length
of the lower and upper limbs. Roberts also described how body movements
were important and how these needed to be taken into account when designing
human-operated machines. He used an example of children’s desks to
illustrate the complications that can arise in an actual usage of anthropometric
measurements. He described how the limits of a knowledge base, in this
case the lack of data regarding children’s stature, and the requirements
of manufactures, such as the cost advantages in having a minimum number
of spar sizes, are also important when making design decisions. Roberts’ main emphasis
was how industry would benefit from anthropometry. Human fatigue was
seen as the factor limiting efficiency in production. Through the correct
positioning of controls, seat and body supports, which would be determined
using anthropometric measurements, fatigue would be reduced. This approach
is still used today under the name of ergonomics. Roberts concluded
that industry would benefit not only through increased efficiency but
also with increased profits when they convinced the public to buy new,
ergonomic products. In this article,
Roberts described a useful application of one of the methods of anthropology,
one that could be valuable outside the discipline of anthropology.
In this way, he contributed to anthropology’s continued acceptance
as a relevant study. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Richard F. Salisbury’s
main objective for writing this paper was to show the association between
the system of marriage relationships and the economic system of production
and exchange. In particular the paper focused on the asymmetrical marriage
system. In writing the paper, As stated above, Salisbury’s main concern was the asymmetrical system. This system is one where certain groups give out more women then they receive, while other groups receive more women than they give and a payment of some form is involved. Through his research, Salisbury’s paper is important to anthropology because it demonstrated how an asymmetrical marriage system works and on a more intellectual level what problems can occur in that type of system. The problems that could occur would be such as, one group becoming deprived of women but having many valuables or one group having many women but becoming deprived of valuables. The paper is also vital to anthropology because it tried to stimulate an interest in this topic and for more data to be collected. This paper demonstrated
how complicated marriage systems could be. Asymmetrical systems exert
an influence on wealth and power, in the sense that there is a status
difference between groups of wife-receivers and wife-givers. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Salisbury, Richard. Asymmetrical Marriage Systems. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol 58:639-655. Asymmetrical marriage
systems can arise when societies are associated with reciprocity expectations
or economic exchange. It exists in various societies, even in those
that do not recognize themselves to be asymmetrical, but as symmetrical. Richard Salisbury,
the author of the article "Asymmetrical Marriage Systems," examines
the correlation between the systems of marriage by taking a look at
the cultural differences between their relationship; more specifically,
at their economic system of production and exchange. He calls the asymmetrical
marriage system the "preferential rule of marriage,"(641)
that exists when two or more societies have
clear status differences and contrasting views on distributing economic
resources. Asymmetrical marriage systems are used to maintain alliances
and exchanges between groups. He demonstrates
his points through Levi-Strauss and Leach’s reports on asymmetrical
marriage systems. Levi-Strauss mainly deals with "obligatory marriage
rules,"which involves the exchange of women through his theory "Structures
Elementaires de la Parente". This theory involves two points:
echange restreint and echange generalise. Echange restreint is a circular
system of rule, each group receives the same number of women given
except for the last group to the first where no women are exchanged;
therefore it is asymmetrical. Echange generalise is a system that occurs
when women are traded in one direction and a bride-price in the opposite.
In this system they must trade their women and the valuables to their
unilateral cross-cousins through the patrilineage. Leach’s "structural
implications of matrilateral cross-cousin marriages" reports that
it is not a circular marriage system that is the cause of asymmetrical
systems, that they must consider the social structure including the
marriage, the political, and the economic systems. He states that it
is a difference in wealth, power and prestige. If a society cannot
match the trade then it is a reflection of the societie’s wealth. Since the arrival
of the Europeans, they’ve introduced a substitute for trading women
which allow them to receive services, money and valuables without exchanging
their women. This substitute is ideal, but it causes social organizational
strains. For example, one group might receive more women than another
or one group might get an abundance of money and another group an abundance
of women, leaving the next group with no valuables and a lack of women,
therefore showing an asymmetrical marriage system. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Singer, Ronald. The "Bone
Tools" from Hopefield. American Anthropologist Month?, 1956
Vol.58:1127-1134. Ronald Singer’s
essay, The "Bone Tools" from Hopefield, is a re-evaluation
of fossilized bone chisels, which were thought to be remnants from
pre-historic man. In another paper entitled "A New Race of
Prehistoric Man: The Saldanha Skull", it list fossilized remains
of extinct South African animals with other stone and bone tools that
were thought to made from the metacarpal bones of horses. Two bones from the
Hopefield Collection, numbered 1378 and 1379, were described as being
man-made bone chisels due to the fact that they were both found at
the same location and had identical chisel-like markings. On closer
examination of the bones it was discovered that they were not identical.
The bone numbered 1378 exposed long dorsal furrows and was crudely
fashioned, while bone 1379 had finer furrows and smoother shaped ends.
It was further suggested these bone markings could have resulted from
carnivores attempting to chew away at the bones to access marrow. On
examination and comparison of other bones in the collection it was
found that other bones had similar markings as bones 1378 and 1379,
which were attributed to fragmentation, evidence of dental scarring
and their smoothness to weathering. Further evidence
pointed to the bone collection as being a result of carnivores instead
of prehistoric man. Almost 200 bones were discovered in a cave at Fish
Hoek, which was almost filled with fallen-in rock and sand with a mere
two feet of standing room. It has been suggested that only non-humans
could have inhabited this cave. All the bones discovered showed evidence
of gnawing and had the same chisel-like markings and fragmentation.
Evidence shows the leopard as the only animal likely to inhabit the
cave and feast there on the meat and bones of its kill. The porcupine
is also a likely candidate since experiments, which were done at the
Milan Zoo, in CLARITY RANKING:
4 Singer, Ronald. The “Bone Tools” from Hopefield. American Anthropologist, 1956 Vol.58: 1127-1135. This article is a re-evaluation of the “fossilized bone chisels made by prehistoric man from the metacarpal bones of a horse. Found at Hopefield and for the first time associated with the older South African cultures.” These bone fragments were originally featured in the Illustrated London News (September 26, 1953). The two bones Featured in this article have been numbered as 1378 and 1379 in the Hopefield Collection. These bones are actually equid metatarsals. Originally archeologists thought they were man-made bone chisels. But on further evaluation the two bone specimens were not as identical as they had first suspected. The furrows and markings of the two bone fossils differ a great deal. On 1379 finer furrows are seen on the dorsal surface of the shaped end. On 1378 is more roughly formed and the shaped ends are not smooth. It is possible that these tools could have been made by a human using a sharp stone but on further examination it looks like there are more likely explanations. These markings probably would have been made by the teeth of a carnivore in its attempts to chew away the end of the bone so as to get at the bone marrow. There are a numerous possibilities of carnivora that have been described from this site on the farm Elandsfontein. A possible predator who would have left fossils in this condition is the Panthera shawi, an extinct form of lion. This lion at this time would have lived on and chewed the bones of some of the numerous animals found in this area. In each of the fossils studied either the medullary captivity is exposed or attempts to do so are apparent. Nearby caves have similar evidence of bone fragments with grooves made by teeth. In the Fish Hoek valley many animals subsisted in the area for about 300 years. The ox, porcupine, wildebeest, baboon, dassie, bush pig along with others lived in the nearby region. The author of the article considered the leopard the most likely real killer of the baboon. Although it is also possible that the porcupine would have collected and gnawed on bones. In conclusion the previously thought bone tools are most likely simply bone fragments chewed by carnivores. Along with the process of weathering these fossils have presented the appearance of implements. CLARITY: 2 JULIE ROULETTE University of San Diego (Denise Couch). Sjorberg, Andree F., Sjorberg, Gideon. Problems in Glottochronology: Culture as a Significant Variable in Lexical Change. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58(3) 296-300 This article is a critique of the wordlist created by Swadesh. Swadesh created a list of two hundred and fifteen words to compare the Sanskirt language to four other Dravadian languages. If Swadesh could prove there was word borrowing going on between the Sanskirt and the other Dravadian cultures then this would be one method of dating. This would also demonstrate the changing of vocabulary through time. The authors of this article, Andree and Gideon Sjorberg, are concerned about the assumption that in order for this list to be valid, the words on the list should be removed from the influence of cultural values, and therefore display a uniform rate of change. The overall point behind this article is to show that there are difficulties in the present day glottochronology due to cultural influences in the word list. The Sjorbergs argue that this assumption is wrong. They start by stating that Swadesh’s view that the diagnostic list is least influenced by culture is exactly the opposite of what the table suggests. The Sanskirt were of a religion that focused on "nature" and the diagnostic list is made up of mainly nature related words. At the end of this article, the Sjorberg’s state that by addressing the assumed non-culturality of existing basic word lists, there is the realization that cultural factors can bring about distortions in the study of Glottochronology. Overall this article is very hard to read and understand. There is no background information to what they are talking about so some parts are unclear. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Sjoberg, Andrée F. and Gideon Sjoberg. Problems In Glottochronology: Culture as a Significant Variable in Lexical Change. American Anthropologist 1956 58: 296-300 This report describes
a growing interest in the theory and method of lexico-statistic dating,
but cautiously points out that the examination of the assumptions that
inform lexico-statistic dating is required. Authors Andrée and
Gideon Sjoberg state that Glottochronologists such as Swadesh (1952:452-63)
and Lees (1953:113-27) believe that there is a "relatively constant
rate of change in a basic vocabulary, and that this phenomenon aids
materially in historical reconstructions" (p 296). These authors identify
two problematic, underlining assumptions made by those who employ the ‘word
list’ used by glottochronologists in historical linguistics. The first
assumption being, that it is possible to select ‘universal’ words for
all cultures. Secondly, their paper expresses concern in relation to
the assumption that words on such a list are quite removed from the
influence of cultural values, and thus are more likely then others
to display a uniform rate of change. The authors of this
paper conduct an experiment, which will point out certain difficulties
that they feel are ‘inherent’ to present-day glottochronology. In utilizing
Swadesh’s basic word list and carrying out interviews with some urban,
educated, native speakers in four of the major Dravidian languages – Telugu,
Kannada, Tamil and Malayalam, the authors are able to give evidence
to support their concerns. They strongly emphasize that their report
is in no way intended to suggest that glottochronology is of no value,
because it may be helpful in arriving at rough approximations in linguistic
dating, but at the same time, these authors feel that more attention
needs to be focused upon the cultural factors that can distort dating. "The
general disregard of culture seems to have lead many anthropologists and linguists into over-estimating
the universal applicability of this approach" (p 300). CLARITY RANKING:
3 Smith, Marian. Glorys Armanda Reichard. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:913-916 The article by Marian Smith deals with the death and life of the linguistic anthropologist, Gladys Reichard. Smith went about writing the article from a professional as well as a personal perspective. She addresses the relationship she herself had with Reichard as an assistant to her, as well as the friendships Reichard formed with other prominent anthropologists. Smith’s attempt to convey to her readers the persona of the late anthropologist comes off almost as strongly as the facts with which such an article should be concerned, suggesting that Reichard is indeed someone to be remembered. Gladys Reichard
was born on July 17,1893 to a conservative
intellectual family. She pursued a Bachelors degree majoring in classics
at The content and construction of the article itself are evidence that our work as a whole takes on more than just face value. The display of the extent to which anthropologists form relationships, professional and personal, often intertwined, and the international recognition and participation of the bunch show that anthropology had definitely by then evolved into a full fledged form of study and community. Anthropology is not just a job or a personal endeavor, but something which must be viewed and understood collectively, not excluding in any way any form or fact of the human condition and its involvement with the world. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Smith, Marian W. Obituary of Gladys Armand Reichard. American Anthropologist . 1956 Vol. 58: 913-916 Gladys Armand Reichard,
July 17, 1893 – July 25, 1955 was reared in an intellectually- oriented
Quaker household. Her educational and academic career extended over
many years beginning in 1919 at In 1923, Reichard
began her anthropologic fieldwork with the Navaho while teaching anthropology
at Her work was considered
to be richly intensive, yet personal. Her ethnography Prayer: The
Compulsive Word exposed a new field in religion that had yet to
be unexplored. Various honours
and awards came her way throughout her career. Many female anthropologists
received their initial training from her. Reichard became a full professor
at CLARITY RATING:
5 Sreekantaiya, T. N. Notes on Loans and Native Replacements in Kannada. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(2):306-308. This article explores the difficulty involved in determining the origin of words. In, Notes on Loans and Native Replacements in Kannada, T.N. Sreekantaiya was attempting to identify the origin of classical Kannada language. The Kannada believed that their language was derived from Sanskrit. While not ruling out the possibility that Sanskrit may have had an influence on the language, Sreedantaiya suggested that other languages could have influenced classical Kannada. Words and terms in classical Kannada were found in Indic as well as Prakrit. The author used this evidence to assert that classical Kannada did not only use words and terms from Sanskrit. What increased the difficulty of Sreedantaiya’s task was the occurrence of two words used interchangeably. For example, ‘toval’ and ‘carma’ both mean ‘skin’ in Old Kannada. The author used charts to display how different words were used throughout the ages to represent one meaning. Trying to find the correct language of origin for a certain word is difficult. Essentially, T.N. Sreekantaiya used evidence that ‘Old Kannada’ contained words that were not Sanskrit and therefore one cannot conclude that classical Kannada’s language was derived from Sanskrit alone. Although one can understand the difficulty in correctly assigning the origin of classical Kannada’s language, the author does provide sufficient evidence that Sanskrit was not the only language that contributed to its origination. However, the article is very brief and the charts are somewhat confusing. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Sreekantaiya, T. N. Notes on Loans and Native Replacements in Kannada. American Anthropologist, 1956. Vol. 58:306-307. T.N. Sreekantaiya discusses the practice of borrowing words from other languages to explain the evolution of the Kannada language into its present state. The analysis provides information about the history of the language as well as a comparison between various words that were used in different time periods. The author breaks down the borrowed words into three categories: 1) words borrowed from Indic by the tenth century, 2) words that were native from the tenth century but have been replaced by Indic loans and 3) words that were native but have been replaced by other native terms. The article also mentions that information gathered about classical Kannada may be limited because poets of the period, whose works form the bulk of knowledge about early Kannada vocabulary, were avid users of the Sanskrit lexicon. Furthermore, widespread use of the Prakrit language during the earlier time period also suggests that at least some aspects of the Kannada language can be attributed to cultural diffusion. Finally, a table is included to give examples of Indic loans found in classical and modern Kannada vocabulary. The article is concise and specific and as a result does not offer much background information for those who are unfamiliar with the language and history of the region. For this reason, the article seems to be geared more towards the advanced linguistic anthropology student or those specializing in Indic languages. CLARITY RANKING: 2 KAHLILAH FRANKLIN,
JENNIFER GARCIA, JOSEPH SALAMON, NICOLE SIMON Northern Swadesh, Morris. Some Limitations of Diffusional Change in Vocabulary. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:301-306. In "Some Limitations of Diffusional Change in Vocabulary"Morris Swadesh sets out to discuss how contact between cultures influences how languages change over time. He does not explain exactly how changes in language can be used to understand cultural change, rather he chooses to further discuss the ways in which this system of analysis can be made more accurate and effective. He alludes to new studies which have increased the usefulness of the system by placing limitations on how it can best be used. He is able to effectively culminate this information by pointing out how new information can apply to the entire concept of "diffusional change in vocabulary" (301). Swadesh is able to successfully construct his argument by first outlining how the concept works. In essence, he describes how one can identify replacements of words as well as the approximate time these changes took place. He also spends time examining the differences in changes between what he call "‘cultural’ vocabulary" (301) and "‘intimate’ or ‘noncultural’ vocabulary" (301), as well as differences between more or less educated speakers. As the article progresses he uses statistical data to enhance hos arguments. He uses statistical information mainly from two sources, these sources make up subsequent articles in the same journal. Unfortunately Swadesh uses some terminology which he fails to explain thoroughly, this adversely affects the clarity of the piece as one is left to guess what exactly some of the terms pertain to. He also fails in some was to provide context to the statistical information he provides. As a result, one becomes lost in the information and it becomes difficult to relate the evidence back to Swadesh’s basic argument which appears to be that despite some limits to the concept of changes in vocabulary, by reorganizing the way in which it is used it can still be an interesting as well aseffective way to explore a culture. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Swadesh, Morris. Some Limitations of Diffusional Change in Vocabulary. American Anthropologist 1956. Vol.58:301-306. Morris Swadesh’s essay, "Some Limitations of Diffusional Change in Vocabulary" is one of three in this volume addressing problems in glottochronology. The focus is on the distinction between rates of diffusion in cultural versus non-cultural vocabulary. Swadesh’s essay is to be considered additional input on previous work on this topic by Andrée and Gideon Sjoberg. >The essay discusses
the distinctions between cultural versus non-cultural vocabulary. Swadesh
states that cultural terms are easily borrowed from neighboring peoples,
and are therefore borrowed more often. On the other hand, non-cultural
terms are rarely affected by outside sources. The author looks at the
rate of borrowing in four case studies. He reviewed studies about A limitation that Swadesh encounters is determining the rate of diffusion. He states that vocabulary shows a large variation in the way its diffusion is affected. He ponders if diffusion is spread out over a long period of time or if it occurs during a short spurt of intensive diffusion. It is determined that the rate is very difficult to understand, which he says is a problem in linguistics. Swadesh states that instead of the Sjoberg’s idea of regional differences in cultural versus non-cultural vocabularies, it is more precise to use degrees. He also wonders what the effect is of loans on the total rate of change is, and if borrowed words increase the rate of change in a language. Essentially what Swadesh states is that there are problems that need to be studied further in order to understand cultural diffusion and its effect on a language. CLARITY RANKING: 3 BRIAN SANCHEZ,
NATE WICKS Northern Titiev, Mischa. The Importance of Space in Primitive Kinship. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58:854-865. The ancient Hopi
society was the context for this article, in which Titiev examined
and evaluated the unilocal matrilocal (Crow) and patrilocal ( To the inexperienced, kinship systems such as these seem complex and confusing. By comparing the Hopi system to others of the time period, however, Titiev tried to clarify the complexities that confuse people unfamiliar with kinship terminology, and systematics. In some social systems,
Titiev explained, where there is close proximity between brothers,
sisters, mothers, and fathers, as well as cousins, aunts, and uncles,
inter- kin relationships are bound to occur. Such a living structure
is the case with the Hopi, but because of incest regulations, ties
between blood brothers and sisters are forbidden. Cross-cousin marriages,
therefore, are the idyllic unions in this type of society for ensuring
as little movement of kin members as possible. Titiev tried to determine
the chances of the Hopi also practicing cross-cousin marriages. He
described these systems in more detail using the Titiev’s argument is complex and seems somewhat unclear. This is due partly to the fact that these kinship systems are foreign to the average North American reader, and partly to the fact that Titiev did not write for the average North American but for knowledged anthropologists. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Titiev, Mischa. The Importance of Space in Primitive Kinship. American Anthropologist 1956. Vol.58: 854-865. Mischa Titiev writes
about the analyses of "primitive" kinship and that it seems
to be in danger of "reaching a dead-end." Titiev goes on
to say that it is sometimes hard to follow kinship through blood because
there are kinship "that are based on notions other than those
of actual or fictitious descent from common ancestors." Titiev
goes on to say that in the Titiev then goes
on to talk about the Titiev states that
the reason that cross-cousins get married to each other is because
of the belief that "a male child who is not mixed up, but who
is born in keeping with the postulated rules for preferred marriages,
will have the same abusua and ntoro affiliations as his
father’s father; whereas a baby girl would share her mother’s mother’s
ties." CLARITY RANKING:
4 Voget, Fred W. "The American Indian in transition: reformation and accommodation". American Anthropologist. 1956 volume 58. In his article, "The
American Indian in transition: reformation and accommodation",
Fred W. Voget analyzes the effects of the integration of a Christian-type
religion into Native American society. Voget concentrates on three
specific locations and movements: the "Great Message" of
the Iroquois in Tonawana, Peyotism in Within each of the communities there are recited stories of how the Natives’ lives were bettered by the influx of this pseudo-Christian movement. Examples such as the decline of alcohol abuse and decreased deviant sexual behavior is given as testimony to the positive effects of Peyotism, Shakerism, and the Great Message. The author downplays the intertribal rivalries with respect to conversion; there was an element of brutality with respect to the "biblical-Indians" message to the traditional Natives, of "convert or be destroyed" that was not expanded upon within the article. Along with his accounts of the "greatness" of these movements, Voget injects psychology into his rather ethnocentric jargon: "By providing Indians with a legitimate base for the elevation of Indian ways, a new dignity and self-confidence emerges". The psychology as well as the subsequent onslaught of catch phrases such as "reformative-nativism", despite being somewhat comical, leaves the reader with the foul echoes of early imperialist propaganda reverberating about the cranium. These points, as well as the infinite quotes and phrases Voget borrows from others in his field collectively make this an aggravating article to read. The redundancy and overuse of referencing sources makes it read more like a who’s who in the field rather than an analysis of the issues. CLARITY RANKING: 1 Voget, Fred. The American Indian in Transition: Reformation and Accommodation. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58: 249-263 Voget’s article
examines the process of acculturation by American Indians in response
to European pressures of reformation and accommodation. The conscious
and organized attempts on the part of the American
Indian members to revive or perpetuate selected aspects of their culture
was commonly classified as ‘nativistic’ movements. These movements
are deemed acculturation, whereby the ideologies of a subordinate group
are dissolved into the norms of the dominant group. The nativistic
movements were further broken down into three distinct typologies; "magical
revivalism", "rational revivalism" and "perpetual
rationalism". Focussing on the
Gaiwiio, the Peyotism, and the Shakerism, Voget’s evidence explains
the linear process of acculturation. Beginning with a transition phase
often saturated with protest to new social orders. Followed by a reformation
stage, that often included old traditions in combination with new traditions.
The process ended with accommodation on both parts, creating a new
set of beliefs, traditions, and practices. The process of ‘reformative nativism’ is an attempt on the part of the subordinate group to obtain "personal and social reintegration through a selective rejection, modification, and synthesis of both traditional and alien [dominant] cultural components" (Voget, 1956, p250). Voget suggests that this accommodation process by the American Indians is legitimized ‘vis-B-vis’ the dominant group. Voget argues that
the accommodation process of the ‘nativistic’ movement seeks to incorporate
traditional acts of ‘healing’, whereby other tribal practices must
be converted of destroyed. Seeking little alternatives, the attitudes
expressed by the leaders of the movements "reorganize the past
selectively in relation to the known present". Reformation of ‘nativistic’ movements
expresses a clear push towards morality and character development.
In addition, the reformative accommodation builds ‘social status’ as
well as the acceptance of such things as ‘holy places’, ‘political
agendas’ and overall new social order. Reformative movements
are relatively stable, although membership is in decline. Acculturation
seeks to incorporate past practices and traditions, with the pressures
of the dominant group. Voget suggests that reformation appears to be
an essential phase in the growth and experience of American Indian
minorities, creating in them a ‘bolder’ and more ‘confident’ outlook
in the face of contemporary issues. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Wallance, Anthony F. C. Acculturation: Revitalization Movements. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(2): 264-279 The article "Acculturation: Revitalization Movements" describes a new model for anthropologists to understand the ways in which cultural systems change. Major cultural upheaval has been studied by many disciplines in the past who have has produced vast amounts of literature. The article describes a variety of movements, which have previously been categorized under specific headings: revolution, social movements, religious movement, and cults. This article examines theories and events and combines them into an all-encompassing theory, which creates a new analogy to describe how cultures change. Social, political and cultural movements, according to the author, are all examples of revitalization movements. Revitalization theory can be used to explain all the various types of cultural phenomena. Revitalization is defined as a cultural change phenomenon where members of a society become dissatisfied with the current societal constructs. These feelings cause individuals to feel ‘stress’ which causes them to look to reconstruct their existing culture into one that they will find more satisfying, thus eliminating the source of their stress. Revitalization occurs first in an individual that experiences a major disruption to his mazeway. A mazeway is defined as the way in which a person preserves himself, his place in society and his environment. In revitalization theory feelings of dissatisfaction must then transfer from the individual to the group. Depending on how powerful the movement is, it can have a wide variety of effects such as the creation of cults, small groups of people who separate themselves from main stream society to the creation of new political systems, where the change is felt at the state level. The article outlines
the stages of development through revitalization. To prove his point
he refers to examples from all over the world making makes his arguments
universally applicable. The sources the author cites are: journals,
diaries, surveys and anthropological literature. The examples of society
range for small-scale societies in Africa to larger state based societies
in CLARITY RANKING: 4 KELLY READ Wallace, Anthony F. C. Revitalization Movements. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 264-281. Revitalization movements
and the comparative studies made among various religious communities,
this essay focuses on the importance of these movements, their (re)
occurrences throughout history, and their influence on their respective
societies. Defined as deliberate, conscious, organized efforts by members
of a society to create a more satisfying culture, the revitalization
movement is examined and criticized for the times in which they take
place. Since this phenomenon is considered a change in cultural ‘rules’ so
to speak, the author notes that a process is undergone where an individual
or group decides upon a new cultural system that will challenge and
defeat its predecessor. Primarily, those involved must be unsatisfied
with their state of affairs and must specify and act upon new changes
including new relationships, and ways of satisfying the desired system. The author uses
several analogies, the first being of an organismic proportion. The
theory of homeostasis, for example, explains the principle of a functioning
society operating by coordinated actions by all or some of its parts
like a human body. Examples like these help define the revitalization
process. Homeostasis almost presents an opposite but integral angle
to that of revitalization, and illustrates a similar process of a group
coordinating action for one cause – stress reduction. Human societies
are regarded as organisms, similarly because of how they function to
reduce stress for the whole. Essentially, the
author describes the structure behind these movements and how certain
elements have remained throughout time in ether religious or secular
positions. The five stages: 1) Steady state, 2) Period of increased
individual stress, 3) Period of Cultural Distortion, 4) Period of Revitalization,
and, 5) New steady state, each represent the stages met and required
in order to challenge the status quo and, ultimately, alter the ‘mazeway.’ The
mazeway is perceived as one’s understanding of themselves as individuals
as parts of a whole within society. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Warner,
W. Lloyd. Alfred Reginald
Radcliffe-Brown: 1881-1955. American Anthropologist, 1956. Vol.58:544-547. Warner
presents a wonderful description of Radcliffe-Brown- his life, his
accomplishments, and the lasting impact that he has had upon us. Warner
does his best to beautifully capture who R-B was and what he contributed
to society and to anthropology, while conveying Warner’s own sense
of loss and remorse. Radcliffe-Brown
is attributed as being the main creator of modern social anthropology,
and is said to have had the most significant influence on the development
of social anthropology. Radcliffe-Brown
was born and educated in Radcliffe-Brown
was a crucial player in the development of social anthropology in CLARITY:
5 RACHEL
KAHN Wax, Murray Wax describes the techniques used by archaeologist Fanz Boas and in turn addresses the limitations that Boas created for the field of anthropology. Wax suggests that relying solely on observations and experience, with little or no interpretation of his studies created these barriers. Wax uses comparisons of the scientist, historian and phenomenalist in attempts to classify Boas. He also seeks out the purpose, subjects and methods of Boas's research. The scientific method would seek a general statement, being true to every statement, but not descriptive of a specific situation. Thus, Wax proposes that typical objectives of Boas would include a general hypothesis from another anthropologist, he would then collect an abundance of data and describe the results. However, Wax explains that Boas would discuss the data with little to no interpretation and find an exception in his data that would allow Boas to refute the entire proposal. Wax criticises Boas because Wax explains that the aim of a scientist is not to completely discredit, but to test boundaries, where the hypothesis fails and where it succeeds. However, Boas did not consider partial truths and would attack the 'false' hypothesis repeatedly in his publications. He also uses the method of historical interpretations to criticise Boas in much of the same way. Wax describes historical approaches as seeking an understanding to particular events of the past and their human significance. Wax explains that Boas gave no attempts at cultural processes in his publications or research and Boas himself claimed not to be a historian. Wax also proposes that science and history are not mutually exclusive to the field of anthropology. They have the same general goals: to generalise about behaviour and then describe the history of that particular behaviour or event. Therefore, since Boas doesn't completely follow the scientific method, Wax concludes that by default Boas does not follow the historical method either. The phenomenalist archetype, according to Wax could classify Boas, but Boas would use this method only "to criticise scientists and historians for careless and rash generalisations and interpretation.". Although Boas was concerned with individual phenomena: the importance of heredity and freedom of the individual, Wax criticises Boas again because he suggests that Boas lacked the understanding of phenomena such as religion and hence was unable to give insight into his studies. Wax also suggests that this archetype is complementary to historical and scientific methods and any unbalance would create a danger to the field if one area dominated for too long. Even with Boas's interest in the individual, he would not accept the historical method. Also, when he took a scientific method his hard convictions ended up that of a temperate critic. Wax suggests these actions, coupled with a lack of insight and interpretation, sets limitations to anthropology and wounded any positive research within the field. Wax seeks to explain how the complementation of historical, scientific and phenomenalist methods can be used to acquire a more rounded scope to a particular study and to anthropology itself. The concepts presented in this article were easily understood, however there were also a large amount of information put into each statement. Therefore, this article must be read slowly and carefully. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Werner, Heinz & Kaplan, Bernard. The Developmental Approach to Cognition: Its Relevance to the Psychological Interpretation of Anthropological and Ethnolinguistic Data. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:866-879. The authors argue that there are different types of cultures in the world, and each of these cultures has its own way of living as well as it’s own language (linguistics). Some of these forms of linguistics are much more complicated than others, some have more meanings, some use objects for meanings, and some are even without words. The differences in the complexities of language begs the question: If some linguistic forms are less complex than others, does it necessarily mean that they are used by groups prior to those using more complicated linguistic forms? In short is linguistic simplicity code for cultural primitivity? Because a language, either written or spoken, might seem to us to be less complicated than our own, it absolutely does not mean that the peoples who used these languages had so called ‘primitive minds’. Linguistics and culture were not what made a group primitive. According to Werner and Kaplan, "conditions for primitivity are not limited solely to membership in technologically undeveloped societies.". Though a group’s linguistics didn’t play a large role in proving it’s primitivity, it definitely did show the differences in culture and cultural experiences of separate groups. Werner and Kaplan argued this by citing work done by developmental psychologists, anthropologists and some sociologists. Work such as that done by D. D. Lee, with the Trobriand Islanders (1950). The Trobriand Islanders used absolutely no adjectives in their speech, but they have no problem in getting across to others what they want to say. One’s language was limited to the cultural texts that surrounded them. This study on cognition and linguistics had a positive effect on anthropology, affecting the way that anthropologists as well as developmental psychologists and sociologists looked at underdeveloped groups. Not all agreed with Kaplan and Werner but the many that did began to learn a great deal about cultural linguistics. This article displayed a gross lack of clarity. Its argument was not very well stated and the author was definitely not writing this for a student to read. This was not very easy to understand, but after careful and attentive re-reading provides very interesting facts and concepts. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Werner,
Heinz and Kaplan, Bernard. The Developmental Approach to Cognition: Its Relevance
to the Psychological Interpretation of Anthropological and Ethnolinguistic
Data. American Anthropologist 1956 vol. 58:866-879. Heinz Werner and
Bernard Kaplan depict the approach of comparative development in psychology
to anthropological and ethno linguistic concerns. They address the
developmental method associated with cognition, criticize objections
to the developmental approach of ‘primitivity’, and exhibit the importance
of linking ‘ethno linguistic data to psychological interpretation’. As a comparative
discipline, developmental psychology observes behavior and presents
empirical testing. Inherent in this discourse is the principle that
development advances from a state void of differentiation to a condition
of increasing differentiation. Developmental psychologists provide
examples as to how this ‘law’ pertains to psycho cultural experience.
For example, classifying objects according to their color engages a
mode of cognition ‘genetically prior’ to a categorization that lacks
attachment to a particular object. Werner and Kaplan
discuss five confusions of ‘primitivity’. (1) Confusion between primitivity
and as an evaluative and as a designative concept (2) Confusion between
primitivity as defined temporarily and as defined logically (3) Confusion
between primitivity as an ideal construct and as a predicate applied
to cognitive activities of actual men (4) Confusion between the phenomena
of primitivity and the conditions of the phenomena (5) Confusion between
primitivity as characteristic only of certain types of mind and as
an ever-present feature of the mental functioning of all individuals.
For example, the fourth confusion is between the nature and conditions
of primitivity. A lack of differentiation of self and not self is prevalent
in primitive developmental stages. This concept provided a clash between
anthropologists and developmental psychologists. According to Werner
and Kaplan, the developmental comparative framework consists of three
parts. Firstly, language is ‘primarily activity and only secondarily
product’. Secondly, they question the notion that all experiences can
be identified with language and predict that verbal language is only
one expression of experience. Thirdly, not all patterns of linguistics
are developmentally congruent. Werner and Kaplan
draw on Dr. D. Lee’s analysis that inherent in a more primitive linguistic
usage is a technologically backward culture. She explains that the
Trobriand Islanders language lacks adjectives and is void of a time
based connection between objects. In contrast to their language, the
English language emphasizes lineality. Werner and Kaplan argue that
the Trobriand Islanders inability to convey a concept linguistically
is reflective of their primitive development of expression. In formulating a
testable hypothesis, they worked under the assumptions that particular
psycholinguistic manifestations are more primitive than others and
that even the Western man retains primitive modes of cognition. Their
method employed to display the second assumption is the technique of
line schematization. Subjects illustrated their experiences via line-drawings.
Werner and Kaplan hypothesized that the object of the sentence would
be autonomous from the verb. Within the line drawn, the verb would
change in relation to a distinct context. Experiments, however,
did not illustrate the isolation but rather the connection of the verb
to the object. In fact, most subjects exhibited Fusion; a drastic change
in representing the verb with each with each specific object. Absence
of change in reflecting the verb, Invariance, is void in line-drawing
but present in verbal language. A second experiment was based on the
assumption that an experiment aimed at eliciting primitive cognition,
linguistic exercises characterized by time tend to be experienced as
different endeavors. The subject perceived the present tense as real
but the past and future as unreal. In the English language, however,
the present differs from the past and future only in terms of the action’s
time. These experiments
elucidate that particular linguistic patterns common in noncivilized
cultures reflect mental processes more primitive than those discernable
in the modern civilized man. CLARITY:5 ILANA
LAUER Whiteford, Andrew H. The Museum in the School. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58(2): 352-356. Andrew H. Whiteford examines the museum’s role in post-secondary institution, arguing that a museum is a critical tool in teaching anthropology. The examination of artifacts help abstract concepts become tangible, stimulates curiosity and can replicate aspects of fieldwork. Furthermore, Whiteford suggests that museum artifacts are also beneficial to general liberal arts and social science students because of the increased cultural awareness they create. Whiteford's argument
for the "teaching Museum" is based on observations from the
Logan Museum of Anthropology, at Whiteford expresses
his theories and personal experiences with conviction and clarity.
He generalizes his success at the CLARITY RANKING: 4 Whiteford, Andrew, H. The Museum in the School American Anthropologist, 1956, v: 58 p. 352-356 Andrew Whiteford
illustrates the strong relationship between anthropology as a discipline,
and the objectives of liberal arts institutions by focussing this article
on the necessity of a museum on campus. He writes that anthropology
has a liberalizing influence on students because it allows them to
explore outside of their own culture and see what is different from
them. Whiteford argues that as long as a campus museum makes an effort
to relate its activities to educational objectives of the larger institution
it is part of, it will increase its potential educational ability.
If anthropological museums focus on contemporary anthropology and teach
objectivity and tolerance, it will contribute to liberal education.
As long as students are encouraged to work with tangible materials
and participate in authentic activities, they will be stimulated to
learn and will have a great deal more hands-on experience than by no
other means. He suggests that
students are surrounded by ethnocentrism, but through the museum and
the education it provides, students can learn more effectively than
by simply reading texts. The only problem with developing a museum
to its full educational capacity and to express anthropological materials
coherently and effectively is lack of money. A complete exhibit
in a complete museum needs to appeal to the students and adhere to
them in ways texts cannot. Through the addition and use of actual artefacts –thus
contributing to a sense of reality and giving the exhibition actual
depth –the museum has the ability to display human relations to other
animals, to evolution, to the development of tools and utilisation
of natural resources, and to other cultural growth experienced by civilization. Specific exhibitions
make specific points that can be of importance to the education of
a non-anthropological as well as the specializing student, and can
be used by many of the academic departments of the school as well.
There should be close interactions between the academics of other departments
and the museum administrators to make exhibits useful for all. The opportunity
to deal intimately with materials (handling and examining) will help
fix the new understanding in the students’ minds. Artefacts stimulate
curiosity and prompt questioning that will entice the students to go
out and research what is of interest to them. The stimulated curiosity
in the student is of great value in a teaching museum and one single
eye-catching object may excite a student more than a shelf stacked
with volumes of publications on one culture. To illustrate the point,
Whiteford compares the museum to anthropology using fieldwork, something
very valuable to the discipline. If fieldwork plays the role that the
anthropological society believes it to, the museum should try to bring
the field to the student. Whiteford suggests that it is not the fieldwork
entirely which is the great experience, but rather the experience of
handling the products of fieldwork (i.e. Archaeology and it’s tools)
has a great impact on the student as well. The substitution could consist
of homemade sites within the museum while still using real instruments
and techniques. The relation between
physical anthropology, the museum and laboratories is also compared.
The study of bone maturation could also be accomplished with the help
of the museum through particular exhibits before taking the results
to the actual lab. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Willey, Gordon
R. The Structure of Ancient Maya Society: Evidence
From The This article concerns
itself mainly with examining ancient Mayan social dynamics, specifically
the question of how separate the living conditions were between the
urban elite and the peasants. Earlier excavations and explorations
of ancient Mayan sites led archaeologists and anthropologists alike
to believe Mayan culture was highly segregated, at the ceremonial center
there were savvy theocrats and in the village there dwelled simple
village folk. Such a distinction has been long held as representative
of the Mayan culture as a whole. Willey has decided
to question the depth of that distinction. He asserts that the relationship
between rural village and ceremonial center may have been a more intimate
one than was previously thought. Some evidence of his argument has
been taken from the examinations of various small dwelling mounds in
the Maya lowlands of the Little investigation
has been undertaken of this locale, as studies on the remains of these
mounds suggested ordinary domestic buildings, with no other interesting
facets. In the article, Willey states that the nature of the Belize
Valley village sites allude to a more sophisticated peasantry as opposed
to common, countrymen and woman. The mounds are oval or oblong collections
of earth and rocks, running in a continuous scattering for some 30
or more miles to the north and east. The organization
of the mounds implies a strong connection with the ceremonial life
of the more urban centers. This is seen in the location of the smaller,
domestic mounds, in close proximity with large mounds that were thought
to be of religious purpose. As well, numerous intricate jars and pottery
were found at the smaller mounds, items that were previously considered "luxury" objects
only found in ceremonial centers. These upper-class goods (or imitations
of them) are evidence of a good connection between rural and urban
areas. An explanation for
these finds could be that ceremonial centers recruited tradesmen from
the smaller villages, who in turn brought back souvenirs or rewards.
This suggests that villagers could move up and down the social ladder,
creating homogeneity in Mayan culture. The collapse of the Mayan civilization
was once thought to be (at least partially) due to internal dissention
between upper and lower is questioned by Willey. He believes that if
this were the case, there would be more evidence of Post classic period
artifacts (pottery, ceramics, etc) demonstrating continued life in
rural settings after urban ones had fallen. This has not been found
yet, alleging that priest and peasant disappeared together. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Wilson, H. Clyde. A
New Interpretation of the Wild Rice District of Wilson’s article
is based primarily on the previous research of A.E Jenks. Jenks made
two conclusions in his 1900 article that are counter argued by Clyde
Wilson. His first error was defining the wild rice district of the
Upper Great Lakes in This publication
was written to reject the theories of Jenks through the discovery of
additional information about the Through new information
made available years after the publishing of Jenk’s paper, A publication written
by the missionaries working within these tribes thoroughly described
the conditions of living as well as weather and availability of food.
Through that new information that came to light, CLARITY RANKING:
4 Wilson,
H. Clyde. A New Interpretation of the Wild Rice District
of Jenks claims that
there was a high concentration of Native Americans in the region as
a result of the abundance of wild rice. Therefore, he classifies the
tribes residing in the region as wild rice gatherers. To negate Jenks’ claim, CLARITY: 5 JESSICA
LEVI, Wolf, Eric R. Aspects
of Group Relations in a Complex Society: In this article,
Wolf examines the complex relationships between communities and the
larger nation. He provides a very detailed examination of the conflicting
and accommodating factors of these relationships, emphasizing that
they are both multi-faceted and important for a better understanding
of human institutions. He uses the example of Wolf first examines theoretical ideas of group relations. He emphasizes that even in 1956, societies were becoming more complex and susceptible to outside influence. To understand a society, he suggests that one must first understand something of its institutions and how they are influenced by relationships among groups of people. The relationships that are the most influential to this argument are the ones among local communities and national institutes. An example of this would be the effects that a group of farmers can have on the government, or vice-versa. The author then
provides a very detailed and lengthy examination of the historical
development of inter-connected groups within At the same time, natives were encouraged to live in their own villages, under mostly self-rule, apart from major control by the European settlers. Despite these limitations, the settlers worked around the Crown and the aboriginal villages to gain relative autonomy. They developed their own labour forces against the Crown’s command, mainly by using slaves, poorer settlers, and natives who wanted to leave the villages. The author then
examines how the eventual Mexican Independence from Wolf then describes how the Mexican Revolution of 1910 destroyed the hacienda, returning power to a central government and resulting in a greater movement of people across the country. Power from this point on has been attained primarily through political means, which is closely related to economic power. He also makes the point that behavioural patterns for success are important, that they are culturally learned, and that they are different in every culture. Through this detailed analysis, Wolf shows how ties between groups, rather than the analysis of each one in isolation, exert influence on a nation’s development. His argument is well constructed, through both evidence and analysis, and it gives the reader a better understanding of group relationships in the past, present and future. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Wolf, Eric R. Aspects
of Group Relations in a Complex Society: Wolf’s article begins
with a short background about how, previously, the discipline of anthropology
studied communities. They were perceived as separate entities belonging
to themselves that were not affected by other outside groups. This
changed to studies including outside factors which did affect the community.
Finally it changed to anthropologists recognizing that these groups
could not be treated as independent wholes, in fact, they continuously
change because of other systems. Wolf’s article deals with the described
transition by looking at CLARITY RANKING:
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