CLARITY: 3

SARA LUDUEÑA    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Bruner, Edward M.    Primary Group Experience and the Process of Acculturation. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58 (43): 605- 623

Bruner wrote this article in order to help identify the factors involved in acculturation. His focus was on the residents of the village of Lone Hill in the United States. This was a group of Native American’s of mixed tribal backgrounds. This particular village was used because it was highly isolated and self- sufficient for its time. He defined acculturated families as those that no longer regularly attended the traditional dances and participated in the donation ceremonies there. By this criteria fourteen of the families in the village were acculturated and not regularly attending the traditional ceremonies, and thirty-four families were unacculturated and regularly attending the ceremonies. Bruner hypothesized that an important factor in the rate of acculturation was whether or not these families were descended from a white parent, grandparent, or great- grandparent. Furthermore, this white relative had to stay and take an active role in his/her native family. Therefore, a biological parent who left and had no involvement in raising the children would not count. Bruner argued that this was important because the isolation of Lone Hill meant that most of its residents had no meaningful interactions with white people. This fact would be changed by the presence of a white family member.

Bruner tested this hypothesis by tracing the ancestry of each of the forty-eight nuclear families in Lone Hill. He discovered that, of the fourteen families that he had defined as acculturated, every one of them had a white family member within the last four generations. Of the thirty-four unnacculturated families, only three had recent white ancestors. His hypothesis was further supported by the fact that one family had a white ancestor who left without participating in their family life and that family remains unacculturated.

Bruner’s writing style is quite clear. He also includes in his article information on the values and perceptions of the acculturated versus unacculturated families and further explanation of the role of isolation and language in all of their lives.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

KATHERINE ANDERSEN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Bruner, Edward M.    Primary Group Experience and the Process of Acculturation 1956 Vol.58: 605-623.

The following article explains and describes the degree of acculturation among the Mandan-Hidasta village of Lone Hill. As well, the author sets out to prove the process by which acculturation takes place among the Indian’s of Mandan-Hidasta village, thereby analyzing the broader social context in which acculturation occurs.

Bruner looks at the history of the Indian people living in the Lone Hill region prior to the arrival of the missionaries and white people and after contact. He writes, "Viewed historically, contemporary Indian culture is mixed"(Pg. 606). By this he suggests that certain Indian ways of life have not stayed in isolation and thus, they have changed as a result of "changing conditions of life." Thereby, Bruner’s conclusions are drawn from the study and comparison of group differences present among the village people. He categorizes the village people based on the extent of acculturation observed in their way of life. Burner’s studies suggest that of forty-eight nuclear families present in Mandan-Hidasta village, thirty-one of those families that have not had a white model in their household are "unacculturated". As well, another three families with white models present are, "unacculturated". Meanwhile, the other seven families that have had a white model figure are in between or "marginal", and another seven with white model present in the household have been acculturated. The acculturated families will not attend Indian ceremonial dances and reject traditional Indian ways, customs, and behaviours. These forms of rejection have been brought forth as a result of the process of acculturation.

Bruner, writes that an individual becomes acculturated, as a result of the presence of a white model through intermarriages and through the attempts of the parents to train their children to adapt to white or American cultural ways. These are evident in the linguistic, religious and social patterns of the acculturated nuclear families. Thus, acculturation in the Lone Hill will continue to be dependent upon social learning in small family groups.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

AZADEH ZARE-MOAYEDI York University, (Naomi Adelson)

Cammann, Schuyler.    Exhibit of the Month. American Anthropologist. 1956. 3(58): 540-543.

This article was written about a unique concept of how to display objects in a museum. Specifically, it goes into detail of how Cammann replaced the idea of emphasizing the object and focused on the idea(s) in which the object represented. Cammann wrote this article while she held her position at the university museum in Philadelphia. The museum was faced with decreasing viewers while it was partially closed. Even though many museums have had ‘exhibits of the month’, Cammann introduced the concept of focusing on the idea behind the object. In his exhibits, Cammann would place one, or a few objects that were related, together and compare and contrast them to present day objects. By doing this, viewers would learn interesting facts about other civilizations and how they worked. He gave many examples of what types of displays were done by the University Museum in Philadelphia. These included exhibits on walrus ivory, jade, animal and bird products, horns, feathers, cards, chess and knives to name a few. Cammann not only found that these presentations increased the number of viewers but they also demonstrated other cultures and new ways of using old and/or familiar objects. These exhibits helped introduce cultures that were not normally displayed in the main showcases therefore diversifying the museum. To create some of these exhibits private collectors would come forward and lend never before seen objects. By creating this unique way to display the objects Cammann found that people had a new and better understanding of other cultures. This article was well constructed making it easy to read.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

JODY WERT University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Cammann. Schuyler.    Exhibit of the Month. American Anthropologist. 1956 Vol.22: 540-543

The article entitled "Exhibit of the Month" describes the ways in which a museum in Philadelphia was able to gather many patrons despite the fact that the museum was undergoing renovations. A showcase titled "Exhibit of the Month" was created to attract people. The goal of the exhibit was to teach old and new audiences, and to add something new and fresh into the mix. The article describes in detail the methods of implementation of this exhibit. It involved placing a desk in the front foyer of the museum and arranging many objects on the desk all signifying a common theme. Labels were used on the artifacts in such a way that it forced visitors to really think about the exhibit and get the most out of it.

The author goes on to describe the few exhibits that were extremely popular. One exhibit involved different displays of walrus ivory. Artifacts included "Chinese chopsticks, Persian and Indian dagger hilts, and a Hawaiian necklace-hook" (540). Another exhibit that proved to be popular was about "Jade around the world" (541). This exhibit was so popular that it lasted for three months instead of just one. Although the exhibit functioned to promote various cultural artifacts, it also served to introduce new cultures not previously present in the museum. A particular exhibit that aroused much interest was about different types of knives around the world. The author adds that it "aroused such public interest that it inspired us to arrange a much larger weapon show which filled an entire gallery" (541). Not only did the museum garner many visitor, it also gained attention from the media. A nightly news program had a few segments about the exhibits in the museum. In addition, the ideas generated by the exhibits were used in other areas around the city. One of the downtown banks borrowed some objects and created a display of it’s own. Further, information about the exhibits were written about in such magazines as "Bulletin" and Nature Magazine" (543). The article concludes with the author describing how good it felt to have created the displays despite the hard work and time it took up. He states that they felt to much satisfaction from knowing that their exhibit-helped people gain a new understanding of different people around the world.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

LAURA DOBROVICKIY York University (Naomi Adelson)

Carlyle May, L.    A survey of Glossolalia and Related Phenomena in Non-Christian Religions. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58: 75-96

The focus of this paper is Glossolalia, which is a form of speech phenomena also known as the tradition of speaking-in-tongues. Glossolalia and similar speech-phenomena occur in various forms during shamanistic rites of the New and Old World. Since the author believes that speaking-in-tongues may have its roots in the ancient religions of Asia Minor, other cultures are compared to Christian glossolalia.

To make the definition of glossolalia a little clearer, many specific examples, especially from Eastern and African cultures, are provided with general timeframes. People may speak a different language that they don’t even know, when put into some sort of spiritual trance or in a state of emotional ecstasy. There are different symptoms such as hypnotism, hysteria, and nervous instability.

The author discusses religious and non-religious examples and compares it to the Christian religion and discusses a variety of hypotheses. According to Lomard, it may also be in a form of infantile linguistic pattern, where there seems to be a need for vocalization but without the need to convey meaning. According to Cutten, a person is in an emotional state where the controlling part of the mind is not functioning and the subconscious comes to the surface.

Lombard recognizes four main types of glossolalia. The first is phonations furstes, which is characterized by incomprehensible sounds like groaning. The second is pseudo-language. Sounds can be recognized as fragments of words. The third is when words may contain particles of foreign phonemes and this is called verbal fabrication. Xenoglossie or speaking a foreign language is the fourth kind. In most cases the person has had previous contact with the language although they cannot speak it when in a conscious state.

It is widely believed that it may be the language of the spirits or is a sacerdotal language. Examples are extracted from Indonesians, Alaskan, Haitian, African, and Oriental experiences. The author therefore shows that the phenomena of glossolalia is widespread and very ancient.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

RAGHBIR SINGH York University (Naomi Adelson)

Carlyle May, L. A survey of Glossolalia and Related Phenomena in Non-Christian Religions. American Anthropologist May,1956 Vol.58: 75-96

May’s focus is on glossolalia the practice of speaking in tongues. May asks; Where did speaking in unknown languages originate and does it have Christian roots? Some examples of glossolalia throughout history were brought up within the article.

May discusses the studies of Lombard, Cutten, Moisman and a few other anthropologists. He suggests glossolalists speak in tongues while being in high emotional states (Pg 76). According to Cutten, the person participating in glossolalia is in an emotional state where the controlling part of their mind is not functioning, meaning they are using their subconscious. Moisman states that glossolalia occurs when "speech organs come under temporarily control of the reflex centers" (pg77).  Lombard states that speaking in tongues is a "form of regression"(pg77).

According to May, Lombard organized glossolalia into four types. Unrecognizable sounds such as mumbling, fragments of words, native and foreign phonemes, and speaking foreign tongues .

May continues by discussing two different types of language used speaking in tongues. The first is called the "Language of the Spirits". An example is when the Hudson Bay Eskimos speak from the trickling water, rushing wind or roar of a bear. In this language the ‘shaman’ becomes the person who the spirits speak through. The second is "the Language of Animals", which is when the ‘shaman’ is transformed into an animal by making the same sounds as the animal. This allows the shaman to travel the world and be a spirit, or non human being.

May  gives many examples of tribes that have experienced differant types of glossolalia within their culture, including tribes all around America, Africa and Asia.

May concludes that glossolalia is widespread.  May lists some areas of the world where glossolalia might have occurred and even where it might have begun.

CLARITY: 5  

KATHERINE A ASELAGE University of San Diego (Denise Couch)

Caudill, William and George De Vos.    Achievement, Culture and Personality: The Case of the Japanese American. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.56(6):1102-1125.

As the title suggests this article discusses the influence of culture on achievement and even personality. Caudill and De Vos focus specifically on Japanese Americans living in the Chicago area and the compatibility of their value systems with those of the American middle class. It is argued that due to an increased desire to achieve and a generally higher level of education it was possible, regardless of racial visibility, for Japanese Americans to acquire white collar and skilled labour jobs post war. Discussed throughout the article are the Issei – Japanese immigrants of America in the early part of the century; and Nisei – American born children of the Issei; these groups are compared with each other as well as with lower and middle class non-Japanese Americans. Many examples and charts are provided comparing these 4 groups. Explanations of analysis in both achievement and personality are also provided. Although some of the analytical techniques that were employed in this study are outdated, such as the IQ test, there is detailed and extensive support for the arguments made by Caudill and De Vos.

The authors argued that the personality of a Japanese American possessed a greater desire to achieve than did a non-Japanese American. The data presented in the article supports this thesis, however the argument would be more convincing if all classes of non-Japanese Americans were used in contrast with Japanese Americans, rather than only the upper-lower and lower-middle class. Perhaps if more inclusive ratios were considered the authors’ conclusions would have been altered or less definitive than is presented in this work.

Caudill and De Vos provide an interesting and intelligible read, despite the length. Scholarly journals and their views of Japanese Americans at the time are discussed throughout. Those concerned with post war treatment of Japanese Americans would find this article fulfilling. The many examples, descriptions and comparison charts encourage a coherent argument while holding the reader’s attention.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ELIZABETH OLSON-GLOVER University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Caudill, William and De Vos, George.  Achievement, Culture and Personality: The Case of the Japanese American. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.56(6):1102-1125.

This article explores the cultural and personal differences between Japanese Americans in Chicago and their American counterparts for an explanation in their differing levels of success.  Caudill and De Vos begin with the premise that a lot of literature regarding achievement bases assumptions on very quantitative analysis, such as the IQ test.  Though these tests can help in explaining the success of different individuals, Caudill and De Vos argue that it does not take into account other relevant factors in personality that exist between individuals.  As their example they use Japanese Americans, specifically Japanese born immigrants and their American born children, to show how average intellect can translate into above average achievement.  The author’s use analytic data to show that Japanese American are more favorably viewed than their American peers, and have a much higher level of success than would be expected from their IQ scores alone.

Caudill and De Vos focus specifically on a group of Japanese Americans living in Chicago after Word War II.  They begin the analysis by presenting data comparing the education levels of first generation Japanese, their children, and American’s from Chicago in the lower-middle and upper-lower classes.  The educational data suggests that the Japanese had a much greater level of ambition, having a higher percentage of their population graduate from high school and college, when compared to Americans in the Chicago area.  This higher education relates directly to the higher level of employment the Japanese were able to secure.  Here the author’s show how the first generation Japanese who migrated from Japan held mostly semi-skilled occupations, but within only one generation they were able to elevate themselves and secure jobs as white-collar workers.

Despite having similar opportunities and intelligence, the Japanese were able to excel in their new environment, when compared to Americans in the same area.  The reasons for this, Caudill and De Vos explain, are the different expectations and motivational levels that exist amongst the Japanese.  To show this, they performed Thematic Apperception Tests and Rorschach’s to evaluate the personality dynamics that most relate to achievement.  They concluded the Japanese were more self-motivated, had a more positive view of situations they were confronted with, and a desire to improve themselves.  It was these factors, and not IQ, that ultimately contributed to their success.

CLARITY: 5

NICHOLAS MAISANO    Columbia University  (Paige West)

Codere, Helen.    The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch and the Play Potlatch. American Anthropologist, 1956 Vol 58(2):334-351.

Codere re-examines previous studies of the Kwakiutl, a group of people from the North West Coast of British Columbia, done by Ruth Benedict and Franz Boas. Her main objective is to show aspects of light-heartedness and friendliness in the Kwakiutl institution of potlatching, specifically through examples of what she terms "play potlatching". She finds it significant that playfulness exists within the potlatch, as it is a very serious institution that is integral to Kwakiutl society.

The author begins with displaying the contrast between Benedict and Boas’ portrayal of the Kwakiutl culture. Benedict has characterized the Kwakiutl to be a society entirely focused on notions of rank, wealth, and superiority. The hymns of self-glorification sung at potlatches provide an example of their preoccupation with superiority. With the leading drive in Kwakiutl life being the "pursuit of gaining social prestige" (p 335), Codere states that it is easy to overlook amiable qualities of the Kwakiutl people. With this in mind, she begins to discuss Boas, and his response to Benedict’s interpretations. Codere explains that Boas is in agreement with Benedict in terms of the dominant ambition of the Kwakiutl people being the achievement of high prestige. However, Boas wants to examine the amiable qualities of the people that Benedict failed to mention.

Codere gives multiple examples of amiable features in Kwakiutl living, again drawing on Boas’ research. She illustrates Boas’ account of relations between a grandfather and his grandchildren. Their relationship is of interest because the grandfather was of high rank, and the grandchildren played with him as if there was no difference in rank, or age; their relationship was egalitarian. She argues amiable features present in the potlatch by providing multiple "clear instances of funmaking" (p 338). She describes events in a potlatch where the chief behaves in a way clearly contradictory to the concept of self-glorification described by Benedict. She describes potlatches given in a humorous frame of reference, and a ceremony where laughter is supernaturally induced. Codere dismisses the idea that they are only a form of "comic relief" at a tense time during the serious potlatch, because there is no pattern to their timing. Her final example is a detailed explanation of play potlatching, which "made use of heavy themes of potlatching to create fun, nonsense, and congeniality" (p 342). A play potlatch is either the first potlatch for a child, or a woman’s potlatch held at the same time as the man’s potlatch, during which they insult the serious potlatch. She states that the same people who did the serious potlatching also engaged in play potlatching, sometimes with their rivals. Codere concludes by expressing the hope that the new evidence presented in her article may lead to a more humanized view of the Kwakiutl.

This article will interest individuals who are familiar with the potlatch in general. Codere convincingly illustrates her main point that there are amiable features to the potlatch.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JENNIFER SMITH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Codere, Helen.   The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch and the Play Potlatch. American Anthropologist 1956   Vol.58: 334-351. 

Codere explores the importance of potlatch and play potlatch among the Kwakiutl in Fort Rupert where they are highest in social rank.  Fort Rupert has the highest activity of potlatch and the most accounts of play potlatch.  This is used as a means to understand the Kwakiutl on a more humanistic level through evidence of the importance of potlatch in their lives. 

Other anthropologists, such as Boas, merely characterize the Kwakiutl way of life as a mean to show oneself as superior to one’s rivals, the quest for social esteem and self gratification.  Codere disagrees that this is the only aspect of importance to the Kwakiutl.  Through observing play potlatch scenarios, Codere found that a warm, casual, equalitarian relationship exists between old and young, and the healthy and infirm that would be inconceivable in Western society.  Codere does not deny that self gratification is a prevalent concept, especially through speech, but in skits performed as play potlatch she observed that there is none of the expected pursuit of personal honor or glory.  The same people who are involved in the serious distribution of potlatch participated in the play potlatch versions. 

Play potlatch uses the same themes of the serious potlatch but in a fun and humorous fashion.  Being that a battle of the sexes mentality was common, grown women would often use a play potlatch to mock the men’s interest in potlatch itself although this was accepted by the men, who did not participate or watch this, as good fun.  Everyone, except possibly the very young, took part in and enjoyed these play potlatches where small items were distributed like soap and handkerchiefs. 

Codere relates detailed but incomplete accounts from villagers of play potlatches due to their spontaneous nature as opposed to the dependable structure of the serious potlatch. Play potlatches as a central demonstration of Kwakiutl culture, punctuate that there are positive characteristics as well as the negative characteristics that have been presented. 

CLARITY: 4

SHIRA ZINBERG Barnard College (Paige West)

Codere, Helen.   The Amiable Side of Kwakiutl Life: The Potlatch and the Play Potlatch.   American Anthropologist, 1956   Vol. 58(2):334-351.

Codere provides a reexamination of characterizations of the Kwakiutl people, an ethnic group studied by eminent anthropologists Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict.  Through a discussion of potlatching and play potlatching, Codere systematically argues against the portraits of the Kwakiutl sketched by Boas and Benedict. 

Benedict described the Kwakiutl as ‘paranoid and megalomaniac,’ fixated on self-glorification and superiority, to the point that all of their institutions—social, economic, and political—were organized around these goals.  In response, Boas characterized the Kwakiutl as ‘atrocious but amiable,’ fixated on rank and superiority, but capable of being amiable within a familial setting.  Here he critiques Benedict’s overarching concept of culture in terms of a ‘dominant character or leading motif,’ contending that a culture is not defined by one singular concept or character. 

While Boas does allow the Kwakiutl a more diverse character, Codere argues that his view remains narrow, and that his evidence supporting the ‘amiability’ of the Kwakiutl was rather sparse.  She proceeds to reexamine his study, illustrating flexibility and geniality within the rank system.  She then presents more recent evidence showing amiability of the Kwakiutl in a public as well as private settings. 

One public setting in question is potlatching, a Kwakiutl ritual usually associated with self-glorification and rank.  Codere describes the play potlatch in various instances where laughter takes the role previously held by self-glorification.  She goes on to contest the notion that these light-hearted moments are simply ‘comic relief’ from the seriousness, because they do not reliably occur at significant or poignant moments.  She then discusses play potlatching, during which the serious ceremony is lampooned, often by the same figures who performed the original serious event.  Moreover, she states, the play potlatch functions irrespective of rank, again refuting Benedict’s assertion of the Kwakiutl as paranoid megalomaniacs obsessed with status. 

Codere concludes that cultures ought not to be described by one single characterization, but should be regarded as ‘integrated wholes,’ and ties her argument to the configuationist-functionalist debate.  While Boas added another dimension to his study of the Kwakiutl, he does not provide an integrated model.  Lastly, Codere advocates examining cultures with an eye towards reality, rather than toward a model, which has the potential pitfalls of a utopian ideal. 

CLARITY RATING: 5

CATHERINE ISAACS    Columbia College  (Paige West)

Dart, Raymond A.    The Myth of the Bone-Accumulating Hyena. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(1):40-61

A collection of bones was discovered in a lair near York City, but who or what could have placed it there? Dart's objective was to disprove the long-lasting explanation by Dean William Buckland, who stated the South African Hyena was collecting, accumulating, and depositing large amounts of bones in lairs. By using imaginative and logical points, from literature to historical and scientific information, Dart offered a strong argument in favor of his own interpretation: Buckland told a myth, and the behavior of the bone-collector was more related to a human ancestor, the Australopithecine, than the hyena.

Dart began with stating how the story of Garden of Eden says that man was, by nature, a fruit-eater instead of a flesh-eater. He acknowledged this ‘mistaken idea’ for the continuous blame on carnivores as scapegoats for human behavior. Speaking specifically of the hyena being accused for what was possibly a human ancestor accumulating the bones, Dart went back through evolutionary history and illustrated how our ancestors were indeed flesh-eaters. The most prominent and convincing argument, however, was the behavior of the South African hyena. Encyclopedia definitions, and scientific observation showed that the hyena does eat flesh, but it usually crushes the bones to extract the fleshy marrow. Therefore, complete bone remains would not be present at all. In Buckland’s den, later investigators found no evidence of hyenas or bone fragments.

Buckland hypothesized three other possibilities: the hyenas could have suddenly entered a cavern to die, they possibly "fell" into the lair, or a flood deposited their carcasses there. Dart sarcastically brushed these ideas off, and concluded that Buckland's original explanation had disguised the importance of human ancestors being carnivorous, bone-collecting creatures, such as had deposited bones in the York City lair. Dart prepared a thorough, clear, and coherent thesis to prove the bone-accumulating hyena was none other than a myth.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

NIKI KUX-KARDOS University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Dart, Raymond A.    The Myth of the Bone-Accumulating Hyena. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58:40-61.

The author of this article, based on his research of hyenas and their habitats, claims that two deductions about hyenas and man can be made. Firstly, the author claims that the prevalent view of hyenas as being bone-gatherers is a myth. Secondly, bone accumulations that have been excavated in caves are the work of Australopithecinae, and not hyenas. This, therefore, points to evidence of primary skills not previously attributed to primitive humans.

This author’s argument is threefold. To begin, he provides a history of the myth of the bone-accumulating hyena including examples from the Bible, Greek mythology, fairy tales and finally the scientific literature of Dean William Buckland at the University of Oxford in England in 1823.

Furthermore, he discusses the common belief that early man was by nature a fruit eater. This belief, in part, has been responsible for blaming the hyena for large bone deposits found around the world. In contrast, according to the author, the carnivorous habits of early man are well known.

Finally, the author writes about his own research of bone deposits at an Australopithecine cave in South Africa where ten tons of bone breccia were excavated. The author claims that this large amount of bone is significant because no comparable deposit of broken bones has been reported from the lairs of living hyenas.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

LESLIE WARREN York University (Naomi Adelson)

Dobzhansky, Theodosius and Gordon Allen.    Does Natural Selection Continue to Operate in Modern Mankind? American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58 (13): 591-603.

This article examines the validity of the assertion (made in medical, biological, and sociological writings) that natural selection has been relaxed or done away with in modern mankind. This field may gain some clarity through a re-examination of the concepts of natural selection and adaptation, as they apply to man. Re-examination is needed, as these concepts have not remained stable since Darwin advanced them.

The article gives an in depth look at the different aspects that affect natural selection. There have been many evolutionary changes and genetic variants. Humans, along with other species, have become adapted to their environments to guard against degenerative changes. This also includes when humans become adapted to the environment, their genes change as well as their culture.

The "struggle for existence" and "survival of the fittest" are terms often used when thinking of who will continue to exist. The struggle for existence is noted as being environmental issues such as scarcity of food, disease, unfavourable weather, and predators. Survival of the fittest is more of a genetic issue such as being physically fit, intelligent, resistant to weather, getting along on little food, and being able to escape disease, parasites, and predators.

Key issues of natural selection such as reproductive success, the environment, the relaxation of selection, adaptedness, whole genotypes, and evolutionary processes accentuated by civilization are also carefully examined by Dobzhansky and Allen. They conclude by stating that biological species are constantly subject to natural selection and that it cannot pre-adapt them to future environments.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

PATRICIA A FALCONI York University (Naomi Adelson)

Dobzhansky, Theodosius and Gordon Allen.   Does Natural Selection Continue to Operate in Modern Mankind?   American Anthropologist, 1956.   Vol. 58(1): 591-604.

The authors of this article address the question of whether Darwinian natural selection still operates in the human species or whether it been relaxed or completely eradicated by the effect of modern industrial civilizations.  The concepts of natural selection and adaptation to the environment are re-examined as they apply specifically to man in modern times.

The authors argue that natural selection most certainly still affects mankind.  However, its effects are mitigated by modern medicine and other cultural factors that may allow not only for the “survival of the fittest” but also for the survival of any “fit” individual who can cope with the environment even if only with the aid of technological means.  Dobzhansky and Allen employ the science of population genetics in their argument.  They state that mutations provide the raw materials for evolutionary change.  They further argue that man is able to adapt to his environment not only by selecting for certain genes like other species, but also by altering his cultural adaptations.  The general biological laws still operate, however, the effect of modern medicine has interfered with this process to some extent thus, modifying the results of natural selection. 

Utilizing the principles of population genetics, the authors argue that natural selection will cause gene frequencies to be altered from one generation to the next.  Selection is influenced by the ability of an organism to pass on its genes to its progeny.  The authors further support their argument that natural selection is still operating in humans by explaining that once selection stops the proportion of genotypes to surviving offspring would remain constant from one generation to the next.  Since mutations continue to arise, the gene frequencies are modified causing selection to occur.

The authors bring out another interesting point when they state that natural selection is an opportunistic process that assists the species’ survival in the current environment but cannot guarantee success if the environment changes in the future.  In general, higher genotypic fitness consistent with the Darwinian model does lead to a higher rate of successful reproduction, which is favored by natural selection.  Although this is not a perfect correlation, the authors argue that it still operates in the human species despite mitigating factors such as advanced medical technology, as well as social and cultural patterns.  The importance of physical strength in man is relatively diminished in relation to the importance of mental health when comparing selection in modern man as opposed to primitive man, respectively.  

CLARITY: 5

MICHELLE KAPLAN    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Eggan, Fred and Warner, W. Lloyd.    Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown 1881-1955. American Anthropologist Feb, 1956 (58)3:13 pp544-547

An obituary by Fred Eggan and W. Lloyd Warner provides a look in the life and times Professor A. R. Radcliffe-Brown. Colleagues from his time in Chicago, Eggan and Warner praise the works and anthropological disciplines of Radcliffe-Brown, which offered a great importance in growing anthropology during 1955. Eggan and Warner demonstrate the development social anthropology through Radcliffe-Brown’s contributions to literature, education and field research.

Born in England in 1881, Radcliffe-Brown suffered with tuberculosis as a young child, leaving his lungs impaired and ultimately contributing to his death. Educated at Trinity College in Cambridge, he first made his impact on social anthropology studying under Rivers. Stimulating the interests of fieldwork, Radcliffe-Brown took to researching abroad, only to expand his influences in such roles as Director of Education for Tonga. As Eggan and Warner point out, Radcliffe- Brown organized many extensive programs for field research before settling down in Chicago, where he was free of administrative burdens and able to concentrate on writing and teaching. Creating his notions concerning social anthropology into a series of lectures and seminars, Eggan and Warner note how Radcliffe encouraged the integration of social anthropology into the societies of the West and the Far fast.

According to the authors, retiring at the age of 65 had no effect on the contributions Radcliffe-Brown made to the anthropological society. The editing of ‘African Systems of Kinship and Marriage"(1950) is only one example provided by Eggan and Warner demonstrating Radcliffe-Brown’s continuing importance. Distinguishing his last couple years, Eggan and Warner describe how Radcliffe-Brown "was his old self"(546) until his death.

Ending the brief biography, the authors slightly confuse the reader by noting that the obituary was not an assessment of Professor Radcliffe-Brown’s contributions to anthropology. Eggan and Warner continue to commend the work of Radcliffe-Brown from a professional and personal point of view, and entitle him an "anthropologist’s anthropologist"(546). Making note of the various awards received by Radcliffe- Brown, Eggan and Warner commemorate him for " the breaking down of provincialism in anthropology"(547) and reducing the gap between American and British anthropology.

Clear and informative, the obituary composed by Eggan and Warner provides their readers with a complete summary of Radcliffe-Brown’s life and achievements.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

MEGAN WEST University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Leslie Young)

Faron, L. C.    Araucanian Patri-Organization and the Omaha System. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol.58(3):435-457.

Faron is interested in the organization of the Araucanian society, and how it was before the Conquest and how it has evolved since then. He suggests that Araucanian society was patrilineally organized before the Conquest, but that the Omaha system of kinship was a more recent development to the Araucanians.

He identifies the two assumptions of Araucanian societal evolution that were prominent at that time: 1) that Araucanian society was matrilineally organized at the time of the Spanish invasion in Chile, and that aspects of matrilieanlity survived into the eighteenth century and 2) that there has been considerable change in Araucanian kinship since the early 1600’s and that the latter-day patrilineal organization is reflected in the Omaha system. Faron disproves the assumptions by studying Latcham’s argument, which upholds the assumptions, and saying that Latcham’s data is "inconclusive" and "uncritical", and furthermore that the situations Latcham uses as his proof are adopted practices from the Inca and Spanish.

Faron then proceeds to prove that 1) Certain features associated with patrilineal organization and important in the development of the Omaha pattern (e.g. polygyny; disregard of generation seen in cross-generational marriage and in the inheritenance of the avuncular role) have roots in the beginnings of recorded Araucanian history and 2) a trend toward a fully developed Omaha system seems to have been arrested in most of Araucania – perhaps because of some of the very pressures often cited to explain emergence of stronger patrilineal organization (e.g., warfare and enhancement of the male role in regard to warfare; group solidarity in time of hostilities).

Faron’s research allows us to understand the evolution of the Araucanian people, and how anthropological ideas about the Araucanians have changed over the years, while giving us an idea of how those same ideas may be changing today.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ANDREW THOMPSON University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Faron, Louis.    Araucanian Patri-Organization and the Omaha System. American Anthropologist 1956 Vol. 58: 435-456

The thesis of Faron’s paper is that the Araucanian society is patrilineally organize since the time of European conquest, while the appearance of the Omaha system is very recent development and not fully representative of the Araucanian society. In his discussion of the Araucanian societies, Faron argues that there are basic assumptions about the development of kinship and social organization. In addition, Faron also examines the historical kinship terminology. Central to his analysis are documented fieldwork from 1953 and other current data of the time, which allows him to interpret the development of Araucanian social organization on the basis of historical material and the present patterns of distribution.

The Araucanian’s are the native inhabitants of Chile, They have withstood years of large-scale colonization. Know locally as the "Mapuche", they live bordering Argentina and the Nahualbuta Mountains. Today only the Mapuche remain as a large social group. Many of the other indigenous people were rapidly acculturated during the early colonial period.

Little information regarding kinship remains intact. Even more so, little direct information about kinship terminology remains. Nonetheless, Faron believes the key to understanding patriarchal organization is found within the nomenclatures and lexicons of the remaining inhabitants. Faron also draws from the past historical analysis to bas his conclusions about the Araucanian Indians. Faron suggest that there are two main assumptions. One, that the Araucanian society was matrilineally organized at the time of Spanish invasion, and two, that there has been a considerable change in the Araucanian society, reflected in the patrilineal organization of the Omaha tradition.

Through an extensive analysis of kinship terminology, past historical practices, and recent fieldwork, Faron concludes that the Araucanians first lived in ‘multilineage farming settlements where descent was in the male line. Residence may have been either patrilocal of bilocal, but marriage was within a specific group as required by custom of law. Therefore, this did not warrant the women leaving their community. With the onset of war and economic exploitation, many of the settlements broke up, creating instability with kinship groups, consequently leading to stricter patri-organized societies. However, there was also new importance in regards to sororal polygyny, hinting at a matrilineal organization.

Eventually, a new stability was achieve, in part to an increase in the status of kinship head, land titles, and the elaboration of social and ceremonial customs. As a result, the male role and patrilineal line were exalted. Consequently, the Omaha patri-organized tradtion permeated the Araucanian society.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

ROBERT WASYLYK York University (Naomi Adelson)

Freeman, Linton C. and Merriam, Alan P.    Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology. American Anthropologist.  1956 Vol. 58: 464-471.

According to the authors of the article, Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology, most statistical studies employed in cultural anthropology up to 1956 have been relational and used correlational techniques to determine the degree of association between two cultural variables. Linton C. Freeman and Alan P. Merriam feel these studies are too simplistic. They purport that these past correlational techniques can be "extended to deal with problems of classification"

(p. 464). They feel that this extension takes the form of statistical techniques that provide the researcher more precise estimates of the relationship between the objects being classified together than correlational techniques can. In addition, they see that statistical techniques provide an exact measure of the difference between various classifications.

Overall, they see that statistical techniques provide accuracy when constructing and comparing types of classification.

The cultural variables that the authors use to prove the value of statistical technique, is the music of the Brazilian Ketu and the Trinidad Rada. Freeman and Merriam use interval counts of Ketu and Rada music as the statistical technique used to determine a difference between these two styles of music. The reason these two styles of music are being studied is because they are both different variations on one regional style of music. The authors studied twenty songs of each style of music and made interval counts as well as determined the frequency of major seconds and minor thirds. They also established the total intervals for each song.

Freeman and Merriam feel that the use of statistical techniques greatly increased the probability of the proper classification of these two styles of music. They state: "this study demonstrated that classification may be systematized and improved through application of a statistical technique" (p. 471). Although the goal of this article is clear throughout, which is to use statistical techniques to improve the classification of variables in cultural anthropology, it is hard to understand the statistical results of their study without former knowledge of musical terminology and method. Freeman and Merriam do not describe what interval counts, major seconds and minor thirds are so it is therefore difficult to understand why these measurements are used or what significance they have to the study of Brazilian Ketu and Trinidad Rada music.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

CRYSTAL TRACY University of Alberta, Heather Young Leslie

Freeman, Linton C.    Statistical Classification in Anthropology: An Application to Ethnomusicology. American Anthropologist 1956 58: 464-472

In this paper, Linton Freeman identifies a growing interest in the application of statistics to cultural anthropology. He believes that proof of the importance of this growing trend, can be found in the fact that an entire section of the 1954 meeting of the American Statistical Association was devoted to ‘The use of statistics in anthropological studies’. Freeman acknowledges that most statistical studies in cultural anthropology have been ‘relational’, and that anthropologists have attempted to determine the degree of association, which exist between two or more cultural variables via techniques of correlation. Freeman states, however, that correlational techniques may be extended to deal with "problems" in relation to classification, and that this is precisely the subject, which his paper is concerned with.

Freeman believes that the process of distinguishing among classes of objects on the basis of a set of measurements of their properties can only be accomplished by using a specialized statistical technique. Thus, he introduces a technique developed by R.A. Fisher in 1936, known as the ‘discriminant function’.

Freeman recognizes that although his