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American
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Ames, David. The Use of a Traditional Cloth-Money Token among the Wolof. American Anthropologist October, 1955 Vol. 57 ( 5):1016-1023. This article discusses
the different uses of cloth money in different areas of Africa, mainly On the third page
of the article, the author lays out a graph of how the cloth money
was "measured" economically. The exchange rate between the
cloth and "paper money" as well as a price listing of certain
items, such as grain, cows, roosters, etc., and their monetary value
was illustrated. Cloth money was not just used within the Wolof community,
but was also used in external trade (1019). It could be used to buy
materials in other areas, such as Serahuli, Fula, and Bambara. After
the Europeans invaded CLARITY: 3 JESSICA SAVAGE: .gif){kind=small} Arensberg, Conrad. American Communities. American Anthropologist. December, 1955 Vol. 57 (6):1143-1161. Conrad M. Arensberg,
a professor from After discussing
the elements of a culture, Arensberg discusses historical communities
in the CLARITY: 3 KELLY GILFEATHER: Berndt, Ronald M. "Murngin" (Wulamba) Social Organization. American Anthropologist February, 1955 Vol. 57 (1): 84-105. Berndt sets out
in this article to discuss the "Murngin" (Wulamba) kinship
system and social organization of north central and northeastern Arnhem
Land, in Berndt is a structural functionalist who believes that the mode of social organization, in this case a kinship system, is what allows the Wulamba to reproduce and survive as a society. Their society is guided by the principles of unilineal descent. The kinship system of the Wulamba is an asymmetrical system, which is based on marriage with a matri-cross-cousin. Using the diagram first shown in the work of Radcliffe-Brown, the lines of patrilineal descent are shown vertically, while the lines of matrilineal descent are shown diagonally. Females in the system do not inherit or transmit the status of their descent, however they serve as an agent or link in the passing down of status and privilege through their matri-line. There is great detail given to the specific structure of the Wulamba kinship system, but in summary, Berndtís goal is to show how marriage alliances are a means of creating social cohesion within their society. In his conclusion, Berndt does respond to other authorís ideas on the social organization of the Wulamba. He, however, concludes with the statement that there is a need for even more empirical testing to understand the full extent to which kinship and marriage are used to govern the society. CLARITY: 3 Berreman, Gerald
D. Inquiry into Community Integration
in an Berreman hypothesizes
that when a community is forced to rapidly adapt to an alien culture
without the use of its own cultural context, it will suffer from a
decrease of integration. He analyzes the factors that have contributed
to community integration and disintegration of the Nikolski village
on American purchase
of CLARITY: 4 .gif){kind=small} Berreman, Gerald
D. Inquiry into Community Integration in
an The primary objective
of this article is the exploration of community "integration" and "disintegration",
which the author feels is a relatively neglected area of anthropological
community studies. Gerald Berreman’s main focus is on ‘Nikolski’, which
is an Aleut village, located in Prior to contact
with the "white man", Berreman describes an "emphasis
upon self-sufficiency, supplemented by co-operation, reciprocal aid
and mutual responsibility" (p49), which provided the people of
Nikolski with maximum economic security. Contact between
the Aleut and "whites" can be classified into two main periods.
Contact with the Russians was made between 1759-1867, and then followed
by the Americans. The author mainly wishes to emphasize that Russian
contact with the Aleut culture was less disruptive in comparison to
contact with the Americans. According to Berreman, Russian contact
allowed for "selective assimilation" and "integration",
whereas American contact has resulted in "assimilation" and "disintegration",
for various reasons described throughout this article in detail. The
end result has been an ideological split amongst the villagers of Nikolski,
which Berreman divides into and describes as being "outside-oriented" and "village
oriented". Berreman concludes
by stating that, "…persistently attempted projection to an unprecedented,
alien context, if it cannot be achieved by community members within
their community, is disintegrative to that community" (p 58).
Berreman suggests that further community studies related to "integration" and "disintegration" be
made in the context of anthropological work. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Bohannan, Paul. Some
Principles of Exchange and Investment Among the Tiv. American
Anthropologist 1955 Vol.57:60-70 This article is
a brief introduction to the exchange and investment practices amongst
the Tiv. The Tive are a pagan people numbering over 800,000 who live
in northern Bohannan splits
his article into three parts. The first part is all about how the Tiv
ideas of exchange are expressed in their language. There are two different
ways that goods are distributed amongst the Tiv: through "gift" and "market".
Gifts mark a somewhat permanent relationship whereas the market calls
upon no long-term relationship. In the second section, Bohannan goes
into the categories of the investment and exchange items. Food is the
most important category of exchangeable goods. This category is associated
with subsistence. Then comes the exchanging of cattle and slaves. This
category is associated with prestige. The third category is the exchange
of humans rights of slaves and women. Bohannan tries to emphasize that
the Tiv notions of "exchange" only covers a little part of
the large range to which the English word "exchange" means.
Bohannan also heavily emphasizes that the element of kinship is far
superior to the element of prestige to the Tiv. This is an example
of the moral basis of hierarchy that occurs amongst the Tiv. The third
part of Bohannan’s article discusses the difficulties the Tiv are experiencing
while trying to adapt to some of the new economic practices. Two of
the three categories according to the Tiv have no overt validity to
the Western economy. Furthermore, the introduction of money has created
an upraor towards the Tiv practices of "exchange". Tiv have
a hard time accepting money because, unlike food, money does not produce
seed or reproduce itself - once you spend it, it is gone. This article is
very interesting because it is a clear example of the conflicting practices,
ideas and beliefs regarding exchange and investment. Bohannan emphasizes
that the meaning of these words are not universal. CLARITY RANKING:
5 RIE KOREEDA: Broom, Leonard
and Kitsuse, John I. The Validation of Acculturation:
A Condition to Ethnic Assimilation. American Anthropologist 1955
Vol. 57: 44-48 Broom and Kitsuse
are explaining how a culture assimilates into a new society. Specifically,
analyzing what obstacles may hinder that assimilation. The example
used is the acculturation of Japanese society into American society,
where acculturation is defined as the ultimate assimilation into a
society. Access to dominant societies such as The validation of
acculturation must take place in the host society. It cannot take place
in the ethnic community of that society. Validation is acceptance and,
for the best outcome it must take place where the dominant society
is widespread. There exist varying degrees of acculturation. Parallel Ethnic
Community is also discussed in this article. It is the organizations
and institutions of an ethnic community within a society taking on
the institutional roles of the larger society. This parallelism is
important in three regards. First, it reduces some stresses of interethnic
situations therefore allowing for acculturation under accommodating
circumstances. Second, it will allow acculturation for individuals
who are relatively isolated within their ethnic group. Finally, it
will legitimize the status of the ethnic community in question. For racially visible
groups, acculturation does not guarantee acceptance into the society.
Acceptance may take a significantly longer period of time for them.
This ethnic group becomes slowed by its society’s unwillingness to
accept them based on racial exclusion. CLARITY: 4 Bruner, Edward M. Two Processes of Change in Mandan-Hidatsa Kinship Terminology. American Anthropologist August, 1955 Vol.57 (4):840-850. Edward Bruner tackles
the process of kinship change in a Mandan-Hidatsa Indian village in The two processes that accompany kinship change are: (1) a slow, orderly, and progressive modification; and (2) a more radical, abrupt jump from one kinship system to another. An Indian who has converted, "embraces a new way of life and comes to internalize a set of goals and values which are incongruent with the Crow lineage system" (846). The Crow system emphasizes older societal values. The Crow kinship "provides the means for mutual aid and cooperation in the village" (847). Those who choose to convert become more individualistic. Few converted Indians remain in Lone Hill. This departure from the area explains the "retention of traditional Indian ways" (847). Those that do remain serve as a source of change in the Crow kinship system. CLARITY: 2 LISA BAER: Cory, H. The Buswezi. American Anthropologist. October, 1955. Vol. 57 (5):923-952. The Buswezi is a
secret society with branches widespread throughout what was previously
called CLARITY RANKING: 5 Davis, Hilda J. The History of Seminole Clothing and Its Multi-Colored Designs. American Anthropology, 1955. 57 pg. 974-980 This article by The designs for
these clothes were made from memory and there aren't any design patterns
that have been discovered. Also women can change the designs to make
new ones. There were several different patterns used to make the clothing
and these were sewed together to make the new clothes. These clothes
are not only used as clothing for a family but also as a means of income
for the Seminoles. CLARITY 4 Du Bois, Cora. The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture. American Anthropologist December, 1955 Vol. 57 (6):1232-1239. This paper attempts to manufacture and standardize the approach on American values advanced by a group of writers from De Tocqueville through Myrdal to the authors of the polemic or conversational pieces that have been so numerous in the last decade. It solely addresses the dominant value system in middle-class Americans. Du Bois makes the general assumption that this system is rooted in the Protestant ethic and eighteenth-century rationalism. She justifies this piece of work by saying that this system shares some specific values with other societies, but its configuration has become considered peculiarly American. Du Bois makes two basic overall assumptions. Firstly, that no feasible value system can entertain logical contraries and secondly, that there is a strain for consistency among the contradictions that may be inherent in any value system. Du Bois believes that four major notions underlie the American middle-class value system: (1) a mechanistically conceived universe, (2) man’s mastery over the universe, (3) the equality of men, and (4) man’s perfectibility. Du Bois suggests three focal values for these four premises: (1) effort-optimism, (2) material well-being, and (3) conformity. Du Bois concludes that each of these three focal values are derived from each of the four major notions, each constitutes a series of specific values and directives, and each are more or less consistently interlocked. Du Bois also concludes that the viability of a value system rest on both its internal and external coherence. "Changes in value systems will result, therefore, from a strain for consistency not only within the value system but also between values and situational factors" (1239). CLARITY: 4 SIMON BUSTOW: Du Bois, Cora. The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture. American Anthropologist 1955 Vol.57: 1232-1239. There is an effort
to bring consistency to the American value system, and this effort
might just account to its change over the last few hundred years. We
see this strain in change itself and in compromise. There are four premises
assumed by the American middle class: 1) the universe is mechanistically
conceived, 2) man is its master, 3) men are equal, and 4) men are perfectible.
These four premises create three crucial values: material well-being
that derives from the premise tat man is master of a mechanistic universe;
conformity that derives from the premise of man’s equality; effort-optimism
that derives form the premise of man’s perfectibility. Within Effort-Optimism,
we see that work in a specific value in American society. It is through
this value that man tries to reach his own perfectibility and also
the mastering of the universe that we have created. American work hard
to have ‘fun’. Material Well-Being
is consistent within the value system. Americans believe they have
a ‘right’ to this, because of the effort they put into work. Conformity is a
more recent crucial American value that has been brought about, in
comparison to effort-optimism and material well-being. Man must get
along and co-operate with his fellow man in order to master the universe.
Co-operation is an important value system now. All three of these focal
values lead to mass-education. The three values
which were discussed above derive from the four basic premises that
were stated earlier. A change in this value system will come from a
continued effort for consistency within the value system. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Ehrenfels, U.
R. Three Matrilineal Groups of In his article, "Three
Matrilineal Groups of Assam," U.R. Ehrenfels discusses the similarities
and differences between the Khasis, Lygngam-Khasis and Garos of Assam, After presenting
the general problem between the three groups and briefly explaining
how the background of each complicates the issue further, Ehrenfels
shows how each group had an impact on the Lygngam-Khasis people. The
ancestry of the Lygngam-Khasis people contains both Khasis and Garos
origins; in addition, the Lygngam-Khasis group is located between the
two other groups. Because of these factors Ehrenfels explains the problem
from a Lygngam-Khasis perspective because they are affected the most
from the similarities and differences between each group. Furthermore,
although the groups still consider themselves separate from one another
intermarriages often occur between all three. By showing the numerous
similarities and differences between the Khasis, Lygngam-Khasi and
Garos in CLARITY RANKING:
4 Erasmus, Charles
J. Work Patterns in a This paper provides
additional support for the work Melville Herskovits has conducted on
work patterns of primitive peoples. "Using quantitative data found
in several ethnographic descriptions, Herskovits shows that considerable
effort is expended by primitive peoples in their productive activities." Erasmus
uses field data collected in 1948 in the Mayo The entire village was used as a "sample" for the quantitative study, and individual charts were created for each person in the village in order to examine the daily rhythm of work activities. Over a period of three months, from July to September 1948, five thousand observations were recorded of adults, children, and the aged. Three charts are provided in the article, describing distributions of work and leisure activities and the sexual division of labor. Interspersed among these is a description of the quantitative data in each chart, with examples of daily activities to illustrate the data. Erasmus concludes "that each adult in Tenian is his own boss and can work and rest as he feels inclined. Men in the village spend the same amount of time working as the women, but when taking leisure time, they lie down more, which has led to the misconception that women are more active. Personal inclination of alternating work and leisure time, however, is what Erasmus argues "is related to a low degree of industrial specialization" in Tenia and other "nonliterate" communities. CLARITY RATING: 4 Ewers, John. Problems and Procedures in Modernizing Ethnological Exhibits. American Anthropologist February, 1955 Vol. 57 (1):1-12. In this article, Ewers has artfully described the processes that must be conducted in order to update an out of date museum. For the basis of his description, he is using the renovation of the New World Ethnology Hall in the U.S. National Museum. An assessment had been conducted in order to determine the merits of such a project and to readily suggest specific aspects of the hall that would need to be reviewed. The space arrangement in the hall itself was quite cumbersome. There were many wood cases, most with inadequate lighting and far too many artifacts within them. This alone was presenting problems to the viewer, in particular to groups that would attend museum function; there was not enough space for them to explore together and the mind was overwhelmed at each case. There additionally was not enough information given about objects for the viewer to feel confident that they have learned something new. All in all, the hall looked like storage space for a number of artifacts. Ewer emphasizes that the main concern with renovating was for the viewer. Items needed to be readily accessible, information easy to read, over-crowding of artifacts eliminated, and the dull colors replaced with brighter ones. The visitor is coming to see new things and would not want to be confused by a number of charts or complex labels. With these ideas in mind, the hall was renovated to include the ideas of the visitor, the museum director, the anthropologists, the ethnologists, and everyday folks who traveled to the museum. This article would be beneficial to anyone interested in the creation of order and modernization in the museum. CLARITY: 5 Ewers, John C. Problems and Procedures in Modernizing Ethnological Exhibits American Anthropologist 1955 Vol. 57: 1-12 From early in the
20th century, ethnology and anthropology have been a part
of museum exhibits throughout In this article,
Ewers reviews the evidence that over the years of evolution of the
public presentation of ideas, where methods are becoming more attractive
and capture the eye and imagination of the spectator, museum exhibits
have not evolved to such an extent and in many cases have remained
virtually static, above all compromising the effectiveness of their ‘presentation’.
The ‘modernizing’ of museum exhibits is an anticipated and necessary
change. Taking Hall 11,
an area in the U.S. National Museum devoted to an interpretation of ‘New
World Ethnology’, as an example, Ewers reviews a critical survey of
the exhibit analyzing elements such as unbalanced representation, disordered
arrangement of subject matter, lighting, and labeling of
items to name a few. After examining a "survey of visitor interests
in the exhibit," taking note of who the visitors were (in this
case 40% were found to be children) and exactly what they were curious
about, the author takes us through the planned ‘modernization.’ Key
to the process was results of an observatory and exploratory study
that revealed that visitors walking freely through the museum often
were more taken by the size of the exhibits rather than the details.
Visitors often could not get a good chronological or qualitative sense
of the materials and did not see many of the detailed exhibits. These and other
discovered elements shaped the in-progress modernization of these areas
of the museum in a way that it would consider diversity of visitors
and respective backgrounds and interests. Overall what was learned
to be the fallacy in past exhibits was their static nature. To quote
Ewers, "Ideally exhibit improvement should be a continuing program." CLARITY RANKING:
4 Fallers, Lloyd. The
Predicament of the Modern African Chief: An Instance in According to Fallers,
the role of the modern African chief poses difficult problems for analysis
because it is played out within the context of diverse and often conflicting
institutions. The African chief has a series of roles in the indigenous
institutions of African societies, as well as the institutions of colonial
governments. Fallers believes that institutions are constantly getting
in each other’s way, and individuals are institutionally required to
do conflicting things. The notion of "social order" or "social
system" can have two different referents, which should be distinguished,
that of harmonious integration and disharmonious integration. African
and European social systems have interpenetrated, resulting in new
social systems made up of diverse and conflicting elements which affect
the functioning of the system as a whole. Fallers illustrates this
with an example of the chief in the Busoga District of Uganda. In CLARITY RATING: 4 Fallers, Lloyd. The
Predicament of the Modern African Chief: An Instance of In the article "The
Predicament of the Modern African Chief: An Instance of Uganda," Lloyd
Fallers argues that the role of the modern African chief poses difficult
problems of analysis because it is a role that is played out in a matrix
of diverse and often conflicting institutions. In other words, the
chief has a series of roles in the indigenous institutions of African
society, as well as roles in the imported institutions of colonial
government. Thus, Faller argues that integrated social systems have
caused cultures to clash and societies to undergo disorganization,
especially in the case of In order to better
understand his argument, Faller points out that there are two possible
conceptions of order or systems in social life. The first conception
of order finds its place in the sharing of a common system of values
by a society’s members. If the actions of the people who are members
of the system are to be mutually supporting, these actions must be
founded upon common conceptions of what is right and proper. As a result,
actions that are in accord with the common norm will be rewarded and
those that run counter to it will be punished. Faller points out
that the second general characteristic of the integrated social system
is the sharing of beliefs or a common system of cognition and communication.
In other words, persons must also share a common system of symbols
enabling them to interpret each other’s behavior. For example, for
traffic to flow smoothly on a crowded street, drivers must not only
share the common value of obeying the law, but must also interpret
red light and green lights in the same way. Thus, in integrated social
system is one in which the motivations of its component individuals
are to a high degree complementary with the shared systems of values
and beliefs. With that explanation,
Faller begins to point out that the system of beliefs and communications
is also a focus of disharmony within the social system. Relatively
widespread primary education and exposure to mass communications of
media have produced a situation in which at least two sets of symbols
and two views of the nature of the world are in the society. For example,
a chief may read a newspaper and have a good working knowledge of world
politics, but he may still believe that witchcraft does really work.
These disharmonies in the system of beliefs and communication center
upon the chief because he is simultaneously involved in the two systems
through his relations with European officers on the one side and the
peasants on the other. Thus, it appears that the African chief holds
both systems of value and beliefs at the same time. Consequently, this
results in frequent conflict, both between persons and within persons. CLARITY: 4 Fischer, J.L. Avunculocal Residence on Losap. American Anthropologist October, 1955 Vol.57 (5):1025-1032. J.L. Fischer’s paper
looks at reasons for why the people of the as well. For instance, a father may choose to have his son live with him when he is approaching death. The father has many personal reasons for choosing to do this. The avunculocal residence occurs despite neighboring matrilocal islands. The author focuses on the existence of concentrated villages, the population, and the geography to explain this style of living. Prehistoric economic and political factors favored men and thus created a shift from a matrilocal residence to an avunculocal residence. This development was an easy transition due to the population of the village. CLARITY: 2 LISA BAER: Garn, Stanley M., and Carleton S. Coon On the Number of Races of Mankind. American Anthropologist. October, 1955 Vol. 57 (5): 996-1001. Garn and Coon write, "what seems to be a disagreement of considerable magnitude narrows down to a lack of agreement on just what taxonomic unit is properly designated as a race in man." Defining race by using different taxonomies, like those of Linnaeus and Blumenbach, or population genetics of Mendelian studies, lends different meanings to the concept. The authors argue that both can be used in order to describe geographical race and local race, and thus, "the discrepancies mentioned above cease to exist." "A geographical
race is, in simplest terms, a collection of (race) populations having
features in common, such as a high gene frequency for blood group B,
and extending over a geographically definable area." The geographical
limits generally correspond to continental areas. The authors wish
to "stress the fact that the taxonomic unit immediately below
the species is best defined as a geographical race." Local races
can be defined as "units that can be subjected to study and these
are the units that change most in evolutionary time." In densely
populated areas, the local race can be expressed in microgeographical
races, which are different from the local races only in qualitative
aspects. In taxonomy, there has been a desire to assign every population
to an appropriate geographical race, because of the need for order
and the incorrect assumption that taxonomy can serve as phylogeny.
Using "It is possible to achieve agreement on the number of races of mankind, once we distinguish between geographical races and local and microgeographical races." When one defines these groupings, it is easier to enumerate the races that exist. On one level, there are as few as seven races and on another level there are more than thirty. "Since adequate data in many cases are lacking, every local race cannot be assigned to an appropriate geographical race." This is frustrating because it upsets the order of taxonomic classification. Geographic races are more useful pedagogical purposes, while local and microgeographical races "not only are susceptible to direct study but also afford insight into the evolutionary mechanisms still at work in shaping man." For these purposes, there is no need to count the number of races, only to acknowledge the different categories when classifying and studying different human populations. CLARITY: 5 JONATHAN VAN BALEN Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian) Garn H. Stanley. On the Number of Races of Mankind. American Anthropologist. 1955 Vol.35: 996-1001 This article describes
the difficulties that physical anthropologists, taxonomists, and geneticists
have when attempting to classify how many races make up mankind. The
article distinguishes the two methods that are used when attempting
to classify races. The geographical race is concerned with those "populations
having an obvious similarity and contained within particular geographical
limits" (996). The local races are characterized by the "populations
themselves…corresponding to the units that are subject to investigation" (997).
The article further describes each method of classification. For the
geographical races, it says that it is "a collection of race populations
having features in common, such as a high gene frequency for blood
group B, and extending over a geographically definable area" (997).
When describing the local races, the article describes it as "units
that change most in evolutionary time…in many cases such local races
can be identified, not so much by average differences, but by their
nearly complete isolation" (998). The articles concluding paragraphs
deal with the actual number of races that can be assigned to each classification.
For the geographical race, there are approximately six or seven including, "Caucasian", " CLARITY RANKING:
2 Gillin, John. Ethos Components in Modern Latin American Culture. American Anthropologist June, 1955 Vol. 57 (3): 488-500. Gillin does not
attempt to present a comprehensive image of modern Latin American culture.
Instead, he focuses "on a limited number of components of the
ethos, which is taken to mean the constellation of acquired drives
or motivations that are characteristic of the culture, plus the goals,
both explicit and implicit, toward which cultural activities are directed
or upon which high value is placed." He asks if there is a common
pattern of customs, institutions that exist in modern Latin American
society as a whole, and if there are certain cultural uniformities
in the area that distinguish the people here from those in other areas.
He asserts that there are, but he agrees that subcultures do exist
in the region and that one must recognize a distinction between the
urban and rural phases of the culture that exist, as well as those
based on different social and class categories. The modern culture
of In constructing the basic "components of ethos," Gillin comes up with a list of four: the concept of the individual and his culturally respected objectives; the concept of man in society; the transcendental or idealistic view of the world; and the patterns derivative from these basic premises in political, economic, and spiritual life. Individuality is highly valued, and in Latin American culture "the individual is valued precisely because he is not exactly ‘like’ anyone else." What is considered to be paradoxical to North Americans is the acceptance of social inequality in Latin American culture. The agreement about the degree to which societies are stratified varies among individuals, but all are aware of the hierarchical social structure in which they live. CLARITY RANKING: 3 JONATHAN VAN BALEN Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian) Gilmore, Harlan. Cultural Diffusion via Salt. American Anthropologist October, 1955 Vol. 57 (5):1011-1015. Harlan Gilmore,
a professor at Due to the high demand for salt, historically, humans have migrated to salt lake/mines. It has also been noted that humans have perceived salt as a commodity for economic independence. In many ways, individuals would hide salt for trade. Furthermore, certain governments would place a tax on salt. Since every individual uses salt, the government would have a steady income. In Gilmore’s last concepts, the author recognizes the little attention involving the customs and practices of salt. Throughout history, salt has been an instrumental tool for many rituals and customs. Although, today, salt is viewed as a condiment, the historic and cultural uses of salt are an important indicator of its value in many societies. CLARITY: 3 KELLY GILFEATHER: Gilmore, Harlan. Cultural Diffusion Via Salt. American Anthropologist. 1955 Vol. 57:1011-1015. The main point of
this article is to assert the importance of salt through history. Harlan
Gilmore states that although salt has been an important part of almost
every civilization, it has largely been ignored for its cultural importance
by anthropologists. The article goes
on to list some uses of salt, including the flavoring and preservation
of food. It follows this with a brief history of salt mining. Gilmore believes
that in all cultures were it is used, salt is seen as a necessity which
cannot be substituted. As well, salt cannot be produced everywhere
and for this reason pilgrimages for salt have occurred in various cultures
throughout history. Gilmore also gives several historical examples
where politics and culture have been greatly affected by salt and the
acquisition of it. Salt is also important
because it is a universal trade item which is very durable and can
withstand almost any conditions. As such, history has proven that salt
is easy to tax because it is a necessity. For many governments taxes
on salt have provided consistent revenues. Salt supplies have also
played roles in military strategy, treaties and peace talks. Gilmore’s final
thoughts contend that because salt is seen as a necessity, it is worthy
of being studied and considered more seriously as a part of history
as well as part of many cultures’ customs and beliefs. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Godfrey, William. Vikings
in It is absolutely
certain that the Vikings were some of the first explorers in One main controversy
is where on continental A new approach is
needed to explore the Vikings in CLARITY: 3.5 Goldschmidt,
Walter. Social Class and the Dynamics of
Status in Walter Goldschmidt,
from the CLARITY: 3 KELLY GILFEATHER: Goldschmidt,
Walter. Social Class and the Dynamics of
Status in In this article,
Walter Goldschmidt discusses social class, as well as ideas concerning "status" in
the Goldschmidt chooses
not to deal with separate "ethnographies" of Goldschmidt maintains
that anthropologists tend to see social class in Goldschmidt concludes
by stating that the American culture is built upon mobility, peopled
by "humanity on the move". Historical, geographical, philosophical,
economic and social mobility remain significant factors in determining
social class and status in the CLARITY RANKING:
4 Goldman, Goldman begins the
article immediately with his main concept, cultural evolution. However,
to be more specific, the main point of the article is to look at the
effects of cultural evolution and its result on social status within Goldman is able to associate cultural evolution and change in social status with a number of different changes in the society. Some of the common cultural changes that occurred in many of the Polynesian islands were changes in government, land systems, and kinship, as well as that mentioned at the beginning of the article, a change in social status. Some of the less prominent changes within the different societies were such things as societal position of women, sexual practices, an increase in warfare, changes in religion or religious deities. In conclusion, Goldman
argues that along with Polynesian cultural evolution came a change
in political practices, an increase in violence, conflict, as well
as a "greater general insecurity." Although all of these
changes have had a negative effect on the society as a whole, one of
the positive changes that occurred as a result of the Polynesian cultural
evolution was an increase in the specialization of the arts and crafts.
It should be noted, however, that these changes did not occur because
of an influence of new "elements", but rather they occurred
because of a rearrangement in the traditional culture throughout CLARITY: 4 JESIICA SAVAGE: Goodenough,
Ward H. A Problem in Malayo-Polynesian Social Organization. American
Anthropologist February, 1955 Vol. 57 (1): 71-83. Ward H. Goodenough’s
publication concentrates on Malayo-Polynesian social structure and
its historical significance. He argues that the traditional view of
and definition of “Hawaiian” social organizations (bilocal extended
families, bilateral kindreds and the absence of unilinear kingroups),
is lacking. For, in order to truly understand why bilocal extended
families, bilateral kindreds and the absence of unilinear kingroups
exist within Malayo-Polynesian society, one must understand the relevance
of land rights within a location with a scarcity of land. Subsequently, to
value the importance of land rights in relation to kindred and social
organization, one must first comprehend what Goodenough meant by “kindred.” Within
his article, he employs two similar yet different definitions. The
first, originally defined by G.P. Murdock, defines kindreds as “a group
of persons who have a relative in common, regardless whether kinship
is traced through men or women” (71). The second definition is a group
who recognizes a common ancestor. The first group is an unrestricted
descent group, one that includes all of the ancestor’s descendents.
However, the second group utilizes limitations to include only some
descendents of the original ancestor. Other ways to restrict members
is through the adoption of only certain descendents who attain particular
land rights, or to include only those members who reside near their
familial group. Additionally, restrictions
become necessary when many types of kingroups overlap in members. Goodenough
uses the five types of kingroups on the Goodenough employs
the particular example of the CLARITY: 3 HANNAH
GORDON: Harding, Charles F. The Social Anthropology of American Industry. American Anthropologist December, 1955 Vol. 57(6):1218-1231. Harding attempts to paint a picture of American industry and its many facets. He admits that American industry, as a whole, is an enormous topic to try to cover in a single article, but he reviews the works of colleagues who have examined specific components. His main objective is to describe American Industry as a system of organizations that have grown and changed through history. He defines industrial organization as "a group of individuals organized into an institution for the processing of materials into products or the assembling of products from parts" (1218). As an anthropologist would study the people of a culture and the tools that they develop and use, so does Harding study the tools and developments of those involved in industry. He draws close attention to the divisions of labor in industry, namely the production line and the management, and the interactions these two groups have. In general, orders flow down from management to the production floor and reports flow up. This network of relationship is what Harding finds most important in his study. The middlemen of management and the production line are the foreman and the union shop steward. These individuals bear most of the direct contact between management and production line and union officials and the workers, respectively. Changes that have been made in industry include a further standardization of parts, products and the motions used to create them. Harding talks about how changes made by the management have caused unease on the production lines, causing the developments of unions (both local and national) and strikes. Unions and industrial management have always found some way to cooperate, and cooperation between industries has allowed American Industry to grow nationwide. Harding's structural-functionalist views are seen throughout this article. He feels that an individual's place in American industry (whether he is part of a majority or minority, management or production line) is set due to his or her skill level, and that the organization of industry keeps the individual where he or she is unless deemed worthy of promotion, granted by vacancies higher up the ladder. Primarily, though, the promotion of a few only occurs, with many never moving from their station at all. CLARITY: 3 Harding, Charles. The Social Anthropology of American Industry. American Anthropologist 1950 Vol.57:1218-1231. In this article
Harding gives a reasonably whole picture of American industry. The
article attempts to draw a picture of American industry, even if it’s
only in the broadest outline. Harding touches on many areas of industry
and their importance to each other. Because an industrial institution
basically processes minerals and assembles parts, it is simpler that
it first appears and covers many basic relationships. In a plant engaged
in modern mass production the minerals and parts pass from hand to
hand to be worked upon through the various stages necessary to complete
the product. Thus by following the objects as they are being made,
one follows a line of relationships. The relationships of any given
individual in a production line are largely determined by his or her
position in the system. The symbols of status
in an industrial organization in general relate to position in the
supervisory hierarchy. Rise in status occurs through promotion up the
ladder. In the industrial system, as individuals retire at the top
levels others are promoted from below, but for every person promoted
many people must remain where they are or fall by the wayside. This
system is one of the sources of the urge to ‘succeed’ and also many
of the frustrations common in American life. Traditionally and according
to folklore, promotion depends upon ability, however other factors
such as family, religious affiliation or out of plant social activities
may also be involved. A modern industrial
institution is an extremely complex affair. To study such a complex
organization it is necessary to have some general approach. Two such
approaches may be recognized in anthropological studies. In the first
the symbols important to the people who make up the organization are
identified and studied as a means of understanding the social system.
In the second, the organization is looked upon as a network of relationships
and these networks are studied. As a matter of fact, most studies make
use of both approaches but tend to focus on one over the other. Harding
tends to focus on network systems in his approach for this article. CLARITY: 4 Harrington, J. C. Archeology as an Auxiliary Science to American History. American Anthropologist December, 1955 Vol. 57 (6):1121-1130. This article examines
the relationship between history and archaeology, using the It is important to consider, according to Harrington, the projects in accordance with their objectives. Often, reconstruction or site development is a key goal in archaeology. The historical data are used to educate visitors about the site. Thus, a goal of archaeology is "‘to make the past live again.’" However, some excavations have different objectives. Some sites are part of salvage archaeology, meaning the sites that are in danger are excavated as an emergency. Another objective is to provide data for a specific reason or research goal. Although evidence may not be conclusive, data may lend credibility to some hypotheses over others. The last objective discussed is to excavate in order to incorporate other research fields. For example, some sites are investigated to contribute to anthropological acculturation studies. Harrington also addresses the shortcomings of archaeology: publications and trained specialists. Publications are essential to communicating information about the site. However, these publications often lack substance or are less detailed than they should be. In order to be useful, they need to provide all of the historical data that was discovered, and in adequate detail. As for trained specialists, there is a shortage of them in the field. Archaeologists need to be trained in history, as well as anthropology. Further, archaeologists should be trained in specific areas, both of history and geography. Archaeology is essential as a historical tool. Many historians are beginning to use data from archaeological excavations in their research. Harrington agrees with Wertenbaker, a historian, in that historians have "‘depended too much upon manuscript evidences.’" Although historical archaeology has developed significantly, there are many improvements to be made. Then, Harrington believes archaeology will be able to become an auxiliary component to history. CLARITY: 4 Henry, Jules. et al. Projective Testing in Ethnography. American Anthropologist April, 1955 Vol. 57 (2):245-270. Jules Henry, from
the As part of this article, several professors across the nation commented on Henry’s discussion. The comments ranged from total disagreement with Henry to partial agreement. As a whole, the commentators believed that in the field of anthropology, there needs to be further development of other methods for observation and interviewing. Although the Rorschach Test and TAT are not perfect testing models, they do provide a framework to other methods of research. At the end of the article and after reading the comments, Henry posed his opinions of the comments. He returned to his previous thoughts, and restated why he felt the Rorschach Test and TAT are not applicable methods in the field of anthropology. The major point that Henry emphasized is the fact that these two tests are not good methods for studying personality and culture. Henry believes that through observation and extensive interviewing, a researcher can truly gain a well-rounded perspective of an individual’s personality. CLARITY: 3 KELLY GILFEATHER: Hewes, Gordon W. World Distribution of Certain Postural Habits. American Anthropologist April, 1955 Vol. 57 (2):231-244. Gordon W. Hewes explores the geographic and cultural distribution of one hundred postural habits. Some postural habits are determined by physiological limitations, whereas others may be more culturally determined. Furthermore, some |
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