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© Center for a Public Anthropology,
Robert Borofsky (2001)
All Rights Reserved

American Anthropologist
1955

Ames, David.   The Use of a Traditional Cloth-Money Token among the Wolof. American Anthropologist October, 1955 Vol. 57 ( 5):1016-1023.

This article discusses the different uses of cloth money in different areas of Africa, mainly Gambia and Senegal. Cloth money was used before the 20th century as both a ceremonial exchange, such as a form of dowry, as well as a "basic economic exchange" (1016). The author describes the process of weaving the cloth that was once used for creating the cloth money, but today is simply weaved for alternative purposes. Ames also describes the necessity that this cloth played in the Wolof society before Europeans. It was used in every aspect of society and was highly valued in return. He continues to describe how, although it may seem "foreign" to view money as an art object, it has and is still done in many societies. In western contexts sliver coin pieces are used in creating jewelry and in other African societies cowrie shells are used in divination as well as in decoration pieces. Separating "economic" objects and "art" objects is often a difficult process, because, too often, the lines are blurred.

On the third page of the article, the author lays out a graph of how the cloth money was "measured" economically. The exchange rate between the cloth and "paper money" as well as a price listing of certain items, such as grain, cows, roosters, etc., and their monetary value was illustrated. Cloth money was not just used within the Wolof community, but was also used in external trade (1019). It could be used to buy materials in other areas, such as Serahuli, Fula, and Bambara. After the Europeans invaded Senegal and other African societies/countries, the appearance of cloth money became few and far between. Instead the colonizers exchanged the cloth money with different types of monetary exchange, such as "fair trades", as well as gold and silver brought by the Europeans. According to the author, the use of other materials as money "indicates an economic system in transition" (1023). And the change in these societies from using local materials to using other types of currency is the result of European colonization.

CLARITY: 3

JESSICA SAVAGE: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Arensberg, Conrad.     American Communities. American Anthropologist. December, 1955 Vol. 57 (6):1143-1161.

Conrad M. Arensberg, a professor from Columbia University, discusses the community-study method, and how this method addresses American cultures. Although all cultures are unique, there are common traits occurring among all cultures or subcultures. He incorporates the findings from Mumford, who wrote The Culture of Cities in 1937. Mumford stated that there is a pattern of study of among American cultures. Arensberg asserts that there are five main criteria of all cultures, and these elements are fundamental to analyze for methodological arenas. The first variable is individuals. What are the individuals’ characteristics or identities? The second element is spaces such as the boundaries of the community. Another factor is time. Arensberg studies how the culture "occupy their space in time" such as calendars or schedules. He adopts a structural-functionalist perspective. What is the purpose or the "social survival" of the culture? Lastly, what is the structure or process of the community? All of these elements are crucial in understanding the dynamics of communities.

After discussing the elements of a culture, Arensberg discusses historical communities in the United States such as the New England Town and the Southern County. The purpose of this description is to depict how, in every community, there is a specific and apparent culture. By analyzing numerous communities, Arensberg answers his initial questions. Within all communities, there is an apparent culture, which can be compared and contrasted to other American cultures and subcultures.

CLARITY: 3

KELLY GILFEATHER: Denison University (Tavakolian)

Berndt, Ronald M.     "Murngin" (Wulamba) Social Organization. American Anthropologist February, 1955 Vol. 57 (1): 84-105.

Berndt sets out in this article to discuss the "Murngin" (Wulamba) kinship system and social organization of north central and northeastern Arnhem Land, in Northern Australia. He acknowledges that while several anthropologists have studied these people and drawn controversial findings, his article is not meant to support or contradict these authors, just to discuss the importance of the kinship system among the Wulamba. The purpose of the article is to discuss in depth some significant parts of their system of social organization, specifically referring to unilineal descent groups.

Berndt is a structural functionalist who believes that the mode of social organization, in this case a kinship system, is what allows the Wulamba to reproduce and survive as a society. Their society is guided by the principles of unilineal descent. The kinship system of the Wulamba is an asymmetrical system, which is based on marriage with a matri-cross-cousin. Using the diagram first shown in the work of Radcliffe-Brown, the lines of patrilineal descent are shown vertically, while the lines of matrilineal descent are shown diagonally. Females in the system do not inherit or transmit the status of their descent, however they serve as an agent or link in the passing down of status and privilege through their matri-line. There is great detail given to the specific structure of the Wulamba kinship system, but in summary, Berndtís goal is to show how marriage alliances are a means of creating social cohesion within their society.

In his conclusion, Berndt does respond to other authorís ideas on the social organization of the Wulamba. He, however, concludes with the statement that there is a need for even more empirical testing to understand the full extent to which kinship and marriage are used to govern the society.

CLARITY: 3

EMILY RAINE Denison University (Bahram Tavalolian)

Berreman, Gerald D    Inquiry into Community Integration in an Aleutian Village. American Anthropologist February, 1955 Vol.57 (1):49-59.

Berreman hypothesizes that when a community is forced to rapidly adapt to an alien culture without the use of its own cultural context, it will suffer from a decrease of integration. He analyzes the factors that have contributed to community integration and disintegration of the Nikolski village on Umnak Island, leading up to their state in 1952. This village escaped much of the early European contact due primarily to their isolated geographic location. Traditionally, Nikolski was a community with an informal social organization and a high level of individual responsibility for survival, but with supplementary forms of reciprocal and communal support. This integrated community network, with the guidance of a chieftainship, provided Nikolski members with economic security and stability. Russians, who came into contact with the Aleuts in 1759 did not dramatically disrupt the cultural practices of this group because they allowed Aleutians sufficient time to adapt to Russian practices and policies within an Aleutian context. Thus, the cultural means for community integration remained intact during Russian occupation, while being drastically disrupted during American contact.

American purchase of Alaska in 1867 was the beginning of disintegration in the Nikolski community. One of the key factors was the village’s economic dependence on whites. The required schooling of the Aleut children played an important role in assimilating the younger generation and encouraging them to adopt the "wants of the white man" without possessing the means to acquire them. Also, village councils were officially established in the 1930s, on the model of American "democracy," with the power concentrated among very few people, but this system conflicted with the traditional chieftainship and stifled the community’s patterns of individualism. Americans have neglected to present their culture in an Aleutian context; therefore, Nikolski villagers are forced to assimilate into a foreign culture. This assimilation has meant the abandonment of traditional practices and values that once facilitated group integration. Berreman gives an example of an Aleutian village very similar to Nikolski that has been able to retain community integration through maintenance of cultural integrity. This reiterates his hypothesis that community integration is only possible within the cultural context of a community.

CLARITY: 4

ALICIA HURLE Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Berreman, Gerald D.     Inquiry into Community Integration in an Aleutian VillageAmerican Anthropologist 1955, 57: 49-59

The primary objective of this article is the exploration of community "integration" and "disintegration", which the author feels is a relatively neglected area of anthropological community studies. Gerald Berreman’s main focus is on ‘Nikolski’, which is an Aleut village, located in Alaska.

Prior to contact with the "white man", Berreman describes an "emphasis upon self-sufficiency, supplemented by co-operation, reciprocal aid and mutual responsibility" (p49), which provided the people of Nikolski with maximum economic security.

Contact between the Aleut and "whites" can be classified into two main periods. Contact with the Russians was made between 1759-1867, and then followed by the Americans. The author mainly wishes to emphasize that Russian contact with the Aleut culture was less disruptive in comparison to contact with the Americans. According to Berreman, Russian contact allowed for "selective assimilation" and "integration", whereas American contact has resulted in "assimilation" and "disintegration", for various reasons described throughout this article in detail. The end result has been an ideological split amongst the villagers of Nikolski, which Berreman divides into and describes as being "outside-oriented" and "village oriented".

Berreman concludes by stating that, "…persistently attempted projection to an unprecedented, alien context, if it cannot be achieved by community members within their community, is disintegrative to that community" (p 58). Berreman suggests that further community studies related to "integration" and "disintegration" be made in the context of anthropological work.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

JADEN J. WINFREE York University, Toronto(Naomi Adelson).

Bohannan, Paul.     Some Principles of Exchange and Investment Among the Tiv. American Anthropologist 1955 Vol.57:60-70

This article is a brief introduction to the exchange and investment practices amongst the Tiv. The Tive are a pagan people numbering over 800,000 who live in northern Nigeria. Bohannan discusses how the traditional ways that the Tiv invest are being washed out by the new economic system that demands different actions, motives and ideas. Much of the economic demands are believed to be coming from the West.

Bohannan splits his article into three parts. The first part is all about how the Tiv ideas of exchange are expressed in their language. There are two different ways that goods are distributed amongst the Tiv: through "gift" and "market". Gifts mark a somewhat permanent relationship whereas the market calls upon no long-term relationship. In the second section, Bohannan goes into the categories of the investment and exchange items. Food is the most important category of exchangeable goods. This category is associated with subsistence. Then comes the exchanging of cattle and slaves. This category is associated with prestige. The third category is the exchange of humans rights of slaves and women. Bohannan tries to emphasize that the Tiv notions of "exchange" only covers a little part of the large range to which the English word "exchange" means. Bohannan also heavily emphasizes that the element of kinship is far superior to the element of prestige to the Tiv. This is an example of the moral basis of hierarchy that occurs amongst the Tiv. The third part of Bohannan’s article discusses the difficulties the Tiv are experiencing while trying to adapt to some of the new economic practices. Two of the three categories according to the Tiv have no overt validity to the Western economy. Furthermore, the introduction of money has created an upraor towards the Tiv practices of "exchange". Tiv have a hard time accepting money because, unlike food, money does not produce seed or reproduce itself - once you spend it, it is gone.

This article is very interesting because it is a clear example of the conflicting practices, ideas and beliefs regarding exchange and investment. Bohannan emphasizes that the meaning of these words are not universal.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

RIE KOREEDA: York University (Naomi Adelson)

Broom, Leonard and Kitsuse, John I.     The Validation of Acculturation: A Condition to Ethnic Assimilation. American Anthropologist 1955 Vol. 57: 44-48

Broom and Kitsuse are explaining how a culture assimilates into a new society. Specifically, analyzing what obstacles may hinder that assimilation. The example used is the acculturation of Japanese society into American society, where acculturation is defined as the ultimate assimilation into a society. Access to dominant societies such as America is hindered by many factors that are explicitly explained in the body of the article. The importance of acculturation, and subsequently the major difficulty is not in adjusting to specific cultural elements, but rather to assimilate in all aspects. Validation within the "new" society is the indication of achieved acculturation. Broom and Kitsuse describe the two ways in which an individual becomes acculturated into a society. The first is a sudden forced acculturation due to a traumatic experience or critical choice. The second is a gradual acculturation into the society. They continue to explain that acculturation in to a society is age specific. Adults have added contexts in which they must assimilate, whereas a teenager must assimilate to specific social stratums. For example, adults must adapt socially but also have the added responsibility of adapting economically.

The validation of acculturation must take place in the host society. It cannot take place in the ethnic community of that society. Validation is acceptance and, for the best outcome it must take place where the dominant society is widespread. There exist varying degrees of acculturation.

Parallel Ethnic Community is also discussed in this article. It is the organizations and institutions of an ethnic community within a society taking on the institutional roles of the larger society. This parallelism is important in three regards. First, it reduces some stresses of interethnic situations therefore allowing for acculturation under accommodating circumstances. Second, it will allow acculturation for individuals who are relatively isolated within their ethnic group. Finally, it will legitimize the status of the ethnic community in question.

For racially visible groups, acculturation does not guarantee acceptance into the society. Acceptance may take a significantly longer period of time for them. This ethnic group becomes slowed by its society’s unwillingness to accept them based on racial exclusion.

CLARITY: 4

RON SOREANU York University (Naomi Adelson)

Bruner, Edward M.     Two Processes of Change in Mandan-Hidatsa Kinship Terminology. American Anthropologist August, 1955 Vol.57 (4):840-850.

Edward Bruner tackles the process of kinship change in a Mandan-Hidatsa Indian village in North Dakota. He recognizes that researchers in the past have broken down the progressive stages in the Crow type kinship system to understand it in terms of its social changes. He, however, feels this research does not successfully approach the processes and interactions of kinship together to fully see the shift from one kinship type to another. He sets out to make this more evident for his readers. The Indian village at Lone Hill has a terminological system that is neither pure Crow or white generation types. There is no middle ground, thus suggesting that a significantly different type of acculturation takes place among these people. The author describes these differences first with a clarification of the types of terminological system and an analysis of the kinship change factors. The primary system is still the Crow type; however, more and more of this system is being translated into English. The secondary system is acquired from English terms in the White generation pattern. Each individual of the village is not consistent with the type of kinship pattern that they use. For example, a child of a mixed marriage will interact differently with each member of his/her family.

The two processes that accompany kinship change are: (1) a slow, orderly, and progressive modification; and (2) a more radical, abrupt jump from one kinship system to another. An Indian who has converted, "embraces a new way of life and comes to internalize a set of goals and values which are incongruent with the Crow lineage system" (846). The Crow system emphasizes older societal values. The Crow kinship "provides the means for mutual aid and cooperation in the village" (847). Those who choose to convert become more individualistic. Few converted Indians remain in Lone Hill. This departure from the area explains the "retention of traditional Indian ways" (847). Those that do remain serve as a source of change in the Crow kinship system.

CLARITY: 2

LISA BAER: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Cory, H.     The Buswezi. American Anthropologist. October, 1955. Vol. 57 (5):923-952.

The Buswezi is a secret society with branches widespread throughout what was previously called Tanganyika (now Tanzania), in areas inhabited by the Ha and Sumbwa tribes. The author, a sociologist employed by the British colonial government, joined the society in 1932, and years later returned to Tanganyika and checked his field notes by attending ceremonies again and by discussing the features and rules of the society with its senior members. This article is a detailed description of the secret rites involved with becoming a member of the Buswezi society. First, the author describes the origin of the Buswezi and the way the group functions. The Buswezi is unique and important to study, he argues, because of its form of organization. It is made up of numerous small units that are independent of each other, and organization is based on authority only within the group; the organization does not recognize the rank of its members in any field outside of the secret society. Cory believes, "it is necessary to see the initiation rites of the Buswezi through the eyes of the African -- in particular the musisi (novice) – and to realize the lasting impression they make for him or her." Thus, Cory presents descriptive qualitative data on the admission to the society, the preparation for the initiation, and the six days of initiation rites. He describes exactly what participants eat, drink, say, and do, and also suggests what meanings these ceremonies have for the people involved. In addition, he describes Kweselwa, an inner society of the Buswezi, and the rites involved in this membership.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

LEAH SMITH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Davis, Hilda J.     The History of Seminole Clothing and Its Multi-Colored Designs. American Anthropology, 1955. 57 pg. 974-980

This article by Davis looks at the history of clothing for the Seminole Indians that lived in Florida. Davis looks at how the Seminoles went from using animal fur to cloth themselves to using multi-colored cloth as well as what types of material was used to make this new multi-coloured clothing.

Davis main reason for the switch from animal fur to clothing is the warm climate that Florida has. The Seminoles realizing that the clothing they had was to warm they "took their animal skins to the white man’s trading posts and exchanged them for calico and gingham cloth". However the use of multi-colors according to Davis is that since a lot of the clothing had been worn down, women mixed and match different pieces of clothing to make the new multi-colored pats and shirts and skirts.

The designs for these clothes were made from memory and there aren't any design patterns that have been discovered. Also women can change the designs to make new ones. There were several different patterns used to make the clothing and these were sewed together to make the new clothes. These clothes are not only used as clothing for a family but also as a means of income for the Seminoles.

CLARITY 4

DISHAN JEBAMONEY York University (Naomi Adelson)

Du Bois, Cora.     The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture. American Anthropologist December, 1955 Vol. 57 (6):1232-1239.

This paper attempts to manufacture and standardize the approach on American values advanced by a group of writers from De Tocqueville through Myrdal to the authors of the polemic or conversational pieces that have been so numerous in the last decade. It solely addresses the dominant value system in middle-class Americans.

Du Bois makes the general assumption that this system is rooted in the Protestant ethic and eighteenth-century rationalism. She justifies this piece of work by saying that this system shares some specific values with other societies, but its configuration has become considered peculiarly American. Du Bois makes two basic overall assumptions. Firstly, that no feasible value system can entertain logical contraries and secondly, that there is a strain for consistency among the contradictions that may be inherent in any value system. Du Bois believes that four major notions underlie the American middle-class value system: (1) a mechanistically conceived universe, (2) man’s mastery over the universe,

(3) the equality of men, and (4) man’s perfectibility. Du Bois suggests three focal values for these four premises: (1) effort-optimism, (2) material well-being, and (3) conformity. Du Bois concludes that each of these three focal values are derived from each of the four major notions, each constitutes a series of specific values and directives, and each are more or less consistently interlocked. Du Bois also concludes that the viability of a value system rest on both its internal and external coherence. "Changes in value systems will result, therefore, from a strain for consistency not only within the value system but also between values and situational factors" (1239).

CLARITY: 4

SIMON BUSTOW: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Du Bois, Cora.     The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture. American Anthropologist 1955 Vol.57: 1232-1239.

There is an effort to bring consistency to the American value system, and this effort might just account to its change over the last few hundred years. We see this strain in change itself and in compromise.

There are four premises assumed by the American middle class: 1) the universe is mechanistically conceived, 2) man is its master, 3) men are equal, and 4) men are perfectible. These four premises create three crucial values: material well-being that derives from the premise tat man is master of a mechanistic universe; conformity that derives from the premise of man’s equality; effort-optimism that derives form the premise of man’s perfectibility.

Within Effort-Optimism, we see that work in a specific value in American society. It is through this value that man tries to reach his own perfectibility and also the mastering of the universe that we have created. American work hard to have ‘fun’.

Material Well-Being is consistent within the value system. Americans believe they have a ‘right’ to this, because of the effort they put into work. America is seen as materialistic, but they believe that in the ‘rightness’ of this. As it is said, "Virtue is its own reward", and this hold true for Americans. Working hard is seen as a "good thing"; therefore one is rewarded with material well-being.

Conformity is a more recent crucial American value that has been brought about, in comparison to effort-optimism and material well-being. Man must get along and co-operate with his fellow man in order to master the universe. Co-operation is an important value system now. All three of these focal values lead to mass-education.

The three values which were discussed above derive from the four basic premises that were stated earlier. A change in this value system will come from a continued effort for consistency within the value system.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

SHAIZA MURJI York University  (Naomi Adelson)

Ehrenfels, U. R.     Three Matrilineal Groups of Assam: A Study in Similarities and Differences. American Anthropologist April, 1955 Vol.57(2pt.1):306-321.

In his article, "Three Matrilineal Groups of Assam," U.R. Ehrenfels discusses the similarities and differences between the Khasis, Lygngam-Khasis and Garos of Assam, India. He also discusses why these factors often result in historical and integration problems. Before presenting the reasons why these conflicts occur, he first provides the readers with a brief summary of each group’s background. Through this summary, Ehrenfels discusses how the spoken dialect within each group, as well as their societal lifestyles, can cause conflicts between each group. According to Ehrenfels, certain cultural problems can occur because, although each group considers itself different and separate from the other two groups (the Khasis and the Garos people), they still share similar dialects. These cultural problems are further complicated because all three groups have societal similarities, such as the matrilineal systems within each society.

After presenting the general problem between the three groups and briefly explaining how the background of each complicates the issue further, Ehrenfels shows how each group had an impact on the Lygngam-Khasis people. The ancestry of the Lygngam-Khasis people contains both Khasis and Garos origins; in addition, the Lygngam-Khasis group is located between the two other groups. Because of these factors Ehrenfels explains the problem from a Lygngam-Khasis perspective because they are affected the most from the similarities and differences between each group. Furthermore, although the groups still consider themselves separate from one another intermarriages often occur between all three.

By showing the numerous similarities and differences between the Khasis, Lygngam-Khasi and Garos in Assam, India, Ehrenfels is able to show why many conflicts occur within this area. By doing this, Ehrenfels shows how cultural integration can result in conflict but also teach more people and make them more aware about issues within other parts of the world.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

SARAH CEREZO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Erasmus, Charles J.     Work Patterns in a Mayo Village. American Anthropologist.  February, 1955. Vol. 57 (2):322-333.

This paper provides additional support for the work Melville Herskovits has conducted on work patterns of primitive peoples. "Using quantitative data found in several ethnographic descriptions, Herskovits shows that considerable effort is expended by primitive peoples in their productive activities." Erasmus uses field data collected in 1948 in the Mayo village of Tenia in the state of Sonora in southern Mexico to further illustrate work patterns in a non-literate, peasant community. "While Tenia is both a 'nonliterate' and a 'nonmachine' village, it provides an example of a community which has become fully participant in a cash economy but whose members still adhere to the nonliterate pattern of taking 'their ease at their own pleasure." Erasmus begins with a description of village economic activities and family variation within these activities, and follows it with a presentation of quantitative data on the rhythm of daily work and leisure. These activities range from lime manufacturing to making adobe bricks.

The entire village was used as a "sample" for the quantitative study, and individual charts were created for each person in the village in order to examine the daily rhythm of work activities. Over a period of three months, from July to September 1948, five thousand observations were recorded of adults, children, and the aged. Three charts are provided in the article, describing distributions of work and leisure activities and the sexual division of labor. Interspersed among these is a description of the quantitative data in each chart, with examples of daily activities to illustrate the data.

Erasmus concludes "that each adult in Tenian is his own boss and can work and rest as he feels inclined. Men in the village spend the same amount of time working as the women, but when taking leisure time, they lie down more, which has led to the misconception that women are more active. Personal inclination of alternating work and leisure time, however, is what Erasmus argues "is related to a low degree of industrial specialization" in Tenia and other "nonliterate" communities.

CLARITY RATING: 4

JONATHAN VANBALEN Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Ewers, John.     Problems and Procedures in Modernizing Ethnological Exhibits. American Anthropologist February, 1955 Vol. 57 (1):1-12.

In this article, Ewers has artfully described the processes that must be conducted in order to update an out of date museum. For the basis of his description, he is using the renovation of the New World Ethnology Hall in the U.S. National Museum. An assessment had been conducted in order to determine the merits of such a project and to readily suggest specific aspects of the hall that would need to be reviewed.

The space arrangement in the hall itself was quite cumbersome. There were many wood cases, most with inadequate lighting and far too many artifacts within them. This alone was presenting problems to the viewer, in particular to groups that would attend museum function; there was not enough space for them to explore together and the mind was overwhelmed at each case. There additionally was not enough information given about objects for the viewer to feel confident that they have learned something new. All in all, the hall looked like storage space for a number of artifacts.

Ewer emphasizes that the main concern with renovating was for the viewer. Items needed to be readily accessible, information easy to read, over-crowding of artifacts eliminated, and the dull colors replaced with brighter ones. The visitor is coming to see new things and would not want to be confused by a number of charts or complex labels. With these ideas in mind, the hall was renovated to include the ideas of the visitor, the museum director, the anthropologists, the ethnologists, and everyday folks who traveled to the museum. This article would be beneficial to anyone interested in the creation of order and modernization in the museum.

CLARITY: 5

MELISSA CAVANAGH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Ewers, John C.     Problems and Procedures in Modernizing Ethnological Exhibits American Anthropologist 1955 Vol. 57: 1-12

From early in the 20th century, ethnology and anthropology have been a part of museum exhibits throughout America. What has appeared during this time is the challenge for scientists to model and remodel exhibits so that they are effective and entertaining yet educational experience for the public who visit the institutions..

In this article, Ewers reviews the evidence that over the years of evolution of the public presentation of ideas, where methods are becoming more attractive and capture the eye and imagination of the spectator, museum exhibits have not evolved to such an extent and in many cases have remained virtually static, above all compromising the effectiveness of their ‘presentation’. The ‘modernizing’ of museum exhibits is an anticipated and necessary change.

Taking Hall 11, an area in the U.S. National Museum devoted to an interpretation of ‘New World Ethnology’, as an example, Ewers reviews a critical survey of the exhibit analyzing elements such as unbalanced representation, disordered arrangement of subject matter, lighting, and labeling of items to name a few. After examining a "survey of visitor interests in the exhibit," taking note of who the visitors were (in this case 40% were found to be children) and exactly what they were curious about, the author takes us through the planned ‘modernization.’ Key to the process was results of an observatory and exploratory study that revealed that visitors walking freely through the museum often were more taken by the size of the exhibits rather than the details. Visitors often could not get a good chronological or qualitative sense of the materials and did not see many of the detailed exhibits.

These and other discovered elements shaped the in-progress modernization of these areas of the museum in a way that it would consider diversity of visitors and respective backgrounds and interests. Overall what was learned to be the fallacy in past exhibits was their static nature. To quote Ewers, "Ideally exhibit improvement should be a continuing program."

CLARITY RANKING: 4

KARRIE SANDFORD York University (Naomi Adelson)

Fallers, Lloyd.     The Predicament of the Modern African Chief: An Instance in Uganda. American Anthropologist. April, 1955. Vol. 57 (2):290-305.

According to Fallers, the role of the modern African chief poses difficult problems for analysis because it is played out within the context of diverse and often conflicting institutions. The African chief has a series of roles in the indigenous institutions of African societies, as well as the institutions of colonial governments. Fallers believes that institutions are constantly getting in each other’s way, and individuals are institutionally required to do conflicting things. The notion of "social order" or "social system" can have two different referents, which should be distinguished, that of harmonious integration and disharmonious integration. African and European social systems have interpenetrated, resulting in new social systems made up of diverse and conflicting elements which affect the functioning of the system as a whole. Fallers illustrates this with an example of the chief in the Busoga District of Uganda. In Uganda, European and African institutions have merged, resulting in a social system containing elements of disharmony and conflict, especially surrounding the roles of the chief. For example, the chief must attempt to reconcile the civil service norm of disinterestedness with the traditionally-based personal ties of kinship and clientship. Both his own cultural values and those imposed upon him from the wider society pull him in opposite directions. Consequently, there is a high casualty rate among chiefs. It is very difficult for a chief to avoid breaking sanctions, whether they are imposed by the colonial administration or the Basoga people. The Soga political system is an example of the disharmonious situation, which provides a greater understanding of the present-day role of the African chief.

CLARITY RATING: 4

LEAH SMITH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Fallers, Lloyd.     The Predicament of the Modern African Chief: An Instance of Uganda. American Anthropologist. 1955, vol. 57: 290-305

In the article "The Predicament of the Modern African Chief: An Instance of Uganda," Lloyd Fallers argues that the role of the modern African chief poses difficult problems of analysis because it is a role that is played out in a matrix of diverse and often conflicting institutions. In other words, the chief has a series of roles in the indigenous institutions of African society, as well as roles in the imported institutions of colonial government. Thus, Faller argues that integrated social systems have caused cultures to clash and societies to undergo disorganization, especially in the case of Africa.

In order to better understand his argument, Faller points out that there are two possible conceptions of order or systems in social life. The first conception of order finds its place in the sharing of a common system of values by a society’s members. If the actions of the people who are members of the system are to be mutually supporting, these actions must be founded upon common conceptions of what is right and proper. As a result, actions that are in accord with the common norm will be rewarded and those that run counter to it will be punished.

Faller points out that the second general characteristic of the integrated social system is the sharing of beliefs or a common system of cognition and communication. In other words, persons must also share a common system of symbols enabling them to interpret each other’s behavior. For example, for traffic to flow smoothly on a crowded street, drivers must not only share the common value of obeying the law, but must also interpret red light and green lights in the same way. Thus, in integrated social system is one in which the motivations of its component individuals are to a high degree complementary with the shared systems of values and beliefs.

With that explanation, Faller begins to point out that the system of beliefs and communications is also a focus of disharmony within the social system. Relatively widespread primary education and exposure to mass communications of media have produced a situation in which at least two sets of symbols and two views of the nature of the world are in the society. For example, a chief may read a newspaper and have a good working knowledge of world politics, but he may still believe that witchcraft does really work. These disharmonies in the system of beliefs and communication center upon the chief because he is simultaneously involved in the two systems through his relations with European officers on the one side and the peasants on the other. Thus, it appears that the African chief holds both systems of value and beliefs at the same time. Consequently, this results in frequent conflict, both between persons and within persons.

CLARITY: 4

PATRICIA MAIOLO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Fischer, J.L.     Avunculocal Residence on Losap. American Anthropologist October, 1955 Vol.57 (5):1025-1032.

J.L. Fischer’s paper looks at reasons for why the people of the island of Losap practice an avunculocal residence system even though they are surrounded by matrilocal societies. Losap has its own unique cultural characteristics. Brothers and sisters of this type of living have a special relationship. The brother in the relationship will provide food for his sister and her children. This occurs even when the sister is married and living in a separate residence. Some varieties may occur. Patrilocal residence occurs

as well. For instance, a father may choose to have his son live with him when he is approaching death. The father has many personal reasons for choosing to do this. The avunculocal residence occurs despite neighboring matrilocal islands. The author focuses on the existence of concentrated villages, the population, and the geography to explain this style of living. Prehistoric economic and political factors favored men and thus created a shift from a matrilocal residence to an avunculocal residence. This development was an easy transition due to the population of the village.

CLARITY: 2

LISA BAER: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Garn, Stanley M., and Carleton S. Coon     On the Number of Races of Mankind. American Anthropologist. October, 1955 Vol. 57 (5): 996-1001.

Garn and Coon write, "what seems to be a disagreement of considerable magnitude narrows down to a lack of agreement on just what taxonomic unit is properly designated as a race in man." Defining race by using different taxonomies, like those of Linnaeus and Blumenbach, or population genetics of Mendelian studies, lends different meanings to the concept. The authors argue that both can be used in order to describe geographical race and local race, and thus, "the discrepancies mentioned above cease to exist."

"A geographical race is, in simplest terms, a collection of (race) populations having features in common, such as a high gene frequency for blood group B, and extending over a geographically definable area." The geographical limits generally correspond to continental areas. The authors wish to "stress the fact that the taxonomic unit immediately below the species is best defined as a geographical race." Local races can be defined as "units that can be subjected to study and these are the units that change most in evolutionary time." In densely populated areas, the local race can be expressed in microgeographical races, which are different from the local races only in qualitative aspects. In taxonomy, there has been a desire to assign every population to an appropriate geographical race, because of the need for order and the incorrect assumption that taxonomy can serve as phylogeny. Using India as an example of how difficult assignment of population can be, Garn and Coon state the lesson is "that every population can not be tagged in a simple system of but a few ‘major races’ or ‘stocks."

"It is possible to achieve agreement on the number of races of mankind, once we distinguish between geographical races and local and microgeographical races." When one defines these groupings, it is easier to enumerate the races that exist. On one level, there are as few as seven races and on another level there are more than thirty. "Since adequate data in many cases are lacking, every local race cannot be assigned to an appropriate geographical race." This is frustrating because it upsets the order of taxonomic classification. Geographic races are more useful pedagogical purposes, while local and microgeographical races "not only are susceptible to direct study but also afford insight into the evolutionary mechanisms still at work in shaping man." For these purposes, there is no need to count the number of races, only to acknowledge the different categories when classifying and studying different human populations.

CLARITY: 5

JONATHAN VAN BALEN Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Garn H. Stanley.     On the Number of Races of Mankind. American Anthropologist. 1955 Vol.35: 996-1001

This article describes the difficulties that physical anthropologists, taxonomists, and geneticists have when attempting to classify how many races make up mankind. The article distinguishes the two methods that are used when attempting to classify races. The geographical race is concerned with those "populations having an obvious similarity and contained within particular geographical limits" (996). The local races are characterized by the "populations themselves…corresponding to the units that are subject to investigation" (997). The article further describes each method of classification. For the geographical races, it says that it is "a collection of race populations having features in common, such as a high gene frequency for blood group B, and extending over a geographically definable area" (997). When describing the local races, the article describes it as "units that change most in evolutionary time…in many cases such local races can be identified, not so much by average differences, but by their nearly complete isolation" (998). The articles concluding paragraphs deal with the actual number of races that can be assigned to each classification. For the geographical race, there are approximately six or seven including, "Caucasian", "Micronesia", and "Polynesia". The count for local races is not as easy to investigate because "not only are we currently unable to enter into a very large section of the world, where many populations remain unstudied, but we have been remiss in investigating race populations within our own national borders" (1000). Hence, due to this problem, there are at least thirty plus local races with the plus being an "indeterminate number" (1000). The article concludes by stating that local races are a better determinant of studying the different peoples of the earth.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

LAURA DOBROVICKIY York University (Naomi Adelson)

Gillin, John.     Ethos Components in Modern Latin American Culture. American Anthropologist June, 1955 Vol. 57 (3): 488-500.

Gillin does not attempt to present a comprehensive image of modern Latin American culture. Instead, he focuses "on a limited number of components of the ethos, which is taken to mean the constellation of acquired drives or motivations that are characteristic of the culture, plus the goals, both explicit and implicit, toward which cultural activities are directed or upon which high value is placed." He asks if there is a common pattern of customs, institutions that exist in modern Latin American society as a whole, and if there are certain cultural uniformities in the area that distinguish the people here from those in other areas. He asserts that there are, but he agrees that subcultures do exist in the region and that one must recognize a distinction between the urban and rural phases of the culture that exist, as well as those based on different social and class categories. The modern culture of Latin America is argued to be a symbiosis of the Spanish colonial culture and that of the indigenous peoples of the region. Each nation has had similar social and political experiences under the colonial rule of Spain, and their struggles for autonomy were similar as well. "The differences come, not from the differences in historical situation, but from the temperaments of the actors."

In constructing the basic "components of ethos," Gillin comes up with a list of four: the concept of the individual and his culturally respected objectives; the concept of man in society; the transcendental or idealistic view of the world; and the patterns derivative from these basic premises in political, economic, and spiritual life. Individuality is highly valued, and in Latin American culture "the individual is valued precisely because he is not exactly ‘like’ anyone else." What is considered to be paradoxical to North Americans is the acceptance of social inequality in Latin American culture. The agreement about the degree to which societies are stratified varies among individuals, but all are aware of the hierarchical social structure in which they live.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

JONATHAN VAN BALEN  Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Gilmore, Harlan.     Cultural Diffusion via Salt. American Anthropologist October, 1955 Vol. 57 (5):1011-1015.

Harlan Gilmore, a professor at Tulane University, details the anthropological importance of salt. To most individuals, salt is viewed as a condiment that is accompanied by pepper. Yet, its social significance and uses go far beyond this. Salt is the "most commonly used preservative." Earlier practices to obtain salt are still used today, such as mining, "evaporation of brines", and sediments from salt lakes. Similarly, the uses for salt have been carried down from generation to generation. Salt is used in the flavoring of foods, preserving meats, rituals and ceremonies, nutrition for livestock and humans, trade, and even economic and political arenas. The dietary factors are a critical characteristic of salt. The human body requires a certain percentage of sodium, which can be consumed through salt. Dastre, from the Smithsonian Institution Annual Report, reports that there is no substitution for salt except in alt infused foods. Furthermore, studies have illustrated that farmers and pet owners have given their animals salt as a treat. In the farmers’ case, not only is salt considered to be a treat, but also an essential substance.

Due to the high demand for salt, historically, humans have migrated to salt lake/mines. It has also been noted that humans have perceived salt as a commodity for economic independence. In many ways, individuals would hide salt for trade. Furthermore, certain governments would place a tax on salt. Since every individual uses salt, the government would have a steady income. In Gilmore’s last concepts, the author recognizes the little attention involving the customs and practices of salt. Throughout history, salt has been an instrumental tool for many rituals and customs. Although, today, salt is viewed as a condiment, the historic and cultural uses of salt are an important indicator of its value in many societies.

CLARITY: 3

KELLY GILFEATHER: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Gilmore, Harlan.     Cultural Diffusion Via Salt. American Anthropologist. 1955 Vol. 57:1011-1015.

The main point of this article is to assert the importance of salt through history. Harlan Gilmore states that although salt has been an important part of almost every civilization, it has largely been ignored for its cultural importance by anthropologists.

The article goes on to list some uses of salt, including the flavoring and preservation of food. It follows this with a brief history of salt mining.

Gilmore believes that in all cultures were it is used, salt is seen as a necessity which cannot be substituted. As well, salt cannot be produced everywhere and for this reason pilgrimages for salt have occurred in various cultures throughout history. Gilmore also gives several historical examples where politics and culture have been greatly affected by salt and the acquisition of it.

Salt is also important because it is a universal trade item which is very durable and can withstand almost any conditions. As such, history has proven that salt is easy to tax because it is a necessity. For many governments taxes on salt have provided consistent revenues. Salt supplies have also played roles in military strategy, treaties and peace talks.

Gilmore’s final thoughts contend that because salt is seen as a necessity, it is worthy of being studied and considered more seriously as a part of history as well as part of many cultures’ customs and beliefs.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

SANDRA FARFAN York University (Naomi Adelson).

Godfrey, William.     Vikings in America: Theories and Evidence. American Anthropologist. February, 1955 Vol 57 (1): 35-43.

It is absolutely certain that the Vikings were some of the first explorers in North America. Their explorations have been one of great interest to scholars and historians who are interested in the reasons for the Vikings’ travels to North America and the places where they lived during and after their exploration. The Vikings surely traveled to, and perhaps identified, Markland, Vinland, and Helluland. Indeed the need to have information of the Vikings is causing stirs in many circles, even creating cults of Vikings followers.

One main controversy is where on continental North America the Vikings were. Archaeological evidence definitely suggests the eastern coast, but evidence has also been found in the Midwest that still remains debated over. In this particular article, the eastern evidence is the example. The largest piece of evidence found was the Old Stone Mill in Newport, often referred to as the Newport Tower, which has be claimed to be of Norse heritage. This particular item, has not been particularly useful, it turns out, in confirming Viking life, and attention was then turned to mooring stones. There is, sadly, no good artifact evidence that the Vikings had definitely been anywhere. Many artifacts that are claimed to be of Norse origin have been passed through several hands and never observed in its setting.

A new approach is needed to explore the Vikings in America. There is some concrete evidence in Greenland and Vinland, but none continentally. Any evidence that claims to exist cannot be proven to be of the specific origin. Partially, the problem lies in the fact that the Vikings probably did not stay in any one place for an extended length of time, therefore mineralizing the possibility of finding substantial and concrete evidence.

CLARITY: 3.5

MELISSA CAVANAGH Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Goldschmidt, Walter.     Social Class and the Dynamics of Status in America. American Anthropologist, 1955 Vol. 57 (6): 1209-1217.

Walter Goldschmidt, from the University of California discusses America's class system, and how the term social class is examined and defined among anthropologists. Many anthropologists study class by understanding the "context of the community," When examining the totality of the community, it is important to depict the ideologies and the methods of communication within the culture. The community is viewed as a unit similar to a tribe. Thus, the three main methods to defining social classes are to examine the social behaviors within the community, the informants' statements, and the patterns of organization within the community. Goldschmidt agrees with his colleagues who depict social class as it reflects social differentiation; however, he goes one step behind this and examines how social class also affects an individual's character or personality. There is a dual interaction within social classes. Structures affect how an individual interacts with his or her society, but also an individual has the power and ability to affect its structure. It is critical for anthropologists to begin to study and understand this dynamic interaction.

CLARITY: 3

KELLY GILFEATHER: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Goldschmidt, Walter.     Social Class and the Dynamics of Status in America. American Anthropologist 1955 Vol. 57:1209-1217

In this article, Walter Goldschmidt discusses social class, as well as ideas concerning "status" in the United States. Goldschmidt asserts that anthropologists have not particularly studied this topic, and there have been only minor contributions in this area. He states that sociologists, social psychologists, economists and political scientists have largely carried the burden. The problem remains, however, that each of these disciplines have discussed their ideas concerning social class and status within their own contexts.

Goldschmidt chooses not to deal with separate "ethnographies" of America, but rather search for similarities and differences within communities. The idea of "community" remains the basis for anthropological research within this field. Anthropologists (and other social scientists) who have carried out studies of the community include Lynds’ (a sociologist who uses the anthropological approach) study of "Middletown" in the twenties. Other contributors include Powdermaker in 1939, and Dollard in 1937. The anthropologists stressed the study of the community because "through the community we could understand the culture of America or one of its major regions". The emphasis was therefore placed upon the system of social interaction and ideology.

Goldschmidt maintains that anthropologists tend to see social class in America in terms of social and cultural characteristics. He states that social class has one or more of three distinct types of meaning. The first type of meaning is based upon the informants’ statements. For example, when informants define social categories by terms such as "the good, solid people" or the "mud-flatters", it is easy to assume that there is social standing based upon that terminology. The second method refers to "the analysis of observed social behavior". Anthropologists who study in the field carefully observe who participates in cultural rites and ceremonies. Social interaction is the basis for determining social class and status. During differing types of social interaction (whatever it may be), some individuals appear to hold contrasted levels of power and prestige. The third and final method is to investigate distinctive patterns of behavior within each of a set of categories. This is done to identify apparent subcultures, thus determining their level of social class and status held.

Goldschmidt concludes by stating that the American culture is built upon mobility, peopled by "humanity on the move". Historical, geographical, philosophical, economic and social mobility remain significant factors in determining social class and status in the United States.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ARTHUR HAGOPIAN York University (Naomi Adelson)

Goldman, Irving.     Status Rivalry and Cultural Evolution in Polynesia. American Anthropologist. August, 1955. Vol. 57 (4):680-697.

Goldman begins the article immediately with his main concept, cultural evolution. However, to be more specific, the main point of the article is to look at the effects of cultural evolution and its result on social status within Polynesia. According to Goldman, "in one way or another, then, the history of every Polynesian society has been affected by status rivalry, and under the proper conditions the effects of this rivalry have been felt in every vital center of the culture" (680). The author continues to talk about each different society and how the status power and rivalry is different depending on societies. Goldman discusses "traditional societies", such as the Maori, "open societies", which often results in guerrilla warfare, and stratified societies, such as Tahiti or Tonga (683). Each type of society has a different form of status rivalry, and/or mark of status.

Goldman is able to associate cultural evolution and change in social status with

a number of different changes in the society. Some of the common cultural changes that occurred in many of the Polynesian islands were changes in government, land systems, and kinship, as well as that mentioned at the beginning of the article, a change in social status. Some of the less prominent changes within the different societies were such things as societal position of women, sexual practices, an increase in warfare, changes in religion or religious deities.

In conclusion, Goldman argues that along with Polynesian cultural evolution came a change in political practices, an increase in violence, conflict, as well as a "greater general insecurity." Although all of these changes have had a negative effect on the society as a whole, one of the positive changes that occurred as a result of the Polynesian cultural evolution was an increase in the specialization of the arts and crafts. It should be noted, however, that these changes did not occur because of an influence of new "elements", but rather they occurred because of a rearrangement in the traditional culture throughout Polynesia.

CLARITY: 4

JESIICA SAVAGE: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Goodenough, Ward H.   A Problem in Malayo-Polynesian Social Organization. American Anthropologist February, 1955   Vol. 57 (1): 71-83.

Ward H. Goodenough’s publication concentrates on Malayo-Polynesian social structure and its historical significance. He argues that the traditional view of and definition of “Hawaiian” social organizations (bilocal extended families, bilateral kindreds and the absence of unilinear kingroups), is lacking. For, in order to truly understand why bilocal extended families, bilateral kindreds and the absence of unilinear kingroups exist within Malayo-Polynesian society, one must understand the relevance of land rights within a location with a scarcity of land.

Subsequently, to value the importance of land rights in relation to kindred and social organization, one must first comprehend what Goodenough meant by “kindred.” Within his article, he employs two similar yet different definitions. The first, originally defined by G.P. Murdock, defines kindreds as “a group of persons who have a relative in common, regardless whether kinship is traced through men or women” (71). The second definition is a group who recognizes a common ancestor. The first group is an unrestricted descent group, one that includes all of the ancestor’s descendents. However, the second group utilizes limitations to include only some descendents of the original ancestor. Other ways to restrict members is through the adoption of only certain descendents who attain particular land rights, or to include only those members who reside near their familial group.

Additionally, restrictions become necessary when many types of kingroups overlap in members. Goodenough uses the five types of kingroups on the Gilbert Islands to show how the variety of kingroups creates overlaps within membership. One specific example is the oo and bwoti descent groups. The oo is defined as “an unrestricted descent group including all the persons descended from a common ancestor, regardless whether through men or women” (73). Whereas bwoti are defined as “a nonunilinear descent group based on land rights, functioning in connection with community meeting-house organization” (73). Thus, not all member of the oo belong to the same bwoti, while all members of the same bwoti belong to the same oo. This is only one place where the many kingroups overlap, thus creating a need for restrictive land entitlement.

Goodenough employs the particular example of the Gilbert Islands, to elucidate the complexities of all kindred, bilocal and kingroups and their uniquely complicated relationships with land rights. However, what he consistently argues, although it is hard to discern at times due to his continual digressions and tangential writing, is that restrictions are applied to kingroups to limit the number of people who can claim land entitlement. Member restriction is particularly common throughout all of the Malayo-Polynesian islands, as land is limited, thus kinship groups were created to solve the problem of land redistribution. The solution was non-unilinear kingroups, defined land restrictions and a diversification of the kingroups.

CLARITY: 3

HANNAH GORDON: Barnard College (Paige West)

Harding, Charles F.     The Social Anthropology of American Industry. American Anthropologist December, 1955 Vol. 57(6):1218-1231.

Harding attempts to paint a picture of American industry and its many facets. He admits that American industry, as a whole, is an enormous topic to try to cover in a single article, but he reviews the works of colleagues who have examined specific components. His main objective is to describe American Industry as a system of organizations that have grown and changed through history. He defines industrial organization as "a group of individuals organized into an institution for the processing of materials into products or the assembling of products from parts" (1218). As an anthropologist would study the people of a culture and the tools that they develop and use, so does Harding study the tools and developments of those involved in industry.

He draws close attention to the divisions of labor in industry, namely the production line and the management, and the interactions these two groups have. In general, orders flow down from management to the production floor and reports flow up. This network of relationship is what Harding finds most important in his study. The middlemen of management and the production line are the foreman and the union shop steward. These individuals bear most of the direct contact between management and production line and union officials and the workers, respectively.

Changes that have been made in industry include a further standardization of parts, products and the motions used to create them. Harding talks about how changes made by the management have caused unease on the production lines, causing the developments of unions (both local and national) and strikes. Unions and industrial management have always found some way to cooperate, and cooperation between industries has allowed American Industry to grow nationwide.

Harding's structural-functionalist views are seen throughout this article. He feels that an individual's place in American industry (whether he is part of a majority or minority, management or production line) is set due to his or her skill level, and that the organization of industry keeps the individual where he or she is unless deemed worthy of promotion, granted by vacancies higher up the ladder. Primarily, though, the promotion of a few only occurs, with many never moving from their station at all.

CLARITY: 3

MAGDELINE THOMAS Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Harding, Charles.     The Social Anthropology of American Industry. American Anthropologist 1950 Vol.57:1218-1231.

In this article Harding gives a reasonably whole picture of American industry. The article attempts to draw a picture of American industry, even if it’s only in the broadest outline. Harding touches on many areas of industry and their importance to each other. Because an industrial institution basically processes minerals and assembles parts, it is simpler that it first appears and covers many basic relationships.

In a plant engaged in modern mass production the minerals and parts pass from hand to hand to be worked upon through the various stages necessary to complete the product. Thus by following the objects as they are being made, one follows a line of relationships. The relationships of any given individual in a production line are largely determined by his or her position in the system.

The symbols of status in an industrial organization in general relate to position in the supervisory hierarchy. Rise in status occurs through promotion up the ladder. In the industrial system, as individuals retire at the top levels others are promoted from below, but for every person promoted many people must remain where they are or fall by the wayside. This system is one of the sources of the urge to ‘succeed’ and also many of the frustrations common in American life. Traditionally and according to folklore, promotion depends upon ability, however other factors such as family, religious affiliation or out of plant social activities may also be involved.

A modern industrial institution is an extremely complex affair. To study such a complex organization it is necessary to have some general approach. Two such approaches may be recognized in anthropological studies. In the first the symbols important to the people who make up the organization are identified and studied as a means of understanding the social system. In the second, the organization is looked upon as a network of relationships and these networks are studied. As a matter of fact, most studies make use of both approaches but tend to focus on one over the other. Harding tends to focus on network systems in his approach for this article.

CLARITY: 4

LARA ZENTINS York University (Naomi Adelson).

Harrington, J. C.     Archeology as an Auxiliary Science to American History. American Anthropologist December, 1955 Vol. 57 (6):1121-1130.

This article examines the relationship between history and archaeology, using the United States as a case example. The main premise of the article is to argue that archaeology makes significant contributions to historical data, but the contributions to history itself are much smaller. Archaeology provides a unique kind of historical record, but that does not constitute history. The data is important to "flesh out the bones of chronology," but it does not explicitly confront broader aspects of history or social processes.

It is important to consider, according to Harrington, the projects in accordance with their objectives. Often, reconstruction or site development is a key goal in archaeology. The historical data are used to educate visitors about the site. Thus, a goal of archaeology is "‘to make the past live again.’" However, some excavations have different objectives. Some sites are part of salvage archaeology, meaning the sites that are in danger are excavated as an emergency. Another objective is to provide data for a specific reason or research goal. Although evidence may not be conclusive, data may lend credibility to some hypotheses over others. The last objective discussed is to excavate in order to incorporate other research fields. For example, some sites are investigated to contribute to anthropological acculturation studies.

Harrington also addresses the shortcomings of archaeology: publications and trained specialists. Publications are essential to communicating information about the site. However, these publications often lack substance or are less detailed than they should be. In order to be useful, they need to provide all of the historical data that was discovered, and in adequate detail. As for trained specialists, there is a shortage of them in the field. Archaeologists need to be trained in history, as well as anthropology. Further, archaeologists should be trained in specific areas, both of history and geography.

Archaeology is essential as a historical tool. Many historians are beginning to use data from archaeological excavations in their research. Harrington agrees with Wertenbaker, a historian, in that historians have "‘depended too much upon manuscript evidences.’" Although historical archaeology has developed significantly, there are many improvements to be made. Then, Harrington believes archaeology will be able to become an auxiliary component to history.

CLARITY: 4

KATIE JOHNSON Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Henry, Jules. et al.     Projective Testing in Ethnography. American Anthropologist April, 1955 Vol. 57 (2):245-270.

Jules Henry, from the University of Chicago, discusses whether or not the Rorschach Test and other similar tests, such as TAT, are useful "in anthropological field work." Henry presents several key points in his discussion of the usefulness of the Rorschach Test and TAT. To begin with, Henry’s overall belief is that anthropological researches should not solely rely on the Rorschach Test in their research. His reasoning stemmed from four main factors. The first factor is the reliability and validity of this form of testing. Secondly, in order to gain a true perspective of individuals’ personalities, it is critical to connect with and observe the individuals in a "normal social interaction." Thirdly, Henry believes that "normal social interaction" is the basis for understanding personality-culture studies. Lastly, in the field of anthropology, there is no education for knowing how to use the Rorschach Test or TAT. In the end, Henry does not want to dismiss the Rorschach Test all together, but she is cautious of studies that solely depend on this form of observation.

As part of this article, several professors across the nation commented on Henry’s discussion. The comments ranged from total disagreement with Henry to partial agreement. As a whole, the commentators believed that in the field of anthropology, there needs to be further development of other methods for observation and interviewing. Although the Rorschach Test and TAT are not perfect testing models, they do provide

a framework to other methods of research.

At the end of the article and after reading the comments, Henry posed his opinions of the comments. He returned to his previous thoughts, and restated why he felt the Rorschach Test and TAT are not applicable methods in the field of anthropology. The major point that Henry emphasized is the fact that these two tests are not good methods for studying personality and culture. Henry believes that through observation and extensive interviewing, a researcher can truly gain a well-rounded perspective of an individual’s personality.

CLARITY: 3

KELLY GILFEATHER: Denison University (Bahram Tavakolian)

Hewes, Gordon W.     World Distribution of Certain Postural Habits. American Anthropologist April, 1955 Vol. 57 (2):231-244.

Gordon W. Hewes explores the geographic and cultural distribution of one hundred postural habits. Some postural habits are determined by physiological limitations, whereas others may be more culturally determined. Furthermore, some