|
|
| |
American
Anthropologist Adair, John. Applied Anthropology in the Southwest: Comments. American Anthropologist August, 1954 Vol. 56 (4): 716-719. Adair’s main concern involves how the social sciences are being applied by the government Bureaus to policies about Native Americans in the Southwest. He looks at Kelly’s work and agrees with most of his points but disagrees in a few instances and finds it necessary to emphasize additional factors that he feels are relevant. On different scales of organization, Adair believes that social science, and more specifically applied anthropology findings are not taken into account in making planning decisions. On a smaller scale this happens with the Indian Service employees that he feels will use anthropology less in the future. More precisely, he argues that applied anthropology will not be used ‘until there is [a] different philosophy of government than we find at present, when it will become possible for bureau heads to seek the advice of social scientists in a planning capacity” (p. 716). Adair looks at a research study conducted by Laura Thompson about Indian Education, Personality, and Administration and shows how its results were not applied to projects. He argues that it is this kind of work, those done from anthropological perspectives, that is crucial to the government in making decisions. He writes, “It would seem that when there is the greatest need for social science guidance there is in fact an almost complete disinterest in what anthropology has to offer” (p. 717). An additional point that Adair makes clear is that when an anthropologist works outside of the government structure and is not a part of the planning process, his findings most likely will not be applied. He suggests that anthropologists and social scientists interested in the application of their discipline should be the ‘catalyst’ to constructive action. Adair proposes that as the transition from federally run programs to state run programs takes place there should be an open dialogue between new state administrators and anthropologists. This would help to ensure the success of the change by giving new state administrators a well-rounded perspective that would not lead to repeating mistakes from the past. Anthropologists then would play a central role in guiding state officials in their new responsibilities of cross-cultural administration. CLARITY RANKING: 5 LISA BAUMGARTNER .gif){kind=small} Armstrong, Robert G. A West African Inquest. American Anthropologist 1954 56: 1051-1075. In 1952, a prominent member of the Otrurkpo people died. Even though it was well known that he suffered from stomach pains for a period of almost two years, his death was attributed to witchcraft. Another man in the tribe was the one blamed. Armstrong describes the trial of this "murder" and attempts to use it to explain the lineage structure of the Otrurkpo. To begin, Armstrong describes the Idoma people’s, of which the Otrurkpo are a part of, superstitions with witchcraft. He describes the influence dreams have over these people, and how dreaming of another person doing something in your dream requires you to collect an offering of "pennies" from that person, with the threat of death otherwise. This belief is the cause of the Otrurkpo blaming a man for the death of another. Armstrong then continues to detail the lineage structure of the Idoma people, explaining that this society has a patrilineal descent system, the oldest male of the "family tree" being in power. Below this lineage is what Armstrong calls sub-lineages, a group defined as the descendants of one member of the lineage. The smallest group is that of the compound, or the wives, daughters, sons and sons wives of a male in this lineage. Armstrong finishes his article with a documented retelling of the court proceedings, and how the court system of the Idoma works. The court procedure is significantly different in the Otrurkpo society, as is made very evident here. It is not stated as to whether he was at this court proceeding, or just used the documentation of the case, written by someone else. CLARITY RANKING: 3 .gif){kind=small} Armstrong, Robert G. A West African Inquest. American Anthropologist. Volume 56, no. 6: 1954:1051-1075 Ethnographic studies of non English speaking cultures is a common procedure in cultural anthropology. When a researcher goes into a culture, without prior knowledge of the language, he or she must rely on an interpreter to aid in their study. This reliance on an interpreter can lead to many problems, including the misinterpretation of words due to different translations. In this article,
Armstrong presents a trial among the Oturkpo, an Idoma district, in The trial Armstrong observed was brought forth by Onuminya trying to prove Ogwu was guilty for the murder of his brother. However, by bringing up these charges, Onuminya actually put some of the suspicion on himself. The council, which acts as a judge, felt that maybe some of the blame might lie on Onuminya for having the dream. Each individual presented his own side, while the council listened to them as well as other witnesses. Armstrong sat in on all the proceedings with two men. One was his translator who wrote the entire inquest down in the native language. After the proceedings were over, Armstrong and his translator translated the words to English in a script format. The other man, who was well educated in the English language, wrote the proceedings down in English as they were spoken in Idoma. At the end of the inquest, the council as well as other Oturkpo citizens vindicated Ogwu, saying he was not responsible for the death of Ejodini. Nor did they prove that Onuminya was the one who bewitched his own brother by having the dream. The council said that Ejodini was old (and became an ancestor), and it was the ancestors who killed him. There were two different versions of the inquest provided by Armstrong within this article. One was the version that he and his translator worked on after the inquest was over. The other version was that of the Oturkpo citizen who translated it into English as it was spoken. These two versions are basically the same, but the second version is a clearer synopsis of the events rather than an unclear script format. The first version of the inquest was very drawn out. It listed word for word everything spoken by all the individuals involved in the inquest. The second version was a short summary showing the key points of the inquest. This version was written to show the dangers of relying on interpreters in ethnographic studies. The second version was accurate but it left out certain information that was necessary in understanding the full story. Although this version does not really show to have any problems, it very well could have. CLARITY: 4.5 NO H.G. Barnett, Leonard Broom, Bernard J. Siegel, Evon Z. Yogt and James B. Watson. The Social Science Research Council Summer Seminar on Acculturation. Acculturation: An Exploratory Formulation. American Anthropologist 1954 vol.56:973-1000. In this article the authors are fundamentally concerned with the phenomena of acculturation. This paper is a product of research seminars devoted to acculturation held at the Social Science Research Council the summer of 1954. The anthropologists emphasize that the paper is intended to be an exploratory and suggestive (rather than conclusive or definitive project). It takes into account a foregoing information base; the article represents the authors’ conceptions of a methodical approach to the study of cultural change as it is generated by culture intercourse. The article’s basic
argument is that acculturation in The argument is assembled with careful attention to detail. The authors postulate an encyclopedic argument and detail various aspects and phenomena that are affiliated with acculturation of Americans. The authors study of acculturation encompasses a review of those non-cultural and non-social phenomena that provides a contact setting and establishes certain limits of cultural adaptation. The authors set to prove that acculturation takes on many forms in differing circumstances and can also be affected by non-cultural and non-social phenomena. The authors provide a reasonable argument that provides a frame of reference for the anthropologist interested in this topic. The authors realize that cultures do not meet, but people who are their carriers do. The evidence presented to support their discussion is abundant - there are various works of anthropological colleagues cited. Also, this piece of work was constructed as a multi-authored essay in the quest to define acculturation and its various facets. CLARITY RANKING: 4 GIROLOMA D’ALESSANDRO Barnouw, Victor. The Changing Character of a Hindu Festival. American Anthropologist February, 1954 Vol.56 (1):74-86 Victor Barnouw addresses the change in the character and purpose of a Hindu festival called Ganapati. This festival is to honor Ganesa, the potbellied elephant-headed Hindi god. Barnouw describes the religious worship called puja, which is held in the home. Then he gives a first hand account of the public festival. Finally, he gives a historical summary of the development from the private puja to the public festival that has been seen since India’s independence. The author gives
a basic outline of his first hand account of a puja at a home in which
he was staying for his visit to Barnouw then goes on to tell of his eyewitness account of the ten-day public festival. He describes the many varieties of Ganesa, which has created a friendly competition of who creates the most elaborate statue. Then he describes the procession to the river. It is a parade of sort, which involves dancing, and singing. He concludes this section by telling how the men and young boys carry the statues down the waterside and into the river. Some of the lower classes sometimes engage in wild behavior such as shoving and hollering. The private puja,
which is an ancient ceremony performed inside the home, turned into
a big public festival. First he mentions the accounts that the public
festival may have been held before 1893. Then he discusses how it was
easy for eyewitnesses to mistake a private procession to the river
for a public procession. The Indian nationalist, Bal Gangadhar Tilak
started these public festivals for a number of reasons, including anti-British
propaganda and unity in the Hindu community. A third reason was to
give the Hindu their own festival aside from the Muslim festival of
Moharram, in which Hindus participated in until the Hindu-Muslim riots
in In 1953, the British rule ended, and Tilak’s goal was achieved. Since then, the festival has gotten more popular each year because it is a time of release, excitement, family reunions, and social events. The author’s main point is to investigate the progression, and reasons for the growth of the private puja festival in the public Ganapati festival of today. He compared the meaning of the two; the worship ceremony for Ganesa in the private homes and the many reasons of the festival one being the Hindu revivalism. CLARITY RANKING: 4 NIKIA REAVES Barnouw, Victor. The Changing Character of a Hindu Festival. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol. 56: 74-86. This article examines
the changing character of a Hindu festival that is held annually in
honour of Ganapati or Ganesa, the elephant-headed god. Barnouw looks
at how the puja festival provided a focus for nationalistic feelings
in In the first part of the article the author draws attention to the fact that before 1893 the annual worship of Ganesa was primarily a family affair. The ritual consisted of installing a hand painted pottery statuette of Ganesa in most Indian homes. Each family would then practice in a ten-day ritual worship of the Ganesa. The ritual ceremony would include: reciting Sakrit prayers and hymns, bathing and clothing the statuette, presenting food offerings, putting the breath of life into the Ganesa statue and finally performing the uttra puja which is the farewell ceremony. The second part of the article considers the transformation of the family puja to public puja celebration. Many public Ganapati statues are purchased by locality. Thereby, abolishing any private ownership of the statue or association with a particular family. All the statuettes are then registered with the police and an official pass is required to permit the Ganapati statue to be carried to the river or well for farewell ceremony. Thus, local committees for the ceremonial expenses take up collections. The ten-day Ganapati worship ceremony takes on a form of a festival and elaborate lights and decorations make the city glow, loud music of tabla, sitar, the sandi are played, and various dances take place. The last part of the article considers the historical discussion of the festival and its current significance. The article suggests that the festival contributes to the nationalistic feelings of Hindu revivalism and conforms unity between both the participants and thousands of spectators that come from all over the country to participate in the ceremony. The first Ganapati festival took place in 1893 under supervision of Bal Gangadhar Tilak, one of the outstanding Indian nationalist leaders of the time. Since that time, the transition from family to public Ganapati ceremonies took place because of various factors. One being that the ten-day festival provided an occasion for lectures and anti-British propaganda. Second, it provided a sense of Hindu solidarity, since there was a lot of conflict between Muslims and Hindus in the past. However, today the festival has given way to commercialized entertainment and its significant character has changed. Beals, Ralph L. Gatherers and Farmers in the Greater Southwest: A Problem in Classification: Comments. American Anthropologist August, 1954 Vol. 56 (4) 551-553. In his comments
on Kirchoff’s discussion of culture areas in the southwest CLARITY: 3 MICHAEL
STEVENS Bennett, John W. Interdisciplinary Research and the Concept of Culture. American Anthropologist 1954 56: 169-177. The study of anthropology has come quite a way from the period this piece was written, till now. This becomes very apparent throughout this article, which basically explains the trials and tribulations the discipline faced in order to become the fascinating and controversial field it is today. It deals with concepts like, federation verse integration, which deals with the concepts of classifying coexisting groups with the relation to human beings, and the existence of interdisciplinary research. These are the various forms of research an anthropologist may conduct depending on the content matter. There is also the concept of culture, which discusses the components that make up culture and the differences within varying cultures. Bennett also discusses the idea of, the Emergence of an analytical scheme, which is the simplistic form for classifications that most cultures are placed under. This creates the differences between social life as opposed to creating similarities between the two. Basically the evolution of anthropology has come quite a distance, but still has much further to go, in order, to really better itself as a discipline. CLARITY RATING: 2 Bennett, John W. Interdisciplinary Research and the Concept of Culture. American Anthropologist April 1954 Vol. 56 (2): 169-179. This article examines how the growing tendency of interdisciplinary research among the social sciences affects cultural anthropology. Bennett contends that anthropologists must change the conceptual tools they use in culture analysis if they are to incorporate data from other social sciences such as sociology, economics, psychology, and politics. The author draws on his own experiences in the field of cultural anthropology to substantiate his argument. Bennett contends that historically, anthropological research has been a collaborative effort among the sub-fields of anthropology, including physical or biological anthropology, linguistics, and cultural anthropology. The article identifies Boas’ landmark study of head form variation in different cultural and natural environments as the first attempt of cultural anthropology to expand its boundaries and integrate elements from other social sciences. Bennett names this approach the "common conceptual scheme," and states that this method is also seen in various other cultural theories including "problem-oriented social science," "behavior science," and "action theory." The author believes this movement towards multidimensional explanations for cultural phenomenon is partly the result of wars, and the subsequent need for a broad and in-depth analysis of many facets of culture. In order to participate in an integrated scientific study, cultural anthropologists must reform their research design and redefine their holistic concept of culture. The notion that culture is an all-encompassing entity greatly hinders interdisciplinary collaboration and limits the analysis of distinguishable social factors. As an alternative to culture as a "descriptive-holistic" concept, Bennett suggests that anthropologists shift the focus of their studies to factors that have long been obscured, such as "the roles typical of a system of social relationships, the values and norms associated with these roles, the expectations of behaviors brought to the situation by the individual actors, their needs and motivations, and, finally, the varying dimensions of the ‘situation’ itself." Bennett asserts that several anthropologists, including Radcliffe-Brown, Malinowski, Bateson and Kluckhohn, have recognized the value of the multidisciplinary approach to understanding culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Bidney, David. The Ethnology of Religion and the Problem of Human Evolution. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol.56: 1-18. Bidney concludes his journal on quite an outstanding note. He states, "...religion is not a collective delusion out of which man evolves with the advent of scientific thought but may well be based on well-founded rational faith, no religious dogma, such as primitive revelation, may be introduced as a scientific ethnological explanation." Drawing upon his final words, one wonders through the journal of his before mentioned religious advocates. These including: St. Thomas Aquinas, Tyler, Lang, and Sir Arthur Keith to name a few. What exactly is Bidney stating through it all? It is clearly stated by Bidney that religious thinkers/philosophers compared to the evolutionists of our society do indeed differ. The Philosophers are different, are non-comparable ad the fundamental basis are different, however at what point through history has this proven to be a "new thought"? Our world is a formation of religious practitioners who preach and spread the word of God, and there are those who clearly believe in the non-supernatural. Bidney, re-tells the philosophies of these types of thinkers, their roots in history, their belief systems, but unfortunately keeps it very secular. This journal looks no further then one belief system, mainly that of Christianity. The reader and those truly concerned with the possibility that religion has indeed played a problematic role in human evolution. CLARITY RANKING: 2.5 Bourguignon,
Erika E. Dreams and Dream Interpretation in While dreaming is a human universal, experienced by people in all cultures, the author of the article sets out to prove that culture will affect the levels of importance that people place on dreams. Differences include the interpretation of dreams and the amount of reality given to them. Bourguignon sorts out features of dreams that occur in Haitian peasants as an example of the influence of culture over the dreaming experience. Interviews with Haitian peasants as well as ink blot tests (Rorschach test) are used as support for the author's claim that possession, validation of and communication with gods are all features of the Haitian dreaming experience. These characteristics are all connected. During dream possessions
the people involved sometimes encounter gods during the experience.
These divine beings can be identified by their clothing or by the message
that the divine being gives. This communication with the gods is the
most important aspect of the dreams to adults. In one example a young
woman tells of the time when she was reproached for not taking care
of the family shrine. The gods encountered in the dream state take
on human qualities. They are closely tied to the race and class groupings
of While the dreams of adults are concerned with divine beings and the communication with the gods, the dreams of children are different. In talking with children the author comes to the conclusion that children's dreams deal for the most part with nightmares and things that can occur in the dark. Werewolves, the dead, and demons are what most children report dreaming about. Children are thought to have nightmares due to the fact that they don't have the necessary interpretation skills and they have less contact with the supernatural. CLARITY: 4 Bourguignon,
Erika E. Dreams and Dream Interpretation in The article by Bourguignon raises the issue of the importance of culture and dreams. She addresses the influence that culture places on dreams, believing there to be a cultural patterning of dreams and shows the role of the "sub conscious" to be that of one that validates the "culturally designed world views". The goal of the article is to discuss the features of dreaming among Haitian peasants. Dreams of the Haitians may be classified in two ways, one as "things I see at night" and the other, "supernatural visitations"; the first category is usually experienced by children who appear to be suffering mostly from nightmares. To dream of the dead is to dream (according to the Haitians) of "Baka", or demons who are thought to be secret societies of humans who can turn into animals at will. Dreams are said to also be a means in which communication between the Gods, the dead, and the living can be achieved. The concept of one speaking in their sleep is considered to be a visit by the Gods. If the words of the speaker are not understood by another, then the language spoken by the God who manifested himself in the person is said to be that of "langai", which is the language spoken only by the Gods and the Vodun priests. The essential point of the dream (to the dreamer) is the message from the Gods and the ability to communicate with them. One such possible message Bourguignon mentions in the article may be one of a general demand for the fulfillment of religious obligations and may even specify details of religious procedure to be followed. Furthermore, dreams
act as channels for one’s cultural "myths" and beliefs. For
the Haitians, the reality of the dream world is placed at the same
level as that of waking experience, what may be defined by one as a
mere dream may be seen by another as a light in a tunnel of darkness
that guides the direction of his or her cultural life. Thus, the importance
of dreams differs greatly cross-culturally. CLARITY: 3 CARLA DI GIANDOMENICO Brew,
J.O. Transition to History in the Brew analyzes Reed’s
paper concerning Southwestern prehistory and offers his own insight
into the CLARITY: 4 JERROLD
B. PETERSON, JR Clements, Forrest E. Use of Cluster Analysis with Anthropological Data. American Anthropologist. 1954 Vol. 56 (4):180- This article is Clements’ response to criticisms of an earlier article regarding the use of statistical devices to analyze anthropological data. Clements felt his article received such high criticisms because he left many areas unclear. This new version is an attempt to clarify his previous ideas. In the article Clements discusses two main points: the principles behind his use of statistics; and the actual mathematics needed to extract conclusion from the data. According to Clements, four main principles must be followed for a valid analysis. The first is that "the traits used must be either all the traits in the statistical universe…or a representative sample of those traits." This is a basic principle in any field of study. The second principle discusses how information must be broken down into its simplest form in order to get the broadest idea of the differences being studied. Using the simplest form allows the information to be specific and detailed and makes it easier to compare or contrast it to other factors. The third principle is that when one is discussing "presence" or "absence" of a certain trait in a study one must make sure that this is a meaningful label. If a trait would not normally exist in the study, it is unnecessary to state that it is absent. One should only label something as present or absent if it relates directly to the study. The final principle is basically a combination of the second and third. Clements re-emphasizes "the original data must be specific and must indicate the absence of trait elements as definitely as their presence." Clements felt it necessary to further discuss his basic principles because they guided his previous studies and helped to explain his research and analysis. The second issue explored in this article is the mathematical element of using statistics to analyze anthropological data. Clements uses his study of Native American tribe congruencies to show how the use of statistics may be applied to information in order to extract a conclusion. He uses median and means numbers to show how some traits show up more often than others in Native American populations. He does not use these statistics to show traits that are absent in a population. He believes this bias’s the study by indicating that certain traits should be apparent in all societies. "Model traits" infer an deficiency within cultural groups and Clements feels this is a problem when trying to understand a group of people. CLARITY: 4 Clements, Forrest E. Use of Cluster Analysis with Anthropological Data. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol.56: 180-199. Clements had written a paper with two co-authors describing a statistical device applied to the analysis of certain ethnographic data. This paper was attacked by W.D. Wallis because of the method of analysis and some of the conclusions they had drawn. This paper has developed a number of points, which were not adequately covered in the original paper but specifies several principles that the author believes are still fundamental to the proper use of statistical analysis of anthropological data. The author describes and responds to Wallis and a paper written by Driver and Kroeber, and defends his own paper with examples of statistical methods. It is contended, then, that studies should be analyzed using the formulas and statistical methods presented in this paper. There is great detail given about the presentation of materials using variables in table form to show correlations and defines coefficients in statistical analysis. There are examples for each method given in graph form, tables are provided and used as examples to illustrate some techniques, and formulas are provided although they are without actual examples. Those examples are provided generally throughout the text. The majority of the paper is a source for analytical work and only provides ethnographic information relating to any particular society as an example for the formulas. CLARITY: 2 Cole, Sonia. The
Prehistory of The author of this
article is trying to determine where the earliest African ancestors
emerge. The relative dating, with the use of typological , faunal,
and climatic correlations, of the prehistoric cultures in The climatic order
has been applied over much of It seems only two
cultures existed in The origin of the
African is more hidden, and there are alternative theories that he
arose in Africa from ancestors, or he arrived from southern CLARITY RANKING: 1 Cole, Sonia. The
Prehistory of The prehistoric
cultures of There is evidence
of Quartenary climatic periods that are gathered from sources such
as high lake and river terraces, vast area of glaciers on mountains,
the structure of fossil soils, wind-blown sands, elevated sea beaches,
and animal evidence (fauna). At Olduvai, the area of the current gorge
was inhabited by a shoal lake in to which volcanic matter was deposited,
which formed Beds I, II, III. These Beds contained many materials that
were collected for the study of the materials themselves and the correlation
between the materials and the periods from which they came. Beds IV
and V also provide materials that were suitable for study. Cultures
in In conclusion, the evidence provided in this paper is quite incomplete and inaccurate. Therefore a chronological assessment can not be created. CLARITY: 1 Collier, Donald and Harry Tschopik, Jr. The Role of Museums in American Anthropology. Vol.56 1954 p.768-779 Museums began as a miscellaneous collection of objects privately acquired during exploration during the sixteenth and seventeenth century voyages of discovery. By the end of the eighteenth century museums became public or semi-public. During the 1880’s, museums were mainly concerned with acquisition of objects by purchase or gift, and the cataloguing, preservation and display of the specimens. They were usually displayed typologically or geographically. During the late 1800’s, professional anthropologists began to occupy the curatorial positions in museums. During the formative
period of the 19th century, pioneer expeditions were sent
to By 1900, the basic pattern of anthropological activities in American museums consisted of programs of exhibition, research, scientific and popular publication. The large area projects fostered regional comparisons and delimitations. The theoretical interests of museum men were empirical, strongly historical, and anti-evolutionary. In the past thirty years the balance of influence has shifted from museum-oriented anthropologists to nonmuseum anthropologists. Museums have not gone far in changing their programs in the direction of the current interests in anthropology so the role of training professional anthropologists has shifted from the museum to the university. CLARITY: 1 Collier, D. and Tschopik, H. The Role of Museums in American Anthropology. American Anthropology 1954 Vol.56: 768-779. In considering the present relationship of museums to the anthropological profession the initial look is at the past in order to appreciate the problems facing anthropological museums. Historically the
museum began as private collections of objects collected during the
years of extensive exploration during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. These anthropological museums were established devoid of
a plan or any system of cataloguing the objects, acquired by purchase
or gift. Notable exceptions were the The end of the nineteenth
century and beginning of the twentieth century marked a remarkable
development in anthropological museums, including large-scale systematic
organization of exhibits. An event that foreshadowed and led to the
great period of development in anthropological museums in the With the museums seeing themselves on the threshold of a new and important role, there still remained the dilemma of focus, the student or the public. However, it was believed possible to combine the focus of the anthropological museum as having a dynamic role to play in the education of both the profession and the public. The museum was suggested as the ideal place for anthropological exhibits of human biology, morphology and evolution, the nature of culture, as well as cultural growth and change, and cultural ecology. CLARITY RATING: 4 Davidson, Eugene Davidson’s For Wendell Clark Bennett is a posthumous tribute to a prolific anthropologist and archeologist. Davidson focuses on the idea that while societies of today differ greatly from those of the past, many fundamental aspects of our universe remain the same. The fact that Bennett spent a good deal of his career in the field examining relics of past cultures is emphasized in this poem. The work opens by proposing the idea that while we are no longer ruled by the Gods of ancient times, human nature still exhibits the fundamental desire to search for a greater meaning and authority. The lack of the structure of the past makes this longing acute and in need of exploration. Through his fieldwork and archeological digs Bennett uncovered clues to the current and future human state. In other words, the past holds a key to fundamental aspects of human nature, such as why violence has occurred. A deeper understanding of this past will provide a clearer perspective on the future. Davidson also writes about Bennett’s courage and individuality. He didn’t feel pressured to follow formulas, but rather followed an innate understanding and perception of the past. Through his perseverance and intellectual strength Bennett was able to uncover that which others feared. In the second stanza Davidson delves into Bennett’s work, describing the mysteries which he sought to uncover and understand through his archeological work. Davidson highlights Bennett’s interpretive abilities. In one line he describes how inanimate objects had words for Bennett. Clearly Bennett’s work made a significant impact in and beyond the anthropological community. CLARITY: 3 ADRIENNE
DAVIS Dozier, Edward P. Spanish-Indian Acculturation in the Southwest: Comments. American Anthropologist August, 1954. Vol. 56(4): 680-684. This article deals
with the varying degrees and forms of acculturation that both Dozier discusses
the “phenomenon of compartmentalization” among these two
Southwestern tribes in terms of how the religious, cultural, and political
values of the Spanish have strongly influenced some aspects of the
two societies, while leaving others virtually unedited by outside influence
(680). The degrees and manifestations
of this compartmentalization differ between the two groups, and Dozier
provides well-researched details of how the Dozier then offers a short explanation of why acculturation differed so much between these two groups, linking this directly to the length and nature of the Spanish occupation in the two tribes’ respective regions. The brevity of the article does not allow Dozier to get into a very detailed discussion of his subject matter or to discuss the further implications of these findings, but it does serve well as a brief and easily read glimpse at the issue. CLARITY: 5 CHRISTOPHER
AHERN Ellis, (100 words for commentators) Ellis’ article
calls for a closer look at the purported cultural resistance and isolationism
in CLARITY: 3 JASMIN JOHNSON Eggan, Fred Social Anthropology and the Method of Controlled Comparison. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol. 56. 743-763. With a clear distinction having been made between the concepts of society and culture there is general consensus that social anthropology is primarily concerned with society. Social anthropology is the term used for the comparative study of primitive society, whilst ethnology refers to its historical reconstruction. The comparative method of anthropology enables us to provide a comprehensive account of the various types of social structures found in societies worldwide and to observe the social and cultural changes that has occurred over time. An adaptation of the comparative method is well illustrated in the social and anthropological method used by Radcliffe-Brown, whilst with the advent of Franz Boas came yet another major breakthrough in controlled comparisons. Social anthropology
is a product of British anthropology and ethnology has its major development
in the Complementary developments
were occurring in CLARITY RANKING: 1 Feibleman, James K. Toward an Analysis of the Basic Value System. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol. 56 (3): 421-431. James Feibleman discusses the definition of and the analytical approach to a basic value system. Feibleman defines culture as having two aspects, one being the objectivity of culture and the other being the effect of that objectivity. A society maintains itself with the invention and preservation of its culture, yet some of these aspects also exist independent of the discoverer, and beyond original vision. "Every artifact is in a sense a Frankenstein, for no one can predict what its effects shall be, not even the individuals directly responsible for its existence." One clear example of the independence of culture is its similarity with knowledge; "for instance, astronomy is part of culture but Mars is not, only the knowledge of Mars is." Culture moves forward with "blind movement" and grows through a process of "trial and error." The problem posed by Feibleman is "to take core samples of the common denominator of cultures, and this now means to find out what kind of system it is that dictates the basic values." The basic value system will be like a language, because it will allow for communication and then the value system will be regenerated through cultural institutions. Feibelman devised three language types to communicate values, denotative material, and matters of fact. Cultural complexes such as theology, mathematics, and journalism give rise to similar values in other institutions and are spread by indirect communication and inference. What Feibleman is trying to "show, in short, is how there can occur in cultures a process akin to what happens when a thought gives rise to a feeling." If the value system is a public construct then it is also ontological. Values are concrete symbols and "they come into existence in culture when the responses of exceptionally gifted individuals are projected into unknown areas. For other individuals the acquisition of such values results from the acquisition of learned responses." CLARITY 3 Feibleman, K. Jamie. Toward an Analysis of the Basic Value System. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol.56:421-432 The author of this article attempts to delineate the common qualities concerning cultural patterns and recognition. This is done through a detailed evaluation of the "Basic Value System". This system refers to "the ties which bind together all the strains of culture". The objective of this paper is to understand more about the structure set concerning culture and cultural patterns, and how these cultural patterns are generated through our ontological understanding of social norms and mores, individual aims and artistic expression. In order to illustrate these points, the author initially provides us with a definition of culture: "culture is the works of man and their effects (including their effects on man)". The author divulges on this definition of culture, in two specific areas. First, the author discusses the "objectivity of culture", meaning that culture must be looked at in its relation to "human" culture, and remains primarily objective because it represents "an aspect of things". The author provides an example, referring to Planet Mars: "similarly with knowledge, for instance, astronomy is part of culture but Mars is not, only the knowledge of Mars is". Although rational thought is considered a cultural phenomenon, logic cannot be. This is due to the fact that ideas concerning logic can change, but logic itself cannot. Secondly, in regards
to culture and the definition of the "Basic Value System",
the author discusses the idea of artifacts and their symbolic implications.
Human-made artifacts and other tools of cultural identity, react noticeably
upon individuals due to their "inherent" cultural significance.
The distinction that the author attempts to make here is between "what
things are and how they became what they are". The author gives
some examples. Things such as The author, in order to further his discussion on the "Basic Value System" discusses language, which he explains grows "organically" like culture (through trial and error). He looks at the differing types of languages: axial languages, logical languages and actual-object languages. Axial languages were initiated in order to communicate values. An example includes art (which uses indirect communication or connotations). The author asserts that there is no direct communication of values. Logical languages were devised to "communicate abstract structures and laws" (denotative material). An example would be mathematics. Actual-object languages were devised to communicate "matters of fact". An example of this type of language includes historiographies and journalistic expression. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Ford, J. A. On The Concept of Types: The Type Concept Revisited. American Anthropologist. Volume 56, no. 1: 42-55 The concept of types has been a popular topic among many anthropologists and archeologists for years. Ford explains his own definition of the concept of type. Attached to Ford’s article are comments from Julian H. Steward, who states his version of the concept of type, while criticizing Ford’s examples. Ford states the
concept type was first used to identify smaller divisions of a larger
collection of artifacts, for example, the ceramic pottery vessels and
pieces from Ford goes on to
clarify his definition of the word type by using the so called "fairy
tale" people from the Ford describes how the Gamma-gamma people lived in thatch huts built on the ground, or on a platform raised in the air on four poles, or stuck in a tree. Ford shows how the original ground house shape was the type. Then he shows how it began to vary over the years, whether it was built in a tree or on poles. The original plan was the type and the other variations were different sub types, based on usage and differentiation. Ford refers to this usage of the concept type as variation over time. Steward refers to this usage of the concept type as the "functional" type. Variation with morphological objects should not be linked to certain time periods. The different house styles have a noncultural significance. These noncultural objects have a certain function which is unknown. They should not be used to suggest changes in architecture due to lifestyle changes over time. The final usage of the word type introduced by Ford are classifications of a culture. Ford remarks on the classification of the Gamma-gamma, taking into account all the features of the culture. Astonishingly, Steward does not choose to comment on this use of the concept of type.Ford and Steward do not seem to agree on each other’s usage of the word type. Both men present their own definitions with variations of the word type. Steward wrote his article after Ford, so along with his definitions are remarks to disprove Ford’s definition. These two men come from different fields, which explains the variations among definitions. Steward (a cultural anthropologist) believes Ford (an anthropologist) is trying to quantify the data before he has characterized it qualitatively. This is a common problem in the disputes between "lumpers" and "splitters", as well as within the science of anthropology. CLARITY: 3 ???? Ford, J. A. On the Concept of Types. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol.56:42-55. The author of this article presents an interesting argument. He has put together a theory on the study of types and how they can be applied to a model for the study of culture. He argues that everything that an individual culture does regardless of how different they are from other cultures can be classified as a type of behavior as it relates to the necessities of life. These being things such as survival, reproduction, food, shelter, religion etc. He believed that every culture ‘type’ of behavior stems from these core values and as long as you have this model to follow from all behavior can be classified and justified. This is interesting because although it technically works it is still dated to the time that it was written (1954) because of the classification of things that it pertains to. Obviously culture is to widespread and different for such a rigid model to be applied. Clarity Ranking 3 Gillin, John. Obituary: Ralph Linton. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol.56 (4): 274-279. Ralph Linton is
one of the greatest anthropologists of his time. He was born on February
27, 1893 in Ralph Linton entered
college as an anthropology major specializing in archaeology. As an
undergraduate he joined two field expeditions to In 1928 Linton entered
the world of academia as an Associate Professor of Anthropology at
the Ralph Linton was
a renowned scientist for his time. He won many prestigious awards such
as the 1954 Huxley Medal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of
Great Britain and CLARITY: 4 WERNER, DAMIAN. UNC Charlotte (Gregory Starrett). Goldfrank, Esther S. Intercultural Relations in the Greater Southwest: Comments. American Anthropologist August 1954 Vol. 56(4): 658-662. The article addresses
major American Indian traditions present in the CLARITY: 5 LESLIE
GATELY Greene, John C. Some Early Speculations on the Origin of Human Races. American Anthropologist February, 1954 Vol. 56 (1):31-41. This article provides an overview of some of the theories of race formation which were prevalent in the "eighteenth century", a period defined as prior to 1815. This interval was notable not only for the great amount of attention given the puzzle of human racial origins but also for the variety of approaches taken in the collective attempt to solve it. During the eighteenth
century there were no full time specialists studying the natural history
of man. The "anthropologists" of the time were botanists,
philosophers, mathematicians, clergymen, physicians, anatomists, and
physiologists. Although there was some research, speculation about
man’s origins predominated and the prevailing view of the question
of racial origins was formed largely by the popular ideas of the day.
Species were believed to be the perfectly adapted archetypes unchanged
since Creation, while varieties were seen as the fortuitous result
of the forces of time, chance, and circumstance. A few academians such
as Voltaire and CLARITY RANKING: 3 Greene, John C. Some early speculations on the Origin of Human Species. American Anthropologist 1954 Vol 56 Pg. 31-34 Through Professor Count’s publications on Races of Man a lot of interest has heightened in this area. Count proposed that there are four distinct periods detailing the history of raciology. In this article, John Greene focuses on the period before 1815, which Count defined as the Eighteenth Century. Greene emphasizes that during this period there were no real anthropologists that focused their studies on Anthropological Research; however, several individuals such as Linnaeus, Kant, Maupertuis, Cuvier and Camper did take an interest in "…the natural history of man." (Greene 31). These individuals, to name a few, all specialized in other fields of expertise and, as a result, "…speculation predominated over research." (Greene 31). Greene also indicates that much consideration must be taken in viewing the history of raciology in this period as eighteenth century biology defined species and varieties as distinct. Species was seen as "in the beginning" by a Creator whereas varieties was based on time, change and nature. Greene notes these differences in viewpoints were important when analyzing the human race and "…made a world of difference whether they were guarded as separate species or as varieties of a single one" (Greene 31) when delving into the origin of the human race. Greene states that if one views life and the human race based on species there would be no question of origin as this view is based on the scripture. However, contrary to popular belief, Greene states that many naturalists "…did not believe in a plurality of human species or in ‘pure races’." (Greene 32). Although many of these individuals did not believe in a pure race, they held on to the belief that the white man was a direct descendant from God (Great Chain of Being) and that any differences were based on biological findings. Polygenists were the individuals who held onto the idea of a "pure race" that was found to directly relate to seeing the origin of human races as "Species" in the eighteenth century. Greene provides
verification as seen by monogenists that all individuals derived from
one species and that the emergence of mankind was a result on how well
races successfully interbred. (Greene 32). However, many individuals,
such as Blumenbach, did not agree with this idea and felt that human
variety was based on known causes of degeneration (Greene 32). Blumenbach
and many others believed that individuals that resided near the Kant, another Naturalist, formulated his own theory of race formation indicating the key to history of man lay in the genetic makeup and the interbreeding within different individuals. Kant formulized that there are four distinct skin colours that will vary based on interbreeding. |
.jpg){kind=small}
