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American
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Bagby, Philip C. Culture and the Causes of Culture American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol.55(4):535-554 Philip C. Bagby argues that vague and loose definitions of words may be having detrimental effects on the determination of the causes of culture. He points out that there is an underlying difficulty in cracking the precise meanings of words and the way in which they are commonly used. Bagby states that defining basic concepts more precisely would serve to clarify, and possibly solve, the difficulties in vague and loose word usage. This would in turn simplify, or once again solve, the question of the causes of culture. Bagby begins with a detailed description of science and continues on to describe such words as level and abstraction. He sets the stage for describing, in detail, a precise and homogeneous definition of culture. By understanding the process of science and how terms such as level and abstraction relate to the sciences, one can begin to understand a meaning and definition of culture. Bagby begins with a very broad description of culture and step-by-step describes how the definition is reducible to a single homogeneous description. He employs psychology and anthropology to reduce the description of culture from "what men think, what they do and what they make", to "culture is behavior" (pp.538-539). Bagby is yet to be satisfied. Such greats as Edward Burnett Tylor and Margaret Mead are cited to show difficulties in Bagby’s first description of culture as a behavior. He moves to "culture is similarities of behavior in the members of a particular society", to "culture is regularities of behavior in the members of a particular society" (p.539). Once again, Bagby comes up unsatisfied. The previous description of culture, as he demonstrates in detail, overlaps with physiology and psychology. He states earlier in his article, that if precisely defined, there should not be any overlapping between sciences. Again Bagby describes culture as, "regularities of behavior among the members of particular societies but not among members of all societies" (p. 540). This description, according to Bagby, excludes cultural universals such as language. Finally, with the exclusion of regularities of behavior that are clearly hereditary in origin, Bagby settles on a description of culture that is precise and homogeneous. "The realm of culture, then, is constituted by regularities (other than those which are clearly hereditary) in the behavior of members of particular societies, a society being here defined simply as a group of people who interact with one another more than they do with outsiders" (p. 541). Bagby goes on to remark that the new description may not be fitted to every context, but it does clarify the relationship between cultural anthropology and certain closely related sciences, such as sociology, cultural history, and cultural psychology. Now that the definition of culture has been established, the process of tackling the cause of culture can be undertaken. Prior to excavating the causes, Bagby turns to individual words and their precise and homogeneous meanings. This time he takes a look at what it is that we mean by the word cause. A cause "is an antecedent feature of some recurrent process" (p. 545). When we usually think of a cause, we usually subsume an effect. Bagby cites the philosopher David Hume as saying, "we can never observe any connection or flow between cause and effect; all that we can prove is their recurrence as part of a regularly recurrent sequence of events" (p. 545). In science, the concept of recurrent processes should be utilized in the search for the cause of a particular cultural phenomenon. Bagby goes on to describe in detail several possibilities of culture. Causes such as human nature, physiological structure, race, and environment are stated as being possible causes of culture. These causes cannot explain the differences between cultures, but can explain the similarities among them. Individual behavior is discussed as not being able to cause culture and culture is discussed as not being able to cause human behavior. In no way is Bagby trying to undermine the idea of individualism or the notion of free will. In Philip C. Bagby’s outlining of the precise meanings of words that have caused fuzziness in previous literature, it was easy to recognize the exact usage in the context at hand. The assemblage of meanings and causes of culture tied nicely together; there was no jumping back and fourth. The article pulls information in from a variety of disciplines, such as anthropology, philosophy, psychology and history. Without a previous general knowledge of science and the various disciplines, the context of the article would have been difficult to pick up. Overall, the article was easy to read and understand given a previous general knowledge of science and various disciplines. On a bad note, the length of the article was exhaustive. CLARITY: 4 SARAH M. LITTLE .gif){kind=small} Bagby,
Philip H. Culture and the Causes of Culture. American Anthropologist January,
1953. Vol. 55:535-554. In this article,
the author addresses issues concerning the origins of culture. He
states that although the explicit causes of culture are difficult to
identify, the real problem lies in the weak definition of fundamental
concepts. Bagby suggests that by better defining these
abstract ideas, the ultimate question of what causes culture will at
least be elucidated, if not resolved. He
then proceeds to systematically define three basic abstractions: “level,” “culture,” and “cause.” By giving examples
from other areas of science, Bagby ultimately relates the concept of “level” with
the idea that some classes of abstractions are commensurable while
others are not. He argues that
previous attempts at categorizing subject-matters from various sciences
into larger classes still experienced a degree of incommensurability,
and that the same set of phenomena can yield a number of diverse abstractions
which not necessarily commensurable with one another. Bagby then proceeds
to define “culture.” Beginning with the notion that it is “what men
think, what they do and what they make,” he quickly rejects both material
objects as well as mental events in an effort to achieve a homogeneous
description arguing that behavior is the only entity that can be directly
observed that is meaningful to the anthropologist. He then explicates that it is the similarities
of behavior among individuals that is really significant and ultimately
defines culture as the “regularities of behavior in the members of
a particular society.” These
specific regularities are then contrasted with “regular” behavior in
detail. Finally, Bagby defines “cause” as “an
antecedent feature of some recurrent process.” He justifies this by
stating that the connection between cause and effect can never be directly
observed; rather, the events can only be proven to be part of a sequence
of events that consistently reoccur. Regularities rather than causes
are what should be looked for. Thus, Bagby emphasizes that the concept of
causality has been superseded and that a student of culture should
instead concentrate on describing sequences of principal forms. This article also
stresses that culture can only be explained by other commensurate regularities
and that individual behavior is not a part of the recurrent process
involving culture. Moreover, culture cannot be considered a cause of
individual behavior. Understanding
these concepts, however, will ultimately lead to greater insight into
cultural anthropology. CLARITY RANKING:
4 .gif){kind=small} Bartholomew, George A. Jr. and Joseph B. Birdsell Ecology and the Protohominids American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol. 55(4):481-498 This article is straight forward look at the ecology of protohominids. It focuses on how the environment would have affected the development of humans and how interspecies relations in other mammals relates to the development of human culture. The beginning of the article deals mostly with the way mammals develop, using some common traits such as defense of territory and population equilibrium to infer how protohominids might have developed. The next section uses common sense in relating knowledge of current species and what is known about current animal species to develop and ecology for australopithecines. The article accounts for that fact that it is most likely that australopithecines only shared the earth with hominids for a very short time period if at all. As for the use of tools it is inferred that australopithecines used tools but only simple rocks with edges. The authors also think about the variety and size of possible food with only the most rudimentary clubs and rocks as weapons. This article uses simple principals and rules that must be followed by any animal in a stable ecological environment and comes to several interesting conclusions that reflect understandings theories of protohominid life. The article was not hard to understand but did require some background in either anthropology or ecology. I found the article particularly interesting as Bartholomew and Birdsell came to many conclusions shared by contemporary paleoanthropologists. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Birdsell Ecology and the Protohominids. American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol. 55(4): 481-498 This article focuses
primarily on the ecology. Man is clearly defined as first being an
animal and that is how his limits are tested. The
article sets up a historic and logical analysis of man, his origins
and how he relates to others. The article begins
with discussion of mammals. The history of mammals serves as a basis
for the understanding of the origin of other animals. The authors go into detail about the order of primates and how they developed
and they relate the evolution of the mammals to the development of
the protohominid. The social
behavior, food size, population density and territorality, and the
size of the protohominid are discussed and inferences are made about
their origins based on mammals. Next the origins
of the australopithecines are examined. The use of tools for survival, the type of
food they ate, and their social
behavior are examined. Fossils
were used extensively in determining this data and serve as a huge
aid in understanding the australopithecine. The
piece stresses the importance of ecology in the understanding of evolution
and that in our environment every species depends on another. Energy is an important source of the relationships
between the population and its environment. The paper was only
created because of inquiries that have been made about the origin of
species. The article shows that
it is essential to ask questions because only then will people look
for answers. The article was written clearly and the information was
understandable and easy to follow. CLARITY RANKING:
5 MARCELA
CALIDONIO Bennett, Wendell C. Area Archeology American Anthropologist January-March, 1953 Vol.55(1):5-16 The basis of archeology is now exact location of finds, which leads to distribution problems, which then involve regions and area interpretations. Ethnologists are not very concerned with the regional approach as this rarely leads to new theories. Archeology on the other hand, makes many interpretations based on this same approach. The archeologist excavated a site and tried to obtain the most information as possible about that particular site. Interpretations from this information is seldom limited to a single site so the archeologist makes up for this limitation by looking at a number of sites and directing the samples toward regional patterns. A survey of an area is the first step and surface remains or pit excavations are examined to understand the range of the materials found. Stratigraphic excavations then determine the time span of the culture. Many specialists and special field techniques are used to properly collect this information. Many archeologists consider this information necessary as a basis for generalizations to understand past cultures. These generalizations fall into either time or space. Archeology has been said to be limited to material culture and cannot be compared to contemporary ethnological studies because of this. Archeology is not only the study of the remains of past cultures, but also "of ways of life as reflected by these remains"(7). Area studies offer promise for combining archeology and ethnography. The first interest is the nature and size of the unit for area analysis. The most useful units are cultural regions and sub-regions. Various disciplines
are involved in area analysis including geographers, historians, anthropologists,
sociologists, political scientists, economists, psychologists, linguists,
and humanists. These disciplines must merge in the analysis of an area "for
sound regional analysis". Area analysis can be used in archeology
for any region, although some areas are more favorable than others.
Regions of complex cultures are more relevant to archeology. Since
unit sites are limited samples, the area approach is most likely used
when looking at past civilizations. Bennett gives the example of the Bennett gives clear statements regarding area analysis and how it is connected with archeology. He gives an excellent, detailed example of an area that is conducive to archeological study. This article is clear, to the point, and easy to follow. CLARITY: 5 Bennett,
Wendell C. Area Archeology. American Anthropologist,
1953 Vol. 55: 5-16 Bennett’s objective
is to convey the idea that area archeology is extremely important to
ethnography in that it helps anthropologists avoid making sweeping
generalizations about the culture in a certain area if they fail to
analyze every aspect of the culture that makes it what it is. He claims that archaeology is so dependent
on the identification of certain areas that they have been designated
with names such as, Southwest, Plains, Caribbean, and others, and that
ethnologists to date are less concerned with a regional approach and
do not often provide area summaries. His
problem with ethnological generalizations is that they are commonly
extended to include the whole tribe while paying less attention to
details in tribal components, while altogether ignoring the ethnological
findings compared or contrasted with other cultures in the same region. He believes that as anthropological interests
shift from isolated primitive cultures to more complex civilizations,
the area approach becomes more favorable (7). According to Bennett,
regional analysis should be inter-disciplinary and involve the work
of the geographer, historian, anthropologist, sociologist, political
scientist, economist, psychologist, linguist, and humanist (8). He
uses the study of the CLARITY RANKING:
5 Braidwood, Robert Did Man Once Live By Beer Alone? American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol.55(4):515-526 In this symposium, Robert Braidwood raises an interesting question: which came first, the bread or the beer. He offers an archeological evolution of tools which would point to the development of beer over bread first. A panel of professors subsequently shed further light on this isssue. Professor J.D. Sauer leads the pro-beer first side of the debate by pointing out several indications that beer may have been invented prior to bread. He suggests that the oldest domesticated plant may have been yeast. Sauer also suggests that the methods for growing and containing grains were very primative intitially and would have certainly lead to much fermentation, an integral process in the brewing of beer. Sauer’s argument is that beer was discovered accidentally as a bi-product of the early processes of bread making. Thus, for Sauer, before the process of bread making was finalized and perfected, the process of beer making had already been discovered For the most part, however, the consensus among other professors at the symposium seemed to argue that the process of making beer followed the development of making bread. Hans Helbaek notes that there is ample evidence of an evolutionary schema involved in the development of bread making, whereas such a schema is not existant for beer. Paul Mangelsdorf makes some very convincing arguments about a similar evolutionary schema proposed. He shows that even the earlist forms of bread involved a intermediary processes of heating the grains. This process would have stopped the fermenting process required for the brewing of beer. He argues it was not until leavened bread was developed (requiring both heat and yeast) that the process of brewing beer was discovered. Hugh Cutler protests the idea of Sauer’s that yeast was the first domesticated plant by stating that yeast simply was not domesticated, but a natural element of nature. Carleton Coon points out that porridge was one of the earliest methods of developing bread, which was made by Indians who made no beer. Several other professors comment at the symposium, with the majority response relating to the pro-bread side of the argument. Because this symposium entailed rather brief responses and was more like an open debate than an in depth article, it is somewhat meaningless to critique each individuals response. Also, since the topic at hand is one that is clearly unresolved, it is difficult to evaluate whose evidence seems more convincing or plausible. However, as a general comment, each speaker’s comments were very clear and they combined to make an interesting debate. I found this article intriging and engaging. CLARITY: 5 Castellvi. Father Marcelino deCastellvi. American Anthropologist January—March,
1953 Vol.55(1): 239. This is an obituary
of Father Marcelino de Castellvi, who was the Spanish founder and organizer
of “CILEAC” : Centro de Investigaciones Linguisticas y Ethnologicas
de la Amazonia Colombiana (translation: This obituary gives
very little information about de Castellvi and his work, but the information
it does provide is straightforward. CLARITY: 5 Count, Earl W. Symposium: Do We Need More Becoming Words? American Anthropologist, 1953. 55(1): 395-403. Count begins this
symposium with the statement that the English language contains a far
greater number of words denoting the concept of ‘state’ than it has
for the concept of ‘process’. Expressing
his difficulty in finding the correct words to use in his book on the
evolution of human sociality, he circulated a list of concepts for
which he felt no word in the English language properly addressed. The rest of the article consists of various
responses to his query, as well as Count’s rejoinder. Count lists eight
concepts or processes that he feels are lacking in adequate terminology,
which include the processes of ‘coming into existence’, ‘rendering
precise’, ‘becoming human’, ‘achieving culture’, and ‘creating value’. These elusive concepts, Count posits, suffer
due to a cultural conception centered on ‘being’ as opposed to ‘happening’. Count believes that defining these concepts
will expand our cultural thought patterns and hopefully change our
conception of ‘state’. Many of the responses
can be generalized in saying that the authors believe that Count’s
terms would be better off remaining defined in vernacular phrases rather
than specific new terms. Most responses suggest that the solution
lies in Count’s own phrasing of the concepts in his initial letter,
and warn against developing an “obscure technical jargon”. Count’s rejoinder
insists that his intention was misunderstood, and clarifies the purpose
of his query. The main point
is that the lack of these specific terms in the English language reflects
a specific course of what Count calls “culture-history”, and that he
believes that “Occidental” culture is on the brink of a re-orientation
of thought towards the concept of ‘pure process’, without ‘state’ as
the start or end point. CLARITY: 3. INGRID
BERGER Devereux,
George. Geza Roheim 1891-1953.
American Anthropologist Vol.54: 420. This article summarizes
the contributions of Roheim to the field of anthropology. He
is an important figure because he linked two important fields involved
in studying human behavior and interactions: psychology and anthropology.
After studying at the Universities of Leipzig and CLARITY 3 MOLLY
BYRNES Driver, Harold E. Statistics in Anthropology American Anthropologist January-March, 1953 Vol.55(1):42-59. Harold Driver attempts to explain why anthropology varies from other social sciences such as economics, psychology, and sociology, that put a larger emphasis on the use of statistics and how anthropology has rationalized its position on the use of statistical data in its research. He begins with reasons why it is more difficult for anthropologists to incorporate statistics into their work, starting with the most obvious, that anthropology covers a greater range of subject matter, time, and space than other social sciences. The broadness of anthropology makes it more difficult to apply mathematics to data collected by the anthropologist. He moves on to say, that in cultural anthropology, the lack of quantitative thinking on the part of the peoples we are studying makes it even more difficult to apply statistics to their work. He also notes that in spite of the lack of quantitative expression, anthropological data is important to the other social sciences because it often runs contrary to the generalizations formed by other disciplines about human nature and can be used to test the validity of such statements. Driver provides a brief history of the use of statistics in each field of anthropology in an attempt to show how each field is beginning to devise ways to incorporate statistics into their work. Driver concludes that many anthropologists still believe that those who use mathematics consider it to be a technique which insures them against any error. For this reason alone, Driver feels it is important to begin using more mathematics in anthropology because, "the statistician knows better than anyone else that mere figures are never sufficient, . . . The best criticisms of statistics are made by statisticians" (54-55). In other words, even if anthropologists disapprove of the use of mathematics in research, it is important for them to understand, in order to critique the work of others. However, Driver clearly feels that anthropologists should continue with the trend of applying statistical methods to their fieldwork wherever possible. The brief histories of the use of mathematics in fields of anthropology are well put together and provide the reader with good insight into the origins of statistical data in each field by pointing out who initiated the use of statistics in their work and why. Unfortunately, Driver focuses very little attention on why anthropology has been hesitant to incorporate statistics into their work, and what kind of impact that may have on the discipline of anthropology, which has traditionally shown a preference for qualitative data versus quantitative data in the past. In order to fully digest all of the information provided, it is wise to read this article slowly, bit by bit. CLARITY: 3 Driver, Harold E. Statistics In Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1953 Vol. 55: 42-57 Harold Driver acknowledges
Anthropology as a subject of being of much use to other social sciences
and that it is its broadness and lack of quantitative thinking which
limits its use of statistics. Nevertheless, Driver finds this lack
of statistics to cause anthropological findings to be unreliable. Driver describes
how different areas in Ahtropology, do, however use statistics and
how they vary in how much they rely on them. For example it is physical
anthropology that uses the most statistics, often employing Karl Pearson’s
coefficient of racial likeness. Somatotypologists, similarly have also
depended on statistics to test their objectivity and reliability, and
geneticists have also need knowledge and use of statistics for their
research. In archaeology the
first appearance of mathematics of any kind was in 1817 by Spier. From
then on it has continued using statistics to decide, for example, if
the percentile differences of their findings are real or just a sampling
error. Archeology has used statistics for much of its methodology as
well, like in radiocarbon. Likewise, in linguistics, statistics are
used to analyze relations within a single language and to do comparative
research between languages. Furthermore, contradicting
general belief, Driver states that ethnology and social anthropology
also make use of statistics. For example, Driver determined reliability
and validity of test data for the first time by statistically comparing
data from two informants. Nevertheless, the standards required by statistics
for validity requirements are sometimes impossible to obtain by ethnological
and social anthropological data. For example, Chretien came to the
conclusion that for statistical validation it is safe to use inter-tribal
correlation coefficients based on 500 or more traits; but is in rare
occasions when we could expect to have 500 tribes for one sole research. Although twenty
years ago anthropology avoided statistics – and still continues to
do so, according to Driver – now their use is more frequent and accepted.
Statistics are now recognized as a helpful tool to gather accurate
data and Driver argues, could be even of more use if anthropologist
decided to take them into consideration. Moreover, if research is prepared
with the preconceived idea of the use of statistics, the data gathered
could be analyzed and interpreted more easily through statistics. Nevertheless,
it should be understand that it should not take precedence over any
other method that could be more suitable depending on the situation. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Dyson, Robert
H. Jr. Archeology and the Domestication of
Animals in the Dyson’s objective is to discuss the origin of domestic animals during the Neolithic Revolution. A domestic animal is identified in two ways, " first a domestic animal may be defined ‘culturally’, as one which breeds in captivity and is of some significant use to a community" (661). Secondly, a domestic animal may be defined osteologically as "demonstrable by the morphology of the bones themselves…it necessarily follows cultural domestication in time" (661). The author characterizes these animals as domestic by " the fact that an animal is controlled and utilized" (661). The author discusses domestication of four animals in the Near East, cattle, pig, sheep, and goat. The animals’ introduction spread the idea of domestication through the Old World in two ways: " (1) as an idea which was applied either to the wild relatives of already domesticated animals or to entirely new species, and (2) as a movement of the animals themselves into areas formerly unoccupied by them or into areas inhabited by their wild relatives" (670). In a brief summary,
Dyson stated that, "it would be unrealistic to infer that all
domestic animals in the Old World had to be derived from the This article was very interesting, but it became confusing when the detailed description of all the different types of species of animals was listed. The detailed description of each animal could have been just as effective if it was shorter. The author’s main objective was concluded, however there was no sound evidence given if the four species mentioned were the only domesticated animals. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Dyson,
Robert H. Archeology and the Domestication of Animals
in the Archeology and the
Domestication of Animals in the The origination
of the cattle, sheep/goat and the pig is pretty clear between the archeologist
and the zoologist, according to Dyson. The Neolithic economy is based partly on
the domestication of these animals, which first developed in the The origins of the
domestic pig can be found in the Karim Shahir, Jarmo, Anau and The problem is even
more complex in the case of the sheep. It was first thought that there was a single
origin for all sheep, but this theory was no longer valid. There ended up being several different types
of sheep that originated from different areas. For example, it is known that the earliest
domestic sheep appeared to be from the The goat is known
to be present in many prehistoric eras but has not been reported on
very well, so is commonly included with the sheep references as an
alternate identification for some information. Other animals, such as the horse, camel elephant,
water buffalo, and chicken were introduced much later in the second
millennium B.C. Also, not only
did animals originate from the Near East, but from all over the world,
including many areas around Europe and Consequently, the
domestication of animals first began in the CLARITY: 3 YUMI
CHO Edel,
Abraham. Some Relations of Philosophy and Anthropology. American Anthropologist December
1953 Vol.55 (5):649-660. As the title clearly
explains, Abraham Edel explores the relationship between philosophy
and anthropology. In this article,
Edel groups philosophy with all the other sciences in order to represent
anthropology as a separate category. As anthropology becomes more systematic,
Edel points out, philosophy must be called upon more and more often
to meet the demands of understanding human nature. At
the same time, anthropology may be increasingly called into service
for those trying to reach solutions to philosophical questions. In five sections, Edel defines the sciences,
uses the example of morality in society to illuminate the relationship,
and describes the method in answering anthropological questions and
how philosophy relates. According to Edel,
anthropology has a logical advantage over the other sciences as it
deals with small groups of relatively homogenous peoples. This description is the movement towards
a more systematic theory of social interaction and means of allocating
value. The paradox of anthropology
is the constant change amongst the peoples being studied. What philosophy contributes is an anchored
perspective of human nature; Edel describes philosophy as ‘old’ and
consisting of a history that is absent in anthropology. The change that
occurs in anthropology is described in Edel’s own special field of
inquiry, the treatment of morality. Edel
argues that at present, morality acts as a reference point of those
peoples and institutions that determine society’s moral code. This mirrored reflection has become a way
of describing people. However,
it is only through a psychological or philosophical analysis of the
systematic social or cultural structure that will be able to frame
the question of human nature. Edel’s analysis
of the relationship is further expressed through the methodology of
understanding a philosophical proposal. According to Edel, it would take a set of
various biological, psychological “givens” that individualizes the
conditions. It would also require
an exploration of scope and a “mode of operation” that include limitations
and pressures on the principle factors. While
the framing is conducted through philosophy, it is through anthropological
skills and methods that will actually reach any conclusions. CLARITY RATING:
3 KORWIN
CHIU Eggan,
Fred Karl Schmitt, 1915-1952 American
Anthropologist 1953 Vol.55: 237-239 In his obituary
of Karl Schmitt, Fred Eggan outlines the life and career path, to date,
of the deceased. Karl Schmitt was just beginning of what promised
to be an outstanding career in anthropology when his car collided with
a train, killing him at the age of 37. Karl's career began as
a kid when he took an interest in Indian artifacts found close to his
home in After spending a
summer on an archaeological excavation, Schmitt entered the Schmitt served as
a member of a number of archaeological excavations before he was inducted
into the army not long after receiving his M.A. After leaving the air
force Schmitt, returned to the The papers that
Karl Schmitt published show the range of his interests. CLARITY: 5 Elkin, A.P. Murgnin Kinship Re-examined, and Remarks on Some Generalizations American Anthropologist August, 1953 Vol.55(3):412-419 A.P. Elkin wrote this article in order that the importance of re-examination of societal studies might be known. Specifically, in looking at Australian tribal societies, he takes already published studies, and searches for the informants, in order to see what kind of changes the society has undergone, what the causality of such changes might be, and to correct any errors or oversights that may have been committed. In order to accomplish this task, Elkin revisited the site of genealogy research done by Laurence and Murdock, and sought out their "eighth line". In the paper, Elkin shows a genealogy chart, showing the many and varied types of relationships. He also discusses complications to the genealogy that present themselves in the form of "alternative marriages," additional marriages, and terminology that uses the same word, but does not have the same meaning to each party (reciprocity). These degrees of variation in terminology, and the effect of subsections and division by moiety amongst the Murgnin, caused the initial genealogy to be slightly flawed in its interpretation. In its great complexity, it was misread by a Mr. Webb (discussed in Lawrence and Murdock’s paper), and the importance of the subsections and matrilineal descent missed or ignored by Radcliffe-Brown. The discussion by
Elkin of the various relations and their relative positions on the
genealogy show a clear example of how language creates a framework
for understanding culture. Without a knowledge of the word meanings
within the context of language, the genealogy is simply too confusing
to break down. Elkin shows this as he describes the relationships. "Thus
while the son of my It should be clear from this passage that the text was extremely difficult to dissect. However, the remarks at the end were a bit more manageable. The author uses his comments on the generalizations made by previous anthropologists to show that while they may be true for some cases, they are indeed not true for all. Specifically, Radcliffe-Brown’s notion that all tribal Australian societies were patrilineal, and ideas of reciprocal kinship divided into moieties may have been true for some societies, but as Warner and Lawrence showed, and Elkin concurred, not all societies are the same, and generalizations can never be made to be all inclusive. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Elkin,
A.P. Murngin Kinship Re-Examined, and Remarks
on Some Generalizations. American Anthropologist August, 1953 Vol.55(3):412-419. The Murngin are
a group of clans inhabiting the Milingimbi, or the Examination of this
seemingly complex social structure has been performed historically
by several individuals including Professor W. L. Warner in 1926-29,
Mr. Lawrence and Professor Murdock two decades later, and Radcliffe-Brown
in 1951. Elkin, himself, visited the region with the goal of settling
the conflicting reports in 1949. Elkin reports that
determining the social structure of this group was not difficult due
to the good quality of information collected through both genealogy
recording and discussion. He proposes that others, namely Mr. Webb,
may have falsely identified patrilineal lines in the past as a result
of the allowed alternative marriages, which can be misleading. Additionally,
each term has a reciprocal and this may also lead to confusion. Elkin
presents his conclusions in, what he identifies as, his field chart,
which shows a generic genealogy, and ends by supporting Mr. Warner
whose work he has reaffirmed. Elkin then proceeds
to comment on generalizations, some of which have been made by his
colleagues. He here reiterates the difficulties presented by the existence
of allowed alternative marriages as well as reciprocal relationships,
which make wide scale generalization problematical. He also disputes
the generalization made by Radcliffe-Brown concerning the universality
of patrilineal groups in Elkin’s own work
is premised on the on the conflictual accounts of Mr. Webb and Mr.
Warner, which he clarifies. However, although Elkin elucidates the
patrilineal lines of descent of the Murngin, he also demonstrates the
complexity of their marital system and suggests that further research
be done in this area. CLARITY RANKING:
2 LAUREN
D. BLOOM Emory, Kenneth P. A Program for Polynesian Archeology. American Anthropogist. October, 1953. Vol.55:752-755 The author’s objective is to explain details about Polynesian archeology. He begins by stating that archeologists have gathered quite a bit of material about the people and culture of this area. Trying to find a significant historical explanation will help archeologists reconstruct the history. This reconstruction can only be done if they can gather information about the first settler’s culture. Up to the 1950’s, the research has only been done with the collection of bones, stones and shell artifacts and some on the surface structures. With all of the information collected, archeologists can give us a "potential range of 1,000 years that we may be able to penetrate Polynesian history" (752). The author then
states that much pioneer work has already been accomplished. In Emory then goes
into very little about the theories of the origin of the settler’s
before explaining what archeologists still need. He notes that information
deduced from Overall, this article is very explanatory and descriptive. While it is well written, it is very boring because the content is uninteresting. This article is easy to read and is short in length. Archeologists will find this article intriguing. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Evans-Pritchard, E. E. The Nuer Conception of Spirit in its Relation to the Social Order. American Anthropologist April-June, 1953 Vol.55(2):201-214. In Evans-Pritchard's essay he presents an extensive amount of information, which supports the purpose of his paper, that the Nuer conception of spirit relates to the social order. The author lays out his evidence by first defining the concept of the Nuers' general word for spirit, which is kwoth. After kwoth is defined, Evans-Pritchard goes on to explain how the spiritual figures are regarded as social refractions of God. The author provides two main detailed examples, which clearly support this statement. The first example is a brief, but detailed summary of a religious ceremony in which speakers talk of many spirits. After this first example, Evans-Pritchard explains each spirit mentioned as a specific patron of local communities. The second example is also the account of another religious ceremony in which only one spirit, the spirit as a conception of God and oneness, is mentioned. Following the lay out of these two examples, the author recaps the main idea that attachment of spiritual figures to social groups is indicated in various ways but mostly through ceremony. Also, he points out that the spiritual figures play different roles according to the context in which they are being used. The last half of Evans-Pritchard's evidence accounts for the comparison between the social order hierarchy and the spiritual order hierarchy and the accounts of borrowing spiritual names. The author, with an example, clearly shows the relation and similarities that the social and spiritual orders have. After providing evidence of this relationship, Evans-Pritchard explains that kwoth in itself is a structural dimension because it entails phenomena, great and terrible happenings such as famine and moral order, which are all attributed to God. He presents the notion the information of a spiritual hierarchy with his knowing that the Neurs have multiple levels of gods. The author accounts for the borrowing of spiritual concepts and ideas because of the geographic location and contact with other cultures. Evans-Pritchard, along with this concept of diffusion, explains the two sides of borrowing as that of opportunity and need. He uses examples to further explain this notion. Finally in his concluding statements, Evans-Pritchard reiterates the spiritual refractions as corresponding to social activity. The author, throughout his essay, fully elaborates his ideas with clear, easy to picture examples. The vocabulary is basic and his stories as well as his notions are well worded. Because Evans-Pritchard fulfills his purpose, to explain the relation of social order with the Nuer conception of spirit with evidence that is easily comprehended, he makes his essay enlightening and enjoyable. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Evans-Pritchard, E. E. The Nuer Conception of Spirit in it’s Relation to the Social Order. American Anthropologist 1953 Vol.55 201-214. In this article,
Pritchard sets out to define the meaning of Kwoth, Spirit, in
relation to the social order of the Nuer society. Kwoth, in
general means spirit, but it can mean different spirits when used in
different contexts. There is kwoth a nhial, Spirit of the sky
or also God, kuth dwanga, the spirits of the air, and col
wic, spirits of the souls of those killed by lightning. The rest
are considered spirits of the below: totemic spirits and nature spirits.
All of these however can be referred to as kwoth, spirit The problem that
arises here when one is trying to translate certain instances within
the Nuer society. To the Nuer they understand what they are talking
about, and in what context they are talking when referring to kwoth. It
is the reader who has a hard time grasping in what context the term kwoth is
being used. Pritchard tries
to explain through examples the different ways in which kwoth is
used, and how its meaning is understood. It is easier to look at the
particular spirits as different representations of God, in relation
to certain activities, events, persons, and groups. Spirit can be seen
at different levels and experiences. There is the spirit as in itself,
God. Then there is the spirit in persons, those spirits that fall from
the sky and possess a person’s body. The person then becomes a prophet
and owns the spirit within it, taking part in social groups and activities.
There are also the spirits in creatures and things. These are spirits
in the lowest forms. Spirit therefore
is seen as both outside social order and inside social order in the
Nuer society. On one end there is God, who there is no control over.
Then there are those refractions such as nature, society, and culture,
which they have some say in. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Fortes,
Meyer. The structure of Unilineal Descent Groups. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol.
27(1): 17-.41 This article mainly
focuses on The author writes
a great deal about Malinowski and his contributions and influence on
the work of British anthropologists. He claims that the main theoretical influence
behind the work done by these British anthropologists is Malinowski’s “functional” theory. Malinowski
basically thought of culture in terms of utilitarian philosophy in
which individuals use culture to satisfy universal needs by attaining
culturally defined ends. Fortes
stresses the importance of Malinowski’s work and how he has shown anthropologists
of his time period how intensive field work can and must be done. Although Fortes feels that Malinowski is
a great contributor to social anthropology in many ways, he also feels
that Malinowski lacked insight for some aspects of the field. He believes that Malinowski had no real understanding
of kinship or political organization and as a result was blinded to
a lot of the concepts such as the kinship terms. Using the African
societies, which he refers to as unilineal descent groups, or lineage
systems, Fortes exemplifies the many concepts of cultures that anthropologists
such as Malinowski failed to see. He focuses on the development and persistence
of African societies and how they are based upon the principles of
the concept of unilineal descent groups. Using
other anthropologists’ ideas and theories, he implies that the poverty
of habitat and of productive technology tend to inhibit the development
of unilineal descent groups by limiting the scale and stability of
their settlement. However, he
also shows evidence that when modern developments are introduced, these
groups tend to break up. Fortes
emphasizes that the key to the survival of these unilineal descent
groups in Fortes talks about
the strong points of these African societies but also discusses the
dangers. He says that a society
made up of corporate lineages is always in danger of splitting into
rival lineage factions. However,
there are ways to prevent this, one of which is by extending the lineage
framework to the widest range within which sanctions exist for preventing
conflicts and disputes from ending in feud or warfare. He
uses the examples of the Gusii, Nuer the Tiv and the Beduin to illustrate
cultures that use this method. Another
method is for the common interest of the political community to be
asserted periodically to counter the private interest of the component
lineages. Examples of cultures
that practice this method are the Tallensi and the Yako. Because the author
goes very much in depth on this topic using an immense amount of data
collected by various anthropologists of the past and during his time
period, it would be impossible to include all his points in a short
summary. Overall, Fortes does
a fairly good job of incorporating data analysis and theories to show
the strengths of the survival tactics of African unilineal descent
groups. He portrays these groups to be strong, persistent
and enduring people who through time have used their kinship ties and
corporate groups to survive as distinct cultural groups who have served
as good research subjects for British anthropologists. CLARITY:3 HANNAH
AHN Foster, George M. What is Folk Culture? American Anthropologist April-June,1953 Vol.55(2):159-173 During the past generation folk culture has been described as neither "primitive" or "civilized" but somewhere in between. This description is due to an anthropologist, Redfield, who says that folk cultures are simple cultures that are the opposite of an urban society. Foster’s article discusses the limitations of Redfield’s approach, and suggests "an alternative concept of folk culture which seems better to fit the facts of real societies as described by anthropologists" (159). Redfield sees folk societies as small, isolated, and nearly self-sufficient groups that are homogeneous regarding race and custom. Individuals are closely interdependent, technology is simple, and there is little division of labor. He says these groups are relatively immobile, and member habits correspond to custom. Redfield sees societies as either urban or non-urban. Foster has three main problems with this view. First, the view mixes all groups of non-urban people together, no matter how "primitive" they are, or where they live in the world. Redfield also uses the terms "primitive" and "folk" synonymously. Second, "this view presupposes that all human society must have been ‘folk’ until the beginnings of city life which, over an ever-increasing area incroaches upon and destroys folk culture" (162). Third, this concept of polar types makes it difficult to analyze folk culture in the city. Foster sees folk societies not as whole societies that are isolated, but rather as half-societies, or parts of larger social units like nations. A folk society is a component of the nation, and is in a symbiotic spacial-temporal relationship with the more complex nation. To describe folk cultures, one must know the history, structure, and content of the larger national cultures. Foster points out that folk cultures have had constant contact with civilization. Most of the significant elements of folk culture have filtered down from sophisticated cultures centuries earlier. Folk cultures simply reworked them to make them fit their needs. Most of these elements are considered folk instead of deriving from advanced cultures because they are not widely used anymore in the centers that developed them. For example, modern Hispanic folk villages employ the grid-pattern in their towns that was originally a colonial Spanish design, and many of the herbs used in Latin American folk medicine were used by Spanish physicians in the 16th century. Of course, not all elements are borrowed, and folk cultures even influence elements of non-folk culture. American square dancing derived from folk entertainment. Foster concludes by saying that folk culture is a more common way of life than a complete culture, and that they exist today in areas that are not highly industrialized. Finally, he says that folk cultures will lose their qualities as they are integrated with industrial societies. This article is well written and easy to understand with the exception of the first few pages, where too many other anthropologists’ viewpoints are expressed. CLARITY: 5 Foster, George M. What is Folk Culture? American Anthropologist 1953 Vol 55: 159-173. In his article ‘What
is Folk Culture?’ Foster discusses Redfield’s definition of folk-culture
and folk-society and its effect on other anthropologists’ studies.
He points out the inherent limitations in Redfield’s hypothesis and
proposes an alternative concept of folk-culture. Redfield’s folk-society
is an ideal, mental construction of all the typical characteristics
a folk-society may possess: small, isolated, homogenous in race and
custom, closely interdependent, family based institutions, ritual is
well developed and relied on. This definition creates a ‘polarity’ in
defining urban societies and thus creates a linear scale for anything
in between. Foster compares
Redfield’s concept to Durkheim’s horde and Tonnies’ Gemeinschaft.
He points to the shortcomings of unilinear theories when applied to
existing societies. He gives examples of Guatemalan Indian villages
and West African urban centers, which function as urban societies and
folk society respectively, in complete contradiction to the linear
concept. Foster then proposes
his concept: folk societies are integral parts of the larger, pre-industrial
society, existing interdependently and interactively with it. He examines
pre-industrial He concludes, that
folk culture appeared with the urban revolution and the ‘folk-stratum’ existed
in the pre-industrial society in rural and urban settings. With higher
degrees of industrialization the folk-cultures are disappearing or
assimilating into the industrial society and cannot sustain their existence. CLARITY 3 Gillin,
John. Ralph Linton, 1893-1953. American Anthropologist, 1953. Vol. 56:
274-280. Ralph Linton, Sterling
Professor of Anthropology at He was born on February
27, 1893 in Linton spent the
first sixteen years of his career as a field archeologist and museum
anthropologist, interests he continued to pursue upon entering academic
life by maintaining his museum associations and field involvement. His
extensive field experience influenced his anthropological interests,
eventually focused on psycho-social cultural influences. He
published a number of works with this concern including The Study of
Man, An Introduction. His ability
to synthesize ideas and recall esoteric fact is exemplified in this
volume. The Study of Mane, as other publications,
allowed for his creation of new theories bolstered by a variety of
cross discipline theory and physical evidence. It
was such unfettered insight and original construct of thought that
led his attaining an unprecedented number of awards. These awards included being named a Viking
Fund Medalist, receiving the Huxley Medal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Linton’s death,
on December 24, 1953, due to one in a series of heart attacks did not
impact his contributions to the field as both a personality and academic. The
commendations he received prove his lifetime achievements. His
essays and books are testament to his articulate use of “simple English” and
moderate words attested to by the author’s personal knowledge. His
clarity will continue to survive in his mediating theories and serve
to elucidate the unusual, interdisciplinary perceptions he applied
to both life and anthropology. Neither his words, nor record of his subsequent
awards, will be lost; leaving Linton's contributions to withstand time. CLARITY: 4 SUZANNE
DEMAS, Gilmore, Harry
W. Habits of the Early The author's objective
is to list and describe the various animals with which made up the
diet of the Nevada Paiutes, and the methods by which each distinct
animal was caught. The lakes and "small, snow-fed rivers" were
responsible for the abundance of animal life within the Deer and antelope were caught by following their tracks from a local watering hole and shooting them with arrows with "the deadly venom obtained from rattlesnakes" (148). After a direct hit, the hunter signaled home to bring horses to carry back his prey, which was "jerked and dried in little strings" for later consumption (148). Mountain goats were an important animal used for food. The method of capture entailed goat drives. These goat drives consisted of many hunters spread over a wide territory, "closing in gradually as they moved toward the corral" (149). Goat drives included tremendous amounts of planning and hard work, and were reserved for special occasions decided by the local medicine men. Mountain streams are a common gathering place for sage hens, and many hunters constructed blinds near these places for easy access. The Paiute Indians would shoot the leader of the flock which was "permitted to die before the next arrow was fired" (150). After each bird died, another was shot until enough birds were left over to produce young for the next season. Bone-hooks were used in catching both geese and fish. Geese were fed cracked nuts containing these hooks, which enabled the hunters to very easily capture a large number of geese. Swans were also caught in this manner, but their meat was considered a delicacy, as opposed to the geese which was thought to have tasted like fish. Finally, rabbits and squirrels were an important source of nutrition for the Nevada Paiute. Rabbits were caught using either a 3000 foot net made of hemp or by using a bow and arrow. Ground squirrels were drowned out of their holes made for their young, and when escape attempts were made, dogs were used to catch them. Both rabbits and squirrels were eaten either fresh or dried. The author provides an extensive list of the many animals hunted and the specific methods for hunting each animal. However, ways in which these methods define Paiute culture, and a poorly defined thesis makes for a dull read. CLARITY RANKING: 1 Gulick, John. The In this article,
Gulick attempts to show how Lebanese villages are arranged, primarily
in regard to kinship ties. He starts off by describing the area of
his particular study in the nation of Gulick describes how lineages are determined and also presents the differences between matrilateral and patrilateral kin. He reports that different village groups have different ways to determine who should marry together in the society. In some groups, usually certain Islamic sects, the first patrilateral cousins are allowed, even encouraged, to marry. However, in some Christian Arab communities, first cousins are not allowed to marry at all, whether matrilateral or patrilateral. In rare instances, some matrilateral first cousins have been married, but only after having an "episcopal dispensation", that is, approval by the bishop. Gulick states that in the majority of Lebanese villages, family/community ties are very strong. People very often regard themselves as members of the same family. In one particular group that he studied, each family was able to trace their ancestors back to a common one. Gulick also defines certain terms of kinship such as sihr and ‘amm. Sihr is the name a male calls a man from his own generation who marries a woman in the first man’s lineage, or a man who marries the first man’s matrilineal first cousin. It can also be used by a male to refer to any man who marries a woman in the first man’s own village. ‘Amm is used to refer to a father’s brother. It is also used to refer to the father of one’s spouse. This is likely because it is common for one’s spouse’s father to be one’s uncle. Gulick states that the "Lebanese village as a type of kinship structure may be defined as an endogamous local group which is segmented into patrilineages which are preferably endogamous but often exogamous in practice" (emphasis in original, 371). Gulick briefly discusses how religion and "devotion to the land" affect village structure and interactions. He sates that a shared religion helps to keep peace between neighboring villages, while groups that differ in religious beliefs have more of a tendency to hostile behavior and suspicion. Gulick also briefly discusses the issue of people being devoted to the land of their ancestors. While people, at the time this article was written, felt ties to the land of their parents, they were also venturing out, and only returning when important events, such as funerals, occurred. Gulick makes his points clearly. The article is not long, and is interesting. However, the words "endogamy" and "endogamous" need to be defined for a reader not familiar with these terms. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Gulick,
John. The Gulick primarily
examines the kinship ties among Lebanese villagers. He attributes the
tight village community in part to the terrain in Gulick points to
the dominance of patrilineality, particularly in terms of marriage.
In Arab Christian communities, Gulick cites that Bishops will grant
special dispensations for matrilineal first cousins to marry, but not
for patrilineal first cousins. Gulick goes on to compare Lebanese villages
with other social units, he finds that he cannot draw a direct analogy
between the social units described by others and the subjects of his
research. He defines the Lebanese village kinship structure as “an
endogamous local group which is segmented into patrilineages which
are preferably endogamous but often exogamous. Gulick moves on
to discuss the second and third foci: religion and devotion to the
land. According to Gulick, relations between villages are strained
where they have a different religion. Relations between villages with
different religions are better where two villages share a religion.
Gulick goes on to explain how the principle of Devotion to the Land
applies; farming is not only a method of subsistence, it is also a
way for the villagers to identify with nature. Gulick concludes by
mentioning how “modern” influences have altered village life and kinship
rules; his conclusion is that the kinship structure stands “almost
unshaken.” CLARITY RANKING:
3 Herskovits,
Melville J. The Cattle Complex in In Part 3 of Herskovits’ study
of the importance of cattle in East African society, he examines what
role cattle play in the arrangement of marriage. He
sets out to prove the extreme importance of cattle by thoroughly describing
the variations from tribe to tribe in the traditional procedures for
setting up a marriage. In all of these tribes, cattle are a sign
of prestige and importance. The
bride is deemed with a certain value that is signified by the number
of cattle paid by a groom to the bride’s parents. A
marriage is not considered official until the transaction of cattle
from groom to in-laws is complete. Cattle are a compensation
for the loss of a daughter, but more importantly, a promise of the
man to the parents that their daughter will be well-cared for. This
is proven with the fact that if the groom mistreats his wife and she
returns to her family his cattle are not returned to him as well. In
turn, if the wife fails to do her duty by bearing children, she is
returned to her family and the cattle are returned to the man. Cattle play an important
role not just in the arrangement of marriage in CLARITY: 5 KATHLEEN
CARR Ishino, Iwao The Oyabun-Kobun: A Japanese Ritual Kinship Institution American Anthropologist December, 1953 Vol 55(5):695-707 In a very clearly presented article, Ishino introduces the institution of the Oyabun-Kobun kinship relationship common in Japanese culture. Ishino first introduces the reader to the relevance and importance of understanding this Japanese cultural phenomenon. The study of this kinship relationship is important because it has rarely been studied and because it pertains to a "recent trend of interest in anthropology: the phenomenon of ritual kinship" (695). He defines the oyabun-kobun as an "institution in which persons usually unrelated by close kin ties enter into a compact to assume obligations of a diffuse nature similar to those ascribed to members of one’s immediate family" (695). In this relationship, a ritual kin role is always achieved. This type of relationship differs from a biological kin relationship, were the kinship is unconditional. The oyabun-kobun relationship began during the feudal period in Japan (circa 1700) as endurered servants agreed to a specified number of years work or duty in return for shelter, protection, and preferential treatment from those that could offer such advantages (the fuedal lords.) Ishino defines the oyabun-kobun relationship in terms of its significance in modern labor structures. He looks at a labor organization called the Sano Gumi in particular. The oyabun-kobun institution in modern labor structures is most related to labor unions, whereby the oyabun (the labor organizers and executives of unions) have implicit agreements with the kobun (the workers) that they will be given preferential benefits in return for their constant support. This kinship relationship has advantages for both involved. Ishino does a superb job describing this kinship relationship, in a clear precise manner. His organization, first giving an introduction to the topic, followed by a brief history, and lastly its relevance in modern times via a case study, allowed for a well written description of a rarely described, common Japanese ideology. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Jennings, Jesse D. An Experiment in Communication American Anthropologist April-June, 1953 Vol.55(2):305-308 This article briefly
accounts Jesse Jennings’ use of a television series to educate the
general public about anthropology. At the end of the article there is a commentary by Robert Crawford about the success of Jennings’ endeavor. Crawford finds that while Jennings’ success in his anthropological series is not immediately measurable, the use of television to promote anthropological study and ideas is definitely a means of the future. Overall, this article
was interesting and clear. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Kurath, Gertrude
P. Native Choreographic Areas of Kurath begins her
article by defining the features used to compare different types of
Native American dances. These features are "...the ground plans,
circle or straight line, the typical style of steps and body movements" (60).
The first characteristic she explores is the movement of dancers, either
in single file or more, and sometimes in spirals, in a counterclockwise
fashion. Most prominent among Eastern Woodlands groups, the counterclockwise
spiral also manifests itself in the In addition to the
group dances that use the features of circles and lines, dances by
individuals are also common. Among eastern tribes, only masked performers
give solo dances, while in the midwest, solo dances involve a group
of individual performing in ascending order of skill. Kurath cites
the masked dances of the tribes of the Finally, Kurath discusses the importance of style of movement in the dances in terms of steps, body action (posture and speed), and gesture, the physical forms of the dance. She also discusses quality in terms of the attitude of the dancers, i.e. frenzied or calm. She briefly mentions the role of women as dancing with a "feminine style", defining some differences between men and women while dancing. For example, women tend to be more reserved and use smaller and fewer steps than their male counterparts. The different gestures
and features used are all linked to the various cultural practices,
such as dances concerning maize, hunting or dreams. Counterclockwise
circles and their subdued gestures frequently occur in cultures dependent
on agriculture, while clockwise circles and a high level of energy
accompany dances by hunting tribes in the Great Plains and Although well-informed, Kurath’s article proved dense and difficult to read due to her tendency to list large groups of tribes or regions, which characteristically display certain features or gestures, with little other elaboration. This article is perhaps best for a researcher interested in a quick run down of dance style distribution, rather than a reader interested in learning the details of or cultural reasons behind a specific dance. CLARITY: 3 Kurath, P. Gertrude. Native
Chronographic Areas of In her article, "Native
Chronographic Areas of North America," Gertrude P. Kurath sets
out to document the current dance patterns of the North American tribes.
This survey, based on extensive fieldwork, primarily focuses on the
Iroquois, Cherokee, Sauk and Fox, and Yaqui. By focusing in detail
on these dance patterns she concludes that while every tribe bears
an individual identity in this regard, they are also part of a larger
whole where in the diffusion of styles has both enriched their dance
repertoire in some cases, (e.g.: the Sauk and Fox in Green Bay), and
diminished it in others (e.g.: the Pawnee in Oklahoma). In other words
there is an ongoing dynamic of importing and exporting of styles resulting
in a diverse but inter-related landscape of dance. Kurath breaks down
these patterns into an analysis of geometric patterns and styles. The
first category consists of: 1) Communal Counter
Clockwise Circles – mainly predominant in the Eastern Woodlands, Aridamerica,
and to a lesser extent the upper 2) Communal Clockwise
Circles – mainly predominant across the Plateau, on both
sides of the 3) Straight Lines – less
popular in general but present around the 4) Individual
Movement – less predominant in the east but popular in the Northeast. The second category
consists of: 1) Steps – e.g.:
the ‘stomp step’ in comparison to the ‘trot’ or ‘dragon step’ etc. 2) Body Action – e.g.:
whether the body is erected or vibrating etc. 3) Gesture – e.g.:
arm and hand movements etc. 4) Quality – e.g.:
a ‘calm stop’ in comparison to ‘trances’ etc. 5) The Feminine
Style – lists the main dancing methods used by women (i.e.: reserved
decorum). In so doing Kurath
debunks any notions of a monolithic dance complex. Rather, she points
out that it heavily depends on the group’s means of subsistence, (i.e.:
agriculture or hunting). Furthermore she stresses the shifting nature
of these dances, and finally for the need to record these practices
before what she understands to be "extinction in reality" occurs. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Lange,
Charles H. The Role of Economics in Cochiti Pueblo
Culture Change. American Anthropologist December, 1953 Vol.
55 (5): 674-694 In this article,
Lange explores the effects that the adaptation of a cash economy has
had on the social, ceremonial and political organizations of the Cochiti
Pueblo. The author draws upon
research from 1950-1951, citing statistics, informants’ testimonials,
and contrasts to the Cochiti Pueblo pre-1930. He
presents most of the analysis as dialectic between two attitudes towards
change: the ‘Conservative’ grounded in tradition and the ‘Progressive’ who
embraces change. Lange begins by
describing the changing economic organization that Cochiti undergoes. The
three main areas of interest are property and ownership, agricultural
economy, and non-agricultural economy. The
first shift occurs mainly due to technological advances in the forms
of transport, improved water systems, utilities, and household appliances
alter the location and appearance of homes, making personal property
an important factor. In the
second shift, farm machinery provides for the changes in agriculture
exemplified by the specialization in cash crops, and the kind of livestock
kept. Finally, the last shift towards wage work
and income production creates the space of inquiry in which Lange analyzes
the transformation of Cochiti culture. Lange addresses
social organization in the contexts of kinship institutions, kinship
terminology, free association institutions, and the crises of the life
cycle. Each aspect deals with
a certain loss within Cochiti. The
first topic notes the declining importance of the clan as a social
structure, through redirected importance in wage earning, inter-marriage
with people outside Cochiti culture, and the adoption of Catholicism
and its prohibition of incest. The
second loss is of the native language, as Spanish and English terminology
suffuses the social structures. The
third loss deals with the reconstitution of moieties, while the last
topic covers the Catholic influence in birth, naming, and death rites
in conflict with traditional rites. Ceremonial and religious
organizations are similarly affected. The interaction with Anglo culture debilitates
the importance of shamans, medicine men, and witchcraft (to a lesser
extent). These native practices
come under scrutiny in the face of formal and informal education, and
Catholicism, though the author presents examples of how the traditional
religious practices have been adapted with the new system. Lange finishes his
analyses with the description of the elections of political officers,
followed by a brief chronicle of the increased interaction and cooperation
with the United States Indian Service. He posits that these Conservative, elected
officials help commit ‘cultural suicide,’ as their support of education
for the young individuals in Cochiti only propagates the changes he
presents in the culture. Lange’s
conclusion restates these changes as predictions in a continued transformation
of the Cochiti Pueblo culture. Lange’s analysis
is straightforward, factual, and dry. Still, he presents a comprehensive depiction
of the transformation of Cochiti culture and the issues its people
face circa 1953. CLARITY: 5 IAN
L. COFRÉ Lowie, Robert H. Ethnography, Cultural and Social Anthropology American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol.55(4):527-532 In this article Lowie presents his definition of ethnography and cultural and social anthropology. He divides this discussion into three sections; the first section is about ethnography. Lowie presents the term ethnography as defined by the British as "descriptive accounts of non-literate peoples" (528). Lowie then expands on what he feels the term should mean. He suggest that ethnography cover all cultures, their history and their present. He states the purpose of ethnography to be the "complete description of all cultural phenomena everywhere and at all periods." (528). He states that the ethnographer may not be knowledgeable in all of the fields to get this complete discription. That is why it is necessary for one to get help from others in different disciplines such as geography, psychology, and botany. Lowie then presents examples of ethnographers who have a completed an ethnography. He also emphasizes the importance of giving a detailed description that contains insights into correlations so others can obtain meaning from the ethnographer’s work. The next section is short one and discusses how Lowie rejects Dr. Fortes’s contention that social structure "is not an aspect of culture but the entire culture of a given people being subsumed under the head of social structure." (531). Lowie believes that social structure is an aspect of culture. He then presents evidence for his argument against Dr. Fortes’ point of view. The third and final section discusses that the difference between cultural and social anthropologists can be explained by the terms historians versus generalizers. He presents evidence against this contention and states that the ethnographer as well as the social anthropologist has to explore history to get a full understanding of the culture. Lowie then states and concludes that "complete description involves a global survey of correlations because only such a global survey guarantees accurate definition of the cultural phenomenon under discussion in relation to its real or apparent equivalents elsewhere." (532). This article was well organized, clear and concise. Lowie does a good job presenting evidence to defend his various arguments. He presents multiple examples from other anthropologists to add to the credibility of his opinion. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Lowie,
Robert H. Ethnography, Cultural and Social Anthropology. American
Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol. 55(4): 527-533. In this article,
Lowie draws upon the ideas of earlier anthropologists to show how their
works have reflected on cultural and social anthropology. He first
gives his definition of cultural anthropology (ethnography) and then
compares it with social anthropology as defined by his British colleagues.
The article is divided into three sections in which Lowie utilizes
the first to characterize his definition of a true ethnographer. Lowie believes that
culture is the big theme that occurs over and over again in anthropological
works. He explains that if cultural anthropology only deals with cultural
history, it would display a one-sided view about the subject. In properly
viewing anthropology, Lowie brings in the term “ethnography.” Ethnography,
according to British colleagues in the field, refers to the “descriptive
accounts of non-literate peoples” (527). Lowie accepts this definition
and assumes that the word “accounts” refers to culture. Furthermore,
he extends the term “ethnography” to covering all aspects of culture,
both past and present. He defines the ideal aim of ethnography as “the
complete description of all cultural phenomena everywhere and at all
periods” (528). Lowie realizes that it is not possible for an individual
to master all the different aspects of a single culture. Therefore,
a true ethnographer will draw upon the studies and works of people
in other fields. Such fields can range from zoology, botany, or metallurgy.
Lowie gives several examples where ethnographers have referred to other
disciplines to intensify their studies. Ethnography is not
the mere accumulation and presentation of collected data, it requires
the ethnographer to enlarge and expand on the data collected. Ethnographers
are always looking for new approaches to techniques that have long
been used and to attack trivial problems. It is not a simple task to
understand a given set of data because there is always a different
approach to observing and understanding the material at hand. For example,
one ethnographer may extract one meaning from a set of given information
while a second ethnographer can extract a different meaning in which
the first did not gain. In realizing the wide variety of interpretations
that different ethnographers can come up with, Lowie develops two counts
of a true ethnographer: they concern themselves with the whole or at
least the major part of the total range of cultural phenomena, and
they explore deep in their fields of specialization (531). In the second section,
Lowie discusses the idea of social anthropology and how he accepts
social anthropologists as scholars who deal with an important subdivision
of culture. He shows strong disagreement with Dr. Fortes’s idea that
social structure “is not an aspect of culture but the entire culture
of a given people handled in a special frame of theory” (531). Instead,
Lowie believes that the social structure of a people is, indeed, one
aspect of their culture. In the latter part of this section, he provides
evidence to support his stand and argues why Dr. Fortes’s point of
view should be rejected. Lowie sets aside
the third section to explain how the terms historians and generalizers
help distinguish between a cultural and a social anthropologist. He
explains the difference between “descriptive integration” and “complete
description.” Complete description, according to Lowie, involves a
global survey of correlations because such surveys guarantee accurate
definition of the cultural phenomenon under discussion in relation
to its real or apparent equivalents that may be or have occurred elsewhere
(532). Therefore, it is necessary that both cultural and social anthropologist
first explore history in order to comprehend the full picture of a
particular culture. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Lurie, Nancy Oestreich Winnebago Berdache American Anthropologist December, 1953 Vol. 55(5):708-712 This article is an account of the berdache role that was evident in Winnebago culture until around the turn of the century. It was generally agreed by a number of informants that the berdache was a man who dressed as a woman, performed women’s tasks better than any normal woman, and had the capacity to predict future events. A man who took on this role had been directed to do so by the moon, a female spirit, at the time of his vision quest. Sometimes these men even married other men. At one time the
berdache was a highly honored and revered individual, but eventually
the Winnebago became ashamed of the custom because the white people
thought it was amusing or evil. The original Winnebago term for berdache
usually translated as Blue Lake Woman, and the The description of the berdache was contrasted with a man who was forced to take on a female role. One story tells of a chief of another tribe who was captured and allowed to live under the condition that he take on a woman’s role. Another story tells of a man who fled a battle and when the Winnebago later discovered his cowardice, he had to live as a woman. In the case of the berdache, the person held an honored and respected position in the society, whereas a man forced to take on a female role was disgraced and dishonored. This article is an interesting report of the Native American perspective on gender roles and their interchangeability. Its detailed accounts of this phenomenon are easy to read and understand. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Lurie,
Nancy Oestreitch. Winnebago Berdache. American Anthropologist, 1953 Vol.55(1):708-712. In this article
Nancy Oestreitch Lurie proves that in Winnebago culture there is evidence
suggesting that the berdache role was apparent even after the turn
of the century. There were inconsistency within the data when Lurie
spoke with both natives of the tribe whose accounts were somewhat contrary
to each other and also with the missionaries whose descendants remember
hearing accounts about them. The ethnographic documentation of the
berdache is limited which indicates both the Native American and European
views on these shameful men. She sets up here
article in four sections: what the berdache are, the reaction from
Europeans which affected Native American views, the term used to describe
berdache, and finally, discloses the stories and information she has
documented. Lurie starts by describing the berdache as a man who dressed
as a woman, who performed woman’s tasks often surpassing women’s abilities,
and was capable of foretelling the future. The berdache took this role
because a female spirit, the moon, instructed him to do so at his vision
quest. However, there is not sufficient information which demonstrates
the reaction of the berdaches who married other men. There is little
or no documentation due to the fact that the berdaches became shameful
after European intervention. After white people thought it was amusing
or evil, berdaches were not considered honorable. The embarrassment
lead to threats when the last berdache who tired to fulfill his role
was threatened. The term for berdache in Winnebago culture is uncertain.
It began as a descriptive term but turned into a derogatory expression
after 1947 used by young men in Lurie concludes
by explaining how the role of the berdache changed in 1885 in CLARITY: 5 LAUREN
COLES Mandelbaum, David G. On the Study of National Character. American Anthropologist. April-June 1953 Vol 52(3):174-187. The author’s objective in this article is to criticize Margaret Mead’s paper dealing with national character. The author believed Mead’s ideas to be very "useful" and "stimulating", yet felt that the areas of applied anthropology, psychological theory, and sampling techniques and theory were misrepresented (Mandebaum 174). The author defines national character as "the formal institutions as well as the informal regularities of behavior which characterize the nation" (175). In her paper, Mead described national character studies as fueled by "world political situations" (176). Mandelbaum claims that national character is not necessarily tied to current political exigencies and the research of anthropology would "suffer" from a lack of scientific or scholarly methods if fueled by world politics. The author agrees that applied anthropology can "be of great importance for certain governmental problems," but to restrict the applications of anthropology to "political exigencies" would limit the possibilities "of this promising field" (180). The author also disagreed with Mead’s idea that "it is the presence of psychological theory….that differentiates the culture-personality approach", where Mead named five different psychological theories, which can be used for a "culture-and-personality" approach to national character studies (180). The author claims that many of the personality theories created have not been universally agreed upon by psychologists, and that "psychologists are not at all sure about the nature of intra-psychic structures" (181). Margaret Mead also felt that sampling was an important means through which a national character is identified. The author, however, believes that sampling provides "relatively few observations" with which a generalization of national character can be based on. Also, the author states that the use of a survey to help define national character may only describe a "few communities which have been studied" instead of a whole nation (182). Furthermore, the author states that Mead’s emphasis on delineating patterns in society lacks a method in which "historical, survey, or statistical documentations" are used in order to legitimize the process of delineating patterns (183). The author explains his objective in a thorough manner, but the article requires careful and critical reading. Further background knowledge of Mead’s national character paper would make the article less one-sided. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Mandelbaum, David G. On The Study Of National Character. American Anthropologist 1953 Vol.55 (2): 174-187 This article is
a source of "interchanging of ideas", that were once discussed
at the International Symposium of 1952. The main focus of the paper
is on Dr. Margaret Meads writings on the subject of national character,
and on the "relation of the national character studies to applied
anthropology, psychological theory and to sampling techniques and theory" (pg.147). This paper is divided
into four parts in which deal with studying and analysing national
character on significant grounds. The first part includes introduction
to what is meant by national character and how it correlates to national
culture. Mandelbaum states that prior to any analysis of national character,
all aspects of national character must be known. Thereby, once a culture
is described, then the analysis of culture-personality takes a dimension.
Thus, the analysis of national character works hand in hand with the
culture personality aspect. However, these analyses are advantageous
and disadvantageous at the same time. They are Advantageous that the
studies are ‘rich resources for explaining and predicting the ways
of men’. Meanwhile, disadvantageous due to the fact that studying national
character is problematic in different levels. In the second part
Mandelbaum draws attention to the fact that Mead’s paper proposes that ‘national
character studies take their form and methods from the exigencies of
the post-1939 world political situation’, which is a according to the
author a wrong statement. He goes on to prove the fact that national
character studies are not primarily just for the purpose of applied
science for the governments. If this was the case, such analyses would ‘suffer
in valid results. In the third part of the paper, the author directs
his argument on to the fact that psychological theory in relation to
character analysis needs clarification. Thus, in the last part of the
paper the author discusses the problem of sampling in national character
studies, by brining forth points made by Mead in her paper regarding
the size and complexity of groups that are studied, and how all this
reflects on the studies of national character. Finally, he argues;
the problems of sampling in national character studies will receive
further attention as the research develops. Thus, the sole purpose
of this paper was to define problems revolving around national character
studies in order to interchange ideas and modify and develop such studies. CLARITY 3 Mandelbaum, David G. University Museums. American Anthropologist December 1953 Vol 55(5):755-759. What is a university museum? Sadly, according to the author, many are little more than ill-suited, architecturally unappealing "storehouse[s] of jumbled oddities" (756). He goes on to paint a vivid picture of what a university museum should be. Above all, the museum should be a place that is used and that beckons people to return again and again. Mandelbaum suggests that the place to start in revamping the museum is to ask the right question: "What do we want to say?" rather than "What have we got to show?" Rather than showing a collection of specimens, like so many "isolated words in a dictionary," the specimens should be "part of a lucid presentation like the flow of phrases in an illuminating lecture" (757). Displays should be able to serve as "tangible and intriguing evidence" of various aspects of man’s history. The university museum should be of value to young and old alike. From young children in elementary school who are just learning about early North American life to older members of the community at large, the university museum should be a storehouse of visual information. Students of many different disciplines can gain from museum presentations, from students of social science to students of political science. The museum can "impart some understanding of the nature of human cultural, social and organic life" (757). Mandelbaum spends some time in the article discussing the aesthetic qualities of what would, in his view, be an effective university museum. He suggests that the entrance to the museum be inviting but not overwhelming. He suggests outdoor exhibits and exhibits which can be viewed while seated. He suggests simple and uncluttered galleries; rooms that ought to be "truly stages on which ideas are presented, the presentation being accomplished by object, picture and printed word rather than by voice and gesture" (759). The bottom line for Mandelbaum is that "mere caretaking is often, for museums as for other national resources, more costly than vigorous and intelligent use" (759). Mandelbaum clearly makes his case for overhauling university museums. His vision of a truly effective museum is inspiring. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Marriott, McKim Village
Structure and the This article is
interested in questions surrounding how the government of Marriott is interested
in the revenue systems of the government in Marriott explains the differences between villages and how revenue collectors considered them. It is noted that some groups of low-income houses were "felt to belong to the estates of" (138) high-income people whom the low-income people may have served. Tax agents free of the estates collected from them and the peasants whose houses were considered a part of them. These types of classifications may show clues as to what the social structure was once like. Also Marriott looks at other aspects of how colonial rule of police and tax had on the social realm. The colonists "mapped ‘tribal’ (caste) distributions" (141) into rigid structures that were unlike the loose divisions that existed before. This new rigid system required tax amounts depending on which tribal group people belonged to. Tribe distinction was used as a measure of agricultural ability. Other forms of rule in the past are also mentioned. Marriott points
out the complications of attempting to follow traditional means of
rule in rural CLARITY RANKING: 2 Mensh, Ivan N. and Jules, Henry. Direct Observation and Psychological Tests in Anthropological Field Work. American Anthropologist October 1953 Vol.55(4):461-480. The authors’ aims in this article are to describe and give merits and disadvantages to direct observation in the fieldwork of anthropology, and psychological testing in the fieldwork as well. The authors use a model to describe why direct observation and psychological testing are needed to understand humans through their "biological, psychological, historical, and social processes." They claim psychological testing helps the researcher understand what happens to a person physically and mentally under certain environments. They say this can show how culture played a role in evolution. The authors claim that direct observation is necessary because it enables the researcher to observe over long periods of time and get to know those being observed in a complex way that would otherwise not be achieved (although they say this causes problems as the research might be translated in a biased manner). They use charts from direct observation research to prove the level of intimacy achieved by researchers using this method in their fieldwork. Psychological testing in anthropological fieldwork can be equally beneficial, according to the authors. They give a brief history of individual and group psychological testing (both World War I and World War II used massive psychological tests). The authors say certain criteria must be observed when conducting the tests. These include understanding the level of literacy of the society being studied. They also claim data must be collected for group norms as opposed to individual testing. The authors also name many of the problems and errors that arise when using psychological testing in anthropological fieldwork. They authors say that before using data gathered from direct observation and psychological testing, an anthropologist should be sure of the "validity; reliability of the test situation and of the responses to it…" along with the interpretation of the data and the ease with which it may be used. I found this article difficult to read because the terminology was unfamiliar and the amount of information was intense. However, it was written fairly clearly and concisely, and the authors achieved their objective. CLARITY RANKING:3 Mensh,
Ivan N. and Jules Henry. Direct
Observation and Psychological Tests in Anthropological Field Work. American Anthropologist
October 1953. Vol. 55(4):
461-479. In this article,
Ivan Mensh and Jules Henry argue that direct observation and projective
psychological testing, when carried out according to the criteria they
enumerate, provide two crucial tools with which the anthropologist
may better understand human beings and the biological, psychological,
historical, and social processes that shape human lives. The authors of this article base their argument
not on their own research, but on an assessment of the body of anthropological
research that draws upon projective psychological testing. Mensh and Henry’s
appraisal builds upon their assumption that in order to understand
a particular human society the anthropologist must understand the stimuli
that impinge on the members of that society. In endeavoring to understand these stimuli,
the anthropologist can rely on either his or her “naked eye” or “an
instrument.” Given their belief
that the instruments available to the anthropologist in 1953 are no
more reliable than human faculties, the authors of this article favor
the former option. Nevertheless,
they do concede that direct observation has its shortcomings, particularly
insofar as the reality the anthropologist observes must be filtered
through his own personal and theoretical expectations. However,
by engaging in systematic observation from a number of different viewpoints,
obtaining enough cases to lend credibility to observation, and manipulating
quantitatively the data collected, the anthropologist can minimize
the extent to which distortion shapes the conclusions at which he or
she arrives. The authors’ discussion
of the value of projective psychological testing—open-ended assessments,
like the Rorschach, in which subject responses must be interpreted—begins
by dispelling the notion that such tests can act as a check on the
anthropologist’s direct observations. Rather,
these types of tests suffer from an “indeterminate” quality that effectively
robs them of their objectivity. Despite
this fact, according to the authors of this article, projective psychological
tests are useful to the anthropologist to the extent that they “expand
the scope [of a study] through increasing the range of sampling and
through turning up facts and giving insights that direct observation
alone might not reveal.” After providing
a brief description of the history of psychological testing—a story
that begins with the work of Galton and is fundamentally shaped by
the experience of World Wars I and II—Mensh and Henry enumerate an
exhaustive set of scientific criteria by which all valid projective
devices must abide: adequate sampling; quantifiable data; standardized
procedure in administration, scoring, and interpretation; and economy
of subject and examiner time, to name a few. Thereafter,
Mensh and Henry delineate the specific needs of the field anthropologist:
the measurement of personality “as a whole” by culturally unbiased
tests that permit the quick and easy sampling of large numbers of subjects. Ultimately, according
to the authors, the anthropologist who employs projective psychological
testing in his or her field work must balance the effort to achieve
anthropological flexibility and practicality on the one hand with the
effort to achieve scientific objectivity on the other. For Ivan Mensh and Jules Henry, the solution
to this dilemma is not the abandonment of projective psychological
testing altogether, but the critical use by the anthropologist of such
tests and test data CLARITY RANKING:
4 SETH
CAFFREY Newman, Marshall T. The Application of Ecological Rules To The Racial Anthropology Of The Aboriginal New World American Anthropologist August, 1953 Vol. 55(3):311-327 The author’s objective was to explore whether the commonly accepted theories regarding natural selection and environmental conditions apply to aboriginal persons from colder environments when compared with those who originate from warmer climates. To test if these theories were applicable to these diverse people, Newman examined two rules purposed by Bergmann and Allen, regarding "body heat retention or dissipation by respectively reducing or increasing the radiating skin surface per unit of body mass" (311). One rule purposed by Bergman is that "the maximum retention of body heat in cold climates occurs when the radiating skin surface is small in relation to body mass" (324). Another rule developed by Allen states, "cold climate species have reduced extremities and appendages thus further reducing the body surface" (324). Previous studies regarding adaptive changes to the environment had been done by examining animals living in warm and cold climates. The author points out that the previous theories are valid although "their usefulness as interpretative tools in mammalian taxonomy is hampered by certain limitations not present in human studies" (312). The author feels that "Bergmann’s and Allen’s rules may be more closely operative in people than in other animals" (313). Newman discovered through his investigation that there is evidence of adaptive changes in aboriginal persons from varying climates. Despite this finding, the author still notes, "how much of the adaptations is due to natural selection of inherited body forms and how much to direct non-genic effect during individual life span cannot be determined" (325). The author presents
a very interesting study and provides maps of the CLARITY RATING: 5 Newman T. M. The
Application of Ecological Rules To The Racial Anthropology Of The
Aboriginal Newman’s objective
was to relate how adaptive changes in bodily forms were correlated
to the environment in which they were living in or that they were hereditary.
Newman only focused on the male population and did not mention anything
about the female and the children population. He used several maps
with distinctive makings to show readers that the people in different
parts of the Newman was frank
to admit that he did not have solid evidence of his findings but just
an average of it. For example on page 313, he said the "where
only one series is available for a wide-spread group, I have assumed
that this series is wholly representative of it." Even the maps
that he had presented in the article were "borrowed" and
the findings on the map were possibly inaccurate. According to Newman,
he said, "with or without adequate data shaded in all areas." (Pg.
313) This is not very convincing at all. The article should
be read very carefully and slowly, as some of the points made by Newman
are rather confusing and ambiguous as they jump back and forth of each
other. CLARITY RANKING:
2 Norbeck, Edward Age
Grading In The author’s objective
in this article is to point out the emphasis on age grading and age
classes in There are a few instances of age grading in the pre-adolescent age group. There are two classes within this group, the first infancy to about seven years old. This group of children had to perform certain simple duties for the community. It was suggested that children were not recognized as member of the human society until they were about seven years old. The second group were children from the age of seven to about fourteen years. "The age of seven years seems to have... been considered to be the transition stage from infancy or early childhood, to boyhood or maidenhood, and all sorts of ceremonies are observed by the parents to have the child pass the stage safely." (374) In this group there were several purification ceremonies, and they had to supervise the younger group. The next age group is the adolescence and early maturity group. This groups age’s range from about sixteen to middle age. Within this group it is very common to have a young men’s association. This group is called Seinendan. There are two separate types of Seinendan, one of the older men and one of the younger. It was thought that puberty ceremonies existed among this group. Once they get married this membership in these groups are ended. Data on formalized age-classes for young women are scantier. Middle age was not considered a separate group from the previous stated group, but there were two overlapping groups within this group. One composed of young married men, and the other of vigorous, able-bodied men whether single or married responsible for heavy duty work. The last group described was the older adult group. This group was responsible for most of the religious ceremonies. They had certain privileges also, they were allowed to use obscenities and tell dirty jokes that younger people could not. This article provides
a lot information about the past age-grading system in CLARITY RANKING:5 NAHALA BUYCKS: Norbeck, Edward. Age-Grading
in This article, written
by Edward Norbeck, attempts to delineate certain aspects of the "Age-Grading" system
in The article introduces
four primary social classes (based on age and marital status) recognised
throughout historic In modern CLARITY RANKING:
4 Phillips, Philip and Gordon R. Willey. Method and Theory in American Archeology: An Operational Basis for Culture-Historical Integration. American Anthropologist December 1953 Vol.55(5):615-633 Phillips and Willey’s objective is to discuss new trends for American archeological thinking by reviewing the past and current trends. The authors first came up with three general points of view on the outlook of American archeological thinking, which includes sound field work, careful analysis, and classification. Phillips and Willey note that, "archeologists are not only concerned with phenomena, but the meaning in patterned relationships. Such patterns were pursued through descriptive taxonomy or taxonomy combined with temporal and spatial distribution" (615). They suggest the time has come to examine the ways archaeologists have ordered this data. The authors note that the unifying themes of archeological research are, "spatial-temporal ordering, contextual reconstruction, and taxonomic identification" (618). American archeology is based on historical synthesis, which facilitates integration in all related fields, but without an operational system, these things cannot be incorporated. The article urges that the operational system "must serve as the foundation for further theoretical formulations in the fields of culture continuity and change as these processes are observed and plotted from the data of prehistory" (618). This operational system will not inhibit any past developments, but will help with exploring new boundaries. The authors conclude with four ideas, which will provide new trends for American archeology. The article states, " (1) that the primary emphasis continue to be placed on the organization of components and phases in local and regional sequences… (2) that phases be studied intensively as the effective contexts of archeological culture (3) that their internal spatial and temporal dimensions be kept within manageable limits of magnitude, and (4) that their external spatial, temporal, and formal relationships be studied and expressed in terms of traditions and horizons without recourse to any taxonomic formulations of a higher order than themselves" (631). This article was interesting, but it kept reiterating the same concepts over and over again, instead of coming to a conclusion. I feel this article could have been just as effective if it was shorter. The detailed description of the new objectives for archeological thinking helps the reader to envision what the authors were speculating. However, the article does not state if these new trends were going to take place, and when. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Phillips,
Philip and Gordon Wiley. Method
and Theory in American Archeology: An Operational Basis for Cultural-Historical
Integration. American Anthropologist December, 1953 Vol. 55(5):
615-631 Phillips and Wiley
claim that the goal of archeology is to create an image of life using
the limited evidence left by the residue of the past. Archeology is
to anthropology what paleontology is to biology. In other words, archeology
places culture into a historical context, enhancing the power of ethnographic
research. Thus, Philips and Wiley feel it is critical to understand
the internal structures of archaeological studies. They primarily focus
their argument on the organization of components and phases within
archeology. Archeology uses
two basic mechanisms for historical-cultural integration, a static
method, and a fluid method. The static method, includes “concepts” and “phases,” and
the fluid method includes “tradition” and “horizon” styles. Horizon
and tradition are integrative devices, used to distill the contents
of phases. The effectiveness of archeological method depends on the
interplay between traditions and horizons and phases and concepts. A phase is the practical
and intelligible unit of archeological study. A phase possesses traits
that are characteristically different from all other units similarly
conceived. Ideally, several components comprise one phase, and cultures
manifest themselves through more than one component. Horizon style is a special continuum that
is represented by the wide distribution of a recognizable art style.
This model therefore helps place various archeological phases, regardless
of how they are laid out spatially, into a specific time-period. A
cultural tradition is a distinctive way of life, reflected in various
aspects of culture, extending through some period of time and showing
a basic consistent unity. Philips and Wiley conclude that the external,
spatial, temporal, and formal relationships of phases and concepts
should be studied and expressed in terms of integrative devices such
as horizons and traditions. CLARITY : 1 DANIELLE
CHERRICK Ritzenthaler, Robert E. The Impact of Small Industry on an Indian Community. American Anthropologist. January-March, 1953 Vol.55(1) 143-148. The author’s objective is to show the mostly positive impacts the establishment of the Simpson Electric Company had on the Lac Du Flambeau Indian Reservation. He begins his article by explaining the poor conditions of the reservation before the influence of the Simpson Electric Company. He depicts the reservation as bleak, with "shacks" (p.143) that were "usually in need of paint and repair" (p.143). The inside of these shacks he depicts as equally grim, with "battered furniture," and the inhabitants "dressed to match this milieu" (143). The author then gives examples of several of the positive consequences he believes followed the establishment of the company in 1946, on the Chippewa Reservation. After two years of problems with the punctuality of the workers, the functions of the company smoothed over and positive effects began to be seen. The presence of a "steady stream of money" (p.145) in the community allowed the people to improve the conditions of their lives. The workers made on average $50.00 a week. This money allowed them to do things such as install electricity in their homes, purchase electrical appliances such as irons, repaint their houses, and purchase automobiles (p.146). This "positive prosperity" (p.146) in the people’s lives also began to affect the entire community, including "a stimulus to local businesses" (p.146) such as the hardware store and the super-market. The author points out that as a result of steady wages, the Indians were able to eat better. He also points to the very important improvement in work ethic that was seen among employees of the electric company. He maintains that it encouraged "punctuality and regularity among the workers" (p.146). Toward the end of the article, the author discusses the " significance of the Simpson Electric Company project for the welfare of the American Indian in general" (p.147). The author believes the idea of bringing industry to reservations is the way to solve economic hardships experienced by many American Indians at the time. His evidence for this idea is the content of his entire article. He does point out, however, that this course of action could not be used to solve the economic problem entirely. Rather, he believes, " it is rather advanced as a program that could help a considerable number of our Indian communities help themselves" (p. 148). Overall, I found the article to be easy to understand. The author gave an abundance of evidence to support his opinion on the positive impacts the electric company had on this Chippewa community. The main points of the article were easy to understand even if only read once. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Rouse, The proposed Circum-Caribbean
theory offers a very rigid sequence of cultural development and diffusion.
The author’s intent in this article was to investigate the validity
of the theory. First, the original theory was broken down into a sequence
that was believed to represent the order of which the The author then suggests that classifying pottery is the best way to determine if the proposed order is accurate. The placement of pottery development into a chronological sequence helped him to conclude that the theory was only partially correct. This article is unnecessarily long and wordy, making its intent unclear. A portion of the article’s title implies that a test of theory is being reviewed; however, it is not until the conclusion that any comparisons are made between the original and the hypothesized theories. There are a lot of gratuitous sentences full of unnecessary information that shadow fairly specific topics. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Rouse, In this essay, anthropologist
Irving Rouse, describes the development of a new theory of South American
culture history, which he identifies as "a significant by-product
of the Handbook of South American Indians (Steward, 1946-50)" (p
188). The purpose of this essay is to test the validity of Steward’s
Circum-Caribbean theory in relation to "new data and their synthesis" (p
189). Rouse challenges the aforementioned theory, which was mainly
based on ethnological data, by presenting archeological evidence that
contradicts Steward’s Circum-Caribbean supposition. Rouse identifies
a "distinctive point" in Steward’s theory, in its assumption
of a northward spread of Formative culture from the central Andes into
the Caribbean, while not allowing for diffusion eastward into Through the use
of archeological data, Rouse confirms that the distribution of marginal
cultures, conforms with the Circum-Caribbean theory, but that the distributions
of Circum-Caribbean and fails to collaborate
with the archeological evidence presented in this essay. Rouse concludes
that his essay is yet "another example of the danger of reconstructing
culture history primarily on the basis of ethnological data, without
the time perspective provided by archeological research" (p 198). CLARITY RANKING:
5 Sanjuan,
Pedro and D.B. Shimkin. Culture
and World View: A Method of Analysis Applied to Rural Sanjuan and Shimkin
chose to study three rural districts in pre-revolutionary All three rural
districts were agricultural communities where they were self sufficient
with the exception of importing some dietary shortages like the Kholmogory-Pinega
peasants lacked breadstuffs. They also had “common customary law, household
functions, child rearing practices, pre-marital sex license, exogamic
limits, wedding customs, institutions of self-government, and Greek
Orthodox beliefs. They differ,
above all, in the absence, presence and type of serfdom and its survivals;
in demography, especially population density, concentration, household
size, and male to female ratios; in diet and housing; in the position
of women; and in the character of extra-Christian religious beliefs”(346). The authors used
ten proverbs that contained references from gender, race, social status,
to religion, among other things. The way they determined what region believed
in what was by taking the frequency the proverb appeared in the district,
if it was favorable or unfavorable, and what themes were expressed. The
common philosophy found in the three regions was indicated by negativism,
fatalism, pessimism and a strong belief in God. The
hardships and uncertainties of peasant life justified pessimism; man’s
powerlessness before authority made fatalism and a strong belief in
God as one’s only hope is rather logical. Although
this study broke down the dynamics of the regions studied, one must
not forget that there are also other possible differences like childrearing
for example. This article is at times hard to read due
to the use anthropological terms and Russian as if it is implied that
the reader fully understands them. CLARITY RATING:
3 CHRISTIE
AUW Sasaki, Tom T. and David L. Olmstead Navaho Acculturation and English Language Skills American Anthropologist January-March,1953 Vol.55(1):89-99 This article examines the relationship between Navaho acculturation and mastery of the English Language. Sasaki and Olmstead agree that developing English language skill is a principal goal among the Navaho community. However, despite the interest in attaining English language skill, very few Navaho speak English. According to a 1930’s census only 10% of the Navaho population spoke English "reasonably well." Limited resources and increasing population have created a newfound pressure for Navaho people to leave the reservation. Sasaki and Olmstead assert that in order for these migrations to be successful Navaho migrants need English language skills to adjust amongst non-Navaho people. The authors first set out to determine how many Navaho men on the Fruitland Project of the reservation speak English. Sasaki and Olmstead took a sample of 86 adult males and rated their English skills on a scale of 1 to 5; those rated 1 spoke English fluently, and those rated 5 spoke no English at all. The Navaho subjects were then grouped according to their educational background, their experience off the reservation, age, and military service. The authors’ findings show that when grouped by age, Navaho men ages 17-30 have the best English language skill, ranking an average score of 2.8. Sasaki and Olmstead also found that veterans had slightly better English skills than non-veterans, and that Navahos with four or more years off the reservation showed significantly more developed English language skills than those who spent less time off the reservation, or who had never left the reservation. The authors also found that those with increased education, especially off reservation or mission school education rated higher for English language skill. In examining all the data Sasaki and Olmstead argue that subjects with more education are the best prepared to adjust to off-reservation life based on their English language skill. In their article the authors give detailed charts and explain of their findings. This article was clear and the authors did a good job of discussing and supporting their findings, as well as acknowledging the shortcomings of the study. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Saski, Tom T. & Olmstead, Davis L. Navaho Acculturation and English-Language Skills. American Anthropologist 1953 55:89-99. Saski and Olmsted’s
paper is a study of the number of adult males at Fruitland Who posses enough
English skills to adequately communicate with English speakers, thus
making satisfactory gain on and off the reserve. This paper will attempt
to test the hypothesis that in order to learn and speak a language
fluently one must be in constant contact with a community whose native
tongue is that particular language. Saski and Olmstead
begin by discussing the overpopulated reserves and the limited agricultural
and pastoral resources that have proved to be of disadvantage to many
Navaho people, as it makes it near to impossible for many of them to
live on the reserve. Regardless if some choose ‘home’ outside the reserve
or choose to remain on the reserve and make do with the limited resources
available to them, both groups come across a barrier: the ability to
communicate in English. Navaho people have expressed a conscious concern
regarding their ability to communicate with Anglos on and off the reserve,
in social situations and with government agents. English skills are
vital if Navaho people expect to make a satisfactory transition off
the reserve or have reasonable gain on the reserve. Approximately one
third of the adult males living on the Fruitland reserve were tested
and graded on their accuracy in communicating and comprehending English.
According to the results of the tests, each person was categorized
into one of the following four classes: 1) None- the inability to communicate
or comprehend English. 2) Native English-
the ability to communicate and comprehend English sparsely, and where
Navaho words are substituted for an unknown English word. In this category
the relationship between the age and score of men was very interesting
as the younger men’s ability to communicate in English more fluently
was greater then the older men. 3) Poor- the ability
to communicate about the basic activities of everyday life, but lacking
the ability to converse on a higher level. Men in this category were
veterans and their ability to communicate in English was profoundly
greater than non-veterans. The veterans are not only younger in age,
but have received five or more years of schooling; however, the service
of the armed forces is not seen as being responsible for the difference
because Marine veterans whose time in the service was greater were
less proficient than other veterans. 4) Fair-the ability
to communicate and comprehend English adequately but having some phonological
difficulties. Men in this category worked off the reserve. Although
it is believed that language skills will improve if in constant contact
with the members of the community who speak that native tongue, this
did not occur with the many Navahos who worked off the reservation.
This is not because the theory is false but because the Navaho labourers
are still in constant contact with their own, as they work for other
Navahos. 5) Good- the ability
to communicate in English indistinguishably from other English- speaking
communities. The men in this category were those with the longest schooling
record, and these were the men who gained the most off the reservation. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Schneider, David. In the Article "Yap
Kinship Terminology and Kin Groups," David Schneider reports the
kinship terminology of In Schneider’s analysis
of the However, Schneider
goes further to investigate the notion of the nuclear family set in
the CLARITY: 4 Schull,
William J. The Effect of Christianity on Consanguinity in In this article,
Schull tries to show the effect of the Christian religion on consanguinity
in Schull proves his
view by looking at the effect of religion in isolating portions of
the population in He then goes through
the history of the Catholic Church in Another way Schull
uses to prove the effects of Catholicism is by using an equation based
on a random consanguineous mating and finds that the estimated isolate
size is three times that of the marriageable population. He attributes
this inconsistency with the possibility of religion as one of the factors
of reducing the rate. He also explores the idea that Christians tend
to marry other Bhristian, so there is more isolation and less admixture. This brings us in
the genetic implications of the Christian community and how that can
affect the differences between the two groups of people. He briefly
goes through the effects of migration, size of populations, and breeding.
If the interaction of the three produces a difference, it is probably
because of Christian influence in isolating form the others. CLARITY: 3 MARY
AKHNOUKH Barnard College/Columbia University (Paige West) Shapera, I. Some
Comments on Comparative Method in Social Anthropology. American
Anthropologist 1953 Vol. 55:353-366 This article by
I. Schapera identifies anthropologists comparing different societies
as a commonly yet interestingly problematic. He continues by suggesting
that a reason for these problems in comparison can be attributed to
scientific method, or in fact lack, of it. By reviewing some
recently published studies by British and North American anthropologists
of the time, Schapera lists inconsistencies in anthropological methods,
and he questions whether anthropologists have a constant value or meaning
for the term ‘society’. Comparing studies done by anthropologists of
the late 19th and early 20th centuries with those
done during the mid 20th century he finds the latter do
not show as exhaustive analyses of discrepancies or contradictions.
Furthermore, most recent works quote sources that are considered "classic" samples
by the writers, and have been literature mainly in English, rather
than inclusive of those of other languages, indicating additional lack
of exhaustive referencing. One of the key concerns
in this article is anthropologists’ written presentations of kinship
and marriage. For example, he considers presenting "a general
view of the nature and implications of kinship in Schapera praises
a sample of work on the stability of marriage in non-European cultures
by Murdock, which drew from randomly chosen samples from scattered
areas, different levels of civilization, and different geographical
locations. Notwithstanding this seemingly ‘commendable’ approach to
the work, he cannot ignore the fact that Murdock’s sources were almost
all taken from English language works, ignoring the multitude of those
done in languages such as Dutch, French, German, and Flemish. Further to comments
on the statistical approach of cultural comparison studies, Schapera
broaches the subject of defining the standard ‘unit social group’ to
be compared in cross-cultural studies. The constancy of this ‘unit’ was
considered imperative by Hobhouse in 1913, as well as Murdock in 1949.
Schapera additionally mentions Radcliffe-Brown’s attempts to iron out
what can be considered a ‘constant unit’ for comparison study. Concluding
this presentation of arguments, Schapera suggests comparing large groups
by types of kinship will solve the problem of lack of comprehensive
coverage, and ensure that all possible group types are covered. Finally
the author states that the method of comparison should be determined
by the problem, meaning that only groups with ‘required characteristics’ need
be considered in comparisons. Following this article
is a brief summary by Milton B. Singer, from the CLARITY RANKING:
4 Shapera,
I. Some Comments on Comparative Method in Social
Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1953
Vol. 55:353-366 In his article,
Shapera rebukes other anthropologist’s works and their comparative
capabilities. He then proposes the creation of actual comparable categories
in order to insure consistency between the subjects being compared.
He uses the example of Kinship and Marriage to argue the biasness of
his contemporaries and strongly objects to their methods of work. He shows three types
of – in his opinion—failed comparative methods; and although, he does
not create a definition for each failed method, he points out specific
problems with each of the examples chosen. In his first example
of a failed method, Shapera claims that out of all the great “treatise” that
have been published, the analyses of kinship and marriage seem to be
produced by a hierarchy, where the written language is english and
the authors are from American or western backgrounds. Also the author’s
interests lie generally in the area they are writing about. His next example
come from a book entitled African Systems of Kinship and Marriage,
edited by Radcliffe-Brown. Shapera shows this work to be hypercritical
by stating that it shows a general overview of African people—but then
clearly in the introduction Radcliffe-Brown not only alludes to, but
fully exposes proof of several different tribal different tribal societies—not
mentioned in the body of the book. The contributors to this work all
came from similar backgrounds and had comparable governing passions,
which only lead to a less realistic, invalid result—in Shapera’s opinion. Shapera’s last case
is a work by a one of his contemporaries, named Murdock. Although Murdock
paints the picture of seeming well supported and unbiased about his
work, he in reality leaves gaps in his comparisons. Then in his defense
he states that his lack of time was a hindrance to his level of incomplete
data and poor performance. Shapera’s next and
core point is the method of how to compare different societies. He
uses the term “units” to breakdown the idea of society and help organize
the certain components which create the larger whole. During this time,
there was no solid term for society so the units or smaller pieces
which made up societies were incomparable—hence Shapera’s problem with
past anthropological work. Shapera argues that
social anthropology would “benefit considerably” if “units” of comparison
were used to relate societies in a more adequate method. Society alone
is too vague a concept to relate differences between--Kinship and Marriage—or
any other field for that matter. Also, the fact that
the people who are doing the comparing all shared similar backgrounds
with similar political views, so, the creation of units could lead
to “valid scientific generalizations,” rather than the comparisons
of different societies with one dominant view comparing their areas
and political backgrounds. ---- Milton .B. Singer
from Chicago University follows up on Shapera’s article, agreeing that
the idea of better classification would be beneficial to comparisons,
and that there is a need to have more intense studies of different
regions. Singer does however find Shapera to be overly critical. He
thinks that the broadness in terms used to compare entities is necessary
in order to form general cultural statements and that there were ambiguities
in Shapera’s “units” for regional comparisons. Overall, he agreed with
Shapera’s confidence and clarity of “social types.” CLARITY RANKING:
4 LAUREN
BELIVE Shimkin, D.B.
and Pedro Sanjuan Culture and World View:
A Method of Analysis Applied to Rural In this article
the authors set out to analyze the cultures and proverbs of three rural
districts in pre-Revolutionary The proverbs analyzed come from three districts studied between 1857 and 1903. The authors take the information gathered during this time and name several cultural traits the districts have in common during the time the proverbs were taken. Common features included sedentary populations primarily dependent upon the cultivation of grain and a strong system of customary law. Next the authors give a description of the basic social structure in all three areas, which were the household, the bilateral kindred, the obscina, which means the local government, and the peasant courts. The nuclear family was the most common form of household and parents had authority over children that was reinforced by religious sanctions. The article continues on through the steps of child rearing up to the age of marriage, with a description of the marriage arrangement and rituals. A brief discussion is made in regard to the local government, peasant courts and their religion, before the authors begin to examine the three regions in succession. They give summaries of the histories of each rural region, giving a quick overview of each before moving onto their analysis of the proverbs. At this point three examples of proverbs for each of the rural areas are given followed by the attitudes expressed by the proverbs. Proverbs stressed by each group are noted and lead into a discussion of each group’s philosophies, which are marked with negativism, as well as the positive things that they put before the negative (i.e. love above hate). The article ends with a lengthy summary of matters discussed and ideas and suggestions on continuing the study and analysis of proverbs among other cultures. The article was rather clear until the analysis of proverbs, which began on page 338. At this point the article becomes difficult to follow and may require re-reading several times before it is comprehensible. Though the authors go into a good detail on the analysis of proverbs in the three rural districts, using plenty of examples, it may be too much detail and the examples may not be as clear as they could have been. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Singer, Ronald The
Sickle Cell Trait in According to Singer, importance of this article "is to consider available evidence of the distribution of the sickle cell trait in Africa, discuss the obvious difficulties in evaluation of the data, and speculate on some of the genetical problems" (634). Singer seeks to discover where and when the sickle cell trait arose and question whether the trait originated from a single or multiple populations. He looks at pervasiveness of the trait in terms of geographic location, supporting the idea of a direct correlation between genetic relationships in groups and the migration of the sickle cell trait over time. Singer applies information gathered by other on-going studies to supplement his own work and proposes to continue his research to better understand the sickle cell trait. Beginning first with a basic discussion of the four main red blood cell abnormalities, Singer suggests that only groups under the "Negro" distinction or possessing a racial admixture including that race suffer from Depranocytosis, or "sickling," of red blood cells. Although in the past there were families of Greek and Italian ancestry suffering from the trait, Singer proposed that racial background research was not completed and there probably was "Negroid" blood in that ethnic line. Singer sites the co-existence of thelassemia and sickle cell anemia as an indicator of the interaction between traits due to "admixture of races". Singer uses other research with ethnic groups suffering from sickle cell anemia to justify his idea of racial connection of these people to "Negroid" genes. This idea of a "Negroid" blood and "admixture" is completely unacceptable and will be discussed later in the commentary. Censoring much information
contaminated by bad methodology, Singer agrees with geneticists that
the sickle cell anemia trait may be carried by a human in a recessive
form. This implies that areas having the highest instance of the trait
may have been the original location. Therefore, based on multiple studies,
Singer believes that according to incidence of the sickle cell trait
in Africa the trait may have originated near the Singer presents a detailed idea of sickle cell anemia that can be fleshed out by reading research mentioned within this article. However, the racist implications of this article make it imperative to regard it as an outdated and inappropriate reference for any modern research. The author draws no relationship between the sickle cell trait and malaria. In many Mediterranean areas, the sickle cell condition was advantageous to thwart the effects of malaria and is not based on any so-called "admixture" of races or the prevalence of what Singer calls "Negroid" blood. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Singer,
Ronald. The Sickle Cell Trait in This article examines
the available evidence concerning the distribution of the sickle cell
trait and the presence of sickle cell anemia, both in On the basis of
present knowledge, the sickling condition is limited to those of Negroid
ancestry and the trait may be utilized in tracing the relationship
of various Negroid groups, as well as the Negro component in phenotypically
non-Negro populations and persons. While an impressive amount of data has been
collected on the incidents of the trait in population groups in West
and For reasons that
are not clear, there is a marked variation in the incidence of the
sickle cell trait and the presence of sickle cell anemia, and the ratio
of the trait and the disease is exactly inverted in Africa as compared
with the CLARITY: 4 Smith, Marian W. Structured and Unstructured Class Societies American Anthropologist April-June, 1953 Vol.55(2):302-305 This article examines what occurrences are common to all societies and what are peculiar to some with an emphasis on class phenomena. Smith states that the modern concern is to consider the interaction of factors such as race, heredity, and environment rather than their isolation when investigating an event. She asserts that there are certain basic forms of social systems that vary significantly less than the elaborations built on them or around them. Smith states that it is necessary to distinguish between the terms "social organization" and "social structure" (303). She defines social organization as the descriptive facts concerning existing social conditions, and social structure as the forms to which the conditions must conform. Smith cites marriage as an institution across social settings that can vary in fashion and be differently integrated with other facets of cultural life, but it is limited and identifiable in terms of classification at any given point. Monogamy would be a structural point in Western society that limits marriage and which influences the bigamist who refuses this form to the greatest extent. Smith moves on to
describing the class phenomena in Indic society as operating within
a structural framework determined by caste. Class phenomena such as
differences in the distribution of wealth, privilege, and power in
Indic society do not correlate with the caste system. Secondarily,
social events can occur without reference to class phenomena, but they
cannot occur without reference to caste phenomena. She contrasts this
with the monarchial period in Smith writes that
family or kinship is common to all human societies but the form or
structure of the family differs from one society to another. Kinship
is at the essential base of every activity in some societies, whereas
in other societies many activities take place with only incidental
reference to family organization. Australian society is an example
of the former and is structured in terms of kinship, whereas the society
of the Smith concludes that kinship and class may be thought of in similar terms, that class phenomena differ from one society to another and that some societies are structured in terms of class, but others are not. This article takes time to digest and understand the distinctions made, but the author gives a good amount of evidence to support her claim and presents an interesting concept. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Swadesh, Morris Archeological and Linguistic Chronology of Indo-European Groups American Anthropologist August, 1953 Vol.55(3):349-352 This article follows extensive studies produced by Morris Swadesh, Marija Gimbutas, and Andre Martinet, to learn more about the divergence of a common "Indo-European" language. According to Swadesh, three kinds of data are vital to the study: "linguistic paleontology", prehistoric geographical names, and lexico-statistic dating. "Linguistic paleontology" is considered to be the "most specific evidence for connecting given prehistoric stages of languages with definite archaeological cultures" (349). Swadesh identifies historic languages such as Greek, Teutonic, Latin, Church Slavic, Persian, and Sanskrit as products of a single prehistoric "Indo-European" language. Dating for the language is suggested to be of the Neolithic Age, according to Gimbutas, because of cognates dealing with agriculture and domestication of animals, but not of metal. This implies that Indo-Europeans practiced agriculture as well as animal domestication before separation of the collective culture into branches. Briefly mentioned is the idea that prehistoric names for places could be used to identify linguistic commonalities between separate contemporary groups. Lexico-statistic dating is vital to a more scientific study of phonetic and analogical relationships between the separate language groups. The lexico-statistic dating strategy works on the hypothesis that non-cultural terminology is replaced at a constant rate and may be compared between two independently changing vocabularies. Taking the percentage of cognate words remaining in both test languages, experts can determine a basic time period during which the languages diverged. Because research testing the divergence of prehistoric language was just beginning at the time of this article, researchers started with languages that have concrete historical and archaeological information. Although a comprehensive lexico-statistical study of both ancient and modern offshoots of the Indo-Europeans has not been made, Andre Martinet has compiled extensive cognate lists between Russian, English, and French. He uses these three modern languages as representatives of Slavonic, Teutonic, and Romanic branches of past vocabularies. From lists included in the article, there is a definite relationship between all three languages. It is proposed that according to both geographic and phonetic distribution, changes occurred in the order of Slavonic, Teutonic, and Romanic. Looking at these relationships, Swadesh develops three hypotheses for divergence of Indo-European language. Two groups could have spoken the same language at the time of divergence, which is proposed to create a change in speech, post-migration. Alternately, two groups may have spoken different dialects before splitting from each other, making the lexical divergence greater than the time of geographical partition. Last, two groups may continue to speak similar languages after migration, so the rate of diversification would be slower. Based on the evidence presented here, Swadesh agrees to the suggestion of a correlation between cultural and population movements during 2000-1800 B.C. and the prehistoric separation of Teutonic and Slavonic languages. This interesting article gives sufficient information to serve as a preliminary source in the study of Indo-European linguistics. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Swadesh, Morris. Archaeological and Linguistic Chronology of Indo-European Groups. American Anthropologist (No Month), 1953. Vol. 55:349-352 In this article,
the aim is to understand cultural change and the dating of prehistory
with particular respects to Indo-European groups. The Indo-European
tongue is the single ancient language that came to be such historical
languages as Latin, Teutonic, Church Slavic, Greek, Persian, and Sanskrit.
This understanding of cultural change is through the relationship between
word and geographical separation. It is also referred to as the lexico-statistic
dating of linguistic divergence. Swadesh refers to Marija Gimbutas
(1952) and her attempt to associate linguistic differences with the
movement of people and assigning dates to them based on archaeological
evidence. Swadesh states that the most specific evidence for doing
so is "linguistic palaeontology". He also notes that wherever
a speech community has broken up, the linguistic changes in one area
becomes more or less independent of those taking place elsewhere. In
order to calculate the lexico-static date of linguistic diversion,
the language must be compared in a series of meanings and agreements
of form: similarities in the meanings and forms such as: 1) two forms
that match phonetically with the transformation of sounds; 2) assimilatory-dissimilatory;
3) analogical changes; 4) symbolic mutations; and 5) affixes. The result
in the percentage of agreements of the similarities within the test
vocabulary shows the time separation when compared to historical instances. In the essay, Swadesh
concludes that the relationship between word and geographical separation
due to migrations depends on 1) if the two groups speak essentially
the same language at the beginning, 2) dialects spoken before the geographical
separation, and 3) the continuance of their speech origin after migration. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Trager, L. George and Henry L. Smith, Jr. The Chronology of North European: A Rejoinder. American Anthropologist. April- June, 1953 Vol. 53(2):295-298. This article’s main purpose is to discuss a paper written by Marija Gimbutas. Gimbutas wrote a paper discussing her objections to Trager and Smith’s 1952 article on aproposed chronology of the various stages of the Indo-Hittite language groups. Trager and Smith’s original article was a hypothesis concerning the linguistic evidence for Indo-Hittite language groups. Gimbutas is an archeologist and uses this knowledge while criticizing Trager and Smith’s article. Throughout the article Trager and Smith point out Gimbutas’s objections and then in return defend their point of view. This article resembles a courtroom trial. One side states their opinion or point and then the other side defends themselves. One objection by
Gimbutas is the use of the phrase " Another objection
by Gimbutas was the question of was These examples above are just two of the many objections that are stated throughout the article. The article shows the confusion of an archeologist point of view of a culture to a linguistics point of view of that same culture. Gimbutas states that her view of the Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic languages comes from an archeologist view of the languages. However, Trager and Smith’s conclude that this difference of opinions and facts are needed to formulate an accurate theory. I found that this article to be confusing at first because it is unlike any other article I have read so far. The fact that I was reading difference of opinions between two parties was interesting and enlightening. Sometimes seeing others points of view helps one to learn more about one’s own point of view. CLARITY: 4 Voget, Fred. Kinship
changes at Caughnawaga. American Anthropologist ; 1953 Vol. 55:
385 -. In the article Kinship
Changes at Caughnawaga, Fred Voget attempts to formulate a basis for
shifts in Iroquois familial/kinship structure. Voget relies very heavily
on the work of L.H Morgan and a years worth of his own fieldwork. Employing
a comaprartive method, Voget looks at his own work and knowledge of
the Iroquois kinship system and Compares that to
work done earlier by Morgan. From this comparison Voget provides the
basis for what he considers a shift in kinship arrangements. He points
to several socio-economic factors that may have contributed to this
shift. Voget called this a shift from the Eskimo system to a kind of
Euroamerican sub-type of Eskimo system. Voget, examines
with intricacy the details of familial structure. The article takes
an in-depth ook at the familial language/ terminology used to describe
specfic lines of relation. In order to provide
a context for this, Voget uses different models of eskimo familial
language and orders them chronologically. What this does is examine
how over time the languge moved from toward a European model. For example
Voget asserts that with the introduction of Europeans also came the
introduction of a European economic model that effectively changed
kinship relations in Caughnawaga. The introduction of industry resulted
in a sort emphasised male role, whereas there may not have been one
prior to industrilization. Voget is also very careful to point out
that the seasonal nature of the new industry effected the living arrangements
as well as relations at Caughnawaga. Due to the fact that work was
seasonal, Voget points out that rather than having either patrilocal
or matrilocal arrangements, often what he found was bilocal arrangements.
These homes with multiple families. Interestingly, this
article looks at the ways in which the emergence of a colonial state
may directly translate into a cultural shift on the part of the colonized.
Voget points out that in Caughnawaga, there was a gradual shift toward
in Euro-Eskimo kinship models. The author does a extensive job of explaining
how a colonial influenve is broad in spectrum and may affect a group
both socially and economically. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Voget,
F. Kinship Changes at Caughnawaga. American Anthropologist, 1953. Vol. 55: 385-394. In his article,
Kinship Changes at Caughnawaga, Fred Voget examines the Iroquois kinship
system and how it has evolved from the past to the current Euroamerican
state which it is in. While
doing so, Voget also studies the causes of this development. Much
of Voget’s work is based on Morgan’s, who studied the Iroquois in the
mid-nineteenth century. From
his studies, Morgan believed that the Seneca symbolized the ideal or
original system for kinship. The
Seneca strongly focused on the sex (gender) of connecting relatives. When
the sex of the connecting relatives is the same, collaterals are merged;
when the sex of the connecting relatives is opposite, the collaterals
are distinct. Voget gives the
following example: “A father’s
brother and a mother’s sister are referred to as father and mother
and their children are considered brothers and sisters. In
contrast, a father’s sister and a mother’s brother are referred to
as aunt and uncle and their children are considered cousins” (386). Voget breaks the
Iroquois kinship system into five major modifications in order to classify
family members. Each of the
five includes issues dealing with generations and gender. The first four modifications incorporate
the Iroquois’ set terminology. With
the fifth modification, however, the kinship terminology is similar
to that of the Euroamerican terminology, showing that the Iroquois
have “developed” their system over time, following a Euroamerican influence. Voget believes that,
over time, there were two major series of changes in the kinship system. The
first was based on the criteria of generation and the second was based
on collaterality. It has been
theorized that the possible causes of these changes were either originated
from modified economic conditions or aroused by a European pressure. The Iroquois families were very aware of
the changes in economic pattern. A
man’s job even emerged over time as a result of this economic pressure. For example, an Iroquois man might have started
out working as a trapper, then as a farmer, and finally as a steel
erection worker, which is thought of as a skilled and highly paid job. This development has consequently emphasized
the male’s role and diminished that of the female. The Europeans not only had an influence on
the economic status of the Iroquois, but also greatly affected the
terminology they used. For example,
the term for aunt comes from the French word tante. Voget thoroughly
explains the Euroamerican role in the development of the Iroquois. His
argument for the Euroamerican influence helps back up the kinship system
evidence. Voget clearly displays the importance of
family in the Iroquois’ lives, and the steps that the Iroquois are
taking towards development, with the help of the Euroamerican influence. CLARITY: 2 ANNA
BENNETT Washburn, S.L. The Piltdown Hoax American Anthropologist December, 1953 Vol.55(5):759-762 This article was about the evidence available on what is known as the Piltdown Hoax, how the hoax was figured out and what led up to it. Because Piltdown had a peculiar anatomy and was one of the key specimens used to support the theory that Homo sapiens had an early origin distinct from Neanderthal man, Piltdown was the center of controversy. The author describes how the jaw of the Piltdown men did not belong to the skull, and that the canine teeth of the Piltdown men were supposedly those of modern apes. There was evidence that showed this information was purposely faked to simulate a fossil skull. In turn, with all the evidence of inconsistencies, the author shows that the Piltdown was a deliberate fake. Washburn presents this information by using specific examples and facts. Using a fluorine test, Piltdown remains were proven to be from the Upper Pleistocene age. Of the few human fossils that were available from the Upper Pleistocene, not one had a jaw like Piltdown. The author also explains how the Piltdown teeth had been artificially planed down. Under a binocular microscope, scratches show on both canine and molars that the surfaces are unnaturally flat with sharp borders. The author goes on to tell how the extreme whiteness of the dentine and light color of the bone obtained by drilling deeply in the jaw shows that it was not naturally associated with the skull. In addition to this, specimens were reanalyzed for fluorine content. The results showed that the remains were not similar in fluorine content. The jaw, teeth, and occipital of Piltdown show no evidence of fluorination in the ground at all. The author concludes that if these bones are recent, they should contain organic material. In closing the author concludes that the elimination of the Piltdown jaw and teeth clarify the problem of human evolution. The author explains that because now there are enough fossils, any major theory of human evolution should not be based on specimens which do not include part of the brain, some face and jaw. He says that this requirement would have prevented the waste of an effort resulting from the Piltdown fake. The elimination clarifies the origin of Homo sapiens and emphasizes the importance of basing theories on adequately preserved and dated fossils. The author explains in closing that it was testing for fluorine which started the chain of events which led to the solution of the Piltdown problem. The author accomplishes his objectives in this short, but detailed article. To understand it you must pay close attention to everything being said. Through detailed evidence and examples the author does a good job explaining the Piltdown problem. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Weckler, J. E. Adoption on Mokil. American Anthropologist October 1953 Vol.55(4):555-568 In this article,
the author aims to study the methods of adoption, and how they have
effects on the societal structure and personality of those involved.
Weckler chooses the people of Mokil, an island in the eastern The author states that the 425 people who inhabited Mokil in 1947, were all descendants of 30 people who survived a typhoon in 1775. Nearly one-third of the people born on Mokil after the typhoon have been adopted, the majority of these being boys, as their work is considered to be more valuable, and the men of Mokil want sons to "carry on the line." Weckler says there are two kinds of adoption in Mokil. The first, sheri shoyshoy, or true and honorable adoption, is a relationship in which the adopter treats the adopted child with love and respect. The land owned by the adopter is handed down after death or marriage of the adopted child. The second form of adoption is known as shotay, or "working man." Here, the adopted is treated like a servant and does not inherit wealth. The adopter of a shotay may mistreat the child without being frowned upon by the society, as the community does not value the opinion of the child. Weckler describes the various reasons a family would adopt a child. The principle reason is the desire of the Mokil to have a family. If the couple never have children of their own, land is passed down to the first adopted boy. If the couple later has a boy after they have adopted a child, the couple’s real child usually takes land even if he is several years younger. Another reason for adoption is the Mokil belief that every man must have a sister, and every woman a brother. Weckler also names extra-marital affairs as a reason to adopt. A man will readily give up a child he does not suspect is his for adoption, or adopt a child that may have resulted from an affair he had. Adoption is also used to establish family bonds with unrelated people and gain or manipulate land deals. The adoptions sometimes extend to neighboring islands. In some instances, children are adopted in the self-interest of the adopter for security, companionship and protection during old age (usually women do this). Also, the father or brother of a mother may adopt an illegitimate child so that she may wed. Traders influenced the Mokil people during the 1800s, changing their views on adoption. Changing factors for the Mokil included a conversion to Christianity in 1862, and the return of a Mokil man who traveled with whalers for ten years. He introduced many new culture ideas to the Mokilese. This man later adopted children to work for him, creating what the Mokil believe was the first shotay relationship. This article was very clear and direct. The author achieved his objective of looking at the adoption customs of the Mokil. The writing was sometimes even colorful. CLARITY RANKING:5 Wedel, Waldo R. Some Aspects of Human Ecology in the Central Plains American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol.55(4):499-514 This article discusses the relationship and interactions between man and his natural environment in the Central Plains. The author begins the article by defining where the Central Plains region is located, and describing its physical environment. The climate is described going into details about the varied rainfall in different regions of the Plains. It is also noted that there is a great deal of climatic fluctuations, and that these variations existed long before the white man arrived. The presence of droughts throughout history is mentioned. These droughts or extreme dry periods most severely affected the populations that were food-producers. The next section deals with how man has used this land to survive. Different tribes are described with an emphasis on whether they are food-producers or food-collectors. The geographic location of each tribe is also mentioned along with the climate in that region. Many examples of different tribes are presented, with the main idea that: "the peoples among whom food-producing was of considerable or primary importance had their regular residence in agriculturally dependable region; those who were primarily food-collectors occupied the agriculturally unsafe lands." (504). The author describes the history of these two substance economies. Next the author discusses the introduction of the horse and how it played a role in changing the lifestyles of the Indians. The horse allowed game to be hunted over a large area, it also brought different tribes into conflict because they were fighting over the same resources such as bison. At this time large towns developed, perhaps as a result of a need for defense. This article does a good job of describing how the climate and other factors influenced the way the Indians lived in the Central Plains. The author provides a substantial amount of evidence to back up his correlations and conclusions. Maps and charts provide a useful supplement to the text and help one to better understand the material and visualize the areas being described. The article presents the material in an easy to follow manner, and contains various references that add to the author’s credibility. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Wedel,
Waldo R. Some Aspects of Human Ecology in the Central
Plains. American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol.55(4):499-514. Waldo Wedel uses
archeological evidence to analyze the impact of climate fluctuations
on the different subsistence strategies used by native people in the
Central Plains region. From
time to time this region has presented problems for people living there,
which was demonstrated most recently in the droughts and dust storms
of the 1930’s. Wedel shows that this region had a history
of sharp variation in rainfall, and since it was close to the borderline
rainfall necessary to grow crops, the fluctuations determined the modes
of subsistence that people were able to use in different parts of the
Central Plains region. Wedel defines the
Central Plains as the area between the Missouri River and the Wedel discusses
two different historic subsistence economies - migratory bison hunting
and village-based crop growing – and points out the correlation between
the environment of an area and the subsistence economies found there. Hunting
tribes were found in the dryer western area, and crop growing was practiced
in the eastern area where there was more rain. Wedel then traces
the climatic fluctuations through the changes in subsistence economy
that he observes from the archeological record, from Paleo-Indian hunting
bands to small-town horticulture to larger communities. He concludes by
suggesting that further research be done in different fields, from
ethnohistorical accounts to dendochronology and Carbon-14 dating, in
order to pin down the relationship between archeology and pre-historic
climate. He believes that any
interpretation of culture history must take changing climate into account. This
article is easy to read and interesting, and although he does not cite
archeological or climatic evidence within the text, his argument is
nonetheless believable. CLARITY: 5 KATHERINE
CAMP White, Raymond C. Two Surviving Luiseno Indian Ceremonies American Anthropologist October, 1953 Vol.55(4):569-578 With the founding
of the Mission of San Luis Rey in 1798, an influx of Christianity has
led to a decline of the Luiseno Indian culture in southern Raymond C. White highlights the details of each ceremony in full, noting that the ceremony of religious chief installation was performed first, due to the fact of a vacant spot and the requirements of having a religious chief present for the clothes-burning ceremony. The installation of religious chief is highlighted as being brief, requiring only two parts. An introductory segment was followed by the actual installation of the religious chief. White notes that within these ceremonies, a Luiseno mystic number of three is noticed. Each ritual, dance, chant or song that is performed during both ceremonies is usually completed in three series of three. To enhance the descriptions of both of these ceremonies, White has also included a drawing of the ceremonial site. Labeled on this drawing are the locations of all participants along with any observers that may be present. A greater amount of time was spent on detailing the events of the clothes-burning ceremony. This was a more elaborate ceremony compared to that of the installation of the religious chief, requiring four different stages. The description of both ceremonies did justice in proving how important these rites and rituals are in preserving the Luiseno religious culture. Not only is this article short and to the point, it also catches the reader’s attention by detailing the ceremonial rituals of the Luiseno people. White uses comprehensible words and sentences making this article an easy and interesting read. CLARITY: 5 SARAH M. LITTLE White, Raymond C. Two Surviving Luiseno Indian Ceremonies. American
Anthropologist, 1953. Vol.55:
569-577. In this article,
the author records observations of two ceremonies performed by modern-day
Luiseno Indians, who reside in southern These two ceremonies
are part of the ancient religion that is based around the belief in
the mythical creator, Wiyot. Both
of these ceremonies, especially the one concerned with burning the
clothes of the deceased, are done in order to counteract the condemnations
set upon the people by their creator. Both these ceremonies involve the entire
population of practicing Luiseno. Each “party” or
group of people has one religious leader who is responsible for not
only his own people, but for performing certain ceremonies for another
partner party. Since there are
only four distinct parties left, each ceremony is participated in by
several overlapping party members and their religious leaders. This overlapping is one of the main differences
of the modern ceremonies that the author focuses on. The two ceremonies
are then explained in detail. The author notes the dances that are used
at specific points in each ceremony and what specific moves and noises,
or “grunts” the people use in each separate dance. In
both ceremonies, there are certain sounds, dances, and movements that
are necessary and the author is quick to point out when certain omissions
or changes are made in the ceremonies he observes. Certain things,
such as clothing are not important or symbolic in these particular
instances, hinting at the corruption of modernism by noting that one
of the religious leaders is dressed in Levi jeans. The cost of the
ceremonies and the ritual importance of paying the participants is
another important issue associated with the modern interpretation of
an ancient custom. In both of
the ceremonies the presiding officials must be paid for their services
and this has been incorporated into the ceremonies themselves. By simple observation
of subtle changes, such as the end of a ceremony being announced in
English, Spanish and Luiseno, the author is able to prove that although
these ceremonies have survived, many things have been altered. He
then goes on the conclude that all this change might not be so monumental
after all and that the difference in ceremonies has to do with the
fact that each religious leader learns to conduct the ceremonies in
their own way, through observation, and that there is no uniform, correct
order in conducting them. The author justifies the modern re-interpretation
of certain ceremonial aspects as actually keeping up with the tradition
because the people are simply carrying out the wishes of their creator
Wiyot. When Wiyot died he took
all his knowledge with him, leaving his children to learn and understand
things for themselves. By worshiping
him through ceremony the people are learning the values of his religion
of their own. This proves that
religious integration into the culture of the Luiseno people has survived
Spanish-Christian influence and survives within their practices. CLARITY RANKING:
4 ANYA
CHERNEFF
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